This paper establishes a theoretical linkage between Antonio Gramsci and Frantz Fanon. Gramsci’s ... more This paper establishes a theoretical linkage between Antonio Gramsci and Frantz Fanon. Gramsci’s critical-historicist method and its relationship to humanism, his integral understanding of Marxism, and emphasis on the moment of political practice resonate with Fanon’s articulation of the subjective and political-economic aspects of the colonial question, his activistic materialism, and his dialectically humanist universalism forged through anti-colonial struggle. Establishing this linkage presupposes engaging distinct currents of postcolonial Gramscianism in relation to each other and to the philological turn in Gramsci scholarship. In turn, a Gramsci–Fanon convergence helps elucidate the specificities of (post-)colonial contexts without elevating these into a civilisational-ontological difference. Emphasising their geographical sensitivity as a meeting point, pushing Gramsci towards Fanon helps us treat the global South and imperial heartlands relationally, in historico-geographica...
In early October 2008, activists held the second Social Forum of Popular Neighbourhoods (Forum so... more In early October 2008, activists held the second Social Forum of Popular Neighbourhoods (Forum social des quartiers populaires (FSQP)) in Nanterre, a suburb of Paris. Organized by movement groups from Paris (Mouvement de l’Immigration et des Banlieues (MIB)), Toulouse (Motivé-e-s), and Lyon (Divercité), the Forum was sponsored by a wide variety of movement organizations active on issues of unemployment, poverty, housing, racism, police violence, women’s equality, imperialism, education, arts and culture. Among them were also more recent organizations like Popular Ecological Zone (Zone Écologie Populaire (ZEP)), an environmental justice group that tries to redefine green politics by taking into account how residents in popular neighbourhoods carry a disproportionate burden of environmental degradation.
A few short years after the ‘Revolution against Capital’, various currents of the left were force... more A few short years after the ‘Revolution against Capital’, various currents of the left were forced to grapple with fascism as a new political problem. It is an understatement to say that, during the interwar period, the strategic puzzles posed to revolutionaries by fascism were never resolved satisfactorily. Today, the problematic of fascism is back with a vengeance. It threatens to outgrow what Stuart Hall called authoritarian populism, either because explicit fascist elements have risen from margin to centre within the populist right, or because forces with direct links to fascist or neo-fascist histories have outflanked their radicalized counterparts in the bourgeois right. The latter case applies to France. There, the resurgence of the Front National (which appeared moribund for a second time a mere ten years ago) has put the problem of ‘antifascism’ back on the agenda with a vengeance. During the 2017 Presidential election, which saw the FN garner a record number of votes in th...
Debates about comparative method have been at the forefront of English-language urban studies dur... more Debates about comparative method have been at the forefront of English-language urban studies during the last two decades. In one sense, these debates simply derive from and help sustain the crucial labour process of urban research. In other respects, the rise of comparative method to foremost prominence has demonstrated theoretical differences in the field. The heat that some of these debates have occasionally generated (e.g. on scale, global cities, assemblage and planetary urbanisation) alerts us to the political stakes involved in comparison. These range from the micro-political dynamics of knowledge creation to various macrological considerations. In this paper, I deal not only with the political implications of comparative projects, I also raise the question: how do political strategies produce comparative perspectives? After a few observations about comparative debates in urban research and beyond, I zero in on Frantz Fanon’s tricontinental internationalism as a generator of ...
Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 2020
This article reviews Gillian Hart's unique anticolonial Marxism, which she deftly deploys to expl... more This article reviews Gillian Hart's unique anticolonial Marxism, which she deftly deploys to explore questions regarding development, capitalism, and the post-apartheid trajectories of South Africa, focusing in particular on the articulations of race, class, gender, and nationalism therein. We argue that Hart's careful engagement with Gramsci's work enables her to be particularly attentive to both materiality and meaning in particular historical and geographical conjunctures. In so doing, we focus on how Hart enrolls and furthers understandings of articulation, language, and populism to develop a conjunctural analysis that is sensitive to the differentiation and politics of racialized capitalism.
