The War of Ormuzd and Ahriman in The Nin

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THE WAR
OF
ORMUZD AND AHRIMAN
IN THE
NINETEENTH CENTURY .
BY
HENRY WINTER DAVIS .
Litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas

Imprecor, arma armis : pugnent ipsique nepotesque.
BALTIMORE :
JAMES S. WATERS , 244 BALTIMORE ST.

MDCCCLII.
ENTERED, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by
HENRY WINTER DAVIS ,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Maryland.
JOHN D. TOY , PRINTER .

TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE .
THE American People have passed the season
of youth when withdrawn from the eye of the
world their pleasures might blamelessly be their
pursuits.
In the maturity of years and strength they are
amenable to mankind for the conformity of their
conduct to the higher motives of policy and duty.
They cannot if they would be silent and neutral
in that great controversy of the age which they
opened on the field of battle .
It concerns their safety that the part they play
be adopted in full view of all the dangers that
beset them.
iv TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE .
It concerns their dignity that their part be worthy
of their origin and pursued with manly fortitude
to the end .
I have endeavored to develope some of the con—
siderations which throw light on the path of safety
and of honor.
On this great theme I invoke the judgment of
the American People .
HENRY WINTER DAVIS .
8 MARCH 1852 .
CONTENTS .
TAGE.
I. THE HOLY ALLIANCE , 9
II. THE CONSPIRACY OF LAYBACH AND VERONA, 65
III. THE REVOLT OF FRANCE AND POLAND AGAINST

THE HOLY CONSPIRATORS , 117
IV . THE REVOLT OF EUROPE IN 1848 AGAINST THE

HOLY CONSPIRATORS .- GERMANY, 157
V. THE REVOLT OF EUROPE IN 1848 AGAINST THE

HOLY CONSPIRATORS .- HUNGARY , . 213
VI. THE DICTATORSHIP OF RUSSIA IN EUROPE, 273
VII . THE RELATIONS OF AMERICAN AND ENGLISH

LIBERTY TO THE RUSSIAN DICTATORSHIP , 313
VIII. THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC AND THE LAST WAR

OF FREEDOM AND DESPOTISM, 365
Πρῶτον μέν , ὦ ἄνδδες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοῦτο παρ' ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς βεβαίως
γνῶναι, ὅτι τῇ πόλει Φίλιππος πολεμεῖ καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην λέλυκε ——-καὶ
παύσασθε περὶ τούτου κατηγοροῦντες ἀλλήλων -- καὶ κακόνους μέν ἐστι
καὶ ἐχθρὸς ὅλῃ τῇ πόλει καὶ τῷ τῆς πόλεως ἐδάφει , προσθήσω δὲ καὶ
τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις , καὶ τοῖς μάλιστ᾽ οἰομένοις αὐτῷ
χαρίζεσθαι (εἰ δὲ μή , σκεψάσθωσαν Εὐθυκράτη καὶ Λασθένη τοὺς
Ὀλυνθίους , οἳ δοκοῦντες οἰκειότατ᾽ αὐτῷ διακεῖσθαι , ἐπειδὴ τὴν πόλιν
προὔδοσαν , πάντων κάκιστ ' ἀπολώλασιν) , οὐδενὶ μέντοι μᾶλλον ἤ τῇ
πολιτείᾳ πολεμεῖ οὐδ᾽ ἐπιβουλεύει, καὶ σκοπεῖ μᾶλλον οὐδὲ ἓν τῶν πάντων
ἤ ὅπως ταύτην καταλύσει. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ εἰκότως τρόπον τινὰ πράττει· οἶδε
γὰρ ἀκριβῶς ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ἂν πάντων τῶν ἄλλων γένηται κύριος, οὐδὲν ἔστε
αὐτῷ βεβαίως ἔχειν , ἕως ἄν ὑμεῖς δημοκρατῆσθε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν ποτε συμβῇ τι
e "
πταῖσμα , ἅ πολλὰ γένοιτ ' ἄν ἀνθρώπῳ ἥξει πάντα τὰ νῦν συμβεβιασμένα
καὶ καταφεύξεται πρὸς ὑμᾶς. ἔστε γὰς ὑμεῖς οὐκ αὐτοὶ πλεονεκτῆσαι καὶ
κατασχεῖν ἀρχὴν εὖ πεφυκότες, ἀλλ᾽ ἕτερον λαβεῖν κωλῦσαι καὶ ἔχοντ᾽
ἀφελέσθαι δεινοί, καὶ ὅλως ἐνοχλῆσαι τοῖς ἄρχειν βουλομένοις καὶ πάντας
ἀνθρώπους εἰς ἐλευθερίαν ἐξαφελέσθαι ἕτοιμοι . οὔκουν βούλεται τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ
καιροῖς τὴν παρ' ὑμῶν ἐλευθερίαν ἐφεδρεύειν , οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ , οὐ κακῶς οὐδ᾽
ἀργῶς ταῦτα λογιζόμενος .
Δημοσθήνους περι των ευ Χερρονησμο

SECTION I.
THE HOLY ALLIANCE .

THE HOLY ALLIANCE .
WITHIN the four score years of the life of man

two powers have grown from insignificance to be
the arbiters of the world .
They occupy opposite continents. They are actu

ated by hostile principles . They are organized on
antagonist theories of political power. In each is the
principle of its existence absolute, pervading every
department of government, infused into every ele
ment of society, and controlling the administration
of affairs. There is no formally organized opposition
to the existing order of things . There is no serious
division of feeling or of opinion among the citizens .
The people are equally devoted to the form and to
the substance of their respective constitutions. The
foundations of both governments firmly rest on the
express or implied assent of the people- who are
ready to signalize their devotion on the field of battle .
Each is the incarnation of one of the two great
spirits, pure , absolute, unchecked , uncontrolled, un

limited, which have always striven and now still strive
on the theatre of nations for the mastery of mankind .
12 THE HOLY ALLIANCE .
Those two spirits are Liberty and Despotism-the

Ormuzd and Ahriman of the political world . Their
purest incarnations are - The Republic of America
and The Empire of Russia.
There are other free States beside those of America.
There are other despotisms beside that of Russia . But

there are none of either class so purely and simply
the impersonations of the antagonist spirits. England

is a free government : but the doctrine of popular
sovereignty is limited by aristocratic privileges, and
the field is cumbered still by the ruins of the pro
gressing conflict. The dormant power of the people

is denied by some, opposed by others, and struggles
to retain while it strives to extend its confessed
domain . France is a republic in form , in principle,
and by the feeling of the vast majority of her people ;

but sinister influences mis-direct her power, conflict
ing pretences paralyze her activity- she is yet the
theatre of conflict of contending principles, not the
great domain of any confessed and conceded power.
The Bourbon, the Orleanist, the Bonapartist still lift
their aspiring heads in contentious emulation against
the majesty of the Republic .
Austria and Prussia are despotic military monar
chies -but their thrones are not beds of roses.
The people of both are alive with hostile hopes and

fermenting with pent up energies and fiery wrath .
They restlessly heave beneath the military weight
which oppresses them. Their sighs and their groans
testify to their discontent, while they confess the
power of a despotism they cannot throw off.
THE HOLY ALLIANCE . 13
It is only in the Republic of America that the peo

ple, imbued with the spirit of liberty, are the recog
nized, uncontrolled , unquestioned sovereign power.
It is only in Russia that the Emperor is met by
the cheerful, unquestioning, submissive and affection
ate devotion of the people. They worship in his

person the embodied sovereignty of the nation ; and
in the tempest of an insurrection his simple words to
his children- have sufficed to calm them.
On the spirit and character of the government the

discontent and restlessness of the Polish provinces
in the one case exert no more disturbing influence ,

than the millions of slaves in the Southern States do
in the other. The despotism and the republicanism

respectively are quite as absolutely pure and free
with, as they would be without those elements of dis
content. They are both sources of possible danger

and of certain weakness : neither of them affects the
character or the spirit of the government : neither is

so powerful as to make either government pause in
its career or vary from its course .
The progress of each of these powers has been
equally rapid and equally illustrative of the spirit and
principles which animate their policy . The one has
thriven amid the arts of peace and industry. The
other has gorged its greatness by the spoils of war
and the fruits of intrigue.
At the date of our Revolution, Russia was just

entering on her career as an European power : and
her fit introduction was a deed of blood and shame .
At the opening of the eighteenth century the Musco

vite was confined in his northern home- barred off
from civilized Europe by the colossal republic of

Poland which pressed him behind the Dwina and
the Dnieper, and excluded from the Baltic and the
Euxine by the Swede and the Turk.
Thus for centuries pent up in the desolate north ,
the Dukes of Moscow had consolidated their power
on the ruins of the Empire of the Mongol . They
nourished the lust of conquest by ceaseless aggression
on their neighbors , and trained their people to the
habitudes of war while expanding the sphere of their
power. But their quarrels and their conquests were
alike almost unknown and uninteresting to civilized
Europe till the triumph at Pultowa securely seated
Peter the Great on the Baltic . The provinces of
Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria and Karelia, the spoil of
that day, in 1710 brought him into direct connection
with the maritime nations of Europe . His genius
and his ambition inspired the hope and provided the

means of playing a high part on this new theatre ;
and from that day to this, the eyes of Peter and of his
successors, whether in the ship yards of Saardam and
Deptford or in the palaces of St. Petersburg, have
turned with longing eagerness to the West, till their
arts and their arms and their hereditary and unscru alma
pulous ambition have consolidated a colossal Empire

extending to the very heart of Europe and now—
the arbiter of its destinies.
Poland and the Ottoman Empire were at once the
chief obstacles and the most alluring objects of
Russia's far-seeing ambition.
For eighty years she waged a war alternately
of arms and of intrigues against the Turk—now
advancing with rapid flight on the wings of fortune,

now pausing in her career to secure her conquest, or
with feigned moderation concealing defeat by volun
tary restorations of parts of her prey-till time and
opportunity should give the signal of advance . The
flood of her conquest has risen and rolled onward
over neighboring nations-like the tides of the
ocean- each wave rolling high on the shore and
sinking back to the sea with alternate advance and
retreat—yet each higher than the former and steadily
gaining in the midst of apparent fluctuations .
Her pretexts have been as Protean as her purpose
has been single . Religion , humanity, liberty, na
tional independence, national institutions, social
order , have , each in turn , been under the disguise
of protection the pretexts of aggression, and finally,
the victims of her infernal devices .
Peter not only made Russia an European power :
he set the example of stretching its roots towards
the soil of the East. He seized Azoff and overran
the Crimea : but was compelled to relinquish them .

