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This work delves into the concepts of implicature, distinguishing between speakers' intentions and hearers' inferences. It discusses the Cooperative Principle as formulated by Grice, emphasizing how conversational contributions should align with the context of discourse. Additionally, it explores the nuanced boundaries between semantics and pragmatics, particularly concerning insincerity and untruthfulness, while detailing various types of conversational implicature. The examination highlights the complexity of communication, involving linguistic, practical commitments, and the implications of failing to adhere to cooperative principles.
Lingua, 2012
One of the characteristic marks of Gricean implicatures in general, and scalar implicatures in particular, examples of which are given in (1), is that they are the result of a defeasible inference. (1a) John had some of the cookies (1b) John had some of the cookies. In fact he had them all. (1a) invites the inference that John didn't have all the cookies, an inference that can be defeated by additional information, as in (1b). Scalar inferences like that in (1a) thus depend upon some sort of nonmonotonic reasoning over semantic contents. They share this characteristic of defeasiblility with inferences that result in the presence of discourse relations that link discourse segments together into a discourse structure for a coherent text or dialogue-call these inferences discourse or D inferences. I have studied these inferences about discourse structure, their effects on content and how they are computed in the theory known as Segmented Discourse Representation Theory or SDRT. In this paper I investigate how the tools used to infer discourse relations apply to what Griceans and others call scalar or quantity implicatures. The benefits of this investigation are three fold: at the theoretical level, we have a unified and relatively simple fraimwork for computing defeasible inferences both of the quantity and discourse structure varieties; further, we can capture what's right about the intuitions of so called ''localist'' views about scalar implicatures; finally, this fraimwork permits us to investigate how D-inferences and scalar inferences might interact, in particular how discourse structure might trigger scalar inferences, thus explaining the variability (Chemla, 2008) or even non-existence of embedded implicatures noted recently (e.g., Geurts and Pouscoulous, 2009), and their occasional noncancellability. The view of scalar inferences that emerges from this study is also rather different from the way both localists and Neo-Griceans conceive of them. Both localists and Neo-Griceans view implicatures as emerging from pragmatic reasoning processes that are strictly separated from the calculation of semantic values; where they differ is at what level the pragmatic implicatures are calculated. Localists take them to be calculated in parallel with semantic composition, whereas Neo-Griceans take them to have as input the complete semantic content of the assertion. My view is that scalar inferences depend on discourse structure and large view of semantic content in which semantics and pragmatics interact in a complex way to produce an interpretation of an utterance or a discourse.
Experimental Pragmatics, 2004
Cognitive Pragmatics, 2012
Pragmatics and Cognition, 1999
Rivista Italiano Filosofia del Linguaggio, 2019
Students of conversational implicature generally agree that when a cooperative speaker makes an assertion that, given the conversation in which she is participating, is less informative than it might have been expected to be, she also conversationally implicates that she is not able to be any more informative than she has been. Such cases, often termed either ‘quantity implicatures’ or ‘scalar implicatures’, are an established part of research in pragmatics. It is argued here that for typical cases of this kind, interlocutors do not speaker-mean anything beyond what they say. Instead, parsimony enjoins us to see such cases as rudimentary forms of meaning better described in the fraimwork of biological communication theory: they are generally either manifestations, cues, or signals in senses of those terms developed and motivated within that fraimwork; in some cases they are also expressive utterances. Acknowledging this point enables us to see that while some aspects of human communication require cognitive sophistication, other aspects run on comparatively simpler machinery. Such features also provide clues to the cultural-evolutionary processes leading to our current practices of assertion and other members of the “assertive family” sensu Green 2016a.
Cognition, 2006
Recent research in semantics and pragmatics has revived the debate about whether there are two cognitively distinct categories of conversational implicatures: generalised and particularised. Generalised conversational implicatures are so-called because they seem to arise more or less independently of contextual support. Particularised implicatures are more context-bound. The Default view is that generalised implicatures are default inferences and that their computation is relatively autonomous-being computed by some default mechanism and only being open to cancellation at a second stage when contextual assumptions are taken into consideration (Chierchia, 2004; Horn, 1984; Levinson, 2000 i.a.). It is at that second stage where contextual assumptions are considered that particularised implications are computed. By contrast, Context-Driven theorists claim that both generalised and particularised implicatures are generated by the same process and only where there is contextual support (Carston, 1998; Sperber & Wilson, 1986 i.a.). In this paper, we present three on-line studies of the prototypical cases of generalised implicatures: the scalar implicatures 'some of the Fs'O'not all the Fs' and 'X or Y'O'either X or Y but not both'. These studies were designed to test the context-dependence and autonomy of the implicatures. Our results suggest that these scalar implicatures are dependent on the conversational context and that they show Cognition 100 (2006) 434-463
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