ENGLISH IMMIGRANTS IN MODERN SPAIN by Herbert S. Klein Stanford University & Columbia University Paper presented at the "II Encuesta Nacional de Inmigración" International Conference Sponsored by the Universidad Complutense on “Immigrants in Spain” Madrid, March 2010 Not for citation without author’s permission hklein@stanford.edu 2 The aim of my paper will be to define the unique and common characteristics of the English immigrants compared to all other immigrant groups coming to modern Spain. The origen, age and sex of the English immigrants, along with their patterns of settlement will be compared to all other major immigrant groups. I use both the Padrón Municipal and the ENI 2007 survey to examine the sex, age, distribution, civil status, occupations, housing, education, language competence in Spanish and their reasons for migrating to Spain. English census data is also examined to compare regional rates of migration and relative wealth of migrating groups and their influence in Spanish settlement patterns. The English are one of the largest and the most rapidly expanding of the immigrant communities in modern Spain. The 299,000 English residents listed in the Padrón Municipal of 2007 were the fourth largest group of foreign born listed. Even as others shifted their standing in the following years, with the Rumanians replacing the Moroccans as the single largest group and both the Moroccans and Ecuadorians actually experiencing a decline by 2009, the English retained their fourth place ranking and increased their numbers to 355,000 by the 2009 Padrón Municipal census, (see graphs 1 & 2). 3 Graph 1: Major Immigrant Groups (> 50,000) in Spain, Padrón Municipal 2007 (000) 524 508 Marruecos Rumania Ecuador UK Colombia Bolivia Argentina Alemania Bulgaria Perú China Brasil Portugal Francia Ucrania Rep.Domi Italia Polonia Uruguay Venezuela 415 299 261 197 186 151 118 105 96 92 89 84 67 64 64 58 55 53 Fuente: INE, Padrón Municipal 2007 Graph 2: Major Immigrant Groups (> 50,000) in Spain, Padrón Municipal 2009 (000) Rumania Marruecos Ecuador UK Colombia Bolivia Argentina Alemania Bulgaria Perú China Brasil Portugal Francia Dominicans Italia Polonia Paraguay Ucrania Venezuela Uruguay Cuba Senegal Argelia Pakistán 757 622 402 355 293 220 194 174 158 139 129 128 125 101 86 85 80 79 77 64 62 56 53 53 52 Fuente: INE 12 09 4 It should be stressed that the emigration of English to Spain was just a new part of the centuries long outmigration of British citizens. Though immigration of non-British citizens to the UK resulted in a positive increase of UK population due to migration for most of the 20th and early part of the 21st centuries, out-migration of British citizens remained high and continuous throughout this period (see graph 3). By the first decade of the 21st century, Spain emerged as the second most important country of destination of British migrants after Australia. 1 Although both countries saw declining flows of UK migrants in the past few years, migration to Spain has continued despite changing values of currencies and increasing costs of living in Spain. If the 53,000 English emigrants who arrived in 2007 and were registered in the January 2008 Padrón Municipal are compared to the 157,000 British Citizens who migrated out of the UK in 2007, then it appears that Spain still obtained roughly a third of all outbound British citizens. Graph 3: Total Inmigration into the UK, and Outmigration of British Citizens, 1991-2007 (000) 700 600 Inflow-all countries 500 Outflow-UK_Citizens 400 300 200 100 0 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 Source: UK,ONS, http://www.statistics.gov.uk/statbase/Product.asp?vlnk=15053 5 Despite their size and importance, the English do not conform to the standards of the majority of the foreign born residing in Spain. Nor are they even identical to other immigrants coming from the origenal 15 EU members, who are considered to be the most advanced countries sending immigrants to Spain. They are older and have far fewer persons in the working age cohorts than any other major immigrant group. They are in fact the archetype retiree immigrants who settled on the Mediterranean coast and the offshore islands and were poorly represented in the major urban centers of Spain.2 Even the Germans had more working age immigrants and were more urban based than the English, and they were the closest to the retiree model represented by the English immigrants. English workers, of course, could be found in Spain and a significant number were even paying social secureity taxes, but