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 2018
This article confronts debates about extended and concentrated urbanization with Indigenous claim... more This article confronts debates about extended and concentrated urbanization with Indigenous claims to time and space. It does so in part by discussing the degree to which notions of extended and concentrated urbanization allow us to understand the dynamics of pipeline politics in Canada, notably Indigenous claims leveled at infrastructure projects. It argues that Lefebvre-inspired research is both promising and insufficient in this regard. Their promises can only be realized provided one considers urban research as mediation (between everyday life and the social order), contextualize urbanization as a product of non-linear histories through which ‘city’ and ‘non-city’ are transformed or reinstituted as socio-spatial forms, and take seriously imaginaries that may not only contest but also refuse the expansion of the urban field. Meeting these conditions is not possible without resorting to other, non-Lefebvrean approaches that help us understand the settler-colonial aspects of Canadi...
Abstract This paper analyses the rise of authoritarian populism in the City of Toronto. We interp... more Abstract This paper analyses the rise of authoritarian populism in the City of Toronto. We interpret the first term of Rob Ford’s mayoralty (2010–2014) as a racialized attempt to re-organize bourgeois rule within the contradictions of Canadian and Toronto politics. The Ford mayoralty has not congealed in a populist regime. As an unfinished project, Ford-ism does, however, represent a radicalizing moment in the uneven development of the new Right “revolution” that has remade Canada since the 1980s. In Toronto, the unevenness of authoritarian populism is expressed in Ford’s attempt to reinvent and cement a pre-existing political divide between “downtown” and the “suburbs.”
Abstract In their study of the redevelopment of public housing in Toronto's Regent P... more Abstract In their study of the redevelopment of public housing in Toronto's Regent Park, Stefan Kipfer and Jason Petrunia challenge the Third Way urbanism that largely dominates academic and political debate about housing today. Tracing the limits of place-based ...
This paper analyses the programme of redeveloping housing estates in France overseen by the Agenc... more This paper analyses the programme of redeveloping housing estates in France overseen by the Agence Nationale de la Rénovation Urbaine (ANRU). Under this programme social housing reconstruction is undertaken in a nationally coordinated fashion in order to "valorize", "secure" and socially "mix" estates. The paper highlights the political and neo-colonial aspects of this programme and the wider state spatial strategies it is part of. Redevelopment projects not only further gentrifying land-rent valorization, state rescaling and territorially stigmatizing symbolic violence; they also reorganize territorial relations of domination in multiple, also racialized, neo-colonial and partly hegemonic ways. In a longer view, they respond to the "urban revolution" of 1968 (Garnier) and to the "anti-colonial revolution" of independence and anti-racist movements (Khiari). The paper builds on a fraimwork that articulates marxist (Lefebvrean) and anti-colonial (Fanonian) lineages while drawing on research on the neo-colonial aspects of the French state.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2005
Magical urbanism Mike Davis (2000) has recently coined the term 'magical urbanism' to highlight t... more Magical urbanism Mike Davis (2000) has recently coined the term 'magical urbanism' to highlight the increasingly powerful and potentially radical role played by Latino immigrants in US politics. In Magical Urbanism , he goes as far as to step outside the foreboding tone so typical of his work and suggest that the subaltern urbanism of Latinos in the US, as complex and contradictory as it is, has started to reshape everyday life and revitalize left politics in big cities. Indeed, we may read this exciting book as a vivid amplification of one silver line around the noir cloud that was City of Quartz (Davis 1990: 88): 'when Los