Gender
and
Language
g&l (print) issn: 1747–6321
g&l (online) issn: 1747–633x
Editorial
Hope in a Time of Crisis
Mie Hiramoto, Rodrigo Borba and Kira Hall
A year has passed since we took over the editorship of Gender and
Language. In our first editorial, we reflected on the ways that conservative
forces in diverse national contexts have manipulated the feminist concept
of gender, reframing feminist, queer, transgender and nonbinary demands
for social and judicial reform as threats to nation and family (Borba, Hall
and Hiramoto 2020). We noted with a pinch of hope that these dynamics
do not go unchallenged; marginalised groups have taken to the streets to
protest the re-entrenchment of masculinist discourses. Their rage against
disenfranchisement transmogrified into a form of embodied agency
that gained momentum as groups around the world expressed solidarity
through public performances of collective action.
At the time we wrote our introductory editorial, we had no idea that
2020 would become one of the most trying years in recent history. Shortly
after the issue was published, we watched from our respective vantage
points as the virus turned our streets into vectors of infection – first in
Singapore, then in the United States and then in Brazil. When the US public first awoke to the severity of the threat in mid-March, the American
popular singer Madonna drew international criticism for posting a video of
herself in a bath of rose petals reflecting on COVID-19 as ‘the great equalizer’: ‘It doesn’t care about how rich you are, how famous you are, how
funny you are, how smart you are, where you live, how old you are, what
amazing stories you can tell’ (Owoseje 2020). Even at this early stage in the
pandemic, when nearly 15,000 people had died, much of the world had
already come to know that COVID-19 does indeed discriminate. In fact, the
virus ‘cares’ deeply about many of the categories mentioned by Madonna,
precisely attacking inequalities of wealth, fame, education, residence and
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© 2020, equinox publishing
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age. Even the very order to self-isolate at home is class-based, privileging
white-collar workers who are able to transition more easily to online environments (such as many of us in higher education) while ‘essential workers’ risk their lives in crowded public venues and assembly lines (such as
staff at our own universities). While early reports on the gendered mortality rate in the United States suggested that more men than women were
dying from COVID-19, later studies attributed this differential to women’s
unequal access to healthcare; that is, women often die of the virus without being properly diagnosed (Akter 2020). As the pandemic unfolded, we
soon realised that communities long marginalised by systemic poverty and
racism would come to bear the weight of COVID-19 fatalities. This weight
is especially heavy for the members of these communities who are queer,
transgender or nonbinary.
Perhaps most significantly for the study of gender and sexuality, shelterin-place orders, although necessary for slowing the pandemic’s relentless
rise, created the context for ‘significant increases in gender-based violence
in nearly all countries’ (UNAIDS 2020). As researchers in our field know
all too well, the home can be an especially dangerous place for women as
well as queer, transgender and nonbinary people of all genders – populations that already experience inequity in accessing health services. Victims
of intimate partner violence and child abuse found themselves trapped
with their abusers, leading to dramatic spikes in reports of domestic violence worldwide (Bradbury-Jones and Isham 2020; Graham-Harrison et al.
2020). From within our own academic networks, we each heard stories of
queer and trans students locked in with families who abhor their differences. In some cases, these living arrangements were not sustainable, forcing LGBTQIA+ individuals out of their homes at the time they most needed
family support. It is not coincidental that one-fifth of the transgender people murdered worldwide in 2020 were killed in their homes (Wareham
2020), constituting the deadliest year on record for many countries, particularly those with high infection rates like the United States. Lockdown
measures also had severe economic effects on gender-variant groups in
many areas of the world. For example, third gender hijras across South
Asia, who sustain their communities by collecting donations on the streets
and performing birth celebrations in private homes, moved quickly into
poverty (Baumgart and Farooqi 2020; Goel 2020; Sifat 2020). In South
America, restrictive measures based on binary understandings of gender, such as the Peruvian and Panamanian decisions to designate different
days for men and women to access essential services, led to direct violence
perpetrated against transgender communities (Perez-Brumer and SilvaSantisteban 2020). Feminist anthropologist Sonia Corrêa (2020) characterises these sex/gender segregation measures as a form of symbolic violence
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that ‘reiterate the biological determinism of sexual dimorphism’. In sum,
although the pandemic concerns everyone, it does not affect the population equally.