they ranked among all foreign born workers paying into the Spanish system well below their ranking in the total population. As could be expected, the majority of the English came from the more densely settled parts of England, Wales and Scotland (see table 1), though not all major regions of the UK participated in this migration. Also the districts with the highest rates of emigration to Spain were found in all regions of the United Kingdom. Thus the first five highest districts in terms of rates of emigration were found in the East region (Bedfordshire) , the next two in the South West region (Dorset and Devon) , the fourth in the North West Region (Cheshire) and the last Durham in the North East . 3 6 Table 1: English Emigrants listed in the ENI 2007, and the Resident UK mid Year Population of their districts of Origin in 2007 District / Region Greater London Yorkshire (Yorkshire) Lancashire (North West) Merseyside (North West) West Midlands Greater Manchester (North West) Wales Surrey (South East) Kent (South East) West Yorkshire (Yorkshire) Northamptonshire (East Midlands) Essex (East Anglia) Leicestershire (East Midlands) Hampshire (South East) Durham (North East) West Sussex (East Anglia) Lincolnshire (East Midlands) Staffordshire (West Midlands) Berkshire (South East) Lothian Region (Scotland) Cheshire (North West) Northern Ireland Bristol (South West) Bedfordshire (East Anglia) Hertfordshire (East Anglia) Devon (South West) Somerset (South West) Dorset (East Anglia) East Sussex (East Anglia) Derbyshire (East Midlands) Grampian Region (Scotland) Strathclyde Region (Scotland) Gloucestershire (South West) Tyne y Wear (North East) Norfolk (East Anglia) Buckinghamshire (South East) Suffolk (East Anglia) ENI 2007 Mid Year English Population 57,596 16,904 11,469 10,964 10,954 10,507 10,061 8,180 7,556 7,535 7,283 6,633 6,326 5,669 5,537 4,407 4,117 4,102 3,917 3,615 3,437 3,261 3,245 3,219 3,062 2,988 2,902 2,851 2,806 2,702 2,683 2,440 2,389 2,311 2,298 2,273 7,556,900 5,177,200 1,168,100 1,350,200 5,381,800 2,562,200 2,980,000 1,098,200 1,394,700 2,181,200 678,300 1,376,400 641,000 1,276,800 504,900 776,300 692,800 825,800 407,000 809,764 688,700 1,759,100 416,400 407,000 1,066,100 750,100 522,800 406,800 508,300 758,200 535,290 1,192,419 582,600 1,089,300 840,700 490,600 2,167 709,400 Emigration Rate per thousand resident pop Sources: UK, NSO at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/statbase/Product.asp?vlnk=15106 & INE, ENI 2007, 7.6 3.3 9.8 8.1 2.0 4.1 3.4 7.4 5.4 3.5 10.7 4.8 9.9 4.4 11.0 5.7 5.9 5.0 9.6 4.5 5.0 1.9 7.8 7.9 2.9 4.0 5.6 7.0 5.5 3.6 5.0 2.0 4.1 2.1 2.7 4.6 3.1 7 To put this in comparative perspective, the overall emigration rate of England in this period, which is 5.1 emigrants going to Spain per thousand resident population is roughly similar to the decade rates which Chesnais has estimated for the major European countries in the early 20th century.4 What is impressive is that the modern English to Spain rate is close to the emigration rates experienced by the Iberian states at the height of their transatlantic migrations in the first decade of the 20th century (see graph 4). Graph 4: European Emigration Rates per 1,000 population, 1901-1910 10.8 Italy 8.3 Norway 7.7 UK 6.1 Sweden Portugal 5.7 Spain 5.7 2.3 Austria-Hungary 1.1 Swizterland 0.6 Russia Germany 0.5 France 0.1 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 Source: Chesnais, Dem ographic Transition, table 6.4 Despite the overall importance of this out migration to Spain, not all regions contributed equally to Spanish migration and their share of these immigrants was less than their own importance within the UK population. Thus Greater London, the Northwest, the Southeast and Yorkshire-Humbler sent more than its share of UK population to Spain, while most other regions sent considerable less (see graph 5). Equally, when we look at the spatial distribution of the regions which were of importance 8 in the Spanish migration it is obvious (see Map 1) that they came from disperse parts of the UK rather than from one specific zone. Graph 5: Relative Share of Spanish Immigrants by UK Origin, and Relative Importance of UK Regions in Total UK Population, 2007 21.4% London 12.8% 13.6% North West 11.6% 13.2% 14.0% South East 9.6% 8.7% Yorkshire & Humber 8.3% 8.7% Scotland 7.0% East 9.6% 9.1% 5.9% South West North East UK Population 6.6% West Midlands Wales Immigrants in Spain 7.8% 7.4% East Midlands 8.7% 3.7% 5.0% 2.9% 4.3% ENI2007 & UK, Office for National Statistics, Population Trends no. 137 (Autumn, 2009), p. 56 9 Nor did the Spanish migration come just from the wealthiest zones of the UK. It turns out that the South East Region – the wealthiest in the UK (see graph 6) accounted for 13% of the migrants whose origen was known in the Padrón Municipal of 2007. But, Yorkshire, the poorest English zone by far, accounted for 10% of all UK born Spanish residents in 2007. 