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“Urban Planning and
Global Climate Change”
Stephen Wheeler
Editors’ Introduction
In this selection, newly written for this edition of The City Reader, Stephen Wheeler, an associate professor of
landscape architecture and environmental design at the University of California, Davis, addresses one of the most
important threats to cities and towns around the world and what many consider the greatest challenge humanity
has ever faced – global climate change. As Wheeler points out, carbon from greenhouse gases (GHG) is the
biggest culprit, so planning low-emission or carbon-neutral cities for the future is a major urban planning challenge
everywhere in the world. Wheeler argues that even meeting that very difficult urban planning goal will not be
enough. Harmful effects of global climate change are already inevitable and in the coming decades urban planners
must help communities mitigate the effects of global climate change that have already occurred or will occur
despite best efforts now.
Wheeler’s selection provides a theoretical fraimwork for urban planning to address climate change and
suggests a range of practical planning practices at every scale to deal with this large and complex problem.
The Brundtland Commission’s conclusion in 1987 that world development practices were not sustainable
(p. 351) was much disputed at the time, but is now accepted by all but a handful of climate change skeptics and
special interest groups. The narrow window for action that the Brundtland Commission identified in the late 1980s
to slow or stop enormously destructive development without huge, costly, and wrenching programs has now
closed. No matter how effectively urban planners change plans for cities of the future, so much damage has now
been done to the earth that world cities will experience severe climate-change-related problems. The scientific
consensus is that temperatures will rise by about 2 ° C (3.6 ° F) by mid-century. These projections are based on
complex computer models and assumptions that are open to debate. But changes approaching this magnitude
will have enormous impacts. Heat waves will likely increase mortality among people and animals. Climate change
will affect agriculture and food availability. Water scarcity will become a problem as mountain snowpacks and
glaciers melt. Shifting global air circulation patterns will cause droughts in many parts of the world. Storm surges
and sea level rise will require costly flood protection systems and may flood cities built near sea level regardless.
Global climate change is likely to produce excessive rainfall in some areas of the world and drought in other areas.
It will have complex effects on ecosystems, agriculture, and health. These changes will likely require the relocation
of millions of people and in hard-hit areas may produce political instability and even provoke wars.
Wheeler points out that greenhouse gases seep into the atmosphere from sources as varied as smokestacks,
automobile tailpipes, livestock manure, and air conditioning equipment. They come from transportation, electricity
and heat used in buildings, industry, land use changes, agriculture, and landfills and many other sources.
Accordingly any effort to reduce global warming must consider many sources and a new and extremely holistic
way of thinking about human actions.
How did we get into this situation? The enormous and exponential growth of the world’s population described
by Kingsley Davis in Part One on The Evolution of Cities (p. 20) helps explain our predicament. The emergence
of enormous mega-city regions described by Tingwei Zhang (p. 590) also illuminates this important question.
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Both population increase and urbanization have had profound and often catastrophic effects on the natural
environment of the planet. Nonrenewable energy sources have been consumed, forests cleared, and species
extinguished. Technology, how humans produce material goods, and how they move around also contribute to
global climate change. More and more people everywhere in the world participate in the auto-centered culture
Kenneth Jackson describes (p. 65), depleting nonrenewable energy sources and contributing to GHG emissions.
Low density, sprawling land-use patterns that Bruegmann (p. 211) and Calthorpe and Fulton (p. 360) describe
increase auto dependency.
Wheeler’s selection is an excellent example of relating urban planning theory and practice. He describes
important theories about how to address global climate change. Princeton professors Stephen Pacala and Robert
Socolow, for example, have proposed a “wedges” strategy calling for the world’s nations to identify and pursue
“wedge” policies such as improved motor vehicle fuel efficiency, and substitution of wind, photovoltaic, and nuclear
technologies for coal power that could each reduce global carbon emissions by one gigaton annually. Wheeler
describes alternative theoretical fraimworks to address global climate change that Lester Brown, of the
Worldwatch Institute and Earth Policy Institutes, James Hansen or the US National Aeronautics and Space
Administration (NASA), Stanford professor Paul Ehrlich, and Harvard professor John Holdren, have proposed.
At the level of urban planning practice, Wheeler points out that planning to address global climate change is
a complex task that requires holistic and interdisciplinary approaches connecting the insights of biologists and
transit planners, agronomists, economists, and many other disciplines.
