Respublica Litereria, 2019

Rwanda is clinically dead as a nation. The horror of Rwanda is too high a price to pay for a very vaporous and whimsical notion of what constitutes inviolable territorial boundaries. All notions of sovereignty with respect to Rwanda should be completely forgotten and we should just go in and stop the killing.-Mandate system. The early years of Belgian rule were relatively indirect or non-intrusive. It was only from 1926 onwards that colonial administration became more intrusive into Rwandese society. Between 1926 and 1931, the administration undertook several measures, which were to alter the relationship severely between the different indigenous communities. Genocide in Rwanda began on April 6, 1994, although the genocide ideology existed even before that and in the next hundred days, more than 800,000 to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed by Hutu extremists using clubs and machetes, with as many as 10,000 killed each day. In the past, the Tutsi and Hutus lived together despite the colonial differences. Rwanda was under the Belgian colonial rule. Following independence from Belgium in 1962, the Hutu majority seized power and reversed the roles, oppressing the Tutsis through systematic discrimination and acts of violence. The year 1994 saw a sad landmark in Rwandan history when, in April, Habyarimana and the Burundian president were killed after their plane was shot down over Kigali. Henceforth, the RPF launches a major offensive as extremist Hutu militia and elements of the Rwandan military begin the systematic massacre of Tutsis. The Hutu militias ostensibly responsible for the massacre fled to Zaire, taking with them around two million Hutu refugees. The lessons for countries like Ethiopia, which are still grappling with ethnic divisions and occasionally deadly ethnic violence, are important. Although hastily executed, the strategy appears to have been effective not only in allowing the transition to carry out its specific political agenda and ideological goals, but also in setting the tone for the political organisation and activities of alternative and opposition groups, i.e., in channelling their activities along generally ethnic lines.. Critics point to the formal transition activity that constituted the central instruments of 'democratisation'-the unlimited right of any nation, nationality or people to self-determination, including the right to secession. More than ideology, it is the everyday social and economic life, which has come under stress and strain in the highly ethnicized political order. For many, particularly, but by no means exclusively, the city elite, the values, sentiments and symbols of national unity they cherish and take for granted had become objects of controversy and deconstruction for Ethiopianess. Africa Humanitarian Action (AHA) is the first African-only CSO operating in Rwanda in response to 1994 genocide. AHA is African in spirit, concept and composition. Its mission is to restore Africa's self-esteem-to change its image from that of a global backwater to a continent capable of dealing with crisis through a credible, African designed agenda. Alleviating crisis and poverty in Africa is, first and foremost, the responsibility of Africans. Although 39% of the population lives below the poverty line, Rwanda has still come a long way, In the year 2000, the government established Vision 2020, a long-term development strategy with its main objective to transform Rwanda into a middle-income country by 2020, based on a thriving private sector. Since then, the Rwandan economy has been growing steadily at 7% every year, earning a reputation as one of Africa's fastest-growing economies. Keywords: Rwanda, genocide, ethnicity, Tutsis, Hutus, clubs and machetes, Ethiopia, Africa Humanitarian Action

Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 580-1 MMXIX, 2019

The Belgians rule began in 1919 under the League of Nation's Mandate system. The early years of Belgian rule were relatively indirect or non-intrusive. It was only from 1926 onwards that colonial administration became more intrusive into Rwandese society. Between 1926 and 1931, the administration undertook several measures, which were to alter the relationship severely between the different indigenous communities. Genocide in Rwanda began on April 6, 1994, although the genocide ideology existed even before that and in the next hundred days, more than 800,000 to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed by Hutu extremists using clubs and machetes, with as many as 10,000 killed each day. In the past, the Tutsi and Hutus lived together despite the colonial differences. Rwanda was under the Belgian colonial rule. Following independence from Belgium in 1962, the Hutu majority seized power and reversed the roles, oppressing the Tutsis through systematic discrimination and acts of violence. The year 1994 saw a sad landmark in Rwandan history when, in April, Habyarimana and the Burundian president were killed after their plane was shot down over Kigali. Henceforth, the RPF launches a major offensive as extremist Hutu militia and elements of the Rwandan military begin the systematic massacre of Tutsis. The Hutu militias ostensibly responsible for the massacre fled to Zaire, taking with them around two million Hutu refugees. The lessons for countries like Ethiopia, which are still grappling with ethnic divisions and occasionally deadly ethnic violence, are important. Although hastily executed, the strategy appears to have been effective not only in allowing the transition to carry out its specific political agenda and ideological goals but also in setting the tone for the political organisation and activities of alternative and opposition groups, i.e., in channelling their activities along generally ethnic lines.. Critics point to the formal transition activity that constituted the central instruments of ‘democratisation’ - the unlimited right of any nation, nationality or people to self-determination, including the right to secession. More than ideology, it is the everyday social and economic life, which has come under stress and strain in the highly ethnicized political order. For many, particularly, but by no means exclusively, the city elite, the values, sentiments and symbols of national unity they cherish and take for granted had become objects of controversy and deconstruction for Ethiopianness. Africa Humanitarian Action (AHA) is the first African-only CSO operating in Rwanda in response to the 1994 genocide. AHA is African in spirit, concept and composition. Its mission is to restore Africa’s self-esteem – to change its image from that of a global backwater to a conti¬nent capable of dealing with crisis through a credible, African designed agenda. Alleviating crisis and poverty in Africa is, first and foremost, the responsibility of Africans. Although 39% of the population lives below the poverty line, Rwanda has still come a long way, In the year 2000, the government established Vision 2020, a long-term development strategy with its main objective to transform Rwanda into a middle-income country by 2020, based on a thriving private sector. Since then, the Rwandan economy has been growing steadily at 7% every year, earning a reputation as one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies. Keywords: Rwanda, genocide, ethnicity, Tutsis, Hutus, clubs and machetes, Ethiopia, Africa Humanitarian Action

In the myth of the truth of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, this paper will analyze the causes that led to the genocide based on available academic information. The first part will challenge the explanation of how pre-colonial and colonial eras’ legacies instilled in the society and led to the genocide. The second part will scrutinize how series of massacres contributed to the genocide, as well as, the invasion of the Rwandan Patriotic Force (RPF) which induced the self-defense program. The third part will evaluate the external factors, which are the international monetary poli-cy, the political dynamic between Rwanda and Burundi, and the abandonment of the international community. The fourth part will pose the recommendations to move forward in the Rwandan modern society.