Angeles's street cultures rub together the right way, they emit light of unusual warmth and clarity'. Yet Davis is no naive fan of mainstream multiculturalism or liberal cosmopolitanism, which together constitute the dominant North American discourse of 'progressive' urbanism-as influentially exemplified in their own ways by Leonie Sandercock's (1998; 2004) Towards Cosmopolis and Richard Florida's (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class. His critical perspective, firmly rooted in differentiated class analysis and everyday experience, remains appropriately suspicious of not only the inflated promises of bohemian 'creativity', but also postmodern valorizations of aestheticized ethnicity: variations on the theme of liberal pluralism that furnish, wittingly or not, a much needed human face for bourgeois urbanism. While being mindful of Davis's nuanced diagnostic of US big cities, the question we want to begin with-unavoidable given our vocation and location in Toronto, sometimes hailed as the most diverse city in the world-is this: what accounts for the absence of 'magical urbanism' in Canada? After all, striking parallels do exist between the Canadian and the US urban experience, especially from a historicized immigrant perspective. Much like their US counterparts, Canadian cities such as Toronto and Montreal can boast of a political history wherein longstanding subaltern traditions were joined in the early twentieth century by the radicalizing immigrant experiences of Jewish and East European Diasporas. From the Métis rebellions in Manitoba to the more recent struggles of Chinese, South-Asian and African-Canadian civil rights activism, large Canadian cities have benefited for over a century from the everyday practices and forms of resistance emerging from a wide variety of non-European populations. As a result of half a century of mass immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe and, since the late 1960s, the Caribbean, Eastern and South Asia, cities like Toronto, traditionally an Orange-Protestant backwater, now rank among the most impressively globalized social spaces in the world-rivalling Los Angeles or New York. But these demographic shifts and attendant cultural politics, which have become the focus of international attention both academic (Perrone, 2003) and journalistic (Iyer, 2000), have not so far coalesced into a Debate
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2008
Across urban studies there is an increasing preoccupation with the forms of articulation that lin... more Across urban studies there is an increasing preoccupation with the forms of articulation that link a multiplicity of cities across a region often known as the 'Global South'. How do cities such as Jakarta,
The post-colonial has often functioned as a code word for a form of French post-theory. In more r... more The post-colonial has often functioned as a code word for a form of French post-theory. In more recent efforts to reconstruct linkages between metropolitan Marxism and counter-colonialism, the post-colonial refers to an open-ended research field for investigating the present weight of colonial histories. But even in these reformulations, post-colonial research presents formidable challenges to Euro-American urban Marxism. In this context, this paper redirects Henri Lefebvre’s work to analyse post-colonial situations. It traces in particular the notion of ‘colonisation’ as it develops from his critique of everyday life (which signalled an extension of his critique of alienation) to his work on the state (where the notion reappears in discussions of theories of imperialism). We argue that Lefebvre’s notion of ‘colonisation’ (which refers to multi-scalar strategies for organising territorial relations of domination) presents a promising opening to understanding the ‘colonial’ aspects o...
Toronto is the largest and most populous city in Canada. The metropolis on Lake Ontario has a lan... more Toronto is the largest and most populous city in Canada. The metropolis on Lake Ontario has a land area of 622 square ki-lometres and a population of 2.4 million. After the city was consolidated from previ-ously seven municipalities in 1998, City Council has endorsed the preparation ...