Ann followed his example and met his fortune : she
again grasped at, but was obliged to abandon their
possession ; and to content herself with confirming
her dominion over the territory of the Zaporagua
Cossacks.
Catharine renewed the contest : and conquered the

Crimea, Moldavia and Wallachia : but she was able
to hold only Azoff and the coveted access to the
Euxine . Yet true to the instincts of her Empire ,
what she relinquished she did not restore . She
declared the Crimea, Kuban and Budjek independent
of Turkey, and so effectually secured the future

dominion of Russia.
For awhile she contented herself with setting up

and pulling down Kahns of the Cossacks, till they
sought refuge from her caprice in rebellion . The
vengeance of the enraged Semiramis was slaked in
the blood of thirty thousand people ; and the Turks

paid the penalty of their intermeddling by securing
to Russia the sovereignty of Kuban and the unlimited
right to navigate all the Turkish seas . The Euxine
ceased to be a Turkish mare clausum.
These humiliating terms goaded the Turks into
a renewal of the unequal conflict : and Catharine

retired at the peace of Jassy in 1792 with a confirm
ation of her former conquests augmented by the
territory of Oczakow and the shores of the Euxine
which the combined power of England and Prussia

failed to tear from her iron hand.
She could not at a blow prostrate an empire so
wide at the foundation , so lofty in its battlements as
the Ottoman ; but besides the fragments rent away,
great crevices and cracks shewed the power of the

assault and facilitated the success of the next. RusGE
sia could not hold Moldavia and Wallachia : she
therefore stipulated for their national rights under

her protection : and so loosened their allegiance on
Turkey and linked their sympathies to her arms .
While all Europe was immersed in the struggle
with Napoleon , Alexander pushed his conquest on
the south ; and at the peace of Buckarest in 1812
he secured the province of Bessarabia and the mouths
and line of the Pruth .
The Greek revolution excited by Russian intrigues

gave the occasion of renewed hostilities : and the
treaty of Adrianople dictated within a day's march
of Constantinople and only submitted to because
English ships lay at the Dardanelles-transferred to
Russia the delta and mouth of the Danube , cut off
by a quarantine the principalities of the Danube from
Constantinople, secured a perpetual right of adminis
trative interference , and laid Turkey at the mercy of
the Czar - whenever the great powers of Europe
should happen to be lukewarm or engaged or unable

to protect her.
Thus has Russia pressed downward from her

boundaries in the time of Peter into the Turkish
territory five hundred miles, swept round three-fourths

of the Euxine sea, crossed the isthmus between that
and the Caspian sea, and eaten deep into Armenia
and the Persian territory . A few years more and
the Euxine will be a Russian lake.
Her westward march over prostrate kingdoms and

slaughtered nations-has been not less terrific, nor
less rapid, but vastly more menacing to the seats of
civilization and the home of freedom .
The miserable dissensions of the Polish aristocracy
gave access to her intrigues ; and pretexts for her

interventions. She fomented factions that she might
be called on to quell the disturbances . She set up
and pulled down candidates for the tottering throne :
and from the centre of Poland organized her deadly
conspiracy against its existence .
The same victory of Pultowa which opened the

way of Russia to the Baltic , secured the influence of
3
the Czar on the throne of Poland in the person of
Augustus III. On his death , Catharine II . secured

by an armed intervention one of her paramours
Stanislaus Poniatowski the electoral vote ; and sin
cerely devoted to the integrity of national constitu

tions , she volunteered her guarantee of that vile
constitution on which she founded her hopes for
the future . The Romish Church displayed its per
secuting propensities by way of complicating the

puzzling drama ; patriotism drove noble- minded Poles
to defend the acts of their national church ; and the
Russian Catharine, the friend of scoffers and infidels ,
the mother of superstitious millions, the earnest sup
porter of the mummeries and follies and slavish sub
mission of the Greek Church , defiled by every per-
sonal and sensual vice, and stained all over with the
blood of murdered innocence, she, assumed the
office of an angel of light, and benevolently bent on a
mission of mercy covered with her motherly bayonets
the persecuted Dissenters and Protestants . She con
siderately removed to Siberia, the hardened prelates
who were deaf to her entreaties, and coerced from
the terrified and dismembered diet a treaty securing
the dissenters ' rights under her supervision .
That men should become impatient under such

intolerant tolerance was but natural. Their restive
ness caused their volunteer governess continual anx

ieties. They even stirred up the Turk to the auda
city of aggression . That weak assault was easily
overthrown. But there was little policy and much
trouble in thus governing by intrigue and arms so
intractable a nation . The laborer is worthy of his
hire, and so devout a Princess could not fail to per

ceive the sanction of Providence for her just designs .
She conspired with her two fellow tyrants, Joseph of
Austria and Frederick of Prussia , to divide with her
the burthens and the benefits of governing a stiff
necked and rebellious generation , who could not or
would not govern themselves . The infamous parti
tion of Poland in 1772-just about the period of our
-
Revolution- deprived that Republic of her most valu
able provinces and brought Russia into direct contact,
on a long line of frontier, with two of the leading
powers of Europe . Similar pretexts , devised from
similar motives, and instigated by the sharpened
appetite of Muscovite rapacity, renewed the disgrace
ful scenes in 1792 and 1793, and reduced the nation
ality of Poland to a shadow, and her territory to a
speck . It was reserved for the darkest period of the
storm of the French Revolution, when Austria, Prus
sia and Russia were clamorous at its aggressive spirit
and propagandist principles, and coalitions for na

tional defence against French arms and French dis
organization were the order of the day ; when those
powers were the preachers of moderation , the cham
pions of justice, and the Quixotic defenders of the
weak- it was this time and with these professions
on their lips, ere the echo of their howl over the
death of Louis XVI . had ceased to ring in the ears
of Europe , that these powers chose to complete the
work so auspiciously begun, and obliterate the last
shadow of Poland from the face of the earth .
It was a fit sequel to these iniquities that the

spoilers should begin to prey on each other- and visit
on their accomplices the retribution of their rapacity.

A greater than either of them arose and dealt with
them as they had dealt with their unoffending vic

tim.-The Gaul shattered their brittle and patched up
Empires- and flung a piece of Prussian Poland to
the greedy Muscovite - who did not hesitate to snap
at the offal . Two years later that same Gaul tore off
and flung down before the same Muscovite a piece of
Austrian Poland, and he greedily devoured the gra
cious morsel .
S
Similar acts, equal iniquities, less stubborn resis
tance, less civilized foes, have augmented the Empire
of the Czars to the East and to the South-over the
steppes of Tartary , and the snows of Siberia , the

crags of the Caucasus, and the barriers of Persia.
The blackness of its shadow casts a gloom over Asia
and Europe . It lowers on the confines of China,
chills the genial warmth of Hindostan, and eclipses
the crescent on the dome of St. Sophia . Naked
liberty shivers and cowers at the utmost ends of
Europe beneath its numbing power.
These are the triumphs of despotic ambition ,
wielding absolute power with a miserly devotion to

accumulation of territory and power-pitilessly exactAd
ing the utmost interest in every investment in human
life unterrified by the flow of blood- with a single
ness of purpose and a consistency of pursuit, savoring
of supernatural impulse , or satanic possession .
Thus has this semi-barbarous Empire thriven on
blood and rapine ; but the fragments torn from its
victims by arms, have been carefully cemented by the
arts of peace and industry . The area of the Empire
now is a fourth greater than that of Peter . It fills the
vast expanse between the White and the Caspian

seas, and stretches from the confines of China, deep
into the heart of Europe- where it is the neighbor of
all Germany, the terror of Prussia and the master of
Austria. Its population has grown from fifteen to
sixty millions. Its ordinary revenue, flowing chiefly
from customs, is about eighty millions of dollars. Its
exports for 1843 amounted to eighty-two millions of

rubles of silver. Its agriculture covers three hundred
and yields a hundred and fifty milGINA
millions of acres,
lions of quarters of wheat and rye , of which more
than nine and a half millions are exported . The
vast rivers which flow from the centre to the four
seas are united by canals which connect the naviga

tion of the White , the Black, the Caspian and the
Baltic seas . The vast plains stretching from sea to
sea-unbroken by a mountain range- are being inter

sected by railways for whose construction the genius
of the world is laid under contribution .
This population and these resources are devoted to

the support of a military and naval power of the first
magnitude . Peter laid the foundation of a navy ,
which sedulous culture , and lavish expense , and the
absoluteness of despotism have raised to a rate second
1
in nominal greatness to that of England only ; but
its automaton sailors are no match for the sea-bred
tars of Albion, and freedom has still her home upon

the waves . On land this Empire supports an
army whose complement approaches a million of

men . This stupendous force is so disposed as to be
significant of the designs and direction of Russian
ambition. For while 16,000 men watch the great

prison house of Siberia, and a like number guard
the Finland frontier , and 64,000 from Orenburg
repress the predatory Tartars— the great moveable
European army of operation consists of 465,720 men ,
though seldom actually numbering over 360,000 ;

with 1250 pieces of cannon, and the European army
of reserve numbers 202,480 men, with 470 pieces of
artillery- besides the clouds of irregular cavalry
which a wave of the imperial arm can call up from
the Asiatic confines of the Empire. This power is
no half-formed , ill-trained , disorganized horde of
barbarians. It is well-trained , rigidly disciplined ,
implicitly devoted to its Emperor, and pliant to the
slightest word of its officers . It is not led by a
Tamerlane or an Alaric ; but generals versed in all
the science of modern war marshal this gigantic
force in the field of action with the same familiar ease
that they do a regiment on parade . The names of
Suwarrow, Paskevitch and Debitch are graven in
characters of indelible mould on the broken fragments
of the Empire of the Turk, on the ruined walls of
desolated Poland, on the shattered temple of Hun
garian Freedom. Past success casts its brightness
on the future . These men of iron stand now no
longer on the borders of Europe and Asia, in the
distant and frozen north, but in the very midst of
civilized Europe, in battle array, with lighted
matches and fiery zeal- and nothing between them
and the Rhine but the labors of the march.
That the master of this power is ambitious by na

ture, by inheritance, by ancient policy consecrated
by unbroken success-all history teaches. But it is

the principle which animates him , it is the foe he
would humble which makes his ambition worthy of
our notice.
W
In this age of the world two principles of govern
ment divide mankind . Only in reflective minds are
they stated with logical consistency and pushed to
their legitimate bases ; but the minds of all men are
on fire with the contest, and devoted to the one or the
other cause .
The one theory- rejecting with contempt the shal

low fiction of the social contract, and with indignation
the impious arrogance of the " right divine" -traces
the fundamental principles of civil society in the
nature and wants of man, written there by the finger
of God, and surrounded by feelings, tendencies and
capacities which in their natural development assume
the shape and attributes of national existence under
formal governments . The relations of civil society ,
those of citizen and subject, of ruler and ruled , rest
on the same foundation and have the same origin
with the relations of the family and of the church .
Men surround themselves with families, not from
any consciousness of the blessings that flow from

them, nor from obedience to any divine command ,
but at this instigation of a divine impulse operating as
a law, pointing to the family as its object, and execut
ing itself unconsciously . Reflection develops its
origin and explains its reasons, purposes and limits

only after the fact. It assumes various forms, and con
fers various rights , whether of person or of property,
according to the different views and necessities of the
nation or the individual by whom they are applied .

The forms and the rights of family relationship vary
with the nation, the age, the religion ; but all are
equally forms in which the original tendency to
family associations develope themselves.
It is so with civil society and the rights of govern
ment. The nature of man drives him into social
organizations, varying in complexity and complete

ness with the state of his advance from the patriar
chal family, through the Indian tribe with its chief, to
the elaborate organization of the American Republic .
The purposes of civil society can only be attained by
the instrumentality of government, reducing to the
forms of law the will of the nation, and coercing
submission from its individual members. The right
to prescribe these laws and direct their execution is
sovereignty. That power in the state which holds
that right in the last resort, is the sovereign power.
The persons who actually apply and execute those
laws, are the officers and delegates of that sovereign
power. Wherever that sovereignty resides, it must
be absolute, uncontrollable, and arbitrary. It can be
subjected to no constraints rightfully. It should
govern according to the rules of justice ; but it must
remain the only judge of those rules ; and it can

recognize and provide for no possible case of its own
coercion or its own restraint.
The controversy of the age disputes the residence
of this ultimate sovereignty .
We maintain that it resides in the mass of every
nation . A majority has no inherent rights : it
is an artificial creation : it holds only a delegated

power : it is only the instrument provided by the

previously declared will of the nation for ascertain
ing its decision under given circumstances. Its
power is as much a delegated power as is that of
any, the most subordinate officer. It may be the
best or the worst mode of vesting the power : there
may be decisive reasons why it should always or

never be declared the criterion of government : but
still it is never rightfully anything but a form pre
scribed, allowed, or acquiesced in, from its conve
nience or its expediency, by the nation . It is the
nation only which is sovereign- whose mere will is
the final law of all the people—from which there is
no appeal and against which there is no remedy
within the limits of civil society . The inalienable
rights of self-defence , beyond , before, and paramount
to all the rights and obligations of civil society, may
survive in abeyance , till some irremediable and
cruel outrage wakes them into activity : but they
form no part of the apparatus or of the powers of
civil society .
The mass of the nation is necessarily somewhat