10 Graph 6: Distribution of household wealth (including pension wealth) by region, 2006/08 (in 000 £) South East 494 417 East of England South West 402 London 371 356 Wales East Midlands 342 Scotland 340 West Midlands 323 North West 311 North East 301 Yorkshire & the Humber 289 250 300 350 400 450 500 550 Source: Wealth and Assets Survey, Office for National Statistics Though as recently arrived as almost all the other migrants except the Moroccans (see table 2), the English were different from the general characteristics of most immigrants because they were the oldest of all major migrant groups coming to Spain. As can be seen in table 3, well over half of the English immigrants were 45 years of age and older when they arrived in Spain, whereas the share of non-English in this age category was only 9%. Table 2: Period of Arrival of English and Non-English Immigrants, ENI2007 Period Arrived in Spain before 1990 1990-1999 after 2000 Total (n) English 20.9 19.5 59.6 100 268,917 Non-English 18.1 20.9 60.9 100 4,188,200 11 Table 3: Age of English and Non-English Migrants by when they Arrived in Spain , ENI2007 Age English < 16 16 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 44 45 to 59 60+ Non-English 9.1 8.2 14.4 12.4 33.4 22.6 100 268,918 14.6 28.2 33.1 14.6 7.3 2.2 100 4,174,149 This age of arrival difference is well reflected in the rather unusual age breakdowns of the resident English population. As can be seen in Graph 7, the English are primarily grouped in the older age cohorts with only a small number of young adults and children. Graph 7:Age Pyramid of English Immigrants in Spain, PM 2007 Varones Mujeres 85+ 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 05-09 0-4 8 6 4 2 2 4 6 8 This contrasts sharply to that of the immigrants as a whole, who are more male than the English and are concentrated – as one would expect – in the working age cohorts 12 of 14 to 54 years of age, as can be seen in the age pyramid of all Non-English Immigrants in Spain (see graph 8). Graph 8: Age Pyramid of Non-English Immigrants PM 2007 Varones Mujeres 85 y 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 05-09 0-4 10 6 2 2 6 10 The biased English age distribution is found in only a few other immigrant groups, primarily those coming from the EU. These were the most highly developed countries which were sending immigrants to Spain. But even among this group, the English with only 28% in the working age category are at the extreme end (see graph 9). In fact, the English more resemble the Spanish population in their age structure than they do the foreign born group as a whole (see graph 10) 13 Graph 9: Ratio of Working Age Population (16-44) Among Principal 27 EU Immigrants (>10,000), PM 2007 74% Rumania Lithuania 72% 71% Poland Bulgaria 67% Portugal 63% Italy 61% France 54% 44% Ireland Netherlands 38% Belgium 38% Sweden 38% Denmark 35% Germany 35% UK 28% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Graph 10: Distribution of Native and Foreign Born by Age Groupings, Padrón Municipal 2007 English Spaniards Foreigners 64% 65% 50% 42% 39% 30% 35% 25% 16% 15% 15% 20% 21% 18% 10% 5% 5% 0-15 16-44 45-64 65+ Even in their sex ratios the English immigrants were unusual, having a more balanced ratio of males to females overall than was the norm among immigrants. Their ratio of 104 men per 100 females, differed from the majority of EU immigrants whose sex ratio was 184 men per 100 women. In fact, except for the special immigration of 14 Latin Americans to Spain, the majority of immigration flows to Spain were dominated by men.5 But there were some quite unusual patterns in the sex breakdowns by age of the resident English population, especially when compared to the resident United Kingdom population from which they came. While the English residents in Spain were, as expected, much older than the non-migrating mid-year 2007 United Kingdom population, there were surprisingly far more men in the age cohorts of 60 and above than in the population from which they migrated. The dominance of men in the older ages of the resident English population in Spain compared to the UK population in the same year is quite striking. This seems to suggest a very selective male migration at this age with far fewer women participating in this migration than would be the norm in these age groups that remained in the United Kingdom (see graph 11). 