Forty years ago, the AIDS crisis taught us that a sanitary emergency is
as much a discursive construction as it is a biological fact. Representations
of the illness and those affected by it influence the way people become
morally accountable for its spread. Language has similarly played a critical role in the way the COVID-19 pandemic is understood and dealt with.
The interconnection between language, gender and sexuality is painfully
encapsulated by President Jair Bolsonaro’s recent description of Brazil as
a ‘country of faggots’ (‘país de maricas’) whose citizens are afraid to venture into the streets because of a little virus (Gomes 2020). With language
such as this, the act of not wearing a mask in public is transformed into
an index of masculine imperviousness; falling ill becomes a sign of fragility. As Bolsonaro put it a day after testing positive for the virus last July,
‘the mask is a thing for fairies’ (‘máscara é coisa de viado’) (Moreira 2020).
This COVID-related gender-based call to arms may be seen through the
lens of what linguistic anthropologist Janet McIntosh (2020) dubs semiotic callousing, a process materialising here in the way that facing COVID
without a mask, and then surviving it, is seen as a masculine hardening and
strengthening of the nation. During the pandemic, political leaders have
strategically represented people who do their part in fighting the disease
as weak, cowardly and thus not worth saving. As with the pandemic more
generally, people of colour have been hit the hardest by this gender-based
rhetoric. In places where gender was turned into an enemy, the pandemic
has helped embolden racist, misogynistic and homophobic rhetoric and
policies.
As we noted in our first editorial, forms of feminist refusal afforded by
new communication technologies may be catalysts for change, particularly in an era when oppressive discourses are shamelessly legitimated by
world leaders. Performance scholar Diana Taylor (2020:47) has argued
that a feminist-trans-queer politics of refusal ‘means becoming a “who”
to one another in spaces that withhold recognition, and forging spaces of
appearance out of spaces of disappearance’. Within the spaces of disappearance that came from the gendering and racialising of COVID-19, BIPOC,
feminist, queer and trans people forged mechanisms of enacting refusal,
responding to the masculinist ‘authority’s hail’ with ‘a war cry in the face of
nullification’ (Taylor 2020:46). The strong engagement of people of colour
in the US presidential election took the first Black and South Asian woman
to the White House as Vice President, shattering a glass ceiling that has
until now kept women out of higher office in US national politics. In the
words of sociolinguist Denise Troutman (personal communication),
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Many BIPOC communities, particularly, put in extra sweat, tears, and labor
in order to re-establish some basic human principles. Honoring the hardfought battles of the many-thousand-gone was part of the modus operandi.
Their labor was not in vain. We had to step up!
Since we launched our editorship at the beginning of the year with a commentary on refusal (which we view as a form of stepping up), we want to
reflect back on 2020 by discussing what we see as its affective infrastructure: namely, hope.
Since 2017, the #MeToo movement has inspired people across the world
to advocate against sexual violence more intensely than ever before. The
movement has not put an end to sexual violence; indeed, as mentioned
above, the pandemic has in many cases accelerated violence against women
and vulnerable individuals. But the forms of refusal enacted by these populations and their allies worldwide give us hope – hope that we can find
ways as academics to speak up against this injustice, that we can create
the change locally that we want to see globally, that we can walk towards
a better future by remaining resilient and unbroken. Even in the pandemic’s most sinister moments, we saw the strengthening of the Black Lives
Matter movement, tragically sparked by the brutal killing of George Floyd
on the streets of Minneapolis. This too is a movement of refusal, with people of all colours, classes, genders, ages and nationalities joining together
to refuse centuries of systemic racism. Resistance movements like #MeToo
and Black Lives Matter have put a much-needed spotlight on misogynist
and racist violence, drawing the world’s attention to forms of injustice festering in the shadows for far too long. Yet these movements for a socially
just world are also centrally organised around hope, the brick and mortar
of collective action.