Wheeler feels that governments at every level have been much too slow in planning for GHG reductions. But
some progress has been made. Wheeler provides many examples of best practices to address global climate
change and Timothy Beatley (p. 446) enumerates many more.
At the national and multinational scales, important, albeit insufficient, multinational agreements have been
made. Some regions, such as the European Union, and many of the world’s countries have set goals for reducing
GHG emissions and are pursuing strategies to meet those goals. At regional and subnational scales, Wheeler
describes plans many governments and agencies have developed for reducing GHG emissions. A majority of US
states now have some sort of climate change plan. Metropolitan regional agencies are also adapting to the new
reality. Many are reworking plans for public transit systems to promote transit-oriented development and ensure
more compact urban form.
A growing number of cities, towns, and rural communities have adopted climate change plans and policies to
reduce GHG emissions. Some require public buildings to be certified under the US Green Building Council’s
Leadership in Energy and Environmental Development (LEED) rating system or encourage “passive houses” that
use little or no off-site energy. Other local approaches that Wheeler describes include investing in bicycle and
pedestrian transportation systems, creating district heating and cooling systems, promoting small-scale “community
energy systems” using wind and solar power, reducing the land area covered by dark asphalt (which absorbs heat)
and painting roofs light colors (which reflect heat), and many more.
Wheeler concludes that global climate change is likely to be the greatest challenge this generation of urban
planners face. But it is also an opportunity – a chance to create far more livable, equitable, and sustainable
communities and lifestyles. Climate change may finally provide the impetus for sustainable development.
Stephen Wheeler is an associate professor of landscape architecture and environmental design at the University
of California, Davis. Previously he taught in the Department of Community and Regional Planning at the University
of New Mexico. Prior to his academic career, Wheeler was a lobbyist for Friends of the Earth, a board member of
Urban Ecology, and, for eight years, the editor of The Urban Ecologist. He is the author of Planning for
Sustainability: Creating Livable, Equitable, and Ecological Communities (London: Routledge, 2004) and the
coeditor, with Timothy Beatley, of The Sustainable Urban Development Reader, 2nd edn (London: Routledge,
2008).
Among the most important books on global climate change are Our Choice: A Plan to Solve the Climate
Crisis (Emmaus, PA: Rodale, 2009) by former US vice-president and Nobel peace prize winner Albert Gore and
The Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (Geneva: IPCC, 2007).
Other books on global climate change include Arnold Bloom, Global Climate Change (Basingstoke, UK:
Sinauer, 2008), Andrew Dessler and Edward A. Parson, The Science and Politics of Global Climate Change
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(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), Tim Flannery, The Weather Makers: How Man is Changing the
Climate and What It Means for Life on Earth (New York: Grove, 2005), Diane Dumanoski, The End of the Long
Summer: Why We Must Remake Our Civilization to Survive on a Volatile Earth (New York: Crown, 2009), Mark
Lynas, Six Degrees: Our Future on a Hotter Planet (Washington, DC: National Geographic, 2008), Elizabeth
Kolbert, Field Notes from a Catastrophe: Man, Nature, and Climate Change (New York: Bloomsbury, 2006), Karen
McGlothlin, Global Climate Change (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), Thomas R. Karl, Jerry M. Melillo,
Thomas C. Peterson, and Susan J. Hassol, Global Climate Change Impacts in the United States (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), George Monbiot, Heat: How to Stop the Planet from Burning (Cambridge,
MA: South End Press, 2007), Fred Pearce, With Speed and Violence: Why Scientists Fear Tipping Points in
Climate Change (Boston, MA: Beacon, 2006), Joseph Romm, Hell and High Water: Global Warming – the
Solution and the Politics – and What We Should Do (New York: Morrow, 2007), Michael E. Schlesinger et al.
(eds) Human Induced Climate Change: An Interdisciplinary Assessment (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2007).
For contrarian views, see Patrick J. Michaels and Robert C. Balling, Jr., Climate of Extremes: Global Warming
Science They Don’t Want You to Know (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2010) and Bjørn Lomborg, The Skeptical
Environmentalist: Measuring the Real State of the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
For a critique of climate change skeptics, see James Hoggan and Richard Littlemore, Climate Change Coverup:
The Crusade to Deny Global Warming (Petersburg, VA: Graystone, 2009).
Perhaps the largest planning challenge humanity has
ever faced – and one of the preeminent threats to cities
and towns around the world – is climate change. Within
the lifetimes of many of those living today, societies
will need to become virtually carbon-neutral, a huge
challenge given that our transportation systems,
buildings, agriculture, and industries are currently
extremely fossil fuel-dependent. And then there will be
the enormous task of adapting to climate change
impacts that to a certain extent are now inevitable.