indefinite : but each case must be adjusted as it rises .
One man could not be allowed to impede the will of
all the rest : nor would a majority of one be any
ground-except for the provisions of positive law—
for the control of the other half of society . It is the
duty of the mere fragments of the nation to yield
their opposition to the general will : and habits of
civil and political action , or the sword, will variously
settle the point of submission.
4
This mass of the nation has the absolute power to

form its constitution of government. It may be by
tacit acquiescence, by historical development, by
formal enactment ; but however it may be , it is the
will of the nation, express or implied , which gives it
legitimacy. Absolute power in the King may be as
legitimate as direct legislation by the people, if the
nation so will it. There are stages of society when
Sing
such is the best, the only possible form of govern
ment. It is so over the greater part of the Russian
Empire. But this form of government may be abro
gated by the same will which established it . That
will is sovereign, and the absolute King is only its

delegate, wielding the absolute powers of the nation
against the individuals of the nation , whom it has
subjected to his will. The King, however absolute
his power, has no rights against the nation, and
to assert them is a gross usurpation . This sover
eignty has been asserted and exercised by every
nation . The Czars of Russia have felt its influence
while denying its right, and tacitly concede its power
by carefully avoiding any outrage on the national pre
judices or the national religion . England has exer

cised it ; and her Queen now holds her crown by
that title and no other. France has claimed it ; and
waded knee- deep in blood to maintain it. It is the
fact of all history- denied by all despots. It is the
acknowledged basis of the American Republic.
The despots of Europe have devised a different
theory-and made it effectual by arms. In the
attributes of the sovereign power they agree with
us. But they deny any participation in those attri
butes to the nation : they arrogate them all absolutely

to the crown . Kings are the plenipotentiaries of
God-who imparts to them the absolute powers of

his sovereignty. In his name they rule with abso
lute sway his subjects : they are responsible - not to
the people, not to the nation- but to God, the source
and giver of their power. Their outrages he may
punish : but to the people they are visitations of
providence, inflicted by his ministers , to be regarded
as judgments on human iniquity, to be submitted to
with patience, and to be made fruitful of repentance .
Famine and pestilence are sent to wring contrition
from the stubborn heart of man. The scourge of a
merciless ruler should clothe the nation- not in arms
and rebellion-but in the sackcloth and ashes of
penitent submission . His power may be exercised

wisely or unwisely : but that is the fortune or mis
fortune of the nation . It has no right to demand a
change or insist on a security.
The logical consequences of this theory are no
idle play of words. They have passed from theory
into fact, and on bloody fields have been debated
in arms, and the decisions of victory enforced by
the scaffold and the chain . Such logical deductions
are worthy of consideration .
If monarchs be the plenipotentiaries of God the

only sovereign , they must be vested solely with all
the attributes of sovereign power-a will absolute,
free, irresponsible, and uncontrollable ; and the nation
can have no part of it. The nation is only a sub
ject, bound by their will as each citizen of our

Republic is by the will of the whole . Their will
is that of God : it cannot therefore be bound by

any promises to the people ; and any security for
good government is an outrage on his sovereignty .
No charter, treaty or constitution can bind them : for
it is only a law, and that the sovereign power may

change at will- as our people, their constitution.
They are likewise absurd : for their purpose is to
control irresponsible power ; and by the theory that is
the very idea of their rightful power. The constitu
tion is illegal because it assumes a right to bind them.
To revoke it is no breach of faith-but a legal
right. The people have no rightful claim to parti
cipate in the sovereignty : their demand of a constitu
tion is merely an impertinence . No wrong can be

done them , for the will of the prince inflicting it is
ipso facto the law : rebellion therefore is pure treason .
Time gives no sanctity to charters, prescription gives
no validity : they are only old laws which the prince
would change . Resistance to their abrogation is an
illegal restraint on the sovereign's will-to be removed
by the intervention of his fellow plenipotentiaries .
Against this system the people of this nineteenth
century have perversely protested in the name of
Liberty. The Liberty for which they fight is the
sovereign power of the nation— the liberty of every
nation, irrespective of its rulers , to declare by its
will the forms of its government and the rights and
duties of its rulers. Against this presumptuous
claim the despots of Europe for thirty years have

waged internecine war at home and abroad- inspired
by the example, supported by the arms , and follow
ing the lead of the Russian Czar.
Other despots have tormented their subjects with

a more cruel tyranny . Other powers, in the pur
suit of empire, over a theatre as vast, and in a spirit
as merciless, have wielded the scourge of almighty
wrath. Not a few have displayed as relentless a
hatred of civil liberty when it lifted his head within
their dominions . The Czar of all the Russias , first
among mankind, in this age of the world-has chosen
the Spirit of Liberty, as the special object of his

hate--and wages ceaseless and universal war against
the freedom of mankind. It is no idle fancy, no pass
ing caprice, no gust of passion. It is elevated to the
dignity and pursued with the consistency of a princi
ple of policy. It is sustained by the instinct of self
preservation, and covered with the holy words of God
and religion . It is called the cause of peace and
order against the restless and destructive spirit of

revolution. He knows no distinction of time, but the
propitious hour of assault. He knows no distinction
of place but the reach of a decisive blow. Twenty
years ago he gave the final stab to Polish freedom.
Three years ago he stretched bleeding Hungary at

the feet of the beardless Nero of Austria. He
bides the time , with the instinct of eternity- when
his deadly folds may encircle the terrible Albion ,

and the sting of his tail be fixed in the quivering
corpse of American liberty .
This is a new thing in the world— it is one of the
wonders of this age. Its origin and history are rich
with warning, exhortation and example to the people

of this Republic .
Our revolution was the morning gun of freedom .
Its echo waked the slumbering millions of France ;

and ere its smoke had melted into air, their arms in
battle array glittered in her rising sun .
The Kings of the earth crowded to the rescue of
their fellow, and buried their rivalries in the grave of
their common terror. The friends of freedom and
of the rights of men trembled for her naked youth in

the shock of battle ; and the breath came freer when
Dumouriez hurled the Austrian across the frontier
and vindicated the right of France to rule herself.

But thenSİ
France got drunk with blood to vomit crime

And fatal hath her saturnalia been
To freedom's cause in every age and clime.
That she assailed the partitioners of Poland in the

midst of their work, with her armed ideas, that her
propagandist legions flung the flaming torch of free
dom into the combustible structure of antique despo
tism, is scarcely matter of reproach on this side the
Atlantic . It is fair to fight the Devil with fire ; and
the champions of the rights of Kings may surely be
met with the adverse and imprescriptible rights of
man. But the atrocities of her hour of madness , the
blood that stained her youthful days combined with

the rapid flight of her eagles, to confound the prin
ciples with the deeds of France . The eternal and
spiritual truth was weighed down to earth by the
burthen of her iniquities ; and men fled from her
rapacious triumph as from pestilence and desolation .
They who struck at her liberties seemed justified by

her tyrannical encroachments- though they only
THE HOLY ALLIANCE . 31 .
failed to imitate her excesses without her provocation

for lack of her power .
Then one arose who knew how to control the
whirlwind and to ride the storm . He turned their
fury into the ministers of his ambition ; and the blast

of their breath shook or shattered the battlements of
all the governments of Europe . It was only when

he gathered their fragments in his mighty grasp and
hurled them against the despot of the north, that the
scale of his destiny was hung out on high and the
hour of his fate was marked on the face of the
heavens .
His colossal power crumbled before the finger of

God. Puny men who had cringed before his frown,
and been emulous of his favors , boasted themselves
his conquerors, and sat down to divide the spoils.
The first coalitions made war on a principle whose
ethereal essence penetrated their ranks and disarmed
their hosts - as the wheels of Pharaoh's chariots were
taken off so that they drave heavily- and they were

overwhelmed by the flood they sought to control.
But when the stupendous genius of Napoleon con
verted the power of the revolution into the instru
ment of his aggrandizement, and his Empire threat
ened Europe with universal subjection , the latter
coalitions took up arms in the name and for the
defence of national independence. The war was
waged in the name of the rights of nations-the real

issue between the Allies and Napoleon was, which
should have the uncontrolled right to violate them.
They exemplified and profited by the right of learning
from an enemy ; and with the aid of a little previous

practice they distanced Napoleon in his depredations

on the integrity of nations . The interests of the
partitioners controlled the partition-freed from
every consideration of the interests, the rights, the
wishes or sympathies, the national history or social
position of the people to be divided . Their territory
and themselves were disposed of on mathematical and
dynamical principles. The categories of number ,
extension, position, and power alone entered into the
calculation. So many million souls, so many square
miles of plain or mountain , were assigned to each as
he could be safely trusted with , or from his service
in the common fight he was justly entitled to , or
from their position would serve as a stumbling block
to French ambition. The suspicion was even
secretly harbored that his moderate majesty of all

the Russias might wake up and find himself hungry,
and dispositions were covertly and delicately arranged
to protect his accomplices from his voracity. But all
progressed by arrangements between the people's
S
masters and at their expense . Saxony was dismem
bered to satiate Prussia. Genoa lost the freedom of
a thousand years to strengthen Sardinia. Sweden

was robbed of Finland to round the Russian territory,
and Denmark was deprived of Norway to indemnify
Sweden. Belgium and Holland were forced into an
unnatural union for the benefit of the house of Orange ;
and Italy was parceled out as a residuary fund , for
equality of partition among the spoilers . The whole
was effected on the novel principle of law- that
the constables who catch and confine a thief are
entitled to divide the stolen goods.
But there is little satisfaction in governing people

who are so restless as not to stand still to be
governed. Twenty-five years of anarchy and blood

had exemplified the dangers of democratic ambition ;
and the minds of Kings were impressed with the
necessity of ruling well if they would rule at all.
They had been at their wit's ends- nearly over
whelmed by the waves, their hearts failing them for
fear ; and in the hour of their helpless need God and
their people had mercifully rescued them. Men
who escaped shipwreck in heathen times hung up

votive offerings in the temples ; and the church
Ma
appoints prayers and thanksgiving for such deliver
ance. It was natural, it was only in accordance with
their royal exaltation , akin to divine excellence , that

these rulers of men should acknowledge their indebt
edness to God and their people . They had probably
prayed with lusty devotion to the former, as it is

certain they had promised largely to the latter.
They had learned at Jena and Austerlitz the indiffer
ence of their people to the sentiment of loyalty to
masters who were indifferent to every thing but the
right to rule them. They could recover their crowns
only by the aid, the devotion , the affection of their
people. The world had gone beyond the day when
it was a coveted honor to die for one's prince . Men
now preferred to live for themselves ; and if they
must die , they chose it should happen on some more
important point than a choice of masters .
These rulers had seen the resistless power of free
principles in the hands of him whose mission it was

to plague the Pharaohs of the earth : and they
5
caused their wise men with their rods to emulate

his wonders .
They repented them of their misdeeds, and

brought forth fruit meet for repentance. They
alleviated the burthens and bettered the social con
dition of their people. They lightened the weight

and removed the barriers of aristocratic privilege .
They proclaimed liberty to the captive and bid the
serf go free. They seized the terrible pen and
freely invoked its magic art in the cause of Kings.
They preached the rights of men and nations.
They anticipated and outstript the longings of their
subjects for a voice in their own affairs : and
solemnly, with the earnestness of men in deep agony,
with reiterated oaths, in the presence of the Most
High, they promised to their people representative
assemblies and the freedom of speech and of the
press .
The royal word-strange to say- was once not a
polite circumlocution for a lie. It was a recognized
coin , of loyal stamp and ready circulation , but cheaply
made-and which frequent adulterations and not
infrequent bankruptcy has sadly depreciated . Even
the addition of a royal oath does not now avail to
restore its credit. But then it was not so . Kings
had been subjected to the trials of other mortals .