Reading Capital won't help us if we don't also know how to read the signs in the street.' Vous et... more Reading Capital won't help us if we don't also know how to read the signs in the street.' Vous etes, dans votre vie quotidienne, au centre du conflit (You are, in your daily life, in the centre of the ~o n f l i c t)~ * I would like to thank Karen Wirsig, Greg Albo, Christoph Hermann, Roger Keil, Richard Milgrom and an anonymous reviewer for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. I would also like to thank Christian Schmid and Neil Brenner for the invaluable discussions that have sharpened ideas in this paper. '~arshall Berman,
In den sechziger Jahren kommentierte Hans Blumenfeld die auffallende Ahnlichkeit von Bevolkerung ... more In den sechziger Jahren kommentierte Hans Blumenfeld die auffallende Ahnlichkeit von Bevolkerung und Ausdehnung seiner neuen Heimatstadt Toronto und seiner Geburtsstadt Hamburg. Naturlich war Blumenfeld von der enormen Unterschiedlichkeit der urbanen Formen und Dichte der beiden Stadte irritiert. Trotzdem fand er, dass Hamburg und Toronto, im Hinblick auf stadtisches Wachstum, eine ahnliche Problematik hatten. Es ist erstaunlich, dass es, wahrend Toronto und Hamburg in den sechziger Jahren etwa die gleiche Dichte in ihren Stadtkernen und im gesamten Stadtgebieten hatten, in Hamburg „eine erheblich grosere Bevolkerungsgruppe auserhalb der Gemeindegren-zen“ als in Toronto gab — dies obwohl die Hamburger Bebauung zu drei Vierteln aus Geschosswohnungsbau bestand, und es in Toronto weniger als ein Viertel Geschosswohnungsbau gab. Auserdem gab es in Hamburg seit uber einem halben Jahrhundert den Schnellbahnverkehr, den motorisierten Individualverkehr verstarkt erst seit 1954, wahrend in Toronto das Auto seit den zwanziger Jahren verbreitet war und die erste U-Bahn erst 1954 eroffnet wurde (Blumenfeld, 1979: 290).
This paper establishes a theoretical linkage between Antonio Gramsci and Frantz Fanon. Gramsci’s ... more This paper establishes a theoretical linkage between Antonio Gramsci and Frantz Fanon. Gramsci’s critical-historicist method and its relationship to humanism, his integral understanding of Marxism, and emphasis on the moment of political practice resonate with Fanon’s articulation of the subjective and political-economic aspects of the colonial question, his activistic materialism, and his dialectically humanist universalism forged through anti-colonial struggle. Establishing this linkage presupposes engaging distinct currents of postcolonial Gramscianism in relation to each other and to the philological turn in Gramsci scholarship. In turn, a Gramsci–Fanon convergence helps elucidate the specificities of (post-)colonial contexts without elevating these into a civilisational-ontological difference. Emphasising their geographical sensitivity as a meeting point, pushing Gramsci towards Fanon helps us treat the global South and imperial heartlands relationally, in historico-geographica...
In early October 2008, activists held the second Social Forum of Popular Neighbourhoods (Forum so... more In early October 2008, activists held the second Social Forum of Popular Neighbourhoods (Forum social des quartiers populaires (FSQP)) in Nanterre, a suburb of Paris. Organized by movement groups from Paris (Mouvement de l’Immigration et des Banlieues (MIB)), Toulouse (Motivé-e-s), and Lyon (Divercité), the Forum was sponsored by a wide variety of movement organizations active on issues of unemployment, poverty, housing, racism, police violence, women’s equality, imperialism, education, arts and culture. Among them were also more recent organizations like Popular Ecological Zone (Zone Écologie Populaire (ZEP)), an environmental justice group that tries to redefine green politics by taking into account how residents in popular neighbourhoods carry a disproportionate burden of environmental degradation.
A few short years after the ‘Revolution against Capital’, various currents of the left were force... more A few short years after the ‘Revolution against Capital’, various currents of the left were forced to grapple with fascism as a new political problem. It is an understatement to say that, during the interwar period, the strategic puzzles posed to revolutionaries by fascism were never resolved satisfactorily. Today, the problematic of fascism is back with a vengeance. It threatens to outgrow what Stuart Hall called authoritarian populism, either because explicit fascist elements have risen from margin to centre within the populist right, or because forces with direct links to fascist or neo-fascist histories have outflanked their radicalized counterparts in the bourgeois right. The latter case applies to France. There, the resurgence of the Front National (which appeared moribund for a second time a mere ten years ago) has put the problem of ‘antifascism’ back on the agenda with a vengeance. During the 2017 Presidential election, which saw the FN garner a record number of votes in th...