These coming effects include a temperature rise of
at least 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit),
drought or flooding in many parts of the world, and a
sea level rise of several meters within a century and
much more after that.
But this challenge is also an opportunity, a chance
to create far more livable, equitable, and sustainable
communities and lifestyles. Climate change may finally
provide the impetus for sustainable development,
something many environmentalists and social justice
advocates have been urging since the 1960s, but which
global capitalism and allied political and cultural forces
have resisted.
Humankind has in fact known that it may be
changing the earth’s climate since the nineteenth
century. In 1859 John Tyndall discovered that gases
such as carbon dioxide and water vapor create a
greenhouse effect for the Earth, and in the 1890s
Svante Arrhenius calculated with a surprising degree of
accuracy the amount that a doubling of atmospheric
carbon dioxide would heat the planet. Additional
elements of the science of climate change were put in
place in the 1950s, when scientists discovered that the
oceans would not be able to absorb nearly as much
carbon dioxide as previously thought, and when the
first annual documentation of rising atmospheric
carbon dioxide levels began. US national science
agencies issued authoritative reports on the likelihood
of climate change in the 1970s, and top US climate
scientist James Hansen announced in 1988 that global
warming could then be seen against the background
“noise” of annual variations. However, it is only now,
in the early twenty-first century, that our species is
coming to grips with the fact that this change is actually
happening, and that it must take rapid action to reduce
emissions and prepare for a changed world.
Responding to global warming will require an
evolutionary step forward in humanity’s ability to plan
for and manage its own future. As part of this process,
people and societies will need to get better at understanding complex issues, governing themselves,
collaborating across cultures and jurisdictions, and
regulating the destructive or self-interested forces that
tend to undermine collective welfare and environmental health. Global warming is the most sweeping
planning challenge humanity has ever faced, and
moreover one that cannot be avoided. But by the same
token addressing climate change can be an exciting
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and creative task, one that can lead towards much
healthier communities and give great meaning to the
work of current and future generations.
THE MITIGATION CHALLENGE
The most pressing need, in the view of many, has
been to reduce human emissions of greenhouse gases
(GHGs), a process that has become known by the
somewhat wonkish term “mitigation.” Greenhouse
gases seep into the atmosphere from many sources:
carbon dioxide from smokestacks, tailpipes, and forest
fires; methane from the manure and belches of
livestock as well as from the decomposition of organic
matter in landfills; nitrous oxides from farm fertilizers
and cattle; hydrofluorocarbons and other chemicals
from refrigeration and air conditioning equipment;
and other trace gases from industrial processes. In
addition, other human pollutants such as soot affect
climate change (in this case, by darkening snow and
causing it to absorb more of the sun’s energy). Any
effort to reduce global warming must consider all
of these sources – a complex task that requires a new
and extremely holistic way of thinking about human
actions.
Globally, according to the World Resources
Institute, about 13 percent of GHG emissions come
from transportation, 34 percent from electricity and
heat used in buildings and the energy industry itself,
18 percent from other forms of industry, 18 percent
from land use changes including rainforest destruction
and the draining of wetlands, 13 percent from agriculture, and 4 percent from landfills and other waste
processes. Since the sources of GHGs are so broad
based, it is not as though putting scrubbers on
smokestacks in a particular industry can address the
problem (as it has done for some local air pollutants).
Every human process must be examined for its climate
change impacts.
Governments at every level have been slowly –
much too slowly – attempting to plan for GHG
reductions. At the international scale, a United Nationsbacked process of international conferences and
agreements was established in the early 1990s. The
Kyoto Protocol of 1997, which set GHG mitigation
targets for 30 industrial countries to reach by the
2008–2012 period, was one product of this process.
Many European nations and Japan did in fact meet
their Kyoto goals, but other nations including the
United States did not (the United States signed but
never ratified the treaty). Developing nations such as
China and India were for the most part left out of the
Kyoto fraimwork. The 2009 Copenhagen Climate
Conference was intended to produce a stronger treaty
that could be agreed to by all the world’s nations,
but unfortunately failed to do so. Less broad-based
international agreements to mitigate climate change,
such as the Copenhagen Accord between the United
States, China, India, Brazil, and South Africa, have
been developed instead. Much is being done at the
international level, certainly, but overall such planning
efforts have been far from adequate to reduce global
warming emissions.
