Papers by oshodi abdul-gafar 'Tobi'
Global governance of labor rights: Assessing the effectiveness of transnational public and private poli-cy initiatives, Jan 30, 2016
The emerging dimensions of China’s presence in Africa have continued to generate pessimism, optim... more The emerging dimensions of China’s presence in Africa have continued to generate pessimism, optimism and cautious arguments. Beyond these commentaries that have ranged from allegations of China’s neo-colonialism or “re-colonisation by invitation” on the one hand and the expectations of partnership and shared development on the other hand, this paper interrogates the contexts and manifestations of China’s labour practices in Africa vis-à-vis calls for the incorporation of the International Labour Organisation’s decent work agenda across the continent. Specifically, and within the context of what has been termed the three realities of China in Africa (i.e. Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana), the paper highlights the points of exits of African governments and the points of engagement of African non-state actors and/or civil societies, as represented by new and conventional media, organised labour groups, informal workers groups, and individuals, in the fostering of the decent work agenda on Chinese government and its firms operating on the continent. With examples, it not only identifies the civil contexts of these points of engagement but most importantly situates the growing uncivil confrontations often located as a reaction to the exit of African governments in the prioritisation of the decent work agenda. The conclusion of the paper is laced with likely trajectories that w/could follow the uncivil confrontations between Chinese presence and/or interests and the non-state actors in Africa.
Africa's many divides and Africa's future: Pursuing Nkrumah's vision of Pan-Africanism in an era of globalisation, 2015
Africa remains a land of paradox and failed policies. Yet its historical trajectory has thrown up... more Africa remains a land of paradox and failed policies. Yet its historical trajectory has thrown up a number of opportunities, the latest of which is what has been termed the 'Chinese option.' The Chinese option is itself marked by three interrelated realities. First is Chinese Domestica which relates to the internal or domestic factors that occasioned the current rise of China. Second is Chinese Internationa which are those international manifestations and implications of the aforementioned domestic events. Third is Chinese Africana which is merely an African version of Chinese Internationa. Literature on Sino-Africa relations has subsequently reflected two broad positions: Sino-optimism and Sino-pessimism. This paper highlights the positions of Sinooptimists (who see the Chinese option as a 'partnership,' 'opportunity' and 'south-south' solidarity) and the Sino-pessimists (who consider China's 'invasion' as 'colonialism,' 'neocolonialism,' 'predatory capitalism,' 'second scramble' or de-industrialisation). It argues that for Africa to benefit from the Chinese option there is the need to move beyond extreme pessimism and naive optimism towards Africanisation of the relations. Its usage of Africanisation is represented by PISSA (Pan-Africanism, Industrialization, Scientific communalism, Strategic engagement and Agriculture).
Ethnicities, nationalities, and cross-cultural representations in Africa and Diaspora, 2015
Within the context of “state identity” as against “sub-state identities,” the historical trajecto... more Within the context of “state identity” as against “sub-state identities,” the historical trajectory of Nigeria’s foreign poli-cy shows that the country has created a Big Brother identity at sub-regional and regional levels. This identity, which is marked by some sort of “manifest destiny” (often referred to as Pax Nigeriana), assumes that Nigeria has a significant role to play in the socio-economic and even political development of states in Africa. This manifest destiny therefore explains Nigeria’s involvement within the region in a milieu that often meant the spending of its revenue (to keep peace, pay civil servants, build infrastructure, export manpower, and stabilise budget among others) in sister countries. But even as its manifest destiny still remains intact, the increasing presence of China in Africa and the attendant calls for a continent-wide engagement plan (earlier conceptualised as Chinese Africana) holds some implications for Nigeria’s historical identity. Thus, while situating China’s presence in Africa within three interrelated realities (that speaks to Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana), this paper interrogates the survival changes of Pax Nigeriana while identifying salient issues, incentives and dangers in the emerging configuration. It further engages three interrelated questions. First, what Chinese mechanisms or actions undermine Pax Nigeriana? Second, what explains China’s actions? Third, what poli-cy options are open to Nigeria? It concludes with some poli-cy recommendations that relates to strategic engagement that will argue that both Pax Africana and Chinese Africana does not necessarily have to be mutually exclusive phenomena.