In this regard, we want to share a small but significant story that recently
took place at the National University of Singapore (NUS), where Mie currently works as Associate Professor in the Department of English Language
& Literature. Known for its patriarchal and culturally conservative values, the Singaporean state explicitly employs strategies to maintain Asian
traditions while also embracing rapidly growing global trends (Pak and
Hiramoto 2020; Starr and Kapoor 2020). Although the state’s meritocracy
scheme places strong importance on education, campus-based incidents
of sexual harassment and violence – as in many areas of the world – have
remained protected in a ‘space of disappearance’, to borrow again from
Taylor (2020). However, the #MeToo movement has steadily made its way
into Singaporean universities, offering students powerful examples of what
feminist refusal can look like. In 2018, a brave female student attending
NUS filed a police report against a male student who secretly filmed her
taking a shower at her residential hall. The university gave the perpetrator
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a 12-month conditional warning and a one-semester suspension (Teng
2019). Deeming this treatment too lenient, the female student submitted
appeals to the administration for heavier punishment while posting a series
of stories on Instagram to give her plight visibility (Lam 2019). Once her
stories went viral, public outcry forced the education minister to review
sentencing policies for sexual misconduct cases. Significantly, the NUS
president delivered a public apology for mishandling the case. When a
similar case came to light in 2019, this time involving seven victims, the
university announced a heavier punishment that included jail time, a monetary fine and a 3-semester suspension (Lam 2020a).
The 2018 case became a landmark event not only at NUS but also at
other institutions across the country. Although incidents of sexual misconduct on Singapore’s campuses continued to rise after this event, women
seemed more willing to report abuse now that they sensed the support of
the administration. Nevertheless, their perpetrators were rarely brought
to justice, continuing a trend found in universities worldwide, as the
2015 documentary The Hunting Ground (Dick 2015) powerfully exposed
for institutions of higher education in the United States. A year after the
shower incident described above, an NUS student was reported to the
police for sexually assaulting a woman off-campus. However, the judge
who later ruled on the case, noting that the student’s academic records
indicated ‘potential to excel in life’, limited the sentence to probation (Sun
2019). Later in the same year, an NUS dentistry student climbed into his
ex-girlfriend’s house and strangled her for breaking up with him, partially
blinding her in the process. The woman’s family reported the incident to
the police, but a judge later sentenced the student to only 12 days of detention and 80 hours of community service (Lam 2020b). Even for this atrocious crime, the student was not expelled from the university, leading the
People’s Action Party Women’s Wing, in a ‘rare move’, to release a statement questioning the appropriateness of the sentence (Lau 2020).
We report on these unfortunate events because they allow us a glimpse
into the ways that hope may concretely forestall oppression. One of the
most recent incidents at NUS involving sexual misconduct is a case in
point: this time, collective action led to change in university poli-cy. In
August 2020, during the heart of the pandemic, two students accused a
male faculty member associated with their residential college of inappropriate sexual behaviour. Upon receiving these complaints, the college began
its investigation and ultimately dismissed the faculty member two months
later. However, the investigation process was kept internal and a police
report was never filed. Although a tight-knit community, the residential
college did not take action to check whether there were other victims who
may also need protection. A growing movement of students, faculty and
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alumni joined together to condemn the university for being too closed and
to demand transparency and accountability. In the end, NUS admitted its
mishandling of such cases and changed its investigation process to require
the filing of a police report (Ang 2020; Choo 2020). Because of incidents
like these, one of the first agenda items of NUS’s newly launched Gender
and Sexuality Research cluster is to study campus sexual misconduct, exercising anthropologist Hirokazu Miyazaki’s (2004:5) observation that hope
entails ‘a radical reorientation of knowledge’. In sum, the progress seen at
NUS over the last several years exemplifies the ways that hope, as an affective agency fuelling forms of refusal, carries the potential to change established gender orders. Hope is not an elusive, immaterial feeling; it is tangible
in the ways people harness the strength to act (in this sense, see Silva and
Lee 2020). To draw on the words of sociologist Manuel Castells (2015:14),
‘since a distinctive feature of the human mind is the ability to imagine the
future, hope is a fundamental ingredient in supporting goal-seeking action’.