Vicissitudes of fate or fortune had pulled them down
and put them up with a variable caprice richly in
structive. They had felt the scourge of a power
above them before whose presence they had fled
amain . They had learned to appreciate the sympa
thies, to value the love, to long for the devotion of

the people ; and they had half learned that people

were more interested in themselves than even in
the persons of their divinely appointed rulers.

The devotion to princes and to W
venerable au
thority had been swept away by the tornado of
French conquest . This generation had grown up
under other auspices, and felt the instincts of free
men. They listened to the appeal of patriotism
against the stranger and believed the solemn pro
mises of their rulers : and with the enthusiasm of
the early French republic , they met and overthrew

the later French despotism .
The Kings held the fruits of their promises. It

remained to perform them. They redeemed their
pledge on the 26th of September, 1815 , by-the
Treaty of the Holy Alliance . Its language is
obscure and of doubtful import : but read by the

light of history it was-a scandalous conspiracy
against the liberties of mankind. It is not the only
case where religious mysticism has blended with the
suggestions of ambition to cover with the veil of
piety deeds, which , naked , would shock the con
science and meet the execration of mankind.
It would seem from the account of Alexander,

that the defeats of Lutzen, Dresden and Bautzen ,
impressed on the minds of the sovereigns their
impotency before the terrible Emperor of the
French : and drove them with new fervor to seek
aid at the throne of grace . With their faces to the
east—and their backs to the French- they vowed

as better men have done-to ascribe any success
which might be vouchsafed to them, to God as its
author. Then followed the victories of Kulm ,
Hotzbach and Leipsic-the fruits of their pious
vow. They remembered at Paris the promises of

their weakness ; and how could they offer a sacrifice
more pleasing to the God of Peace, than to conse
crate to its preservation the power he had bestowed
GA
on them. " The Redeemer," says Alexander, " in
spired every thought comprised in the alliance-all
the principles it announces. It is not our work— it
is God's. "
It was not unnatural that those on whom the
divine rights of sovereignty had been poured should

be illumined by light from above on their limits,
nature , and purpose. It was quite natural that
Princes so recently terrified by the stupendous arma
ments of Napoleon, should unite in deprecating their

revival, and blessing the peace which smiled in their
absence. Nor is it at all surprising that the grateful
pacificators of the world should feel especial horror
at those breaches of the peace which involved the
guilt of rebellion against the vicegerents of the God
who had given them the victory. Against such dis
turbers of the peace of the world, it was their
peculiar duty to protest, and if necessary , to arm .
They could never for a moment harbor the thought
of oppression emanating from themselves : and in
the absence of oppression , rebellion was in their

eyes, the unpardonable sin . Patience was the only
virtue which the supposition of injustice could be
allowed to cultivate . Rights in their subjects to
participate in the sovereignty of the state were pre
sumptuous thoughts not to be entertained- un
founded in any principle- and incompatible with

the " conservative principle of social order. " To
assert them therefore was the grossest compound of
treason and sacrilege . To attempt to wrest them

from the rulers by force - was the worst violation of
the peace of God they were commissioned to re
store. They intended to govern well and wisely :
and that was all which reasonable people could
expect. They looked gratefully to heaven in the
day of their triumph, and from the fulness oftheir
hearts they poured out the divine oracle which
assumed the form of the Holy Treaty . The whole
circle of royal duties was comprised in the symboli
cal trinity which composed the treaty- the high
duties of ruling according to the Christian religion
of preserving the brotherhood among sovereigns—
and of confessing themselves the plenipotentiaries
only of God in their exalted functions . If they were
the plenipotentiaries of God, his religion was pro
perly their rule of governing his people—and brother
hood was of all the most imperative duty . Surely
none but a stiff-necked and turbulent people would
lift the hand in defiance of such rule, by such rulers ;
and whoever did so - was only fit to be cut in
pieces !!
Their sacred majesties therefore renewed the
broken chain from heaven to the throne : and as if
half conscious of the frailty of royal resolutions for

good , they surrounded themselves with the sanctions
of that famous treaty. Men were glad to learn by
its first article, that they " had formed the unchange
able resolution to take the precepts of the Christian
religion as their sole rule of action as well in the

government of their several states as in their foreign
relations."
This resolution was matter of great interest to

those destined to taste the blessings of their rule :
for they hoped so solemn a recognition and pledge
would dispel from the future the distressing doubts
which obscured the conformity of their previous
conduct to those holy precepts ; and that was felt to

be the more important, since, if Christian principles
were to be the only rules of government, it was felt
that constitutional restraints were necessarily ex
cluded .
GRE N
The three Princes further promised—“ in accord
ance with the words of Holy Writ which requires
that all men should look on each other as brethren
to remain united by the bonds of a true and indisso

luble brotherhood and as brethren to afford help and
countenance on every occasion." Sweeping as is this
provision, guaranteeing all that the former and latter
contain , the most skeptical of the faith of Kings

cannot fail to confess its honorable fulfilment.
And lastly they engaged " that the states over

which they ruled , Russia, Austria and Prussia,
should in future form only three branches of one
and the same Christian kingdom-which recognize
no other ruler than the Most High to whom all might

belongs, as whose plenipotentiaries the allied monarchs
regarded themselves."
This clause is the formal announcement of the
divine right of Kings . It is the most emphatic

exclusion of the rights of the people. It is the
assertion of infinite and absolute power in the
monarch ,-guaranteed by more than a million bayo

nets !!
This singular treaty contains the history of the

last thirty-five years of the contracting parties. It
reveals the foundations of their political system at
home and abroad . We are not at liberty with Lord
Castlereagh to treat it as a harmless joke. The men
who made it were in no merry mood . They had no
idle time on their hands. They had put in motion
and led to victory the mightiest armament the world
had ever seen. They were men of practical views :
and professed to be protecting themselves for the
future from the evils of the past. These evils were
the assertion of the sovereign rights of the nation
against the sovereign right claimed for the King.
The latter was designated the cause of order- and
was that of the allies. The former was the cause of
the revolution, which they had armed to overthrow,

and now were forming a treaty to suppress . That
treaty may mean more than it says-but it cannot
mean less. It has been fertile of great events, and
powerful in marshaling great armies to do deadly

work : and history has confirmed its most pregnant
interpretation.
Its first clause may express the resolution of its
authors to observe in their internal and external
relations the precepts of Christianity : but it ex

pressly says they are the only rule they will observe.
They alone are to guide their conduct. Under that
principle they may rule mildly and justly and

wisely ; but they must rule absolutely, free from all
control of human constitutions. It defines the law
of their conduct ; and they proclaim it the only law

by which they will be controlled , whether in their
internal or their external affairs .
It is unfortunate that the precepts of Christianity
have been declared the common law of monarchs of
the absolute school with a unanimity as singular as
the variety of deeds they have been made to sanction .
The great Armada sailed upon a Christian mission ;
and Alva was on Christian duty in " the Netherlands .
The repeal of the edict of Nantes was Christian legis
lation ; and the Church still celebrates the day of St.
Bartholomew. The Holy Office of the Inquisition
was the authorized administrator of Christian justice ;
and the Society of Jesus has combined with its
secular duties distinguished success in the cultivation
of Christian morals. On which of these models the
Holy Allies meant to mould their conduct it would
not have been fair or easy to divine beforehand : but
any or all of them were in the line of safe precedents;
and the conservative motto of their chancery is stare
decisis. Subsequent events seem to establish
obedience to rulers as the only precept they very
stringently enforced ; and who only were rulers
within the meaning of the treaty, the last clause dis
tinctly defines.
Their political catechism has borrowed the preg
nant brevity of their neighbor the Turk. " God is
the only God— and Allah is his prophet" is the sum of

the rights and duties of the Turk ; and the Christian
King recognizes for his dominions no other ruler than
the Most High- whose ambassador he is on earth.
This is the most precise announcement of the right

divine and exclusive, I remember to have seen . It
seats the sovereignty not in the people, not in the
nation , whether with or without the King. They
have no relation to it save that of subordination and
obedience . The King is alone supreme . The
responsibility of the ambassador is to his sovereign .

The only right of the subject is prayer to God for
relief or for vengeance or for patience.
But this pregnant principle has been evolved into
the most logical system . All concede that the sover
eign power cannot bind its own discretion . Parlia
ment cannot pass an irrepealable act. We think the

people cannot bind themselves not to change their
constitution . We may adopt a monarchy to-day, a
republic to -morrow ; and no one can impeach our

caprice or our discretion.
If the King be sovereign, he is equally uncontrolla

ble. He can make no bargain with his people-for
the idea of sovereignty is the right to bind and speak
for the people. They are not a party capable of con
tracting with the sovereign power- for its very defini
tion is , the power of binding them-and its first and
most inherent and inseparable attribute is freedom of

will absolute and uncontrollable.
When therefore the Holy Alliance affirms its

authors to be the plenipotentiaries of the Most High,
the only sovereign- they mean to divest themselves
of the possibility of burdening themselves by any
concession, by any constitution, by any charter of
privileges. Any that they may grant must be at their
will, during their pleasure , of grace and not of right.

6
Its violation is the legal repeal of its provisions . Its

abrogation is only the withdrawal of a favor. The
oath of conformity is only a mental vow. The
treaty is the simple, absolute , comprehensive an

nouncement of the very principle which the revo
lution had assailed-formally laid down as the foun
dation of the public law of Europe and of the world.
To charge a King with perjury to his people , is
senseless . To cut off the head of Charles I. because
they could not tie his hands was a gross iniquity in

his people. To take up arms against an oppressor,
is to impeach the wisdom and fly in the face of the
Sovereignty of God . To force on a monarch the
adoption or the observance of a Constitution against
his free will- is a clear rebellion- of dangerous
example and fit to be repressed by military inter
vention. These consequences are not the taunts of a
foe nor the extravagances of an enthusiast. They
are the fruits of a calm logic , applied to the plain
words of the treaty. The history of the acts of these
TRE
sovereigns for thirty-five years is one continued con
firmation of these views. They have been embodied
in a catechism of political philosophy for the instruc
tion of the youthful mind in the dominions of a satellite
of the Czar, and are elevated to a place beside the
articles of the Christian belief.
The first clause of the treaty declares the rule of

government ; the last, the person and tenure of the
ruler. The middle one contains the promise of per
petual brotherhood between the Allies, and of help and
countenance on every occasion . This is the formal
and mutual guaranty of each and the perpetual

alliance of all, for the maintenance of the right of

Kings to rule according to the precepts of Christianity.
Their brotherhood is to be perpetual, the duty to
help and countenance is universal, and the three
Empires are thenceforth to be, for those purposes ,
only branches of one. Such were the formal stipula
tions of the treaty .
The King is to the nation what God is to the

GA
world . To him belongs might, majesty and domin
ion . To them pertain patience , gratitude and sub
mission. Whatsoever is more than this cometh of
evil : and its suppression is guaranteed by the treaty.

This was the theory of the allies.
With this treaty in our hand let us open the
history of Europe.
In the distribution of soil and souls, the Congress
of Vienna was not forgetful of the cause of their
trouble. The ghost of the revolution still stood
before them, and they tremble at theapparition .