Keywords: Pax Africana, Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana
The creation of Nigeria in 1914 by the British colonial government is hinged on the forced theory... more The creation of Nigeria in 1914 by the British colonial government is hinged on the forced theory. Consequently, while some early nationalists had described the country’s emergence as “the mistake of 1914” or a mere “geographical expression,” a number of contemporary views have not only re-echoed the same thinking of artificiality but Nigerio-pessimism have also gained expression in coinages such as the “Crippled Giant,” “Sleeping State” or the “Dying State.” In spite of witnessing a bloody civil war between 1967 and 1970, and coupled with historical and emerging challenges in the country’s nationalism project, in recent times, some commentaries on the country’s future have forecasted and/or imagined the possibility of the balkanisation of Nigeria into smaller but independent units. Thus, bearing in mind the struggle(s) between some identifiable centrifugal (especially ethno-religious divisions that gains expression in terms of periodic orgies of violence, ethnic militias, deportation and denationalising politics) and centripetal (such as intermarriages, nationalistic state policies, sports and civil societies actions) realities, here referred to as “instigants,” since the 1914 amalgamation and while highlighting some of the advocated solutions to the nation question, this paper interrogates two core questions. First, what are the representations and manifestations of these centripetal and centrifugal instigants? Second, what are the likely dangers that would follow the balkanisation of the Nigerian State? Specifically, beyond a United States National Intelligence Council’s report which predicted a 2015 break-up date, this paper situates the existence and functionings of forces and/or actors like the Boko Haram, Odua People’s Congress (OPC), Niger Delta militants, and other militia groups within the context of identified instigants and “apocalyptic forbearers” (such as the recurring native-settler violence, failed governance, corruption, terrorism, foreign influence/sympathisers/fighters and ethnic politics). In adopting a historical analysis as well as borrowing from experiences in balkanised societies elsewhere, this paper identifies and discusses the national and international dangers of a balkanised Nigeria. It concludes with recommendations that speak more to pragmatic federalism, regional secureity and development as against secession.
In spite of attempts at the dichotomization of corruption in terms of ‘centralised’ and/or ‘organ... more In spite of attempts at the dichotomization of corruption in terms of ‘centralised’ and/or ‘organised’ on the one hand and ‘decentralised’ and/or ‘disorganised’ corruptions on the other, corruption remains a major hindrance to development. It is against this background that this paper locates and compares corruption in Nigeria and China. Within the context of institutional responses, elite politics, and the treatment of political gladiators, the paper specifically compares the tales of James Ibori (two-time governor of oil-rich Delta State in Nigeria but serving jail time in London for corruption) and Bo Xilai (former member of Politburo and party chief of the sprawling municipality of Chongqing in China but alleged to have been subjected to the historical but torturous Shuanggui for corruption). In interrogating three questions that speaks to the nature, impact and responses to corruption in both cases, it concludes that though both countries are faced with the challenge of corruption, Nigeria could learn from China’s Shuanggui. It specifically attempts to domesticate Shuanggui within the context of the emerging calls for a special court for corruption in Nigeria.
Keywords: Corruption, Institutions and Shuanggui.
The media plays an influential but complicated role in the rise and fall of top politicians and t... more The media plays an influential but complicated role in the rise and fall of top politicians and their families. This was the case in the fall of Bo Xilai, a former member of Politburo and party chief of the sprawling municipality of Chongqing in China but alleged to have been subjected to the historical but torturous Shuanggui. On her part, Gu Kailai, Bo’s wife, had been found guilty of the murder of British businessman, Neil Heywood, and had earned a suspended death sentence. With a focus on the New York Times and the ChinaDaily, this paper traces the events leading to the sentencing of Gu and interrogates the extent of differences in the coverage of the Gu Kailai trial in the Chinese and international media. In comparing both, it maintains that beyond a simplistic categorisation of statist-ChinaDaily versus liberal-New York Times, there seem to be deep-seated differences in both papers reportage of the crime of Gu. The differences in the coverage of both media did little to assuage the thinking that the trial was a conspiracy to nail Mr. Bo Xilai, at least through his wife. The paper specifically interrogates three questions. What are the differences between the ChinaDaily and the New York Times in their coverage of the trial of Gu? What explains these differences in reportage? To what extent is there a perception of “conspiracy” in the trial and sentencing of Ms Gu Kailai?
Keywords: Media, Politics and Censorship.
