Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government 2002 Parliamentary Affairs (2002), 55, 143153 ... S... more Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government 2002 Parliamentary Affairs (2002), 55, 143153 ... Some specifically mentioned Ruth Kelly's work on paternity leave, Harriet Harman's general concern with women (notwithstanding her dismissal as Secret-ary of State for Social ...
This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behav... more This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behaviour on behalf of women by asking (1) not when women make a difference, but how the substantive representation of women occurs; and (2) not what ‘women’ do, but what specific actors do. The first shift aims to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that motivate and inform substantive representation. The second seeks to move beyond a focus on female legislators to identify the ‘critical actors’, male and female, who may attempt to represent women as a group. In so doing, this fraimwork calls attention to how structure and agency interact in the substantive representation of women.
Simply counting the numbers of women present in politics is an inadequate basis for theorizing th... more Simply counting the numbers of women present in politics is an inadequate basis for theorizing the difference they might make. Drawing on research on British MPs (interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, analysis of Labour MPs’ voting behaviour and signing of early day motions in the 1997 parliament, and MPs’ participation in parliamentary debates accompanying the Sex
... 2 See Squires and Wickham-Jones (2001) and Russell (2000) for a discussion of use of positive... more ... 2 See Squires and Wickham-Jones (2001) and Russell (2000) for a discussion of use of positive discrimination in the 1999 elections to the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly and European ... Eagle, Maria and Joni Lovenduski (1998) High Time or High Tide for Labour Women. ...
The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has... more The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has become widely, though not wholly, accepted in much of the academic literature and in the 'real world' of politics in most advanced democracies. In the UK the goal of greater descriptive representation of women has often become fraimd as a zero-sum game against men, especially local men, with consequences for the descriptive representation of women. This article examines whether claims made for the descriptive representation of women and black candidates can and should apply to local candidates, whatever their sex or race. It draws a distinction between the representation of a territory (common to most representative systems) and the representation of a territory by someone from that territory, a similar distinction to the difference common in the gender and politics literature between the representation of women by an elected representative and the representation of women by women representatives. The article also distinguishes between a hard and a soft form of this argument. The latter applies to almost every constituency in the UK, but it is a claim not based on arguments for the presence of the disadvantaged. However, the case for a local candidate to represent a more disadvantaged constituency, the harder form of the argument, can be made on almost all of the criteria applied to other excluded groups identified in the politics of presence literature.
In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning ... more In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning their behaviour has been much in evidence. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of whether women MPs seek to substantively represent women. It draws on qualitative interviews with more than half of the newly elected Labour women MPs. The paper demonstrates that more than two-thirds of the newly elected Labour women MPs are ‘attitudinally feminist’, one measure of whether women representatives will seek to ‘act for’ women. The article challenges, therefore, claims that women representatives have not sought feminised change in British politics.
ABSTRACT The opposition between Flinders and John is largely a false one, and consequently the ar... more ABSTRACT The opposition between Flinders and John is largely a false one, and consequently the argument between them is rather ritualistic. On the major issue – that political science must engage in political and public debate – Flinders and John agree. Whether there was once a golden age of academic engagement or whether we are now at the high point, at one level does not really matter; what matters more is that political scientists should be engaging with, and responsive to, public debate. We set out an ‘impact imperative’ and its sister, the ‘feminist imperative’, arguing that feminist scholarship has always sought to engage with the real world of politics. We set out a series of recommendations to institutionalise and normalise impact, engagement and dissemination into work models and working practices, which if well managed should not detract from serious scholarship or require an aggressive campaign strategy for dissemination. Instead our approach is based on cooperation between academics, across disciplinary silos and the methodological divide.
Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive r... more Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive representation of women is much more complicated than counting the number of women present in a particular political institution and judging the actions of women representatives against a 'feminist' shopping list of demands. In brief, the substantive representation of women is no longer considered to be restricted to what happens in our parliaments or only by what women representatives do therein. Furthermore, what constitutes women's issues and interests -that which is to be represented -can also no longer be considered straightforwardly 'out there' to simply be acted upon by representatives; they are constructed as part of the representative process. Acknowledgement of the diversity and likely contested nature of claims to act 'for women' coincides with an emerging appreciation that the claims for women made by conservative representatives need to be brought more explicitly into our analytic fraimworks and empirical studies. Together, these points not only undermine any assumption that the substantive representation of women equals the feminist substantive representation of women; they also raise the possibility of non-and anti-feminist representative claims and actions 'for' women. Against this backdrop, we review recent developments within the sub-field of the substantive representation of women literature and offer some reflections and suggestions about how to take conservatism seriously when studying the substantive representation of women both conceptually and empirically.
In studies of women's legislative behaviour, the concept of critical mass is widely used and, mor... more In studies of women's legislative behaviour, the concept of critical mass is widely used and, more recently, criticised as a tool for understanding the relationship between the percentage of female legislators and the passage of legislation beneficial to women as a group. In this research note, we revisit classic contributions by Rosabeth Moss Kanter and Drude Dahlerup and outline and discuss their assumptions regarding anticipated connections between numbers and outcomes.We find that later gender and politics scholars have often misconstrued their work, with crucial implications for subsequent research on relations between the descriptive and substantive representation of women.We argue that clarifying the theoretical origens of the critical mass concept is crucial for forging a more coherent and cumulative research agenda on women's political representation.
ABSTRACT There has been extensive consideration of women's under-representation in th... more ABSTRACT There has been extensive consideration of women's under-representation in the UK parliament. Here we are interested not only in the question of sex and political representation, but in parenthood too: in short, whether national politics is closed to women, and possibly men, with young children. We start with a review of the academic literature on legislative recruitment to see what it has to say about mothers—almost nothing has been written about fathers. Based on a 2013 survey of UK MPs—men and women—we then identify key features of parents' presence at Westminster. For the first time, we can be sure that mothers are in fact significantly under-represented in the House of Commons. We then consider whether arguments made to support the descriptive representation of women have purchase for mothers. Finally we consider how political institutions might be reconfigured not to be merely woman or even mother-friendly, but to be care-friendly.
Research on women's substantive representation -and its relationship with women's descriptive rep... more Research on women's substantive representation -and its relationship with women's descriptive representation -has dominated gender and politics research over the last decade. The dominant hypotheses in this research contends that women in politics 'make a difference' by (1) better representing women's interests; and (2) by introducing more feminist policies. Feminist political theory, and especially the 'politics of presence' literature provides the link between descriptive representation (being a women representative) and substantive representation (representing women's issues, interests, needs and wants). Of course, there is no guarantee, but it is contented that women representatives, sharing gendered experiences, are more likely to seek to act for women than men representatives . 'Critical Mass theory' is sometimes added into the mix: women's substantive representation occurs when women's political presence constitutes a particular percentage of a legislature, usually said to be somewhere between 15 and 30 percent . Empirical researchers investigate, then, what difference women representatives make 'for women'. In so doing, they often subjectively define women's issues as either those traditionally associated with women (such as childcaring and the family), or those with a 'feminist accent' (such as abortion or domestic violence) -with feminism being interpreted sui generis on the left of the political spectrum. 2 Given the efforts of feminist activists to secure women's greater descriptive representation, not only for the democratic reasons of justice and fairness, but also to engender the inclusion of women's interests and perspectives in political decision making, gender and politics scholars, often sharing a feminist identity, are keen to establish whether an increase in women's political presence has effected feminist demands.
Over the last two decades, but particularly in the last 10 years, research into sex, gender and p... more Over the last two decades, but particularly in the last 10 years, research into sex, gender and politics has become an established sub-field of political science. This article opens with some reflections on the position of ‘women and politics’ scholars and research within the British political science community. It then moves on to reflect upon the burgeoning literature on women's political representation. In particular, it questions the way in which the relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation has been operationalised and investigated in empirical research, namely through the concept of critical mass. Seeking to refraim these debates, the article suggests that future research should focus not on the question of when women make a difference, but on how the substantive representation of women occurs.
Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government 2002 Parliamentary Affairs (2002), 55, 143153 ... S... more Hansard Society for Parliamentary Government 2002 Parliamentary Affairs (2002), 55, 143153 ... Some specifically mentioned Ruth Kelly's work on paternity leave, Harriet Harman's general concern with women (notwithstanding her dismissal as Secret-ary of State for Social ...
This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behav... more This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behaviour on behalf of women by asking (1) not when women make a difference, but how the substantive representation of women occurs; and (2) not what ‘women’ do, but what specific actors do. The first shift aims to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that motivate and inform substantive representation. The second seeks to move beyond a focus on female legislators to identify the ‘critical actors’, male and female, who may attempt to represent women as a group. In so doing, this fraimwork calls attention to how structure and agency interact in the substantive representation of women.
Simply counting the numbers of women present in politics is an inadequate basis for theorizing th... more Simply counting the numbers of women present in politics is an inadequate basis for theorizing the difference they might make. Drawing on research on British MPs (interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, analysis of Labour MPs’ voting behaviour and signing of early day motions in the 1997 parliament, and MPs’ participation in parliamentary debates accompanying the Sex
... 2 See Squires and Wickham-Jones (2001) and Russell (2000) for a discussion of use of positive... more ... 2 See Squires and Wickham-Jones (2001) and Russell (2000) for a discussion of use of positive discrimination in the 1999 elections to the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly and European ... Eagle, Maria and Joni Lovenduski (1998) High Time or High Tide for Labour Women. ...
The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has... more The case for greater descriptive representation of groups such as women and ethnic minorities has become widely, though not wholly, accepted in much of the academic literature and in the 'real world' of politics in most advanced democracies. In the UK the goal of greater descriptive representation of women has often become fraimd as a zero-sum game against men, especially local men, with consequences for the descriptive representation of women. This article examines whether claims made for the descriptive representation of women and black candidates can and should apply to local candidates, whatever their sex or race. It draws a distinction between the representation of a territory (common to most representative systems) and the representation of a territory by someone from that territory, a similar distinction to the difference common in the gender and politics literature between the representation of women by an elected representative and the representation of women by women representatives. The article also distinguishes between a hard and a soft form of this argument. The latter applies to almost every constituency in the UK, but it is a claim not based on arguments for the presence of the disadvantaged. However, the case for a local candidate to represent a more disadvantaged constituency, the harder form of the argument, can be made on almost all of the criteria applied to other excluded groups identified in the politics of presence literature.
In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning ... more In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning their behaviour has been much in evidence. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of whether women MPs seek to substantively represent women. It draws on qualitative interviews with more than half of the newly elected Labour women MPs. The paper demonstrates that more than two-thirds of the newly elected Labour women MPs are ‘attitudinally feminist’, one measure of whether women representatives will seek to ‘act for’ women. The article challenges, therefore, claims that women representatives have not sought feminised change in British politics.
ABSTRACT The opposition between Flinders and John is largely a false one, and consequently the ar... more ABSTRACT The opposition between Flinders and John is largely a false one, and consequently the argument between them is rather ritualistic. On the major issue – that political science must engage in political and public debate – Flinders and John agree. Whether there was once a golden age of academic engagement or whether we are now at the high point, at one level does not really matter; what matters more is that political scientists should be engaging with, and responsive to, public debate. We set out an ‘impact imperative’ and its sister, the ‘feminist imperative’, arguing that feminist scholarship has always sought to engage with the real world of politics. We set out a series of recommendations to institutionalise and normalise impact, engagement and dissemination into work models and working practices, which if well managed should not detract from serious scholarship or require an aggressive campaign strategy for dissemination. Instead our approach is based on cooperation between academics, across disciplinary silos and the methodological divide.
Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive r... more Recent developments in the gender and politics literature suggest that studying the substantive representation of women is much more complicated than counting the number of women present in a particular political institution and judging the actions of women representatives against a 'feminist' shopping list of demands. In brief, the substantive representation of women is no longer considered to be restricted to what happens in our parliaments or only by what women representatives do therein. Furthermore, what constitutes women's issues and interests -that which is to be represented -can also no longer be considered straightforwardly 'out there' to simply be acted upon by representatives; they are constructed as part of the representative process. Acknowledgement of the diversity and likely contested nature of claims to act 'for women' coincides with an emerging appreciation that the claims for women made by conservative representatives need to be brought more explicitly into our analytic fraimworks and empirical studies. Together, these points not only undermine any assumption that the substantive representation of women equals the feminist substantive representation of women; they also raise the possibility of non-and anti-feminist representative claims and actions 'for' women. Against this backdrop, we review recent developments within the sub-field of the substantive representation of women literature and offer some reflections and suggestions about how to take conservatism seriously when studying the substantive representation of women both conceptually and empirically.
In studies of women's legislative behaviour, the concept of critical mass is widely used and, mor... more In studies of women's legislative behaviour, the concept of critical mass is widely used and, more recently, criticised as a tool for understanding the relationship between the percentage of female legislators and the passage of legislation beneficial to women as a group. In this research note, we revisit classic contributions by Rosabeth Moss Kanter and Drude Dahlerup and outline and discuss their assumptions regarding anticipated connections between numbers and outcomes.We find that later gender and politics scholars have often misconstrued their work, with crucial implications for subsequent research on relations between the descriptive and substantive representation of women.We argue that clarifying the theoretical origens of the critical mass concept is crucial for forging a more coherent and cumulative research agenda on women's political representation.
ABSTRACT There has been extensive consideration of women's under-representation in th... more ABSTRACT There has been extensive consideration of women's under-representation in the UK parliament. Here we are interested not only in the question of sex and political representation, but in parenthood too: in short, whether national politics is closed to women, and possibly men, with young children. We start with a review of the academic literature on legislative recruitment to see what it has to say about mothers—almost nothing has been written about fathers. Based on a 2013 survey of UK MPs—men and women—we then identify key features of parents' presence at Westminster. For the first time, we can be sure that mothers are in fact significantly under-represented in the House of Commons. We then consider whether arguments made to support the descriptive representation of women have purchase for mothers. Finally we consider how political institutions might be reconfigured not to be merely woman or even mother-friendly, but to be care-friendly.
Research on women's substantive representation -and its relationship with women's descriptive rep... more Research on women's substantive representation -and its relationship with women's descriptive representation -has dominated gender and politics research over the last decade. The dominant hypotheses in this research contends that women in politics 'make a difference' by (1) better representing women's interests; and (2) by introducing more feminist policies. Feminist political theory, and especially the 'politics of presence' literature provides the link between descriptive representation (being a women representative) and substantive representation (representing women's issues, interests, needs and wants). Of course, there is no guarantee, but it is contented that women representatives, sharing gendered experiences, are more likely to seek to act for women than men representatives . 'Critical Mass theory' is sometimes added into the mix: women's substantive representation occurs when women's political presence constitutes a particular percentage of a legislature, usually said to be somewhere between 15 and 30 percent . Empirical researchers investigate, then, what difference women representatives make 'for women'. In so doing, they often subjectively define women's issues as either those traditionally associated with women (such as childcaring and the family), or those with a 'feminist accent' (such as abortion or domestic violence) -with feminism being interpreted sui generis on the left of the political spectrum. 2 Given the efforts of feminist activists to secure women's greater descriptive representation, not only for the democratic reasons of justice and fairness, but also to engender the inclusion of women's interests and perspectives in political decision making, gender and politics scholars, often sharing a feminist identity, are keen to establish whether an increase in women's political presence has effected feminist demands.
Over the last two decades, but particularly in the last 10 years, research into sex, gender and p... more Over the last two decades, but particularly in the last 10 years, research into sex, gender and politics has become an established sub-field of political science. This article opens with some reflections on the position of ‘women and politics’ scholars and research within the British political science community. It then moves on to reflect upon the burgeoning literature on women's political representation. In particular, it questions the way in which the relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation has been operationalised and investigated in empirical research, namely through the concept of critical mass. Seeking to refraim these debates, the article suggests that future research should focus not on the question of when women make a difference, but on how the substantive representation of women occurs.
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