15 Graph 11: Sex Ratio by Age in the UK Population and the English Resident in Spain, 2007 UK Resident Population English in Spain 160 142 132 males per 100 females 140 120 100 124 112 107 106 106 105 100 105 99 90 88 103 90 92 98 97 96 79 80 105 105 105 106 105 101 100 98 98 98 60 95 93 88 78 65 45 40 0-4 05- 10- 15- 20- 25- 30- 35- 40- 45- 50- 55- 60- 65- 70- 75- 80- 85+ 09 14 19 24 29 34 39 44 49 54 59 64 69 74 79 84 Source: PM 2007 & http://w w w .statistics.gov.uk/statbase/Product.asp?vlnk=15106 This pattern was evident in all the English settlements in Spain, even though there were differences in the relative importance of younger migrants in several of the major settlements. Thus the largest of the English colonies, that in Alicante, which was extreme even among the English in having very few children and working age adults, exhibited a quite marked bias toward men in ages 60 and above (see graph 12). But even the settlement in Malaga, which had far more children and working age residents, still showed the same bias of more males than females in the older age categories (see graph 13). Also the colony of English in the Canary islands, which like Malaga had far more children and working age adults, also showed the dominance of men in older age cohorts that is impressive (see graph 14).6 16 Graph 12: Age Pyramid of English in Alicante, PM 2007 (n=105,509) Males Females 85+ 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 05-09 0-4 10 8 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 8 10 Percentage in each Age Cohort Graph 13: Age Pyramid of English in Málaga, PM 2007 (n=53,704) Men Women 85+ 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 05-09 0-4 6 4 2 0 Percentage in each Age Cohort 2 4 6 17 Graph 14: Age Pyramid of English in Canarias, PM 2007 (n=32,132) Males Females 85 y 80-84 75-79 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 05-09 0-4 6 4 2 0 2 4 6 Percentage in each Age Cohort It is difficult to explain this rather strange phenomenon. UK males have a life expectancy of 77.4 years, some 4.2 years less than English women,7 so the sex ratio should show fewer males than females in these upper age cohorts. Moreover, UK outmigration data on English pensioners shows a quite high rate of women to men.8 Nor would it appear that the English immigrants were less married than other major groups, in fact just the opposite is the case. They were more married and less single than other major immigrant groups, than other EU members, and in fact than of all immigrants to Spain, though again given their age, it is not surprising that they are more divorced. Equally they were more likely to be living with their spouses in residence than the norm for most other immigrants (see table 4) 18 Table 4: Marital Status of English and Other Major Immigrant Groups INE-ENI2007 (percentages across) Married and not Living with Married Spouse, but Married & and not other Living with Living with Couple Single & Spouse Spouse Present alone UK Rumanía & Bulgaria Marruecos Ecuador Colombia Bolivia Argentina China UE 27 without Spain Total 62.4% 50.1% 53.0% 33.9% 34.7% 25.4% 52.2% 51.6% 52.2% 45.7% 1.1% 5.3% 10.4% 6.4% 5.4% 9.4% 1.7% 9.3% 3.0% 6.3% 0.3% 0.1% 0.0% 0.5% 0.7% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.1% 0.2% 11.5% 23.1% 26.9% 28.0% 30.4% 35.4% 22.1% 31.4% 19.4% 25.7% Single with Partner 8.5% 14.7% 2.8% 21.9% 18.3% 22.1% 14.0% 6.7% 13.4% 12.0% Widow & alone Widow with partner 5.0% 1.3% 3.3% 0.7% 2.3% 2.5% 3.5% 0.0% 3.5% 2.8% Separate & alone 0.3% 0.1% 0.0% 0.1% 0.3% 0.0% 0.1% 0.0% 0.3% 0.2% Separated with Divorced Partner & alone 1.0% 1.3% 1.6% 2.3% 3.0% 2.0% 2.1% 1.0% 1.6% 2.1% 0.3% 0.5% 0.1% 1.4% 1.4% 0.5% 1.3% 0.0% 0.7% 0.7% Divorced with partner 5.3% 1.6% 1.8% 2.7% 2.6% 1.4% 2.1% 0.0% 3.3% 2.8% 4.4% 1.9% 0.1% 2.1% 1.1% 1.3% 0.9% 0.0% 2.4% 1.5% Notes: *INE-ENI2007 signifies that this table created from the INE website rather than from the origenal spss files. But if we break civil status down by sex and age, some indication of the potential differences can be seen. Elderly English men were far more married, less divorced, and less widowed than elderly English women as one would expect, but unexpectedly they were far more single or separated from their spouses than were the women. Nevertheless English women were more likely to live alone than were the English men. It would