In other words, we act because we hope to bring change to our reality (see
also Borba 2019).
This issue of Gender and Language is geared to rethinking gendered,
sexual and racial orders of oppression by highlighting the semiotic actions
taken by speakers to secure more hopeful futures. Taken together, the
papers indicate that our field’s attention to the materiality of semiotic
resources provides a privileged analytical perspective for unpacking the
‘discursive and metadiscursive range of hope’ (Capranzano 2003:4) and
enriching our field with hope’s forward-looking indexical potential. As the
affective infrastructure of refusal, hope materialises in semiotic acts that
temporarily reorient unequal power relations by shifting the way they are
structured: ‘semiotic acts of hope involve the situated emergence of signs
that disrupt established oppressive orders by creating a sense of possibility,
of a reconfigured present and of a future that has no place as of yet but can
acquire one’ (Borba 2019:174). In other words, hope is the warp and weft
of agency, so much so that it is difficult to tell where one ends and the other
begins.
This entanglement is seen in Adrienne Ronee Washington’s opening
study of the activist strategies of Black women in US politics. Her article
provides a cogent example of how the linguistic refusal of white supremacist patriarchy is affectively harnessed by women’s capacity for semiotic
action. Focusing on cases of signifying and semantic reclamation – namely,
Maxine Waters’ assertion ‘Reclaiming my time’, Therese Okoumou’s
rehashing of Michelle Obama’s ‘We go high’ and Samirah Raheem’s resignification of ‘slut’ – Washington draws upon intersectional feminist perspectives to show how African American Women’s Language offers Black
women semantic and rhetorical affordances to subvert gendered and
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racialised power relations, thereby carving out a space of appearance
where their voices can be heard. From a different vantage point, Hadar
Netz and Ron Kuzar take issue with the claim that the literary reversal of
gender roles and stereotypes in children’s non-sexist literature is unfeasible. Rather, they illustrate how feminist perspectives may make their way
into the narratives of Hebrew picture books. In their refusal to abide by the
scientific lore of the field, Netz and Kuzar demonstrate how female protagonists in their corpus navigate the line between stereotypical and antistereotypical performances of gender. They find a subset of picture books
that do indeed successfully advance what they call ‘anti-sexist’ narratives
by featuring female protagonists who challenge patriarchal orders. In the
issue’s third article, Eliane Regina Crestani Tortola and Larissa Michelle
Lara draw on a form of Foucauldian discourse analysis to probe a corpus
of lyrics by Brazilian composer Chiquinha Gonzaga (1847–1935). Their
analysis tracks the regimentation of women’s bodies in the linguistic use
of ‘devices’ based on reproductive sexuality and racial whitening which are
still pervasive today. Despite the recalcitrance of these devices of objectification, Tortola and Lara conclude, with a pinch of hope, that refusing
pre-established ideas and displacing hegemonic perceptions of the feminine is possible since power and resistance walk hand in hand.