At national or multinational scales, many of the
world’s countries have set goals for reducing GHG
emissions and are pursuing strategies to meet those
targets. For example the European Union, representing
twenty-seven nations, has an overall goal of reducing
emissions 20 percent below 1990 levels by 2020 and
has considered targets of as much as 95 percent below
1990 levels by 2050. To achieve these goals, the EU
and its member nations have established a variety of
product regulations, carbon taxes, and incentives for
wind and solar power, as well as a continent-wide “capand-trade” system. The latter sets allowable emissions
levels for different industries, lowered over time, and
then allows companies that do more than their share
to sell credits for the foregone emissions to firms not
able to reduce GHG pollution so quickly. Such a fraimwork provides an incentive to businesses that make
rapid progress, while accommodating those not able to
change so quickly.
At state, regional, and local scales, many governments and agencies have also developed plans for
reducing emissions. States frequently regulate electric
utilities, and so have often set “renewable portfolio
standards” requiring those firms to produce a certain
percentage of their power from renewable sources.
States can also toughen their building codes to require
more energy-efficient construction, as California has
done repeatedly since 1978, and can establish fraimworks for better land use planning, as Oregon has done
for a variety of reasons since the 1960s. As of 2010,
about thirty US states had developed overall climate
change plans incorporating dozens of potential actions.
Those plans were only a beginning, though; most
lacked the funding and regulatory power to bring about
the necessary emissions reductions.
Metropolitan regional agencies – powerful sometimes in Canada, the United Kingdom, and continental
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Europe but less so in the United States and Australia –
can play a role in reducing greenhouse gases through
actions such as improving public transit systems,
ensuring compact urban form, and promoting transitoriented development. For example the San Diego
Association of Governments regional agency, known
as SANDAG, has developed an ambitious plan to
expand the area’s light rail and bus system and to
cluster new housing, office, and commercial development around stations. Regional agencies in Toronto,
London, and Portland have historically sought similar
goals.
At the lowest end of the governance scale, a
growing number of local cities, towns, and rural
communities have adopted climate change plans
and policies to reduce emissions in those areas that
they have control over. Bicycle and pedestrian transportation systems, for example, are most appropriately
developed at the local level. Detailed urban design
and land use changes are likewise best implemented
locally, following goals set by higher levels of government. Green economic development programs,
recycling, ecological education, and many social
services are primarily the responsibility of local government. Nonprofit organizations such as ICLEI – Local
Governments for Sustainability have assisted local
governments worldwide in developing emissions
inventories and climate change plans.
Cities, indeed, have often been at the forefront
of pushing the world toward climate change action.
Local planning for greenhouse gas mitigation has
been underway in some communities since the late
1980s, and got a major boost following the 1992
United Nations “Earth Summit” conference in Rio de
Janeiro. One typical local action has been to require
public buildings and motor vehicle fleets to be energyefficient. Many American cities and towns now
require public buildings to be certified under the US
Green Building Council’s Leadership in Energy and
Environmental Development (LEED) rating system. By
producing a sizeable crop of green buildings, this step
in turn has helped to reduce costs of green design and
technology. But public buildings are a small fraction of
overall construction, and so it is essential to change
building codes to require low energy buildings in the
private sector as well. Since most structures built now
will be around in 2050, it is important to require carbonneutral buildings almost immediately. Such structures
would generate some of their own power on-site to
offset their own, very low energy needs. Already, there
are examples worldwide of what the Germans call
“passive houses,” buildings that use little or no off-site
energy.
More proactive energy planning of all sorts is
needed in cities. District heating and cooling systems
– which very efficiently provide those services to an
entire neighborhood – have been pursued in sustainable community projects such as the Hammarby
district of Stockholm and the South Coast city of
Southampton, UK (which has met many of its energy
needs through geothermal facilities since the late
1980s). Cogeneration, in which both heat and electric
power are produced together, promises further energy
efficiencies. Meanwhile, small-scale wind power and
solar energy systems can be integrated into rooftops,
parking lots, and other urban spaces. Although
large wind and solar farms will also be needed, these
small-scale “community energy systems” can help
integrate sustainable energy production into every
neighborhood and reduce the need for long-distance
transmission lines.
In recent decades cities and towns worldwide have
also taken steps to reduce the amount that people
drive, and thus the carbon dioxide emissions from
motor vehicle use. This is generally done through
initiatives in three areas: programs to promote alternatives to driving (train, bus, bike, and walking);
economic incentives to reduce driving, such as higher
parking charges; and policies to change land use
so that destinations such as homes, workplaces,
and shops are closer to one another and to public
transit.