They set a guard over maniac France ; and distrustS
ful of the competency of its keeper as well as of the

completeness of the cure , they stipulated in their
treaty an alliance to suppress the first manifestation
of returning madness, whether apparent in symptoms
of external mischief or internal aberration .
The Austrian Empire of agglomerated nationali

ties was at best a crazy structure , rife with the
elements of ruin , and difficult to maintain even in
calm and peaceful times. The whirlwind of revolu
tionary violence would instantly prostrate it. The

fire of popular passion would involve in ruinous con
flagration its dry and lifeless branches . The inspira
tions of modern reform , the allurements of popular

sovereignty must bring the necessity and reveal the
impossibility of uniting under one rule its various
and adverse nations languages and laws . The very
condition of its existence was repose . Its only unity
was in its Imperial head . The instinct of his
ambition made him the foe of freedom : and his
policy not less than his principles deprecated the

contagion of popular ideas- with which he was not
in a condition to deal successfully or safely. His
Russian brother's unimprovable people were safe
neighbors on one side . The unchangeable unity of

the Papal principles secured him from danger
through the States of the Church on an other. But
he anxiously guarded his Italian provinces from the
dangerous example of freedom by solemn but secret
S
treaties with Sardinia and Naples to repress all con
stitutional advance among their people- till he should

be ready to take up the march of improvement.
Against the perverse liberalism of Prussia, on the
side of Germany, he was forced to rely on his own
dead weight in her affairs ; and he trusted to the
unerring instinct and sympathies of despotic princes ,
to annul the ambiguous stipulations of the Federation .
The jealousy of Western Europe, unable to wrest

Poland from the Czar, strove to prevent the consoli
dation of its provinces with his empire . They
demanded , and Alexander accorded with seeming
alacrity, a constitution providing a national adminis
tration and a separate army ; and the shadow of
Polish nationality was preserved by a separate coro
nation as King of Poland.
Alexander reciprocated the favor, and joined Prus

sia in forcing on the reluctant Austria some ambigu
ous provisions for free institutions for Germany. A
substantial provision for representative assemblies
was frittered away, by the perverse opposition of
petty princes , and the lukewarm support of its pro
posers, into the illusory declaration, " That Assem
blies of States will find place in all the countries of
the Federation ." The freedom of the press- whose
alliance they had eagerly sought to arouse the great
enthusiasm of the war of liberation ,-was committed
to the tender regard of a Diet of Princes against
whom only it needed protection , with no better
shield than the provision that, " at its first meeting
the Diet will occupy itself with uniform legislation
"
""
concerning the freedom of the press .
All these provisions stipulations and arrangements
formed integral parts of the general settlement. The
violation of any entitled all the powers to interfere .
The labor of the sovereigns was finished ; and
each returned to his several home to put in opera
tion the complex machine .

The Holy Allies, a few years after-in 1818 , met
at Aix la Chapelle to consider the propriety of loos
ing France from her straight-jacket. Her sanity was
pronounced sufficiently restored , at least under the
guardianship of a legitimate King ; and she was at
once relieved of the restraint of their armies, and
admitted to the alliance which dictated laws to the
world . On this accession to their number, and at

this solemn conclusion of the first act in the drama,
they wisely resolved to renew the declaration of the
principles and to reduce to some certainty the objects

of the association . It was therefore solemnly
declared by Russia , Austria , England , Prussia and

France, that they as well in their reciprocal relations
as in those with the other European powers, were
resolved never to depart from the principles of unity

which had hitherto guarded them and which through
the Christian brotherhood of sovereigns among each
other would be indissoluble ; that this union had no
other object than to preserve the common peace ,
which depends on the conscientious observance of
treaty stipulations and the rights flowing from them ;
that France reconciled to the other powers by the
restoration of legitimate constitutional monarchy bound
herself to contribute to the maintenance and con
solidation of the system which had given peace to

Europe, and was its only guarantee ; and that the
parties to the act, so far as they might find future
conferences between the sovereigns or their plenipo
tentiaries for the attainment of their expressed pur
poses, bound themselves by diplomatic arrangements

to settle the time and place of meeting ; and formally
to solicit the presence of any state whose concerns
were to be the subjects of consideration .
The castigation of France had brought forth the
peaceful fruits of repentance . But the joy over her
conversion was clouded by the sullen temper and
restless spirit of Germany. Three years had
taught the Princes the meaning and the people the
value of the lavish promises of popular assemblies, of
freedom of the press, of liberal reforms, by which
they had been lured into the war of liberation .
It was the idea of liberty , of the participation of the

people in the high attributes of government, which
was invoked by the Princes as alone powerful for
their rescue . In its power they conquered ; and the
people fought under the illusion that their victory

was their own. The promises of the Princes were
interpreted in that sense ; and in that sense was their

performance exacted .
About the language of the promises there could not

well be much dispute. The difficulty was in the
consequences they were found to involve. The
monarchs had said they knew not what ; when their

eyes were opened they drew back with terror from
the gulf which yawned before them.

The Congress of Vienna began and ended with
the affirmation of the divine right of Kings. The
abandonment of absolute power by the monarch

was never for a moment dreamed of. Yet the
King of Prussia, and the Russian autocrat, and a

crowd of minor Princes, professed their willingness,
and even their anxiety to secure to their people such
such liberal reforms, such free
popular privileges,
S
dom of speech and participation in domestic legisla
tion as might be suitable to their various degrees of
intelligence and civilization . It never for a moment
occurred to them, though it did to their more prac
tical and logical advisers-that such things were in
fact and in principle absolutely inconsistent with
despotic and unlimited power ; that the two could
not dwell together in unity or in peace.
The Kings and Autocrats reasoned with the
ordinary strength of royal minds-like children pur

suing their fancies as facts of history.
Freedom of speech should be granted in their

Arcadian groves :-but it must always behave itself
modestly. Philosophy should flourish and the press
be free ; but it was never contemplated that their licen
tiousness should freely canvass the policy, dispute
the pretensions, criticise the acts, impeach the faith
or hasten the performance of the promises of the
Princes. They contemplated a press which should
signalize its freedom in defence of their policy , in
adoration of their power, in proclaiming the right
divine, in adulation, in obsequiousness, in dutiful
submission .
Representative assemblies were to find a place in

their Utopia ; but it was never contemplated that they
should fill a large place . They were to be vested
with powers which they were not to wield . They
were to sit at the feet of the throne- mild , docile ,
submissive- ready sources of taxation , and faithfully
representing the popular submission to the royal
will. That they could ever presume to intermeddle
in the control of affairs against his will, much less to
assert or assume any part in the powers of sover
eignty was never for a moment dreamed of. Repre
sentative assemblies in the royal contemplation were
(
to be quiet and meek aids in the conduct of the govern
ment-faithful supports of the Prince . For them to
oppose his measures, deny him money, demand in
the name of the nation ,-his sovereign and theirs
the redress of grievances- would annul their exclu
sive pretensions and reduce to a shadow the right
divine of the Lord's anointed . It was the inspiration
of the revolutionary devil playing his infernal devices
for the overthrow of social order ; and such an as

sembly could be dealt with only as one possessed with
unclean spirits which ought to be cast out.
It cost four years of experience to convince them of
their folly ; and for thirty years they have consis
tently repented of it. They learned that participa
tion in the forms of government inspired the idea of
popular sovereignty : that every concession was a
restriction of their own power, and only renewed
demands whose refusal roused discontent into passion
and threatened to blow the smouldering elements
into open conflagration . They learned that there
could be no union between despotism and freedom,
that each excluded the other ; and that the acknow
ledgment of any right, of any freedom of thought, of
-
speech, or of the press, involved the demand and com
pelled the concession of everything. There was no
middle ground between the absolute power of the
King and the full participation of the people in the
attributes of sovereignty. The latter they never
meant to grant and were resolved not to yield.—

They felt that safety and consistency were insepara
ble. Every popular right, all freedom of spirit must
be denied or else they must submit to the restraints
of constitutional governments . They therefore like
consistent men made their election : and set to work
to circumscribe or to destroy that freedom of speech

and of the press, and those assemblies of the states
whose only use was to urge an issue they were
anxious to avoid, to wring concessions they were
resolved not to grant. What they had supposed a
temporary madness of revolutionary France was now
7
found to be the essential attribute of popular sover
eignty. It was the very plague spot of the revolution ,

and justified the delegates of God in waging war by
force or guile for his power against the mind of man .
It was the fortune of Germany to develope this
truth and the purpose of the Congress of Laybach
to act on it. The treaty of Vienna-which declared
that "the States of Germany should be independent

and united by a federal league " -made her a minia
ture of Europe. Two military monarchies occupied
the extremes of her territory : and controlled through
a Diet of all the Princes, the affairs of the crowd of
intermediate States, whose insignificant size did not
prevent their being dangerous neighbors to States of
common language, feelings and history, despotic in
form , yet struggling to be free. The Diet was to
Germany what the Holy Alliance was to Europe .

The sovereigns dispersed from Vienna and went
on their way rejoicing in the prospect of a golden
age of patriarchal rule and child-like submission,
which they had introduced. The iniquities before
the flood were obliterated . The arch-fiend was
bound and banished. They fondly hoped the
troubled waters would subside into repose .
But the breath of liberty had stirred the stagnant

waters of every land . The Princes of Germany
themselves had been the propagandists. They had
evoked a power which they had used but could not
get rid of. They had called up a spirit which they

could not lay.
Men's minds did not sink to sleep with the return

of peace . They had acquired independence. They
had been promised freedom. They turned to their

Princes for the performance of their promises . But
the storm had passed , the sky was clear, they stood
erect and lofty, surrounded with glittering armies
and secure of their devotion . The humbled spirit
rose to its former pride. One of their cousins of
ancient date and wide dominion had bewailed the
evanescence of royal vows wrung forth in distress ;

and his successors lived to prove the truth of his
bitter exclamation
" How soon

Would highth recall high thoughts-how soon unsay
What feigned submission swore—ease would recant
Vows made in pain as violent and void !”
They set themselves diligently to work under

pretext of performance , to revoke , annul and evade
S
them as the dangers of the concessions became
apparent.
The King of Prussia, besides many valuable ad
ministrative improvements-even during the war
convoked a provisional assembly to adjust his taxes
and aid his reforms. But despotic power is unsocia
ble, and popular presumption is impracticable : and
the assembly was dissolved without the regrets of
King or People. In 1816 , the provincial assemblies
were charged with the election of delegates to a
general parliament, and a commission was created for
the construction of a constitution. But unexpected
difficulties beset the union of the provinces. The

King seemed to weary of his task or repent him of
his promise . The commission was adjourned for
further inquiry ; and ere it could meet again a change

had come over the spirit of the King. The people
presumed to claim as a right what was intended as a
favor. The tone of public discussion had assumed
an unpalatable independence . The King became
impressed with the incompatibility of despotic power
with guarantees against its exercise-and shrank from
his promises at such a cost. He was fertile in post

ponements. His ministers were always prosecuting
with endless labor an impossible work. Some of his
people ventured to present an urgent remonstrance
after the delay had extended to 1818. It provoked
the royal anger that his people should dare to antici
pate the time which he should hold fit for the con
cession of a constitution : and they were admonished
that to remind a King of his promises implied a
doubt of his royal word. He repelled the imputa
tion-by proving its truth . The assembly of States
failed to find a place in the dominions of the liberal
King of Prussia-and at the conferences of Carlsbad
his ministers were still prosecuting their Penelopean
labors !! ― These delays are the type of them all.