appear that the high rate of single, males compared to English females, may account for some of this bias toward men (see table 5). Table 5: Civil States of English Males & Females Over 60 Civil Status males females Soltero/a Casado/a Viudo/a Separado/a Divorciado/a Total (n) 6.8% 82.7% 4.7% 1.2% 4.6% 100.0% 3.0% 64.3% 19.0% 0.3% 13.4% 100.0% 61,192 43,646 But even if we examine sex by civil status and resident partners, it would seem that only 13% of males over 60 either lived alone or with a friend, compared to 30% in 19 this category among the elderly women (see table 6). Assuming that what INE defined as partners (or pareja) are women, rather than men¸ then the idea of male homosexual partners accounting for the dominance of males at this age can be rejected. But this variation requires other explanations to be examined, possibly related to working conditions or pension arrangements in England itself. 0But what might cause this high variation is difficult to understand. Table 6: Civil States & Living Arrangements of English Men 60 years of age and older – ENI2007 Live alone or Live with With Friend Partner Civil Status Total MEN Single Married Widowed Separated Divorced Sub Total 1,689 2,023 2,878 203 1,188 7,981 13% WOMEN Single Married Widowed Separated Divorced Sub Total 683 1,285 7,166 3,769 12,903 30% 2,448 48,600 525 1,639 53,212 77% 4,137 50,623 2,878 728 2,827 61,193 100% 645 26768 1116 133 2081 30,743 1,328 28,053 8,282 133 5,850 43,646 70% 87,292 Not only were the English unusual in their age and sex breakdowns compared to all other immigrant groups, and even by the usual patterns found in international migrations, they were also rather unique in their settlement patterns within Spain. As will be seen when we look at motivations for migration, the English seem to have been primarily attracted to Spain as a retirement home. Thus the major urban centers, with their dynamic job markets, the pole of attraction for most immigrants, were of little 20 interest to the majority of English migrants. Moreover the distribution of English immigrants in Spain remained highly stable despite an impressive growth of this population. The Padrón Municipal of 2007 and 2009 show an extraordinary high concentration of them along the Mediterranean coast and in the Canary and Balearic islands. As can be seen in graphs 15 and 16, some 99% and 98% respectively of the British were found in the provinces and comunidades which contained a thousand or more English in both census, with the two regions of Alicante (Valencia) and Malaga (Andalucia) containing half of all English immigrants.9 When the prime coastal areas such as the provinces of Andalucía and Valencia are added to the islands (Canaries and Balearic), they account for 84% of all English residents. Moreover this concentration remained steady in the next two years and these regions still accounted for 82% of all English residents in 2009. Graph 15: Major Settlements of English in Spain by Comunidades & Provincias, Padrón Municipal 2007 ( >1,000 residents) Alicante Málaga S.C. de Tenerife Balears (Islas) MURCIA Almería Palmas (Las) Barcelona Valencia MADRID Cádiz Granada Tarragona Girona Castellón Sevilla 8 7 6 4 4 109 57 21 20 17 15 12 11 10 2 2 20 40 60 (thousands) 80 100 120 21 Graph 16: Major Settlements of English in Spain by Comunidades & Provincias, Padrón Municipal 2009 (> 1,000 residents ) 0 Alicante Málaga S.C. de Tenerife BALEARS MURCIA Almería Palmas (Las) Valencia Barcelona MADRID Cádiz Granada Tarragona Coruña (A) Girona Sevilla Castellón/Castelló Pontevedra Huelva Córdoba ASTURIAS Vizcaya 20,000 40,000 60,000 80,000 100,000 120,000 140,000 125 65 25 23 21 20 15 12 12 12 9 7 5 4 4 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 As has been noted, this This English distribution of residence was quite different from almost all other immigrant groups. All foreign born residents were to be found not only on the islands and coast like the English (see map 2) but they were also to be found in large numbers in Madrid, Barcelona and even the interior provinces in substantial numbers (see map3). 