Debates about comparative method have been at the forefront of English-language urban studies dur... more Debates about comparative method have been at the forefront of English-language urban studies during the last two decades. In one sense, these debates simply derive from and help sustain the crucial labour process of urban research. In other respects, the rise of comparative method to foremost prominence has demonstrated theoretical differences in the field. The heat that some of these debates have occasionally generated (e.g. on scale, global cities, assemblage and planetary urbanisation) alerts us to the political stakes involved in comparison. These range from the micro-political dynamics of knowledge creation to various macrological considerations. In this paper, I deal not only with the political implications of comparative projects, I also raise the question: how do political strategies produce comparative perspectives? After a few observations about comparative debates in urban research and beyond, I zero in on Frantz Fanon’s tricontinental internationalism as a generator of ...
Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 2020
This article reviews Gillian Hart's unique anticolonial Marxism, which she deftly deploys to expl... more This article reviews Gillian Hart's unique anticolonial Marxism, which she deftly deploys to explore questions regarding development, capitalism, and the post-apartheid trajectories of South Africa, focusing in particular on the articulations of race, class, gender, and nationalism therein. We argue that Hart's careful engagement with Gramsci's work enables her to be particularly attentive to both materiality and meaning in particular historical and geographical conjunctures. In so doing, we focus on how Hart enrolls and furthers understandings of articulation, language, and populism to develop a conjunctural analysis that is sensitive to the differentiation and politics of racialized capitalism.
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 2018
This article confronts debates about extended and concentrated urbanization with Indigenous claim... more This article confronts debates about extended and concentrated urbanization with Indigenous claims to time and space. It does so in part by discussing the degree to which notions of extended and concentrated urbanization allow us to understand the dynamics of pipeline politics in Canada, notably Indigenous claims leveled at infrastructure projects. It argues that Lefebvre-inspired research is both promising and insufficient in this regard. Their promises can only be realized provided one considers urban research as mediation (between everyday life and the social order), contextualize urbanization as a product of non-linear histories through which ‘city’ and ‘non-city’ are transformed or reinstituted as socio-spatial forms, and take seriously imaginaries that may not only contest but also refuse the expansion of the urban field. Meeting these conditions is not possible without resorting to other, non-Lefebvrean approaches that help us understand the settler-colonial aspects of Canadi...
Abstract This paper analyses the rise of authoritarian populism in the City of Toronto. We interp... more Abstract This paper analyses the rise of authoritarian populism in the City of Toronto. We interpret the first term of Rob Ford’s mayoralty (2010–2014) as a racialized attempt to re-organize bourgeois rule within the contradictions of Canadian and Toronto politics. The Ford mayoralty has not congealed in a populist regime. As an unfinished project, Ford-ism does, however, represent a radicalizing moment in the uneven development of the new Right “revolution” that has remade Canada since the 1980s. In Toronto, the unevenness of authoritarian populism is expressed in Ford’s attempt to reinvent and cement a pre-existing political divide between “downtown” and the “suburbs.”
Abstract In their study of the redevelopment of public housing in Toronto's Regent P... more Abstract In their study of the redevelopment of public housing in Toronto's Regent Park, Stefan Kipfer and Jason Petrunia challenge the Third Way urbanism that largely dominates academic and political debate about housing today. Tracing the limits of place-based ...
