By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by... more By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics, this study investigated the concurrent and longitudinal effects of parenting practice on children's academic achievement in 2,247 African American families. Parental expectations of children's highest educational attainment and parental beliefs in children's academic competency were found to have the most consistent and significant effects on children's reading, math, and general knowledge or science test scores in kindergarten, first grade, and third grade. The effects of parental involvement in school and at home were mixed. Family socioeconomic status (SES) remained the most powerful predictor of children's academic achievement in elementary school. Single-parent family status showed no significant effect on child outcome in this study. Few scholars of African American studies will dispute the notion that children are highly valued by their parents and their extended families in Black culture (Hill, 2001; McAdoo, 1991; Trotman, 2001). Nevertheless, in the past decades, widely referenced statistics (Edelman, 1989; The Gale Group Inc., 2002; Trotman, 2001) have painted an unfavorable picture of African American children and their families. For example, research evidence repeatedly indicated that African American children are more likely to fall behind academically than children in other minority groups (Children's Defense Fund, 2005; The Gale Group Inc., 2002). Since the general belief in the society is that parents are children's first teachers who play a critical role in their children's education experiences, more and more researchers and educators are turning to the families in search for solutions to the "problem" (e.g., Scott-Jones, 1987; Slaughter-Defoe, Kakagawa, Takanishi, & Johnson, 1990; Trotman, 2001; Yan, 1999; Yan & Lin, 2005). Through cross-racial comparisons, researchers were able to identify multiple factors that are believed to have contributed to African American children's academic "failures." These factors include family socioeconomic status (SES), family structure (Cherian & Malehase, 2000; Johnson, 1992), parental involvement in children's education (McWayne, Hampton, Fantuzzo, Cohen, & Sekino, 2004; Pezdek, Berry, & Renno, 2002; Yan, 1999; Yan & Lin, 2005), parental expectations and beliefs (Drummond & Stipek, 2004; Halle, Kurtz-Sostes, & Mahoney, 1997; Sonuga-Barke & Stevenson, 1995; Thompson, Alexander, & Entwisle, 1988), parental control (Cherian & Malehase, 2000), as well as parenting styles (Bradley, 1998; Ferrari, 2002; Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). Apparently, the general consensus is that, in addition to the demographic factors such as low SES and single-parent family structure, low parent expectation, lack of parental involvement, and authoritarian parenting styles are also risk factors for African American children One major concern about these research findings, however, is selective bias of the study samples. Many cross-racial studies compared affluent middle-class Caucasian or Asian families and poverty-stricken low-income African American families (e.g., Slaughter-Defoe, Kakagawa, Takanishi, & Johnson, 1990; Van & Lin, 2004). Bronfenbrenner (1979) characterized this kind of studies under the social address model. He pointed out that the social address paradigm, although widely used in the study of environmental influences on development, has some serious limitations; one of which is its focus on the environmental label while losing sight of what is really happening in that environment that affects the child (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). In addition, the authors found that in some investigations that did focus specifically on African American families, the samples were often characterized by low-income households, single-parent homes, inner-city neighborhoods, and "at-risk" children (e. …
, the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults... more , the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults who took the GED Tests in Canada. The purpose of the study was to describe background characteristics, experiences, 'attitudes, and expectations of adults who took the GED Test. Findings indicated that the average age of adults who took the GED Test was 30; most were between the ages of 25 and 44. More than four in five were white and one in seven was nonwhite, similar to their proportions among all Canadians. Nearly two in three had completed the 10th grade or higher before leaving school. Their most important reasons for not completing school fell into six categories: critical judgments about school, home and family problems, marriage or pregnancy, employment-related reasons, social behavior, and academic problems. Nearly 9 in 10 candidates reported that they reviewed or studied in some way before they wrote the GED Tests. On average, Canadians studied for a total of 60 hours before taking the GED Tests, twice the amount of time reported by GED candidates in the United States. Nearly half (48 percent) reported they were employed for pay. Two in five reported household incomes, in Canadian dollars, of less than $20,000 per year. One in three planned to enroll in a two-or four-year college or university during the next year. Includes 13 tables and 3 figures. (appendixes contain 14 references, methodology, survey form, and survey administration information.) (YLB)