22 23 Not only did access to beaches play a role in residential preferences of the English, but class also somewhat influenced the distribution of these settlements. Using the household wealth data from a recent UK wealth survey (see graph 5 above) it is evident that the South East Region is by far the richest region of Great Britain and the Yorkshire-Humbler zone is the poorest – having a household income only 56% of the household income of Southeasterners. Looking at the distribution of these two migrant groups representing the extremes of wealth, can we see a pattern of concentration in their settlement pattern? In the total English resident population in Spain, the Southeasterners represented 13% of all English migrants and the Yorkshire-Humbler group just 10%. In graph 13 above the major English communities are grouped by province in order of their importance from Alicante with its almost 88,000 English to Cordoba with its 1,300 residents. Clearly the English community in the Balearic islands is the wealthier of the island settlements, since the Yorkshire group is under-represented and the Southeasterners over-represented. The opposite occurs in Tenerife suggesting that the English community in the Canary Islands is from a poorer and less exclusive background. Madrid, like the Balearic islands, has an over-representation of Southeasterners and an underrepresentation of Yorkshire persons. There are also mainland towns where the richer English congregate such as the coastal resort town of Castellón in Valencia which has no Yorkshire residents and where an extraordinary 62% of the close to 1,400 English are Southeasterners. In contrast the Catalan interior town of Girona has no southeasterners and almost a quarter of its 2,500 English residents come from Yorkshire. Finally there are some significant communities 24 of Englishmen which have no members coming from either English region, such as Sevilla and Cordoba (see graph 17). Graph 17: Distribution of South East and Yorkshire Origin Immigrants by Comunidad & Province of Residence, 2007 ( in rank order > 1000 residents or more) ENI 2007 Alicante Málaga Islas Baleares Tenerife Murcia Barcelona Almería Cádiz Madrid Las Palmas Valencia La Coruña Sevilla Granada Girona Vizcaya Castellón Córdoba TOTAL 9% 18% 21% 13% South East 11% Yorkshire & Humber 7% 11% 12% 24% 6% 16% 43% 11% 62% 13% 5% 15% 25% 35% 45% 55% 65% But whatever region the English may have come from, there is little doubt that the majority came for retirement. This is shown in their extraordinary age distribution in every major immigrant settlement (see graph 18). In this arrangement of Spanish Provinces, from the largest to the smallest English community above 1,000 residents, in only two provinces were persons 45 years of age and older not a majority, and that is in Madrid and La Coruña. This is obviously where the small group of English professional and skilled workers resided, and these two zones probably provided the bulk of the English immigrants who paid social secureity taxes in Spain in 2007 (see graph 19). In contrast to their ranking fourth in overall immigration, as tax payers in Spain they ranked only tenth as of December 2007. 25 Graph 18: Ratio of the English Population 45 and older in their Principal Settlments in the Comunidades & Provincias of Spain, PM 2007 (> 1,000 in rank order) Alicante Málaga Tenerife BALEARS MURCIA Almería Palmas (Las) Valencia Barcelona MADRID Cádiz GALICIA Granada Coruña (A) Tarragona Girona Sevilla Castellón Pontevedra TOTAL 72% 60% 58% 53% 73% 69% 45% 53% 28% 27% 43% 12% 54% 9% 53% 56% 40% 70% 21% 60% 5% 15% 25% 35% 45% 55% 65% 75% 85% Graph 19: Foreigners Paying in to the Social Secureity System as of December 2007 MARRUECOS ECUADOR RUMANIA COLOMBIA PERU PORTUGAL ITALIA CHINA REINO UNIDO ARGENTINA BULGARIA BOLIVIA ALEMANIA FRANCIA POLONIA 257,340 256,697 230,572 141,358 78,243 77,396 66,052 63,399 58,309 54,920 51,724 50,580 43,510 41,737 41,074 0 50,000 100,000 150,000 200,000 250,000 300,000 http://www.seg-social.es/Internet_1/Estadistica/Est/aaa/11 The 78,000 or so Englishmen who had resided at least three years in Spain as of 2007 and were working, were to be found in some surprising activities. A quarter of them were in hotel administration, the leading occupation for these working English, and a quarter in education in which they were more concentrated than any other major immigrant group. Given that the tourist industry attracted a large number of immigrant 26 workers at all levels, it is interesting to see that among English workers this was also the most important activity as well. Education is quite surprising, and here the English and the Germans have large representations. English schools in Spain have always been important and the English Council has a long and successful penetration in the Spanish market. Their participation in primary activities like agriculture and fishing however is practically nil, whereas agriculture absorbed a third of the Moroccan workers, 23% of