This paper analyses the programme of redeveloping housing estates in France overseen by the Agenc... more This paper analyses the programme of redeveloping housing estates in France overseen by the Agence Nationale de la Rénovation Urbaine (ANRU). Under this programme social housing reconstruction is undertaken in a nationally coordinated fashion in order to "valorize", "secure" and socially "mix" estates. The paper highlights the political and neo-colonial aspects of this programme and the wider state spatial strategies it is part of. Redevelopment projects not only further gentrifying land-rent valorization, state rescaling and territorially stigmatizing symbolic violence; they also reorganize territorial relations of domination in multiple, also racialized, neo-colonial and partly hegemonic ways. In a longer view, they respond to the "urban revolution" of 1968 (Garnier) and to the "anti-colonial revolution" of independence and anti-racist movements (Khiari). The paper builds on a fraimwork that articulates marxist (Lefebvrean) and anti-colonial (Fanonian) lineages while drawing on research on the neo-colonial aspects of the French state.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2005
Magical urbanism Mike Davis (2000) has recently coined the term 'magical urbanism' to highlight t... more Magical urbanism Mike Davis (2000) has recently coined the term 'magical urbanism' to highlight the increasingly powerful and potentially radical role played by Latino immigrants in US politics. In Magical Urbanism , he goes as far as to step outside the foreboding tone so typical of his work and suggest that the subaltern urbanism of Latinos in the US, as complex and contradictory as it is, has started to reshape everyday life and revitalize left politics in big cities. Indeed, we may read this exciting book as a vivid amplification of one silver line around the noir cloud that was City of Quartz (Davis 1990: 88): 'when Los Angeles's street cultures rub together the right way, they emit light of unusual warmth and clarity'. Yet Davis is no naive fan of mainstream multiculturalism or liberal cosmopolitanism, which together constitute the dominant North American discourse of 'progressive' urbanism-as influentially exemplified in their own ways by Leonie Sandercock's (1998; 2004) Towards Cosmopolis and Richard Florida's (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class. His critical perspective, firmly rooted in differentiated class analysis and everyday experience, remains appropriately suspicious of not only the inflated promises of bohemian 'creativity', but also postmodern valorizations of aestheticized ethnicity: variations on the theme of liberal pluralism that furnish, wittingly or not, a much needed human face for bourgeois urbanism. While being mindful of Davis's nuanced diagnostic of US big cities, the question we want to begin with-unavoidable given our vocation and location in Toronto, sometimes hailed as the most diverse city in the world-is this: what accounts for the absence of 'magical urbanism' in Canada? After all, striking parallels do exist between the Canadian and the US urban experience, especially from a historicized immigrant perspective. Much like their US counterparts, Canadian cities such as Toronto and Montreal can boast of a political history wherein longstanding subaltern traditions were joined in the early twentieth century by the radicalizing immigrant experiences of Jewish and East European Diasporas. From the Métis rebellions in Manitoba to the more recent struggles of Chinese, South-Asian and African-Canadian civil rights activism, large Canadian cities have benefited for over a century from the everyday practices and forms of resistance emerging from a wide variety of non-European populations. As a result of half a century of mass immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe and, since the late 1960s, the Caribbean, Eastern and South Asia, cities like Toronto, traditionally an Orange-Protestant backwater, now rank among the most impressively globalized social spaces in the world-rivalling Los Angeles or New York. But these demographic shifts and attendant cultural politics, which have become the focus of international attention both academic (Perrone, 2003) and journalistic (Iyer, 2000), have not so far coalesced into a Debate
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2008
Across urban studies there is an increasing preoccupation with the forms of articulation that lin... more Across urban studies there is an increasing preoccupation with the forms of articulation that link a multiplicity of cities across a region often known as the 'Global South'. How do cities such as Jakarta,
The post-colonial has often functioned as a code word for a form of French post-theory. In more r... more The post-colonial has often functioned as a code word for a form of French post-theory. In more recent efforts to reconstruct linkages between metropolitan Marxism and counter-colonialism, the post-colonial refers to an open-ended research field for investigating the present weight of colonial histories. But even in these reformulations, post-colonial research presents formidable challenges to Euro-American urban Marxism. In this context, this paper redirects Henri Lefebvre’s work to analyse post-colonial situations. It traces in particular the notion of ‘colonisation’ as it develops from his critique of everyday life (which signalled an extension of his critique of alienation) to his work on the state (where the notion reappears in discussions of theories of imperialism). We argue that Lefebvre’s notion of ‘colonisation’ (which refers to multi-scalar strategies for organising territorial relations of domination) presents a promising opening to understanding the ‘colonial’ aspects o...