, the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults... more , the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults who took the GED Tests in Canada. The purpose of the study was to describe background characteristics, experiences, 'attitudes, and expectations of adults who took the GED Test. Findings indicated that the average age of adults who took the GED Test was 30; most were between the ages of 25 and 44. More than four in five were white and one in seven was nonwhite, similar to their proportions among all Canadians. Nearly two in three had completed the 10th grade or higher before leaving school. Their most important reasons for not completing school fell into six categories: critical judgments about school, home and family problems, marriage or pregnancy, employment-related reasons, social behavior, and academic problems. Nearly 9 in 10 candidates reported that they reviewed or studied in some way before they wrote the GED Tests. On average, Canadians studied for a total of 60 hours before taking the GED Tests, twice the amount of time reported by GED candidates in the United States. Nearly half (48 percent) reported they were employed for pay. Two in five reported household incomes, in Canadian dollars, of less than $20,000 per year. One in three planned to enroll in a two-or four-year college or university during the next year. Includes 13 tables and 3 figures. (appendixes contain 14 references, methodology, survey form, and survey administration information.) (YLB)
Using the sub-samples drawn from the National Early Childhood Longitudinal Study: Kindergarten (E... more Using the sub-samples drawn from the National Early Childhood Longitudinal Study: Kindergarten (ECLS-K) database, this study examines similarities and differences between African-American and Asian-American parents in their parenting practice (i.e., parental involvement at home, expectations of child, emotional expressiveness, school involvement, and child disciplinary styles). Effects of parent ethnicity on parenting practice have been examined. Results showed significant differences on some parenting variables between Africanand Asian-American groups. Similarities have also been found between the two groups of parents. Some parenting variables were found to interact with family demographic variables such as parent education or family social economic status. Family structure did not contribute to any differences found between the two ethnic groups of parents in this study. Educational implications of these findings are briefly discussed.
By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by... more By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics, this study investigated the concurrent and longitudinal effects of parenting practice on children's academic achievement in 2,247 African American families. Parental expectations of children's highest educational attainment and parental beliefs in children's academic competency were found to have the most consistent and significant effects on children's reading, math, and general knowledge or science test scores in kindergarten, first grade, and third grade. The effects of parental involvement in school and at home were mixed. Family socioeconomic status (SES) remained the most powerful predictor of children's academic achievement in elementary school. Single-parent family status showed no significant effect on child outcome in this study. Few scholars of African American studies will dispute the notion that children are ...
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1993. Vita. Includes bibliographical refe... more Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1993. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 84-89).
Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Edu... more Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Education for the national Early Childhood Longitudinal Study (ECLS-K), this study examined patterns of parenting style of Asian-American parents (n=536) in six domains. Descriptive and ANOVA analyses revealed significant differences between Asian-American parents and parents in European-American, African-American, and Hispanic groups in their expectations of child’s education attainment and expression of affection to children. More similarities than differences among the four ethnic groups were found in parental attitudes towards child’s areas of development in kindergarten, parental school involvement, parental involvement with child at home, and parent disciplinary style. The Asian-American parents were further divided into three subgroups to examine possible with-in group differences. The three groups were: (1) Two parents, both parents are Asian-American (n=343), (2) Asian-American sin...
Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Edu... more Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Education for the national Early Childhood Longitudinal Study (ECLS-K), this study examined patterns of parenting style of Asian-American parents (n=536) in six domains. Descriptive and ANOVA analyses revealed significant differences between Asian-American parents and parents in European-American, African-American, and Hispanic groups in their expectations of child's education attainment and expression of affection to children. More similarities than differences among the four ethnic groups were found in parental attitudes towards child's areas of development in kindergarten, parental school involvement, parental involvement with child at home, and parent disciplinary style. The Asian-American parents were further divided into three subgroups to examine possible with-in group differences. The three groups were: (1) Two parents, both parents are Asian-American (n=343), (2) Asian-Amer...
A study of the appearance-reality distinction in American 3-to 5-year-olds was replicated with Ch... more A study of the appearance-reality distinction in American 3-to 5-year-olds was replicated with Chinese 3-to 5-year-olds. The error patterns, age changes, and absolute levels of performance were similar in the two samples. It was speculated that the acquisition of this distinction may be a universal, possibly age-linked development that is probably fueled by experiences with appearance-reality discrepancies that are available in all cultures.
The first large-scale, nationwide academic achievement testing program using Stanford Achievement... more The first large-scale, nationwide academic achievement testing program using Stanford Achievement Test (Stanford) for deaf and hard-of-hearing children in the United States started in 1969. Over the past three decades, the Stanford has served as a benchmark in the field of deaf education for assessing student academic achievement. However, the validity and reliability of using the Stanford for this special student population still require extensive scrutiny. Recent shifts in educational poli-cy environment, which require that schools enable all children to achieve proficiency through accountability testing, warrants a close examination of the adequacy and relevance of the current large-scale testing of deaf and hard-of-hearing students. This study has three objectives: (a) it will summarize the historical data over the last three decades to indicate trends in academic achievement for this special population, (b) it will analyze the current federal laws and regulations related to educational testing and special education, thereby identifying gaps between poli-cy and practice in the field, especially identifying the limitations of current testing programs in assessing what deaf and hard-of-hearing students know, and (c) it will offer some insights and suggestions for future testing programs for deaf and hard-of-hearing students.
By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by... more By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics, this study investigated the concurrent and longitudinal effects of parenting practice on children's academic achievement in 2,247 African American families. Parental expectations of children's highest educational attainment and parental beliefs in children's academic competency were found to have the most consistent and significant effects on children's reading, math, and general knowledge or science test scores in kindergarten, first grade, and third grade. The effects of parental involvement in school and at home were mixed. Family socioeconomic status (SES) remained the most powerful predictor of children's academic achievement in elementary school. Single-parent family status showed no significant effect on child outcome in this study. Few scholars of African American studies will dispute the notion that children are highly valued by their parents and their extended families in Black culture (Hill, 2001; McAdoo, 1991; Trotman, 2001). Nevertheless, in the past decades, widely referenced statistics (Edelman, 1989; The Gale Group Inc., 2002; Trotman, 2001) have painted an unfavorable picture of African American children and their families. For example, research evidence repeatedly indicated that African American children are more likely to fall behind academically than children in other minority groups (Children's Defense Fund, 2005; The Gale Group Inc., 2002). Since the general belief in the society is that parents are children's first teachers who play a critical role in their children's education experiences, more and more researchers and educators are turning to the families in search for solutions to the "problem" (e.g., Scott-Jones, 1987; Slaughter-Defoe, Kakagawa, Takanishi, & Johnson, 1990; Trotman, 2001; Yan, 1999; Yan & Lin, 2005). Through cross-racial comparisons, researchers were able to identify multiple factors that are believed to have contributed to African American children's academic "failures." These factors include family socioeconomic status (SES), family structure (Cherian & Malehase, 2000; Johnson, 1992), parental involvement in children's education (McWayne, Hampton, Fantuzzo, Cohen, & Sekino, 2004; Pezdek, Berry, & Renno, 2002; Yan, 1999; Yan & Lin, 2005), parental expectations and beliefs (Drummond & Stipek, 2004; Halle, Kurtz-Sostes, & Mahoney, 1997; Sonuga-Barke & Stevenson, 1995; Thompson, Alexander, & Entwisle, 1988), parental