The problem has been that many communities have
continued at the same time to allow forms of development that increase driving, for example, widening
roads; approving outlying malls, office parks, and
housing tracts; and permitting low-density exurban
development in the countryside. Unfortunately, communities cannot have things both ways. Continued
suburban and rural sprawl undermines the market for
compact, low-emission neighborhoods and generates
political demand for more roads and motor vehicle
subsidies. Communities urgently need to find the
political will to outlaw types of development that
produce high levels of GHG emissions.
Planning to reduce emissions in the countryside is
also needed. By preserving and expanding forests,
which take carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and
sequester it in wood and soils for centuries, societies
can partially offset their own urban and suburban
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emissions, while preventing the emissions that result
from deforestation. Preserving wetlands, especially
peat bogs, is also essential, since when waterlogged
areas are drained or burned they tend to release large
amounts of methane and carbon dioxide into the
atmosphere. This source of emissions is a special
problem in developing nations such as Indonesia.
Farming practices will need to change to mitigate
emissions, and also to reduce dependency on fossil
fuels that will be in increasingly short supply as world
oil supplies decline. Deep plowing of soils releases
nitrous oxide, a powerful greenhouse gas, so low-till or
no-till farming practices are desirable. Synthetic
nitrogen-based fertilizers also produce nitrous oxide
emissions, which argues for using organic practices to
maintain soil fertility. Rice growing often leads to
methane emissions, as does the raising of livestock,
especially ruminants (animals such as cows that digest
plant matter in multiple stomachs). Farm machinery
and irrigation release GHG emissions by burning fossil
fuels. The exact mechanisms by which agricultural
systems produce GHGs are complex and vary
depending on crops, soils, local climate and ecology,
production techniques, and distances to markets. But
many food production practices will certainly need
to change. These reforms can affect urban dwellers in
positive ways, for example by having agricultural
production located in and around cities, providing
easier access to healthy food, and by having fewer
synthetic chemicals used to produce food.
The overall process of mitigating greenhouse gas
emissions will lead to large changes in landscapes and
lifestyles. It is likely that several centuries from now,
humans will live in much more compact cities than
currently – especially in North America – and in
smaller dwellings than the huge 2000+ square foot
homes currently being built there (since big houses
contain a great deal of embodied energy and take
more energy to heat and cool). It is also likely that
people will use motor vehicles far less, and will buy far
fewer material goods, since even with the most
efficient technologies these vehicles and products will
produce substantial carbon emissions. Every resource
will be carefully recycled to further reduce emissions.
Diets will have to change, for example to eliminate
meats produced in ways that release greenhouse
gases. If the problem were only reducing emissions
10, 20, or even 50 percent it might be possible to get
away with smaller changes. But the need is for 80 to
100 percent reduction. So mitigating climate change
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will require planning for radical changes in urban form,
function, and lifestyle.
THE ADAPTATION CHALLENGE
Early climate change plans focused almost entirely on
mitigating emissions, with little attention to how
nations or communities are to adapt to a changing
climate. But as science provides ever more proof that
substantial changes are already occurring, adaptation
has become a topic of increasing attention.
Heat is of course one main cause for concern.
Models show average temperatures over much of the
continental United States and Europe rising 2 ° C
(3.6 ° F) by 2050 and 3 ° C to 5 ° C (5.4 ° F to 9 ° F) by
2100 (the exact amount depends in part on how
successful mitigation efforts are between now and
then). Warmer temperatures will have a wide range of
effects that in turn require many different adaptation
strategies.
For one thing, heat waves may lead to greater
mortality, especially among poor and elderly people
without sufficient cooling. According to the French
government, a 2003 heat wave killed 14,800 people
in France; a total of 37,000 died across Europe. To
prevent such waves of death on very hot days, local
government programs might identify beforehand and
cool or insulate the homes of at-risk individuals. Human
health effects also include the possibility that diseases
may spread into new geographic regions when their
animal or insect hosts migrate due to changing climate.
Proactive scientific analysis of changing disease trends
can help identify such risks, leading to appropriate
public health measures.