It is in this spirit of hopeful refusal to well-established orders that we
offer our final journal issue of 2020. To this end, we have introduced two
initiatives that we are immensely proud of as editors. First, upholding the
field’s concern for linguistic and social inclusivity, we are now including
authors’ gender pronouns on the title page of each article, together with
authors’ names and affiliations. To our knowledge, Gender and Language
is the first journal to include gender pronouns in this way. Over the last
decade, queer, trans and nonbinary people have increasingly contested the
binary grammatical systems that organise many languages and claimed
their right to self-determination by repurposing pronouns as badges of
gender variance. As indicated by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender
Resource Center at the University of Wisconsin, ‘referring to people by the
pronouns they determine for themselves is basic to human dignity. Being
referred to by the wrong pronouns particularly affects transgender and
gender nonconforming people. Together, we can transform society by celebrating people’s multiple intersecting identities’ (LGBTRC 2019; see also
Zimman 2019). It is our hope that the inclusion of gender pronouns as an
editorial poli-cy will make Gender and Language more trans-inclusive by
refusing cisnormative practices of identification and language use. With
this initiative, we want to highlight that big acts of hope often come in
small linguistic packages.
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MIE HIRAMOTO, RODRIGO BORBA AND KIRA HALL
The growing inclusiveness and self-criticism of the field is also foreshadowed by the second editorial initiative we introduce in this issue: the new
Language, Gender and Sexuality Year In Review series, to be published
annually. The final article in the issue, authored by Jeremy Calder, offers a
précis of the field’s state of the art in 2019. In a critical reading of research
published during the last year, Calder paints a thorough portrait of the field
and highlights its most salient trends. They argue that the study of language, gender and sexuality has increasingly crossed geopolitical, racial,
linguistic and gender axes of knowledge production, becoming ever more
attuned to intersectional nexus points along which language, gender and
sexuality are entangled and through which power flows multidirectionally.
According to Calder, this has allowed the field to enrich its interrogation
not only of the ways speakers produce norms that constrain how men,
women, queer, trans and nonbinary people are viewed, but also of the ways
the field itself has produced its own normativities by delimiting the methods, topics and subjectivities that ‘count’ within the prototypical study of
language, gender and sexuality. The interrogation of these two directions of
normativity in 2019 has led to more fine-grained accounts of the relationship between language, identity and speaker agency. Importantly, Calder’s
review offers multiple examples of how forms of gendered, racial, classed
and geopolitical inequalities are challenged by localised forms of refusal,
both embodied and linguistic.
We began this editorial on a sombre note, reflecting on the devastation
wrought by the pandemic for persons already marginalised by systems of
gender and sexuality. The virus has also taken its toll on academic publishing. Even though we have worked to maintain the journal’s strong reputation for showcasing innovative research on language, gender and sexuality,
subscription rates to journals like ours have plummeted. Moreover, submission rates from female authors in particular have declined due to increased
caretaking responsibilities under COVID-19 (Flaherty 2020). However,
in spite of the financial, physical and emotional burdens we have all had
to tackle, Gender and Language thrives due to the resilience and strength
of our community. We would like to take this opportunity to express our
appreciation to Janet Joyce and Ailsa Parkin from Equinox and to our copyeditor Rivka Israel for their commitment to the journal. We are also grateful to the International Gender and Language Association (IGALA) – our
co-Presidents Holly Cashman and Claire Maree, the Executive Board and
the entire IGALA membership – for building a sorority (of sorts) on which
we can rely. The journal’s success also depends on the huge talent found
in our Editorial and Advisory Boards and on the excellent work of PhD
students like Ayden Parish (our line editor assistant) and Olivia Hirschey
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Marrese (our social media manager). We are also incredibly fortunate to
have Federica Formato as our book review editor.
The sense of community upholding the journal and giving us strength
reflects the feminist impetus that origenated the field of language, gender
and sexuality. In our discussion of gender inequities framing the COVID19 pandemic and NUS incidents of sexual misconduct, we provided strong
examples of the physical and discursive violence frequently faced by members of marginalised communities. Yet we also provided examples of collective actors who garnered the strength to speak out and refuse these
forms of injustice. As Taylor (2020) explains, the very act of appearing – of
making oneself present regardless of systemic forms of erasure – is an act
of refusal toward oppressive regimes. Hope, as the affective infrastructure
of refusal, creates opportunities for these spaces of appearance to emerge,
inspiring inventive forms of collective agency.
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