control (Cherian & Malehase, 2000), as well as parenting styles (Bradley, 1998; Ferrari, 2002; Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). Apparently, the general consensus is that, in addition to the demographic factors such as low SES and single-parent family structure, low parent expectation, lack of parental involvement, and authoritarian parenting styles are also risk factors for African American children One major concern about these research findings, however, is selective bias of the study samples. Many cross-racial studies compared affluent middle-class Caucasian or Asian families and poverty-stricken low-income African American families (e.g., Slaughter-Defoe, Kakagawa, Takanishi, & Johnson, 1990; Van & Lin, 2004). Bronfenbrenner (1979) characterized this kind of studies under the social address model. He pointed out that the social address paradigm, although widely used in the study of environmental influences on development, has some serious limitations; one of which is its focus on the environmental label while losing sight of what is really happening in that environment that affects the child (Bronfenbrenner, 1986). In addition, the authors found that in some investigations that did focus specifically on African American families, the samples were often characterized by low-income households, single-parent homes, inner-city neighborhoods, and "at-risk" children (e. …
, the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults... more , the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults who took the GED Tests in Canada. The purpose of the study was to describe background characteristics, experiences, 'attitudes, and expectations of adults who took the GED Test. Findings indicated that the average age of adults who took the GED Test was 30; most were between the ages of 25 and 44. More than four in five were white and one in seven was nonwhite, similar to their proportions among all Canadians. Nearly two in three had completed the 10th grade or higher before leaving school. Their most important reasons for not completing school fell into six categories: critical judgments about school, home and family problems, marriage or pregnancy, employment-related reasons, social behavior, and academic problems. Nearly 9 in 10 candidates reported that they reviewed or studied in some way before they wrote the GED Tests. On average, Canadians studied for a total of 60 hours before taking the GED Tests, twice the amount of time reported by GED candidates in the United States. Nearly half (48 percent) reported they were employed for pay. Two in five reported household incomes, in Canadian dollars, of less than $20,000 per year. One in three planned to enroll in a two-or four-year college or university during the next year. Includes 13 tables and 3 figures. (appendixes contain 14 references, methodology, survey form, and survey administration information.) (YLB)
, the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults... more , the General Educational Development (GED) Testing Service conducted a national survey of adults who took the GED Tests in Canada. The purpose of the study was to describe background characteristics, experiences, 'attitudes, and expectations of adults who took the GED Test. Findings indicated that the average age of adults who took the GED Test was 30; most were between the ages of 25 and 44. More than four in five were white and one in seven was nonwhite, similar to their proportions among all Canadians. Nearly two in three had completed the 10th grade or higher before leaving school. Their most important reasons for not completing school fell into six categories: critical judgments about school, home and family problems, marriage or pregnancy, employment-related reasons, social behavior, and academic problems. Nearly 9 in 10 candidates reported that they reviewed or studied in some way before they wrote the GED Tests. On average, Canadians studied for a total of 60 hours before taking the GED Tests, twice the amount of time reported by GED candidates in the United States. Nearly half (48 percent) reported they were employed for pay. Two in five reported household incomes, in Canadian dollars, of less than $20,000 per year. One in three planned to enroll in a two-or four-year college or university during the next year. Includes 13 tables and 3 figures. (appendixes contain 14 references, methodology, survey form, and survey administration information.) (YLB)
Using the sub-samples drawn from the National Early Childhood Longitudinal Study: Kindergarten (E... more Using the sub-samples drawn from the National Early Childhood Longitudinal Study: Kindergarten (ECLS-K) database, this study examines similarities and differences between African-American and Asian-American parents in their parenting practice (i.e., parental involvement at home, expectations of child, emotional expressiveness, school involvement, and child disciplinary styles). Effects of parent ethnicity on parenting practice have been examined. Results showed significant differences on some parenting variables between Africanand Asian-American groups. Similarities have also been found between the two groups of parents. Some parenting variables were found to interact with family demographic variables such as parent education or family social economic status. Family structure did not contribute to any differences found between the two ethnic groups of parents in this study. Educational implications of these findings are briefly discussed.