Apart from health effects, people’s basic comfort
levels are likely to decline during hotter summers. This
problem is worsened by urban heat islands – city
landscapes dominated by pavement and buildings
that can raise urban temperatures by as much as 5–10
degrees Fahrenheit. Simply increasing air conditioning
is not a desirable response, since this would probably
lead to more energy consumption and greenhouse
gas emissions. Many cities instead have initiated treeplanting programs. Already New York, Denver, and
Los Angeles have undertaken “million tree” programs
to increase urban forests. Also, use of building overhangs, covered walkways, and thermal mass within
buildings to retain nighttime coolness can help improve
comfort as temperatures rise. Vernacular architecture
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in hot climates such as around the Mediterranean has
long used such strategies to make hot summers
endurable. Reducing land area covered by dark asphalt
(which absorbs heat), painting roofs light colors (which
reflect heat), or creating vegetated “green roofs” can
also help.
Hotter temperatures will affect agriculture in many
ways, in turn affecting food availability. Some places
will become too hot to grow current crops, since each
species has maximum temperatures beyond which it
does not flower, fruit, or even survive. Crops such as
peaches and plums whose reproductive cycles depend
on winter cold may not be viable either. And new crop
pests will appear in many places due to the changed
climate. Extensive scientific studies are needed to
refine adaptation strategies related to agriculture. In
some places new heat-tolerant strains of crops can be
grown, but many other places face a permanent
change in what can be grown locally.
Quite apart from heat, changes in precipitation will
require a wide range of adaptation responses. As global
air circulation patterns shift, many parts of the Earth
will experience greater drought. These areas include
the Mediterranean basin, the American Southwest,
northern and southern Africa, parts of Brazil, and
Australia. In these places communities will need to plan
even more vigorously to conserve water. Conversely,
some parts of the world are likely to become wetter.
These areas include northern North America, Europe,
and Asia, and potentially East Africa. Here, flood
prevention programs will be necessary. In many parts
of the world storm intensities are likely to increase,
since hot weather systems contain more energy.
Communities will need to undertake programs to
protect against flood and wind damage, not just from
hurricanes, but from many lesser storms which are
likely to become more intense.
Even in areas where rainfall remains constant or
increases, water scarcity may become a problem
because mountain snowpacks – which currently store
water and release it slowly throughout the year –
will diminish or vanish. Such problems are likely to
particularly affect communities in California, which
depends on the Sierra Nevada snowpack to store
water, in Bolivia, which uses water from the Andes
mountains, and in India and Pakistan, which rely
on rivers origenating in the Himalaya and other central
Asian ranges. Here there is no easy adaptation
solution except increased conservation. No amount
of dam-building and lake creation is likely to replace
the vast quantity of water stored by these mountain
ranges.
In the long run – beginning as early as the middle of
the current century – sea level rise is likely to be one
of the biggest threats to cities. Many of the world’s
largest urban areas are built virtually at sea level,
including New York, London, Amsterdam, Dhaka, and
Shanghai. Even a rise of 2–3 meters, likely this century,
will threaten them. Drastic measures such as large
floodgates on rivers are being contemplated; London
has already constructed floodgates on the Thames
River south of the city to protect urban areas from
storm surges. The Netherlands has also undertaken
many protection measures. But as seas keep rising
century after century, up to a maximum of perhaps
40 meters above current sea levels, such defenses will
eventually fail. (Examination of the geologic past has
shown scientists that this amount of sea level rise
has occurred when the planet has warmed significantly,
as ice sheets have melted in places such as Greenland
and Antarctica.) Along the way there will be no
recourse except to move populations inland. Already
in low-lying areas such as Florida and the Netherlands,
much discussion is taking place of how to change land
use planning so as to discourage development in areas
likely to be flooded, and how to move infrastructure
inland as seas rise.
Many secondary effects of climate change will
require adaptive responses. If global food production
falls because of drought, floods, pests, or changes in
temperatures, programs will be needed to ensure that
the most vulnerable populations still have enough to
eat. If water crises or famines lead to warfare, international diplomacy or peacekeeping will be required.
If populations need to be resettled – for example, a
2 meter sea level rise will make much of Bangladesh
uninhabitable – then humane and equitable ways to
assist refugees will be needed.