In some of the States the issue was different-but
S
only after long struggles. Baden in 1817 , and Bava
ria in 1818 , obtained satisfactory assemblies and con
stitutions ; but in the former they were wrung from
the reluctant Duke by the hostile claims of Bavaria
which drove him to seek refuge in the affections of
his people ; and the same necessity for cordial sup
port induced the despot of Bavaria to nerve the
heart of his people for his depredation on Baden .
Both the King of Wurtemburg and the Grand Duke
of Baden- trembling for the integrity of their mosaic

dominions at the hands of the Congress, sought to
buy the affections of their subjects by the tender of

constitutions ; but the niggardly offer filled them with
disgust. Bickerings and higglings consumed the
time till the danger was passed ; and with it fled the
only inducements to conciliation . A renewal of
difficulty in one case, a change of sovereign in the

other, finally brought about the wished for agreement.
In Saxony, in Brunswick, and in many other States
the assemblies never found a place . In Hesse
Darmstadt they were conceded after a five years con

flict. In Saxe Weimar alone, the home of Goethe,
whose Grand Duke was the protector of Schiller,
Wieland and Herder- did constitutional freedom
find a welcome home, and the spirit of man a free

press. These liberal concessions followed swiftly on
the peace, and they were fully and honestly main
tained by their author. But he and they had
fallen on evil days. Freedom is of bad example to
neighboring despotisms : and the constitution and free
press of Saxe Weimar attracted the attention , roused
the fears, and finally called down the anathemas of
Austria and Prussia, as inimical to the existing
order .
This state of deferred expectation , of delayed
promise, of earnest entreaty and cold refusal or illu
sory performance, would in ordinary times have tried
the patience of the quietest people . But these were
not ordinary times, nor this a quiet people. The
minds of men were on fire and royal propagandists
had blown the flame into fury. They made Germany
too hot for Napoleon and they could not cool it for
themselves. The spirit of the restless people broke
out in the Universities, in the Gymnasia, in public
celebrations, in the public press -wherever it could
find a tongue. The patriotic ferment of the war of
liberation worked in the minds of the people. The
impetus then given to free ideas had not spent but
augmented itself. It was fast verging towards a
popular demand for a full share of the sovereignty

with all the inherent vigor, and the irrepressible
strength of the idea of liberty. It was apparent that
no subordinate place at the foot of the throne would
satisfy its aspirations . Every day developed the
absolute, direct, and irreconcilable hostility between
the sovereignty of the monarch and of the people.
The two spirits which had stood in battle array for
twenty years were again face to face : and the
monarchs were driven to suppress a clamor they
would not gratify and could not quiet. The eloquent
appeals of Görres in Westphalia against the French
were continued after their expulsion, in behalf of
national rights, liberal laws, and free and powerful
assemblies for the people. But there was a vast
difference between a free press for the King's cause,
and a free press exacting popular rights at his hands.

This latter was dangerous to the " existing order : "
and the Rhenish Mercury was first subjected to the
gag of a censor in July, 1815-and because it would
still mutter between its teeth, a few months later, it
was suppressed .
After the humiliating day of Jena and the treaty
of Tilsit, even women united in the effort to rouse
and reform the nerveless people . Queen Louise and

Von Stein were among the founders of the Tugend
bund. It united the first, most liberal, most able
and learned men of Germany in the glorious cause of
waking the national spirit and reforming the abuses
which paralyzed its power. Schleiermacher, Nie
buhr, Humboldt, Jahn and other illustrious men
strove in its ranks and inspired its deeds . By its
influence, at its popular appeal, under its promises,
the nation arose and became strong. Their exer
tions in the national cause continued only the same
exhortations after the peace as before . It was
scarcely to be anticipated that success should cool

their patriotism , or that after having won a title to
free institutions they should sit down quietly under
the refusal of them : still less can we blame their
impatience at the hostility of the authors and

founders of their association to the persecution of
their cause . The national regeneration progressed
in every department with free and rapid strides and

not without the usual concomitants of exaggerated
sentiment and exorbitant demands. Jahn had
sought to free the nation from foreign ideas and

imitation, by infusing into the youth through the
influence of his gymnasia, simple habits, earnest ideas,
national feelings. The holy ideas of liberty were
nourished by the solemnization of the days of victory
of the war of liberation- when the eye was lifted
beyond the confines of a single state to the majesty of

united Germany . The spirit of reform, the conta
gion of liberal ideas seized on the Universities,
especially that of Jena. The Burschenschaften were
formed to promote the revolution of national educa

tion and habits : and free ideas were their natural
allies . Religion mingled with the rolling current

and the advocates of one reformation looked back
with kindred feelings to the days of another- the

pioneer in the paths of modern improvement. The
students of Jena celebrated on the Wartburg the
anniversary of the reformation , and breathed the very
spirit of Luther on the scene of his residence .
Patriotic speeches full of enthusiasm for home and

country rang over the land : and the tones woke a
responsive echo in many a longing heart. But to
speak of freedom in the hearing of a master is an

impeachment of his rights . The celebration was
reported as a reappearance of the devil on the
Wartburg. Solemn statesmen had been ridiculed ;

and they felt sore at the jokes on their incompetency .
It was treated as a formal conspiracy. Diplomatic
notes were interchanged . The Duke of Saxe
Weimar met the urgent remonstrances of Prussia

and Austria. Their ambassadors visited the spot to
investigate the events and to track the conspiracy.

Unfortunately Kotzebue resided there ; his reports
to his imperial master Alexander were suspected as
those of a spy. One was intercepted , published ,
commented on with bitterness . He sought protection
.
of his master ; audacity of the press and the enthu

siasm of the students were condemned as dangerous :
and the menacing tone of the Duke's despotic neigh

bors compelled in 1818 the silencing of the press .
These events excited the fear of the sovereigns
then united at Aix la Chapelle ; a communication
was addressed to Alexander commenting on the
pertinacious striving after new constitutions, by

which the legitimate authority of Kings, the gift of
God, was brought to naught, and pointing to the free
ideas afloat at the Universities, and the audacious
freedom of the press as the sources of the difficulty.
This address made a deep impression on his
Imperial Majesty . Secret negotiations passed on the

subject, and their fruits were apparent the following
year at Carlsbad.
In the midst of this ferment of minds a half mad
enthusiast―impressed with the idea that Kotzebue

was a spy and a foe to his fatherland-sought him
out and murdered him. The deed was condemned ;
but the sentiment which prompted it met the sympa
thy of thousands . The perpetrator was wept as a
hero and a martyr . The excitement was doubled by

a similar attempt on the life of Ibell . The populace
caught the passion and exhausted their fury on the
unoffending and defenceless Jews from one end of
Germany to the other. The crisis of a revolution
was fast approaching . The time was at hand when
free institutions, free assemblies , freedom of speech
and of the press must be granted , or the voice of
clamor must be silenced by the sword . To yield to
those demands - to permit the freedom of discussion
on the borders of Austria and Prussia necessarily
involved them in the concessions ; or the refusal left
them only the alternative of civil war. Neither was

content to yield constitutions. Both felt their incom-
patibility with the unity of either Empire, with the

integrity of the royal authority, with the divine idea
8
of the King, with the existence of the precepts of

Christianity as the only rule of conduct. Metternich
and the Prussian minister sympathized in these views .
They concurred in devising a scheme to protect
themselves by the suppression of freedom in the
neighboring states-equally free and independent as
their own and the chief powers of Germany were
invited to a conference at Carlsbad to settle and
sanction the details.
The interest of all the Princes of Germany was
alike. All feared the further progress of free prin
ciples. All professed to believe in an impending

rebellion, an unreasonable discontent, a disorganizing
spirit the offspring of some deep and hidden con
spiracy . Its traces could never be found, but every
symptom of discontent, every expression of ardent
devotion to free institutions, every disorder of any
sort, was arbitrarily ascribed to such a conspiracy.
All the Princes were interested in having an external
guarantee against their subjects, and were willing to
buy the benefit at the expense of the freedom of
their governments . The restraint was only on their
people ; and they eagerly submitted to it. They felt
the advance of the rising flood and earnestly joined
in erecting the requisite barrier against its ravages .
The Conference of Carlsbad was thus a conspiracy
among the crowned heads of Germany , led on and
instigated by Prussia and Austria, each to suppress
free institutions and free discussion in the dominions
It was
of his neighbors for the security of his own .
the first trial, among the States of Germany, of the
principles devised by the Allies for the subjugation

of Europe .
The results of the conferences were announced in
the address of Buol-Schauenstein , President of the

Austrian delegation , on the 20th September, 1819 ,
to the Diet at Frankfort. The scheme devised was
to explain away the liberal provisions of the articles

of federation and by construction to expand and
strengthen the powers of the Diet so as to vest that
body with a right of interference in the private and
internal affairs of every State, in spite of its constitu
tional independence . To these arrangements the
assent of the respective rulers was to be obtained in
consideration of the security each derived for his
despotic power against the clamors of his people ;
and the Diet was asked to invest them with the
sanctions and the forms of law.
The address of the Austrian delegate is the resolu

tion of the Carlsbad Conference . From it we learn
that the disquiet of men's minds flowed from the

indefiniteness of the article of confederation relative
to the Assemblies of States ; that under that term

nothing more was to be understood than the old
Estates which had always existed in Germany ; that

no one dreamt of founding any such thing as a popu
lar participation in the sovereignty, which was incon
sistent with the existence of monarchy ; and that
further steps in that direction should be arrested
till the Diet could define the meaning of the article.
In other words, the monarchs had discovered that
their power was indivisible ; a surrender of any
involved danger to all.
The next suggestion revealed the device to control

the development of each State by the power of the
whole. It consisted in claiming for the Diet the
right by construction to guarantee not only the out
ward independence and integrity of the several States
but also the maintenance of the legally existing order
within.
The licentious spirit of the press was accused of

having shaken the faith of men in things established
by its malignant or seductive coloring ; to it was
ascribed the prevailing conspiracy for the overthrow
of social order — which like a disembodied spirit per་་
vaded the air but could never be fixed in a place or
a person ; and the address with far-sighted policy

struck at the root of the evil by denouncing the
liberal notions infused into the minds of youth by the
professors as fallacious dreams exciting to madness
and ending in ruin.
These views were followed up by appropriate acts
or decrees , adopted unanimously and without opposi

tion or discussion- bartering away the rights of
nations for the security of their Princes.
The confederation obtained- under the forms of
an interpretation- the right to coerce any State or the

people of any State to perform their federal duties.
Commissioners were appointed to watch over the
spirit of the instructions administered to the students
at the Universities, and to remove professors of dan
gerous principles. The press was bound hand and
foot : no paper of less than twenty pages could
appear anywhere unless specially authorized : and
on complaint of any State the commissioners could
suppress any licensed publication which tended to
disturb the safety , peace and quiet of any German

State. Sweeping powers were given for the sup
pression of conspiracies , under pretext of the neces
sity of the impending crisis.
These were all blows aimed at the internal develS
opment of the independent States, for the preserva

tion of despotic authority in Germany, and chiefly
for the benefit of Prussia and Austria.
Prince Metternich had not yet attained his object.

He summoned the chief powers of Germany to
Vienna in the latter part of the same year. In
January , 1820 , they dispersed , having ratified all

that was formerly done, and added numerous articles
to the Acts of Confederation . The nature of the
Confederation was entirely changed . The 57th Arti

cle reiterates with the formality of legal language
the doctrine of the Holy Alliance :-That since the
States of Germany consisted of sovereign Princes ,
the whole power of the State must remain united in the
Chief Head of the State : and the Prince can only be
required to admit the Assembly to the exercise of
certain specified rights : but even that cannot extend
to prevent the Prince from performing his federal
duties.
The meaning of these provisions is that no