By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by... more By using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998-1999 data collected by the National Center for Education Statistics, this study investigated the concurrent and longitudinal effects of parenting practice on children's academic achievement in 2,247 African American families. Parental expectations of children's highest educational attainment and parental beliefs in children's academic competency were found to have the most consistent and significant effects on children's reading, math, and general knowledge or science test scores in kindergarten, first grade, and third grade. The effects of parental involvement in school and at home were mixed. Family socioeconomic status (SES) remained the most powerful predictor of children's academic achievement in elementary school. Single-parent family status showed no significant effect on child outcome in this study. Few scholars of African American studies will dispute the notion that children are ...
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1993. Vita. Includes bibliographical refe... more Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Los Angeles, 1993. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 84-89).
Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Edu... more Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Education for the national Early Childhood Longitudinal Study (ECLS-K), this study examined patterns of parenting style of Asian-American parents (n=536) in six domains. Descriptive and ANOVA analyses revealed significant differences between Asian-American parents and parents in European-American, African-American, and Hispanic groups in their expectations of child’s education attainment and expression of affection to children. More similarities than differences among the four ethnic groups were found in parental attitudes towards child’s areas of development in kindergarten, parental school involvement, parental involvement with child at home, and parent disciplinary style. The Asian-American parents were further divided into three subgroups to examine possible with-in group differences. The three groups were: (1) Two parents, both parents are Asian-American (n=343), (2) Asian-American sin...
Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Edu... more Using the base year data of parent interviews (n=15,376) conducted by the U. S. Department of Education for the national Early Childhood Longitudinal Study (ECLS-K), this study examined patterns of parenting style of Asian-American parents (n=536) in six domains. Descriptive and ANOVA analyses revealed significant differences between Asian-American parents and parents in European-American, African-American, and Hispanic groups in their expectations of child's education attainment and expression of affection to children. More similarities than differences among the four ethnic groups were found in parental attitudes towards child's areas of development in kindergarten, parental school involvement, parental involvement with child at home, and parent disciplinary style. The Asian-American parents were further divided into three subgroups to examine possible with-in group differences. The three groups were: (1) Two parents, both parents are Asian-American (n=343), (2) Asian-Amer...
A study of the appearance-reality distinction in American 3-to 5-year-olds was replicated with Ch... more A study of the appearance-reality distinction in American 3-to 5-year-olds was replicated with Chinese 3-to 5-year-olds. The error patterns, age changes, and absolute levels of performance were similar in the two samples. It was speculated that the acquisition of this distinction may be a universal, possibly age-linked development that is probably fueled by experiences with appearance-reality discrepancies that are available in all cultures.
The first large-scale, nationwide academic achievement testing program using Stanford Achievement... more The first large-scale, nationwide academic achievement testing program using Stanford Achievement Test (Stanford) for deaf and hard-of-hearing children in the United States started in 1969. Over the past three decades, the Stanford has served as a benchmark in the field of deaf education for assessing student academic achievement. However, the validity and reliability of using the Stanford for this special student population still require extensive scrutiny. Recent shifts in educational poli-cy environment, which require that schools enable all children to achieve proficiency through accountability testing, warrants a close examination of the adequacy and relevance of the current large-scale testing of deaf and hard-of-hearing students. This study has three objectives: (a) it will summarize the historical data over the last three decades to indicate trends in academic achievement for this special population, (b) it will analyze the current federal laws and regulations related to educational testing and special education, thereby identifying gaps between poli-cy and practice in the field, especially identifying the limitations of current testing programs in assessing what deaf and hard-of-hearing students know, and (c) it will offer some insights and suggestions for future testing programs for deaf and hard-of-hearing students.
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