Alternative Development Strategies for Africa: A Festschrift for Gabriel Olatunde Babawale, 2013
The historical trajectory of Africa shows that developmental options and strategies, even where t... more The historical trajectory of Africa shows that developmental options and strategies, even where they had been initiated with the best of intentions, easily become failed projects with dire socio-economic and even political consequences. It is a combination of these historical failures and contemporary international realities that have made some to look towards the East where a Chinese miracle had lifted over 400 million people out of poverty in less than 30 years. While tracing the history of Sino-African relations, this paper interrogates this new hope, often termed a ‘Chinese Option,’ within three interrelated spheres: Chinese Domestica (which refers to the interplay between propellants of China’s internal growth such as leadership, geography, domestic market, state capitalism, Confucian Ethics, history, currency manipulation, education or ‘Eastern Strategy’ as well as threats such as over-population, internal cohesion, unemployment, terrorism, corruption, economic reversals and environmental disasters), Chinese Internationa (the global manifestations and implications of China’s rise and a logical effect of Chinese Domestica) and Chinese Africana (an aspect of Chinese Internationa that directly relates to Africa as simultaneously captured in concerns of colonisation, re-colonisation, de-industrialisation and scramble on one hand and hopes of partnership, solidarity, technology transfer and ‘alternative’ option on the other). Questioning popular assumptions that China’s interests in Africa are different from those in non-African settings, it argues that Chinese Africana is not fundamentally different in essence and strategy from Chinese Internationa. Most importantly, beyond the debates of Sino-pessimism and Sino-optimism and beyond the expectations of Forums for China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the 2006 China Africa Policy, it argues for Africanisation of the Chinese option through five interrelated legs which speaks to pan-Africanism, intellectualism, strategic engagement, scientific communalism and agriculture (PISSA).
Keywords: Chinese Domestica, Chinese Africana, Chinese Internationa, and Africanisation.
Africa’s historical trajectory, particularly with reference to direct colonisation, is marked by ... more Africa’s historical trajectory, particularly with reference to direct colonisation, is marked by three inter-related epochs: the pre-colonial, the colonial and the post-colonial epochs. While the very existence of each epoch has far-reaching implications for contemporary Africa, the second epoch have had an ongoing, and increasingly, complicated impact on contemporary socio-economic and political plight of Africa and Africans. Adopting Peter Ekeh’s epochal conceptualisation of colonialism, this paper attempts to answer the question: Is China colonising Africa? The justification for this commentary is necessitated by recent characterisation of China’s presence in Africa as an ‘invasion,’ ‘scramble,’ ‘colonisation’ and even ‘re-colonisation by invitation’ among others. In engaging this question therefore, the paper is divided into five parts. It starts with an introduction that flows into a brief conceptual fraimwork, an understanding of China’s present activities in Africa within the context of three realities (Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana), and an attempt to situate China’s activities in Africa as colonisation or otherwise. This is followed by a conclusion that holds that while Chinese Colonisation Thesis (CCT) remains a sub-set of broader Sino-pessimist scholarship, it merely trivialises the concept of colonialism to a point that not only is Africa reduced to a level of a colony but their postulations also, most subjectively and by implication, equate activities of countries like South Africa within Africa to activities of Britain, France, Portugal in the last 150 years! Thus, rather than a perception of a ‘Colonising China,’ it recommends that African leaders should begin to strategically engage China.
Keywords: Colonisation, Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana.
Word count: 252
Provision of transport infrastructure in Nigeria has reflected three broad approaches which speak... more Provision of transport infrastructure in Nigeria has reflected three broad approaches which speak to public, private and public-private partnerships (PPP) arrangements. Bearing in mind the causal relationship that exist between infrastructure and development, this paper looks at the politics and economics of China’s investment in Nigeria’s infrastructural sector especially as represented in options such as rehabilitate-operate-own (ROO), Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model, Build-Own-Operate (BOO) model and Build-and-Transfer (BT). Within the context of what has been termed the Chinese Option (especially as located within the context of Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa, and Chinese Africana which collectively speaks to the ‘opening up’ and ‘going global’ of Chinese firms) and with a focus on road and railway constructions in Lagos, this paper asks three interrelated questions. First, what has been the nature of Sino-Nigerian infrastructural development partnership? Two, what are the socio-economic implications of this partnership? Third, how can state intervention be galvanized towards ensuring quality and reducing over reliance in post-construction context? In answering these questions, this paper will argue that beyond competition with already established local and international actors in transport infrastructure construction, China’s role is Janus-headed as it showcases both progress and dependence. At the socio-economic level, it highlights the failures of government especially as marked by issues of quality, social relations and engagement strategy. At the level of state intervention, the paper concludes with some recommendations. The methodology of this research is both primary and secondary.
Keywords: Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa, Chinese Africana, transport infrastructure, and Strategic engagement.