Assembly shall in any manner control the monarch
by demanding reforms as the condition of supplies ;
and that, the whole and indivisible sovereignty of
the state remaining in the head, any constitution ,
any Assembly of States exists only by his license, at
his mercy, and during his will .
Here we behold the full success of the doctrines
of the Allied Powers applied with eminent skill

to stifle the voice of liberty, demanding the per
formance of royal promises . We see the practical

development in this miniature of Europe of the prin
ciples which did not wait long a wider theatre and
more daring application .
The Allies were at last fully aware of the utter
and absolute incompatibility , as well in logic as in
fact, of free institutions with unrestricted power in
the sovereign. They had learned that what the
GRINAN
people demanded was securities for good govern
ment ; and that securities meant fetters on their
power of doing ill . They had learned that the yearn
ing for free institutions was not a temporary madness,
but the temper of the times deeply seated in the
nature of man- a spirit of potent influence, of many
lives, of daring character, of contagious example, and
poisonous to the very fountains of despotic authority.
They henceforth repudiate and renounce all liberal
ideas, repress every aspiration after liberty as rebel
lion in disguise ; and, wherever it breaks out in fact,
they regard it as the cause of God and of his vice
gerent promptly to march against it and mercilessly

to trample out its last sparks of life.
While the Princes of Germany were assembled at
-
Carlsbad, they were startled by the revolutionary con
flagration of Naples, which threatened to throw all
Italy into flames ; and that was the offspring of the
explosion in Spain .
I turn to these great events, and I earnestly invoke
attention to these commentaries on the Holy Alliance
the first in the series of armed interventions for the
purpose- not merely, as in 1792 , of sustaining a

constitutional monarchy against an aggressive and pro
pagandist republic but- of extinguishing peaceful con

stitutional monarchies FREELY ACCEPTED BY THE
MONARCHS !!
SECTION II .
THE CONSPIRACY
O F
LAYBACH AND VERONA .
9
THE CONSPIRACY
OF
LAYBACH AND VERONA .
THE crash of thrones in Spain and Italy fell on the

ears of the conspiring despots of Germany like thun
der from a cloudless sky. The subterranean fire they
had just stifled under their feet, seemed to roll on
underground till it broke out, like the shock of an
earthquake, in the two extreme peninsulas of Europe .
That Spain and Italy, the chosen seats of des
potism, and its sworn ally, superstition, should thus
confess the power of the revolutionary mania, was
of startling import to the sovereigns. It seemed to
betoken the universal and ineradicable nature of the
plague. It was like blows received in the house of a

friend .
Spain had in three centuries sunk from the freest

to the most despotic country in Europe. The thun
der of the French revolution failed to rouse it. It
did not wake till Napoleon's assault stirred its

blood and woke its ire, and the insults of a foreign
despotism kindled anew the fire in the trampled and
besotted spirit of its children . From 1808 till 1813
the war for independence raged with a fury else
68 THE CONSPIRACY OF
where unknown. The spirit of patriotism evoked

the spirit of liberty, and the sons of Spain, while
they fought the battles of their captive King, wisely
provided for the security of themselves and their
posterity the protection of a free constitution . In
1812 , the Cortes which had organized the national

strength and roused its spirit, proposed a free and
liberal constitution of the mixed monarchical style,
based on a liberal suffrage of the people, and sweep
ing away many of the oppressive institutions which
Spain inherited from her Priests and her Kings.

Under this constitution the war of liberation was
waged ; with the Cortes which it created as the

representatives of the Spanish nation , the Allied
Sovereigns concluded a solemn league against

France ; and the Emperor of Russia formally ac
knowledged its entire legitimacy.
In 1813, when Napoleon felt the ground slipping
beneath his feet, he strove to strengthen his rear by
restoring Ferdinand VII . to his throne, on condition

of obtaining his support. The Cortes, in full possesSy
sion of the sovereignty of the nation, refused to

admit the King to the exercise of his functions till
he had sworn to the constitution . The King crossed
the frontier, passed the popularly inclined provinces
of Arragon and Catalonia in artful silence , and first
at Valencia, in the midst of Elio's troops , dropped
the mask. On the 4th of May, 1814, his procla
mation-promising a few administrative C

reforms
annulled the constitution. The Cortes, unwilling to
take extreme measures, sent a remonstrance- instead

of an army- to meet the King. In sullen and dis
LAYBACH AND VERONA . 69
dainful silence he marched on Madrid . On the 11th
of May, his forces occupied the capital and consigned

the members of the Government, the heads of the
Cortes, and the general of their army, snatched from
their dwellings, to the darkness of a dungeon. The
moment for resistance had passed. Too much deli
cacy, too little distrust, had cost the nation its liber
ties . The Cortes had not learned that bayonets are
the only arguments that weigh with Kings. They

illustrated the confiding moderation of popular bodies,
so often and so easily the dupe or the victim of

audacious treason covered by a crown . They did
not believe in the perpetration of so enormous an
iniquity ; and they paid for their faith with years of
confiscation, torture, and blood .
The enthroned tyrant had learned nothing from
misfortune . The prison of Napoleon was not a fruit
ful political school. He hastened to undo the work
of the Cortes. The press was fettered by a stringent
censorship. The Inquisition darkened the land by
its frown ; its familiars swarmed through the pro
vinces, and its prisons groaned with the victims of
priestly vengeance. A political inquisition was insti
tuted . Banishment or death was denounced against
the adherents of the French . The adherents of the
Cortes, the men who freed their country and secured

his crown, Calvo de Rosas the hero of Saragossa,
Alava the friend of Wellington , the moderate Marti
nez de la Rosa , the poets Quintana and Gallego , the
ornaments and defence of that land of glory were
consigned to the galleys or immured in the African
prisons . The first year saw fifty thousand freemen
PRE
languishing in confinement for their political opin
ions . The restored monks swarmed through the
land pronouncing anathemas on the constitution as
the work of the devil ; and the intercession of
the Bishop of Mechoacan for the restoration of the
banished adherents of freedom was considered as mad
ness by the astonished King and branded as heresy

by the doctors of the Inquisition . The blackness of
darkness in a form which might be felt had settled
over the doomed land - which nothing could dispel
but the lurid fires of revolution . They flashed up at
short intervals , in rapid succession, like signals of

distress in the night storm at sea- but only to be
extinguished in blood, till the day of wrath was fully
come.
Autor
The first effort of the King was to wreak his ven
geance on his revolted colonies . From the midst
of his troops assembled at Cadiz for embarkation ,

the smothered fire broke out in September, 1814 .
Its suppression was followed by an explosion in
Navarre in 1815. The noble Lascy paid with his
blood for his failure at Madrid in 1817. Again in
1818 the forces destined for America were the focus
of a conspiracy which cost Vidal his life. The
measure of suffering was now full. The spirit of

man had been pressed to its last retreat ; the pent
up power exploded all over the land with such fury
that the cowardly despot feared to measure arms
with the foe he had scorned and oppressed .
Riego before his regiment, at the solemnity of the

mass, in the church of San Juan on the 1st of
January, 1820 , proclaimed the constitution of 1812 .
He had miscalculated his strength and his forces

were scattered in flight-when at the other end of the
kingdom the garrison of Corunna summoned its
officers to swear to the constitution . A junta for the

guidance of affairs was created, headed by Don Pedro
Agar. The cities of the province gave in their
adhesion by acclamation . The whole north coast
was in flames, and the commotion seemed to rise

from the earth close by the very residence of the
monarch. He trembled like Felix before the coming
day of reckoning, and sought to propitiate his people
by offering them the ancient Cortes, -once a powerful
body, but now effete and antiquated , its very soul
trodden out by his despotic predecessors. His people
mocked at his weakness and saw through his trick.
He was compelled , not by any threatened personal
danger, not by any present military force, not by any
decisive victory, but by the universal simultaneous
overwhelming manifestations of his people's will,
by the majesty of a nation's resolution , which he
could not control and feared to disregard, to restore
the constitution he had rent and abrogated.
The scenes that follow are damning to the

character of Kings . Their wickedness is half re
deemed when it is backed by courage. But that
quality seems to have fled from thrones in these latter
days. For Kings to be cowardly is as much of
course as to be false and treacherous.
The courage of the King gave way before the

clamor of the people ; and on the 7th of March, 1820 ,
he promised the constitution of 1812. On the 8th, a
provisional ministry or junta was created, before whom
the King swore to the constitution . A proclamation

from the King announced that, as a tender-hearted
father he had granted what his children thought
essential to their happiness ; and that he enjoyed the
hope of contributing to the public good, in the midst
of their delegates, -whom he had so lovingly im
prisoned. He besought his people to confide in their
King, who spoke to them in uprightness and with
the deepest feeling of obligation which Providence
had vouchsafed him.
The Cortes met-the people returned nearly the

same men whom the King had dispersed six years
before . The King opened their solemn sitting on the
9th of July, 1820 , —with a lie in his right hand and
a perjury in his heart. The lip curls with involun
tary scorn as we retrace the humiliating scene. The
King, who came from captivity to a throne won for

him and without his aid by the heroism of the
people he was swift to oppress, now prepares to
betray them by the soft words of affection . " So
soon," he assured the Cortes, " as the excess of
undeserved suffering brought the long suppressed
wishes of the people to a distinct expression, I
hastened to pursue the course they indicated, and
professed the oath of fidelity to the constitution of
the Cortes of 1812. From this moment the King
and the people entered on their legitimate rights . My
resolution was free and voluntary : it accorded with
my interest as well as with the good of the Spanish
people. It lies with the Cortes to found the public
well-being on wise and righteous laws-protecting
religion and the rights of the citizen and the sove
reign . To the royal power it pertains to watch over

the execution of the laws, and especially over the
observance of the fundamental law, the centre of the
wishes of every Spaniard, and the surest rock of
his hopes . This will be my constant and most
grateful duty. To the maintaining and confirming

the Constitution I will dedicate the power which it
places in the hands of the King. I wish no other
power. This suffices for my happiness and my
fame . " The solemn mockery of an oath attested the
sincerity of the royal liar.
This act inaugurated the restored Constitution .
That restoration was not wrung from the King by
personal violence nor by the threat of it. It was not
obtained by the surprise of a sudden outbreak, at the
instance of an insubordinate Pretorian guard. Full
notice had been given by many an effort-so fruitless
that the King was incredulous of an opposition
beyond his power to suppress . The outbreak was
long announced ; it came from a distant quarter of
the realm ; it was long in spreading to the capital.
The means of flight were at hand . A powerful body
of troops was collected in Cadiz not so infected by
discontent but that they would have obeyed the word
of command . If there were any portion of the army
reliable, there was ample time to reach it-ample

means to concentrate it. If there were any Province
of the realm devoted to the King or willing to fight
for his menaced authority, there was opportunity to
display there the royal standard and rally the faithful
round the royal person . If the friends of loyalty
were dispersed all over Spain , there was ample time

10
to call them to action by the zealous priests, the

swarming monks, the devoted prelates.
Yet it is certain that the King yielded to the cry
of the people , and accepted the Constitution , without
any one stricken field , without two armies meeting in
battle array, without any large body of troops on
either side concentrating on any point, the largest
force resting all the time quietly at Cadiz subject to
its officer's orders.
If no
One of two things therefore is certain .
body would fight for the King and his authority , then
it was a plain case of the distinct and formal expres
sion of the whole body of the nation that they would
no longer have an absolute King to rule over them.
The objection was not to the person but to the power
of the King- for the effort was not to dethrone
him, but only to restrain him, by the fetters of law
and not by fetters of iron . The event would have
justified fetters of iron and a rod of iron, and the
failure to use either is a serious impeachment of the
wisdom and resolution of the Cortes . But they did
not either use or threaten to use them .
Or , if the mass of the nation were in favor of the