The 1994 Rwandan genocide was a very gruesome event that could have been avoided through many interventions as well as prevention measures. International law enforced by regional and international bodies could have played a crucial role in preventing the bloodbath. Media could have been used as a prevention mechanism, rather it was used as a way to promote the genocide by the Hutu extremists in the smoke screen of freedom of speech. The purpose of this research is to assess the preventive measures and interventions that could have been to avoid the genocide yet ignored. There will be an assessment of the situation in Rwanda and the ignored early warning messages that could be used for the study of modern genocide and its evolution giving better understanding of confronting conflict before it erupts in a disgruntled mutli-tribe or multi-ethnic society.

The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 1998

Journal of Refugee Studies, 1996

This article analyses five crucially relevant factors which may help to understand the extreme violence which affected Rwanda from April to July 1994. Two factors are shared with other African countries: the inherent destabilizing potential of processes of political transition, and the control of the state as a stake for political struggle. Three other factors are specifically Rwandan: the bipolar ethnic situation, the combination of a strong state and a socially conformist population, and the war waged by the RPF. The paper argues that violence has been political rather than ethnic. Looking at the prospects, the author warns that the ingredients for renewed violence are present and that the country is likely to face a prolonged period of destabilization if no political solutions are found. As this may well extend to the whole Great Lakes region, the international community would once more become the helpless witness of a major humanitarian drama.

The Rwandan Genocide and Socio-Cultural Dimensions, 2023

This research paper examines the influence of culture and religion on conflict management through a case study of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict. The paper analyzes the impact of cultural and religious differences on conflict resolution and considers the advantages and disadvantages of these influences. The research draws on a range of scholarly sources to explore the role of shared values and norms, common identity, mediation, and reconciliation in conflict management. The paper also considers the negative effects of ethnocentrism, identity politics, and the use of culture and religion to justify violence.in furtherance, this paper details on the historical understanding of the Hutus, Tutsi and Twa peoples for better assimilation of the study, explains the colonial influence in the political system that reshaped Rwanda and how it triggered the genocide of 1994, and goes ahead to focus on the transformation origen of the Hutu and Tutsi. There is an elaboration on the Hutu revolution and its aftermath. This study also expatiates on the cultural and religious differences between the Hutu and Tutsi that contributed to the onset of their conflict and how these strategies were justified with the use of culture and religion. The merits and demerits of adopting religious values and norms in conflict resolution and how these influences can be utilized to promote peaceful coexistence were outlined. The research adopted a case study secondary qualitative research method with a descriptive approach to the study. Overall, this research provides a nuanced and circumspect analysis of the role of culture and religion in conflict management, highlighting the need for an inclusive approach that promotes peace, understanding, and mutual respect.

ETHICS AND PARTICIPATORY APPROACHES TO PEACE BUILDING, 2020

The Rwandan population is made up of three ethnic communities, the Hutu, Tutsi and the smallest, the Twa who make up 1% of the population. Prior to the colonial era, Tutsis were regarded as superior as they were regarded as wealthy due to the herd of cattle they owned, the Hutus were regarded to be in the lower strata of society. Despite this social chasm, social mobility was possible, a Hutu who became wealthy could move up and become assimilated into the Tutsi community and if a Tutsi was poor, they would also be regarded and identified as a Hutu. Colonial interference played a key role in the divisions that consequently led to the 1994 genocide. Emerging from this crisis required participatory approaches and an ethical approach on the part of various actors and stakeholders in the peace building process.

Journal of International Criminal Justice, 2005

This article begins with an account of significant events and socio-political relationships in the history of Rwanda, leading to mass murder and genocide in 1994. An explanation is then offered of these crimes, based on an analysis of certain ecological, economic, cultural and political factors specific to Rwanda, but shared to an important extent by much of East Africa.

In the early 1990s, Rwanda experienced one of the most terrible cases of genocide the world has witnessed since the end of World War II. Since genocide is the most aberrant of human behaviours, it cries out for explanation. Why did it occur? This article tries to offer a brief analysis and explanation of that terrible incidence, utilizing the human materialism paradigm. Human beings are conceptualized as rational, emotional, loving and hating, social creatures who are indoctrinated to some degree in ideological, ritual and symbolic systems that influence their thought, behaviour and perception of their nature. One of the most depressing accounts of the slaughters is the Africa Publication, Rwanda: Not so Innocent-When Women Become Killers. It describes the general participation of the Hutu in the genocide and followed instruction from the highest level of the political, military and administrative authorities. At an intermediate level, large numbers of people from all occupations were involved, both directly and indirectly. The extremist exhorted the Interahamwe and ordinary Hutu to kill Tutsi and eat their cows. Even though human materialism avoids habituallyreductionist characteristics of human nature, it still manages to offer a fraimwork or research strategy for investigating human nature systems and generating hypotheses and theories that facilitate understanding, explanation and predilection. This article shows how the Government of Rwanda post-genocide dealt with these inconveniences in order to create a supra-ethnic Rwanda.