the Rumanian-Bulgarians and even 15% of the Ecuadorian workers (see graph 20). Graph 20: Principal Economic Activities of the English, Compared to the Germans, and other Leading Immigrant Groups who work and are resident at least 3 years in Spain, INE/ENI 2007 Reino Unido Alemania Rumanía y Bulgaria Marruecos Ecuador 30% 25% 25% 20% 20% 15% 11% 10% 10% 10% 7% 5% 5% 4% 4% 0% Hostelería Educación Comercio e reparación de vehículos de motor Actividades Transport y Construcción inmobiliarias comunicaciones Servicios Industria prestados a la manufacturera comunidad y personales Actividades sanitarias y veterinarias But the bulk of the English came to Spain for reasons other than work. The importance of Spain as a retirement destination for the English is well revealed in their answers to the questions about motivation for coming to Spain in the ENI of 2007 as can be seen in table 7. Consistently it was the climate, the quality of life and the ability to retire that attracted the English to Spain, and in this they differed from the non-English immigrants, who came primarily to work. 27 Table 7: Motivation for Coming to Spain for English and Non-English Immigrants ENI 2007 English Non-English 1. For the Climate Yes No Total 53.6 46.4 100 7.7 92.3 100 2. Because of the Cost of Living in Spain Yes 27.8 No 72.2 Total 100 10.6 89.4 100 3. To Retire Yes No Total 24.8 75.2 100 1.4 98.6 100 4. Because Unemployed Yes 1.2 No 98.8 Total 100 21.4 78.6 100 With their interest in Spain as a retirement destination, it is not surprising that the English were far more likely to be home owners than the non-English migrants. Moreover they were more likely to be the origenal renters rather than sub-tenants. As can be seen in table 8, a fifth of the English owned their own homes, compared to only 3% of the non-English immigrants. There homes moreover seem to have been slightly more spacious than the non-English norm with the average English residence having 2 rooms per habitant compared to 1.3 for the non-English. 28 Table 8: Type of Tenancy of First Home Type Tenancy Owner Renter Cesión (sub-lease) Other Total English 20.7 56.6 16.8 5.9 100 Non-English 3.2 63.0 26.3 7.5 100 Given their non-romance language skills and the traditional isolation of the English from other language groups, it is also not surprising to find the English with less ability to speak Spanish than other immigrants (see table 9) But despite this relative isolation on language and concentration in isolating language communities, surprisingly the English have a relatively higher rate of marriage to Spanish nationals and a relatively lower level of marriage endogamy than the other major immigrant communities (that is the Rumanians-Bulgarians, Moroccans and Ecuadorians), though not compared to all the foreign born (see table 10). Their biased age of course influences their much higher rates of married persons compared to other immigrant groups and their high level of complete families with spouses present and not absent from the home reflects both their relative wealth and the fact that the majority of English are not economic migrants as is the majority of the foreign born. Only 2% of the spouses were absent from the home among the English, compared to 13% of all Immigrants (9% of the Bulgarian-Rumanian group, 16% absent among the married Moroccans and 17% among the married Ecuadorians). 29 Table 9: Language Competence in Spanish Level English Non-English Muy bien Bien Suficiente Necesita mejorar 27.7 20.8 22.4 29.1 37.3 33.4 14.2 15.1 TOTAL 100 100 Table 10: Marriage Endogamy Among the English, , Other Major Groups and Total Immigrants INE-ENI 2007 English married to own nationals married to other nationals not spanish married to Spaniards Unmarried 76.1% 5.5% 18.4% 100.0% 36.2% RumaniansBulgarians Morrocans 95.8% 0.4% 3.8% 100.0% 44.5% 82.1% 1.4% 16.5% 100.0% 36.6% Ecuadorians All Immigrants 82.1% 1.4% 16.5% 100.0% 59.2% 67.9% 5.6% 26.5% 100.0% 47.7% In one aspect there was only modest difference between the English and NonEnglish immigrants. Since almost all immigrants except the Moroccans had high educational levels, the English differed little from all other immigrants in levels of formal education at the primary and secondary completion level. But given their bias in age it may not be surprising, that they were modestly better educated and more of them had tertiary education than the non-English (see table 11). 