Papers by Susana Narotzky
Revista andaluza de antropología, 2011
Routledge eBooks, Jun 24, 2020

Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, 2019
Different kinds of evidence are put forward to make an argument and justify political action by a... more Different kinds of evidence are put forward to make an argument and justify political action by agents situated in diverse social, cultural, and power positions. The Catalan political conflict is a case in point. The central Spanish government's arguments are mostly of a juridical nature and rest on the anti-constitutionality of the Catalan government and other civil society organizations' actions. Instead, most arguments of Catalan supporters of independence are based on historical interpretations of grievances referring to national institutions and identity. Supporters of independence, under the politically inspired actions of major civil society associations, have mobilized hundreds of thousands of Catalans in massive demonstrations and have used media in a very efficient manner. The judicial responses to the secessionist process have used legality (police, prison) to allow repression, while the repeated anti-constitutional actions of the Catalan government have been justified as legitimated by popular support and by a historical accumulation of grievances. At the same time, repeated elections show that Catalan citizens are divided and have very different positions regarding their support for independence. This differentiation can be mapped according to social and economic criteria and almost literally projected in spatial coordinates. This other group of Catalans tried to mobilize to publicly show their disagreement over the secessionist project. Yet their arguments appear as reactive rather than based on any alternative evidence.
University of California Press eBooks, Jul 25, 2006
Routledge eBooks, Apr 19, 2022

Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022
In an inspiring critique of 'flexibility ', Anna Pollert (1991) pointed both to the ideological a... more In an inspiring critique of 'flexibility ', Anna Pollert (1991) pointed both to the ideological aspect of the concept of flexibility as it was voiced by proponents of industrial restructuring in the 1980s and early 1990s, and to its force as a reality performing the transformation of relations in the labour market and in the labour process. She also underlined how the argument of change that dominated the flexibility debate often presented the saliency of new flexible organizational, work and labour-market arrangements against the background of a particularly simplistic characterization of the past (that is, Fordism), where these types of relations were deemed to be absent. In this chapter I want to engage with this critique by trying to address 'flexible capitalism' not as something 'new' but as a persistent aspect of capitalism that acquires different expressions depending on history and place. Moreover, I will try to show how concepts that become part of a particular structure of the social reproduction of capitalism, and give form to a dominant moral economy at a particular moment and place, have to be articulated to the material transformations of relationships of exploitation and domination that structure the political economy of that time and place (see also Neveling, this volume). From this perspective, the alienable aspect of labour power in capitalism is always dependent on its inalienable ties to a social environment that constitutes its specificity (Narotzky 2009; see also Garsten, Knox, this volume).

This book results from the collaboration of an interdisciplinary team bringing together specialis... more This book results from the collaboration of an interdisciplinary team bringing together specialists in anthropology, geography, sociology, economics, political science, mathematics and engineering around the theme of ‘Models and their Effects on Development Paths’. Based on empirical research conducted on the heavy industries, Industry and Work in Contemporary Capitalism addresses how models that inform the organization of work and production and are created by powerful actors may diverge from, overlap with, or contradict the models articulated by less powerful actors on the ground, and how they are connected across material and cultural spaces. Careful observation of industrial work and production as they unfold in and across specific localities and affects people’s livelihoods is complemented by analysis of how models circulate, through which channels of power, which institutional entities, which political connections. This volume explores an extensive theoretical terrain and a number of empirical cases that show, from different perspectives, how ideas about the economy, about work and industry, materialize in specific practices and interventions that affect people’s livelihoods.
20th International Conference of Europeanists - Crisis & Contingency: States of (In)Stability, Jun 25, 2013
Archipiélago: Cuadernos de crítica de la cultura, 2001
Arenal: Revista de Historia de las Mujeres, Jun 30, 1998
Berghahn Books, Dec 31, 2022
Bloomsbury Academic eBooks, Mar 31, 2016
Anuac, Aug 1, 2016
I want to thank the organizers Jakob Krause-Jensen, David Mills and Didi Spencer for their invita... more I want to thank the organizers Jakob Krause-Jensen, David Mills and Didi Spencer for their invitation, and all the participants for their comments and presentations.

Dialectical Anthropology, Jun 1, 2008
From good government to good governance Since mid-1970s the world has witnessed some important ch... more From good government to good governance Since mid-1970s the world has witnessed some important changes around the world: the demise of right wing regimes in Southern Europe in the mid-1970s; the decline of military regimes across Latin America from the late 1970s through the late 1980s and authoritarian rule in parts of East and South Asia starting in the mid-1980s; the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s; the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991; the decline of one-party regimes in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa in the first half of the 1990s; and a weak but recognizable liberalizing trend in some Middle Eastern countries in the 1990s . Causes might be different for the above changes in different regions. However, what they share in common can be explained as a simultaneous movement in at least several countries in each region away from dictatorial rule toward so-called liberal and democratic governance. Such democratic governance was however informed by neo-liberal ideals reflecting the so called triumph of market forces. In terms of the model of the state and governance, the change reflects a movement from 'good government' to a 'good governance' model. The good government model advocated a strong centralized state for economic growth, whereas the 'good governance' model stressed that the very same state was the main obstacle towards growth. The reasons for the centralized 'good government' model were diverse, however, they had essentially related to the inter wars and the post-World War II economic and political situation. The countries involved in the two world wars had to centralize power and resources and the ones that emerged victorious after the World War II 'in close collaboration with large-scale industry and the unions, carried on a war economy with spectacular results', and gained more confidence in the centralized form of governance (de Swaan and Abram, 1999, as cited in Manor,
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Papers by Susana Narotzky