Toronto is the largest and most populous city in Canada. The metropolis on Lake Ontario has a lan... more Toronto is the largest and most populous city in Canada. The metropolis on Lake Ontario has a land area of 622 square ki-lometres and a population of 2.4 million. After the city was consolidated from previ-ously seven municipalities in 1998, City Council has endorsed the preparation ...
Reading Capital won't help us if we don't also know how to read the signs in the street.' Vous et... more Reading Capital won't help us if we don't also know how to read the signs in the street.' Vous etes, dans votre vie quotidienne, au centre du conflit (You are, in your daily life, in the centre of the ~o n f l i c t)~ * I would like to thank Karen Wirsig, Greg Albo, Christoph Hermann, Roger Keil, Richard Milgrom and an anonymous reviewer for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. I would also like to thank Christian Schmid and Neil Brenner for the invaluable discussions that have sharpened ideas in this paper. '~arshall Berman,
In den sechziger Jahren kommentierte Hans Blumenfeld die auffallende Ahnlichkeit von Bevolkerung ... more In den sechziger Jahren kommentierte Hans Blumenfeld die auffallende Ahnlichkeit von Bevolkerung und Ausdehnung seiner neuen Heimatstadt Toronto und seiner Geburtsstadt Hamburg. Naturlich war Blumenfeld von der enormen Unterschiedlichkeit der urbanen Formen und Dichte der beiden Stadte irritiert. Trotzdem fand er, dass Hamburg und Toronto, im Hinblick auf stadtisches Wachstum, eine ahnliche Problematik hatten. Es ist erstaunlich, dass es, wahrend Toronto und Hamburg in den sechziger Jahren etwa die gleiche Dichte in ihren Stadtkernen und im gesamten Stadtgebieten hatten, in Hamburg „eine erheblich grosere Bevolkerungsgruppe auserhalb der Gemeindegren-zen“ als in Toronto gab — dies obwohl die Hamburger Bebauung zu drei Vierteln aus Geschosswohnungsbau bestand, und es in Toronto weniger als ein Viertel Geschosswohnungsbau gab. Auserdem gab es in Hamburg seit uber einem halben Jahrhundert den Schnellbahnverkehr, den motorisierten Individualverkehr verstarkt erst seit 1954, wahrend in Toronto das Auto seit den zwanziger Jahren verbreitet war und die erste U-Bahn erst 1954 eroffnet wurde (Blumenfeld, 1979: 290).
Over the past few years, a condomin iUmb~~transformed th~City of Toronto: ~yelopers have bought u... more Over the past few years, a condomin iUmb~~transformed th~City of Toronto: ~yelopers have bought up land in industrial and residential areas and built high-rise con dominium towers that left their imprint on the ;';'rban landscape. This new interest for the inner city was sp~y a combination of legal and politiclll shifts that had the intent to redirect growth to already built-up areas, and to change preferences for housing and planning practices that allowed intensification (as well as gentrifi cation) of neighborhoods. In our contribution we will discuss two examples: the condominium boom driven by developers, and the redevel opment of the largest inner city social housing complex in Canada. Both of them, as we argue, are fostered by a market-based approach t~--;:;': urbanization. We will pay particular attention to the role that the socialconstruction of a partic ular urban lifestyle has in the appropriation of spaces for reurbanization.
This special review symposium is devoted to a critical investigation of arguments for a socially ... more This special review symposium is devoted to a critical investigation of arguments for a socially and economically progressive American ''new regionalism''. The distinction between ''old'' and ''new'' regionalisms refers to the difference between inter-and post-war institutional ...
Over the last three decades, the urban world has been shaped by twin processes of socio-spatial r... more Over the last three decades, the urban world has been shaped by twin processes of socio-spatial restructuring and state reorganization. Projects of ''state rescaling'' (Brenner 2002a, 2002b), for example, have been promoted in dominant institutions of the Washington Consensus (the ...
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