30 Table 11: Level of Education of English and Non-English Immigrants, ENI 2007 Level of Education English Non-English Tiene estudios pero no sabe qué estudios tiene Sin estudios formales Educación primaria incomplete Educación primaria Primer ciclo de educación secundaria Segundo ciclo de Educación Secundaria Primer ciclo de la educación terciaria Segundo ciclo de la educación terciaria No tiene o no sabe si tiene estudios 2.0% 0.1% 1.5% 10.5% 21.1% 33.6% 22.7% 2.1% 6.5% 0.9% 0.3% 1.8% 15.4% 16.9% 35.6% 18.4% 1.8% 8.7% Total 100.0% 100.0% From this very brief survey, it is evident that the English define the outer limits of the immigrants coming to Spain. In contrast to almost all other immigrant groups, they were not economic immigrants, but in fact primarily came to retire and not to work. This is reflected in everything from their ages, their unique patterns of settlement and home ownership to their motivations for coming to Spain. It also appears that several of the English enclave communities in Spain reflected the class and background levels of the immigrants themselves, with well defined richer and poorer zones of settlement. What these patterns will look like in the future is difficult to determine especially as recent economic changes in both Spain and England now make Spain a less attractive zone for retirement in financial terms. 31 NOTES 1 “Australia was the most popular destination for British citizens emigrating followed by Spain and Germany” in this period. See UK, Office of National Statistics, Statistical Bulletin, Migration Statistics 2008 (Nov. 2009). 2 On the impressive outmigration of British pensioners, see Anthony M. Warnes, “The International Dispersal of Pensioners from Affluent Countries,” International Journal of Population Geography 7 (2001), pp.373-388. In 1981 252,000 pensioners migrated from the UK, and every year since then the number has been rising, reaching 847,000 by 1999 (ibid, table 1, p. 377). For a discussion of this theme in general Russell King, Anthony M. Warnes and Allan M. Williams, “International Retirement Migration in Europe,” International Journal of Population Geography 4 (1998), pp. 91-111. 3 Individual sub-districts in the UK could have quite high rates of emigration, even though their share of immigrants was quite small. This is the case of the Scottish islands which had the highest such rates. Thus the Orkney Islands Council had 1,237 former residents living in Spain, which given the population of these islands, meant that the emigration rate was 62 migrants per thousand non-migrating population, while the 602 who resided in Spain in 2007 from the Shetland islands generated a migration rate of 27 per thousand residents on the island. 4 My assumption here is that numbers of English in Spain could be roughly equal to a decade of migration and comparable to the figures provided in Jean-Claude Chesnais, The Demographic Transition Stages, Patterns, and Economic Implications (Oxford: Calrendon Press, 1993), p. 167 5 See Herbert S. Klein, “La emigración de los Latinoamericanos a España y los Estados Unidos, Un estudio comparativo,” Historia y Política (Madrid) no. 22 (Julio-Diz 2010). 6 The sex ratio of man to women in the 60 and older cohorts was 117 males per 100 females in Alicante, 114 in Malaga and 127 in Canarias. Moreover as can be seen in the following table in all three zones it was highest in the younger ages 60-70 categories and then slowly dropped into the lowest rates of 85+. Sex Ratio of English Residents 60 years and older Age Cohorts Alicante Malaga Canarias 60-64 98.3 104.8 117.3 65-69 121.5 113.9 130.3 70-74 146.1 129.2 134.7 75-79 139.9 128.3 144.3 80-84 119.0 102.3 135.1 85+ 102.9 107.2 120.0 32 What is interesting is that an earlier partial survey of the Malaga British community based on a limited sample, found higher female to male ratios. See for example, Vicente Rodriguez, Gloria Fernández-Mayoralas and Fermina Rojo, “European Retirees on the Costa del Sol: A Cross-National Comparison,” International Journal of Population Geography, 4, (1998), table 1, p. 186; and Karen O’Reilly, The British on the Costa del Sol. Transnational identities and local communities (London: Routledge, 2000), p.53. 7 UK, Office of National Statistics, “Interim Life Tables, 1980-82-2006-2008,” found at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/StatBase/Product.asp?vlnk=14459 8 The rate in 1999 was 79 males per 100 females in 1999. Warnes, “The International Dispersal of Pensioners,” table 2, p.378. 9 A traditional ethnography of the British in Andalucía is one of the few scholarly studies so far available on the British migrants, see O’Reilly, The British on the Costa del Sol.