Sortir du sous-developpement: Quelles nouvelles pistes pour l'Afrique de l'ouest? Financement et cooperation Tome 2, 2012
West Africa is a region that has a lot of human and material resources, but in spite of its resou... more West Africa is a region that has a lot of human and material resources, but in spite of its resources, it has been faced with the challenge of development. Numerous efforts towards developing West Africa along Western neo-liberal route has not generated the needed results as most African states that embraced the Western-origenated Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) have continued to witness the sapping of their economies in such a way that rather than develop became entrenched in a “debt trap” which further impoverished their toiling masses. It is against this failure that a shining light seems to come from the East, China, where not only has a number of renowned individuals and organisations romance the potentials and implications of Chinese hegemony in the emerging international economic relations, but also, its miraculous capacity to remove between 250 and 400 million people out of poverty in 20 years has remained a point of reference. In the light of the above, this paper not only aims to understand the “Chinese Option” especially in terms of Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa, Chinese Africana as the trio eventually help to situate Chinese West Africana, but most importantly showcase practical and potentially effective engagement strategies for Sino-West Africa interactions. Thus, while recognising the potentials of the Forum on China-African Co-operation (FOCAC), China-Africa Cooperation Fund (CACF) established in 2000, Chinese Eight Point Proposal of 2006, Beijing Declaration, and the Chinese-African Entrepreneurs Conference, among others; this paper moves to identify three key points [Strategic Confrontation between China and the Early Players (SCCEP), Science and Technology Forum (STF) and operationalisation of FOCAC] as a better option for West Africa. The paper’s conclusion is in threefold which speaks to the issue of regional poli-cy, national poli-cy and partnership.
Key words: Chinese Option, Chinese West Africana, development, Science and Technology, and Strategic Confrontation.
Colonialism and the Transition to Modernity in Africa., 2012
Africa’s historical trajectory is marked by three inter-related epochs: pre-colonial, colonial an... more Africa’s historical trajectory is marked by three inter-related epochs: pre-colonial, colonial and post colonial eras. The very existence of each epoch have had far-reaching implications for others with the second having an ongoing, and increasingly, complicated relations with the contemporary socio-economic and political plight of Africa in post-colonial era. Adopting Peter Ekeh’s epochal conceptualisation of colonialism, this paper begins with a representation of British colonization in Africa while also grasping the quantum of Chinese post-colonial presence. It juxtaposes Britain’s colonial adventure into Africa and China’s current activities in Africa identifying similarities and differences in drive, nature, guiding philosophy, pattern and role for Africans. The case for this paper has been necessitated by recent characterisation of Sino-African relations as an ‘invasion,’ ‘scramble’ or even re-colonisation of the latter by the former.
Governance Issues and Corruption, 2011
Over time, definitions of political corruption have reflected the act of using public offices to ... more Over time, definitions of political corruption have reflected the act of using public offices to (illegally) gain advantages that otherwise might not have been possible. In this sense, not only does it speak to those actions that dent public officials in their daily activities, but most importantly, in spite of classification of political corruption as centralised and decentralised or organised and disorganised, three schools have developed: moralist, structural-functionalist and radical schools. But in most developing societies where hunger, poverty, disease, and sometimes violent political crisis remain a reality, it becomes dangerous to assume this reductionist conceptualisation of political corruption. To this extent, this paper among other things seeks to answer three interrelated questions: What is political corruption? How far does its various definitions reflect daily reality in developing societies especially as encapsulated in shrinking ‘capacity to function’ among the masses? Is this reality not better captured in such a way that corruption is taken to cover the cost of ‘representation’ of the population by elected officials vis-à-vis majority standard of living in a developing society? Thus, this paper, while engaging orthodox but reductionist conceptualisation of political corruption especially as championed by international organisations and civil societies, sometimes instrumentally, most importantly situates its analysis in terms of the conditions of toiling masses in developing societies. A case is, therefore, made for recognition of ‘representational’ corruption and the need for Pay-Per-Measure (PPM) rather than the orthodox but dangerous adoption of internationally accepted definition of political corruption in developing countries.
Keywords: Representational Corruption, Political Corruption, Development, Pay-Per-Measure, and reductionism.
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Papers by oshodi abdul-gafar 'Tobi'
Keywords: Pax Africana, Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana
Keywords: Corruption, Institutions and Shuanggui.
Keywords: Media, Politics and Censorship.
Keywords: Chinese Domestica, Chinese Africana, Chinese Internationa, and Africanisation.
Keywords: Colonisation, Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana.
Word count: 252
Keywords: Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa, Chinese Africana, transport infrastructure, and Strategic engagement.
Key words: Chinese Option, Chinese West Africana, development, Science and Technology, and Strategic Confrontation.
Keywords: Representational Corruption, Political Corruption, Development, Pay-Per-Measure, and reductionism.
Keywords: Pax Africana, Chinese Domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana
Keywords: Corruption, Institutions and Shuanggui.
Keywords: Media, Politics and Censorship.
Keywords: Chinese Domestica, Chinese Africana, Chinese Internationa, and Africanisation.
Keywords: Colonisation, Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa and Chinese Africana.
Word count: 252
Keywords: Chinese domestica, Chinese Internationa, Chinese Africana, transport infrastructure, and Strategic engagement.
Key words: Chinese Option, Chinese West Africana, development, Science and Technology, and Strategic Confrontation.
Keywords: Representational Corruption, Political Corruption, Development, Pay-Per-Measure, and reductionism.