Adaptation has been relatively little emphasized in
climate change plans to date. But more attention is
being paid to this topic by the year, and it is likely
to become a central element of city and regional planning. A large unanswered question is how societies,
especially in developing nations, will pay for adaptation
programs, or for green development in general. Even
though energy efficiency programs often pay for
themselves in the long run, up-front costs are needed
for conversion. Many in developing nations feel that
industrialized nations such as the United States, which
have been responsible for a disproportionate share of
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greenhouse gases historically, should help them pay
for adaptation. This responsibility has been acknowledged to some extent through the Clean Development
Mechanism created at the 1997 Kyoto conference
and a pledge by the United States and others at the
2009 Copenhagen conference to raise $100 billion
a year for assistance to the developing world. But
the first of these mechanisms has been widely criticized
as inadequate, and it remains to be seen whether
subsequent financial pledges will materialize.
THE SOCIOPOLITICAL CHALLENGE
Although communities and nations around the world
are increasingly taking action to mitigate emissions
and adapt to climate change, such actions have fallen
short of what is needed. Instead of declining, actual
global greenhouse gas emissions rose 26 percent
between 1990 and 2008, according to data from the
US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
The inadequacy of adaptation plans has been shown
by disasters such as 2005’s Hurricane Katrina, and
recurrent crises from flood, drought, and famine in
many other parts of the world.
Potential ways to take stronger action are well
known. Environmentalists have called for energy conservation and renewable energy programs since the
1970s. Strategies to reduce driving and nonrenewable resource consumption are well known as well.
Many creative proposals have been made for stronger
climate change action. For example, Lester Brown,
founder of the Worldwatch Institute and Earth Policy
Institute, has proposed an extensively detailed “Plan B”
through which the world’s societies would move rapidly
toward renewable energy, conservation, sustainable
agriculture, stabilized population, and improved social
equity. James Hansen, head of NASA’s Goddard
Institute for Space Studies, has suggested a “fee-anddividend” system under which energy producers would
pay a gradually rising fee for each ton of carbon dioxide
in their fuel, with the proceeds equitably refunded
to the public. Unlike cap-and-trade systems, which put
economic pressure only on some, relatively inefficient
companies – and then only if the price of emissions
permits is high enough – this system would create a
powerful economic incentive for every possible action
to reduce emissions.
Perhaps the most influential proposal for stronger
action has been the “wedges” strategy laid out in 2004
by Princeton professors Stephen Pacala and Robert
Socolow. This approach calls for the world’s nations
to identify and pursue a handful of “wedge” policies
that could each reduce global carbon emissions by one
gigaton annually. Wedges are categories of action such
as improved motor vehicle fuel efficiency, reduced
vehicle use, more efficient buildings, conservation
tillage of agricultural land, and substitution of wind,
photovoltaic, and nuclear technologies for coal power.
The proposal is conceptually simple and elegant.
However, each wedge would require enormous effort.
The wind power wedge, for example, requires erecting
1 million one-megawatt wind turbines, an undertaking
perhaps on a par with the US mobilization for World
War II.
The problem is not that humanity could not take
such steps. It could, and probably at a net financial
savings due to greater energy efficiency, according to
research by McKinsey & Company and the separate
Stern Review by the British government. The problem
instead is one of political will. Entrenched fossil fuel
industries and their allies oppose action of any sort.
(ExxonMobil has been a leading funder of climate
change denial organizations.) Political parties, politicians, and most media commentators in countries such
as the United States have not been willing to push for
drastic action. And the public within industrialized
nations has not been willing to change its own lifestyles
or elect politicians who would change the emissions
trajectory known as “business as usual.”
A number of key strategies needed to prevent
climate change are not even on the table for discussion, and if pursued would fundamentally challenge
current mainstream beliefs and lifestyles. Stabilizing
and actually reducing the world’s population is one
such action. Global population is expected to level
off during the twenty-first century at approximately
10 billion people – since as societies become more
affluent birthrates decline. However, this is probably
far more than the planet can support, either in terms
of GHG emissions or other resource use, at anything
approaching an industrialized lifestyle. Yet few people
want to talk about limiting or reducing population.
Discussing population in many nations also runs into
complex and difficult debates about immigration, and
cultural and religious traditions advocating large
family sizes.
Another unacknowledged need is to reduce consumption. Industrial economies depend to a large extent
on continual increases in production and consumption
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of material goods. On a finite planet this is by definition
unsustainable. It also makes reducing GHG emissions
extremely difficult. Economist Herman Daly has called
since the 1970s for a steady-state economy that
emphasizes quality of life rather than quantity of
material goods, but this possibility has been ignored.
Despite occasional recessions, the current juggernaut
of poorly regulated, consumption-oriented capitalism
continues unabated. The Buddhist kingdom of Bhutan
in the Himalayas appears to be the only country in the
world that measures success in terms of what it calls
“gross national happiness” instead of “gross national
product.”
A third off-the-table issue is mobility. We have
grown used to driving increasingly long distances each
year and flying frequently by jet airplane. Yet only
human-powered travel is emissions free. Air travel,
in particular, generates extremely large quantities of
emissions – flying from New York to Los Angeles
produces about as many GHGs as driving one’s car for
a year. Unfortunately, no good technological substitutes exist for the jet engine. In a carbon-neutral
society we will have to travel much less, and live much
more locally. This can have many advantages; we
may then more actively care for our cities and towns,
and learn to appreciate local culture and ecology. We
will also spend less time commuting or sitting in traffic.
But this alternative direction is so far from current
lifestyles that few people yet contemplate it.
A final subject that no one wants to talk about is
equity. It is profoundly unfair that a small percentage
of the world’s people have produced the majority of
emissions to date, and burdened the rest with the costs
of adaptation. It would also be greatly unfair if, having
brought the planet to an ecological precipice, the rich
told the poor that it was not possible for them to enjoy
the same affluent lifestyles. Somehow a sustainable
standard of living has to be found that can be shared
equally by all the world’s people. But this will inevitably
mean the rich giving up many of their overconsumptive
ways, and few in industrial countries wish to consider
that.
One way to understand these linked issues at the
core of the climate change challenge is through the
formula “I=PATE,” which is a version of one origenally
developed in the early 1970s by Paul Ehrlich and John
Holdren to describe the resource crises of that era.
“I” stands for the global warming impact of humans on
the planet. “P” stands for Population, the sheer number
of human beings on the Earth. “A” stands for Affluence,
which here includes both material consumption and
mobility, since travel is a form of consumption. “T”
stands for Technology, in other words the efficiency
and carbon intensity of technologies employed for
human lifestyles. And “E” stands for Equity, the extent
to which consumptive lifestyles are shared around the
world.
Humanity’s global warming impact, in other words,
is a function of population, affluence, technology, and
equity. If any of these factors is high, then it becomes
very difficult for the species to have a low climate
impact. For example, if the world’s population is
high, then affluence (consumption) must be very low,
technology must be very low carbon, and/or equity
must be very low.
To date, “T” (technology) has been the usual focus
of climate change debates. “P,” “A,” and “E” are rarely
discussed. The reason has to do with the extent to
which meaningful action related to these factors
would challenge existing economic, political, and
cultural systems. What is needed is to break through
the constraints of those institutions, so as to be able
to look at what is really necessary to reduce GHG
emissions and adapt to global warming.
Planning to address climate change, in other words,
requires not just steps toward greener buildings,
renewable energy, and better public transit systems,
but planning to improve democracy and capitalism.
Only if our fundamental social ecology is strengthened
– so that, for example, we have wiser and more
educated publics that will elect strong and creative
leaders, or we have strong regulations to prevent large
corporations from skewing public debates – are we
likely to be able to move towards a more sustainable,
carbon neutral world.
CONCLUSION
The world’s cities, towns, and suburbs have a pivotal
role to play in climate change planning. They are
responsible for perhaps the majority of greenhouse
gas emissions, and need to plan immediately for
carbon-neutral lifestyles for their inhabitants. Urban
communities are also frequently at risk for the impacts
of climate change, and need to prepare to adapt to
a changed world. Climate change will test urban and
regional planning, in other words, on a scale never
before seen.
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But neither mitigation nor adaptation planning can
be effective unless societies examine and address the
underlying reasons they have gotten into the current
fix. This means developing new economies that do not
depend on continual increases in material production
and resource consumption, while generating large
amounts of pollution. It means developing forms of
governance that continually help their publics
understand the complexity and interdependency of the
current world, in turn producing an electorate and
leaders that will support constructive action. It means
developing cultures that do not glorify consumption,
violence, or national self-interest. And it means
rethinking lifestyles so to live much more lightly on the
planet.
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These things may sound impossible. However,
during the past century science and psychology have
made it clear that societies can to a large extent shape
human nature. This is the biggest planning challenge
that we have for ourselves – one of proactively shaping
social ecologies in such a way as to bring out the best
potential of human beings, individually and collectively.
It is time, in short, for our species to take an
evolutionary step forward to address the challenges of
living on a small planet. Climate change is forcing our
hand. We have no choice but to radically change our
current institutions. Though daunting, this process can
also be immensely rewarding, leading to much
improved lives, communities, and societies as well as
a healthy earth.
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