King and would have fought at his bidding, if the
forces at Cadiz were faithful and available , and their
aid was not invoked , after full information of the
extent of the outbreak, and with ample time to con

vene them at Madrid, or to fall back on them at
Cadiz, then the King freely and voluntarily, of his
own will and pleasure , as he swore he did,
granted the Constitution to the importunities and for
the benefit of his subjects who were faithful, peaceful,
and submissive .
Which ever hypothesis we adopt, the inaugura

tion of the Constitution assumes the highest form of
validity, and stands guaranteed by the most solemn and
irrevocable sanctions which it is possible to conceive .
If a nation can have rights against the monarch,
then Spain had them.
It is only then on the theory of the Holy Alliance ,
the absolute concentration of all sovereignty in the per
son of the sovereign, that Ferdinand could release
himself from the obligations of the Constitution .
A spark blew from Spain to Italy, and in an
instant an explosion ensued . The minds of men
were ripe for change and weary of the caprices of

despotic power .
Ferdinand IV. of Naples, had been driven by
the French to Sicily, where the English maintained
him on the throne, which , for once in the whole
course of the revolutionary struggle, they caused to
be surrounded with popular institutions, embodied in
a Parliament modeled on their own. The King
accepted, swore to , and acted under it.
The folly of Murat gave the wishes of the allies a

pretext for their gratification , and his forfeited crown
was replaced on the head of Ferdinand in 1815 , by

the Congress of Vienna.
G
His return to Naples was the signal for the abroga
tion of the Parliamentary Constitution of Sicily, and
the reversal of all the reforms of the French in
Naples. Justice became venal, the Inquisition lifted

its head and put forth its bloodstained arms , the
Jesuits swarmed amid the demoralized population ,
the army was not a match for the robbers on the
highway. Freedom of thought and of the press
expired under the stringent censorship, which sup

pressed domestic and excluded foreign books. Free
opinions were crimes and the only crimes which
could not escape punishment .
With this state of things men were not satisfied .
The association of the Carbonari, originally aimed at
the expulsion of the French, subsequently expanded
its views and its organization , and aspired to com
prehend all Italy in one constitutional monarchy.
The strength and proximity of Austria, and the
diversity of local interests and narrow ambition post
poned and impeded the attempt, till the revolution
in Spain struck the chord which vibrated in all
hearts. About the 1st of July, 1820 , shortly after

the proclamation of the Constitution by Riego at the
head of his troops in Spain , and upon the receipt of
that intelligence, an inspiration seized Morelli, a subal
tern officer at Nola , to imitate his example, and he
found the temper of his troops in accordance with his
own. He announced the result to his superior officer
at Avellino ; and he brought the militia of the pro

vince to a similar declaration . The infection spread
all over the country. The troops sent from Naples
could not be relied on to oppose the constitutionalists
or actually joined them , and the crowds in the
capital, under the eyes of the King and Court, were

decorated with the tri-color of the Carbonari and
clamorous for the constitution . Finally, so distinct

and emphatic was the expression of the desire of all
classes for the constitution that the King felt himself
obliged to declare that in eight days he would pro
claim the principles of the constitution . The people

were not content with so causeless a delay . The
tyrant was at once fool and coward. So he slunk
from public view and consigned to his son the duties

of government with the title of Regent. He pro
claimed the constitution of 1812 of Spain as that of

C
Naples, subject to alterations required by the differ
ences of the two countries . The Carbonari well in
structed in the wiles of despotism and the cunning of

kingcraft declined to accept this delegated title ; and
the King was compelled to issue a proclamation
under his own hand, confirming the act of the Regent
and promising to maintain the constitution. On the
13th of July the King and the Princes took the oath
of allegiance to that instrument, and on the 1st of
October the Constitutional Parliament of the Two
Sicilies was formally and peacefully opened by the

Regent. How quiet were the Neapolitan peo
-
ple since the adoption of the constitution , how uni
versal was the satisfaction of all classes, can be shewn
in no stronger manner than by the fact, that promptly
on the change, the government was in a condition to
strip itself of large masses of its scanty army for the
purpose of prosecuting to a successful result the sup
pression of the Sicilian revolt.
By this time the Holy Allies were stirring.

At the Congress of Aix la Chapelle, a further re
union of the associated Sovereigns had been arranged
to take place at Troppau, and Metternich cunningly

screened his designs under the pretext of pursuing
this resolution .
The Neapolitan Government anticipated difficulty

from the Austrian treaty, and anxiously sought by
repeated but fruitless embassies to make its peace by
assurances of its quiet disposition . Metternich knew
they could not control the spread of the fire ; and he
was resolved to extinguish it-by arms if necessary .
-
They sought the mediation of Alexander, who ex
cused himself by reason of his strict alliance with his
exalted confederates, from taking alone and without
consulting them , any step in a matter so closely affect
ing their safety. Thus rebuffed they renewed the
negotiations with the master and leader of the plot.
Cimitele's interview with Metternich is radiant with
light on the views and policy of the allies . He sar

castically confessed his confidence in the peaceful
intent of the Neapolitan government, whose weakness
left little to be feared from hostilities, but for their
interest he refused to recognize the revolutionary
movement. The maintenance of the old constitution
against the assaults of innovation was her only safety.

G
She was not an enemy, but a patient ; not a reconcili
ation, but a remedy was needed. All well disposed
persons should petition the King to annul the trans
actions since July, and to punish the rash empirics

who had brought their country to the brink of ruin .
If difficulties arose , his master would remove them if
necessary with eighty or a hundred thousand men .
In sorrow the Neapolitan minister replied , if that be
the ultimatum blood must flow : -and the conference
closed.
The clear head of Metternich was free from the
fumes of driveling mysticism which clouded the eyes

of Alexander and Francis. He could not be seduced

by specious reasoning, to favor a liberalism which he
saw to be incompatible with the continuance of ab
solute monarchy ; and he was the first to point out to
his imperial masters the blunder they had been guilty
of. He was equally conscious of the puerility of the
Holy Treaty-the mutual pledge of royal brotherhood,
the idle invocation of the truths of Christianity as the
basis and principle of a political system, and the
Utopian dream of perpetual peace under the guar
dianship of three military and despotic monarchies .
But because it was idle and nugatory for the purC
poses and views of its dreamy authors, it was not

therefore useless in the hand of a statesman whose
rigid mind drew stern and practical consequences

from the mystical symbols and pious effusions of his
illustrious but not very bright masters.
Bewildered with delight at their deliverance , the
pious monarchs had covenanted to follow the pre

cepts of Christianity as their only rule ; Metternich
deduced the consequence, that as rebellion was sinful
and obedience commanded , it was the duty of the
allies to suppress the one and enforce the other.
Since they were to remain united and to afford each
other help and countenance on every occasion ; he
found it not difficult to persuade them that the
revolts in Naples and Spain were the very cases
contemplated by the treaty ; and what had passed as
vague generality, he interpreted into a perpetual
political league for all purposes of common interest.
Since they were there declared to be the plenipoten
tiaries of God— a war against his plenipotentiary was
war against him ; and they were called on by their

gratitude for their deliverance to punish the daring
violators of his majesty in the person of his delegates.
The effusions of gratitude, the pious resolutions ,
the penitent promises, the mystical fooleries of the
sovereign imbecils became in the skillful hands of
their great minister the plastic instruments of deep
and far- sighted policy . He imbued the empty phrases
with pregnant meaning. He worked on the royal
fears and gratitude and piety, and the lofty notions
of their heaven- descended power, and the high mis
sion of training the insubordinate spirit of man to the
submissiveness of Christian meekness-into which
they interpreted their triumph over Napoleon,

till from these unpromising materials he formed and
founded a great pervading enduring system for the
government of Europe . He turned their enthusiastic
ejaculations into the charter of a new Amphyctionic

Council of which the royal and imperial trinity was
the head- whose mission was the enforcement of the
principles of religion as matter of government, and,

A
under its cover, the suppression of the fierce intrac
table insubordinate and untamable spirit of liberty,
to be exorcised as an infernal possession , and to be
fled from as a deadly contagion.
However the Holy Alliance may be viewed in its
origin- whatever may have been the impulses from
which it emanated- it soon assumed the shape and
functions of an alliance of despots for the government
of Europe-of a conspiracy to persecute and extermi
nate every spirit that lifted its head in audacious
rivalry against the absolute power of the Ambassadors
of God.
The Emperors of Russia and Austria and the
representatives of Prussia and England, in October,

1820 , met at Troppau to consult for the cure of
Europe. The dreamy and unpractical mind of Alex

ander was with difficulty brought to a practical
resolution. A bloody revolt at St. Petersburg in the
adroit hands of Metternich threw new lights on the
matter, brought the question home to the Autocrat,
and served as a text pregnant with instruction as to
the meaning and use of the Holy Treaty. Its resus
citation , its execution he pressed as the only safety

against the restless heavings of the revolutionary
spirit ; and at his instance a formal protocol embodied
the principle, that the allies were entitled to inter
vene with arms for the purpose of maintaining not
only the territorial arrangements but also the internal
forms of government which the treaties of 1815 had
recognized as legitimate in the European States .
Those treaties read by the light of the Holy Treaty

were converted into a final and immovable settlement
of the territory and the governments of Europe ; and

for their perpetuity the allies were guarantors .
The great principle of Metternich's policy was- the
maintenance of the existing order of things ; his
instrument was- the alliance of the three despotic
powers of the north.
The new protocol was announced only when it

was completed : and England had the poor privilege
of delivering a powerless and disregarded protest .
The treaty of Aix la Chapelle required notice to
be given to the sovereign whose affairs were the
subject of a royal congress. The King of Naples
11
had not been summoned ; and the executors of the

law were scrupulously legal in their iniquity. A
circular was therefore addressed to the chief courts
stating the solicitude excited by the overthrow of

established governments in Naples and Spain ; invok
ing the principles of the alliance against Napoleon
G
for the suppression of this new outbreak of the revo
lution ; and inviting them to a conference at Laybach.
In January , 1821 , a crowd of crowned heads and
liveried slaves blinded the village of Laybach with
unusual glitter . They plotted in gay mood against

the liberties of mankind ; but no resolution was pro
mulgated till the advent of their cousin of Naples.

Ferdinand in the depths of his palace trembled
like a child at the asserted power of the nation . He
had known only the cringe of slaves : he quailed
before the resolute air and attitude of freemen. No
act was too low, no lie too bold, no treachery too

false and foul which could contribute to his release ,
not from imprisonment, but from the restraint of

honest government .
: He patriotically volunteered to encounter with his
aged frame the rigor of the season, the dangers of

the voyage, the labors of the journey to Laybach,
that he might avert the scourge of war from his
beloved land. He earnestly promised his devoted
-
efforts to confirm to her people their free constitu
tion ; but he intimated an intention to submit the
provisions of the constitution which he indicated to
the assembled sovereigns. The Parliament refused

its consent to any journey of the King which had for
its design the improving on the Spanish constitution
he had sworn to observe . They repeated their
refusal even when only such slight alterations were

suggested as might satisfy the moderate demands of
Russia and Austria. It was only when the King
pledged his worthless royal word that the only object

of his mission was the maintenance of the Spanish
constitution in its integrity, that the Parliament were

so simple as to believe his assurance and permit his
departure. He flew on the wings of the wind to his
trusty friends. His presence satisfied all the formal
scruples of the sovereigns, who without his presence
were quite resolved on their course of action . Met
ternich, Hardenberg and Capo d'Istria had ar
ranged the results in private interviews . They dealt
like men of business with practical matters . The
halting protest of England was taken at its true value .
Her declaration that her distance from the disturb
ance stripped her of any right of interference, but

that the proximity of Austria to the infected district
might admit of very different measures, was only a
diplomatic way of neutralizing her denial of the right
of intervention. The three despotic Powers em
bodied the result of their conferences in a circular,
announcing that the great majority of the Neapolitan

Kingdom were devoted to their King, and would
know nothing of this rough and boisterous freedom
only another name for slavery ; that the troops of Aus
tria would be welcomed by them as deliverers ; but that
resistance from the reckless faction which controlled
affairs would be suppressed by force . The legions

of Russia hung like a cloud in the back-ground , to
impress by their terror the hopelessness of defence .
G
Ferdinand came to Laybach the sworn constitu
tional monarch of Naples, pledged to protect the
Spanish constitution . He naturally found its best
security in Austrian arms, and joyfully anticipated

their departure on their mission .
The home administration , not entirely satisfied of
his constitutional devotion , commissioned the Duke
de Gallo to defend their work against the royalist
conspiracy. Remonstrance and debate, however,
were justly considered out of place where resolutions
were settled and the mode of execution alone was
open ; and the Austrian Government politely relieved

the Congress from the only croaking voice of dissent
likely to disturb its harmonious sitting , by arresting
the Duke at Görz during its consultations . At the
conclusion he was bidden to attend his master- who
communicated the joyful intelligence with undis

guised delight, that, in spite of his remonstrances,
the Congress had resolved that affairs in Naples must
revert to their condition under the treaties of 1815 ,
or an Austrian army would put them back ; and he
was dispatched to bear the intelligence-with a lying
letter to the Regent from the King veiling his treachery
to his people under regrets for his fruitless interces
sions.
The Austrian army followed swiftly on the feet of

the messenger. The Parliament and people met the
danger as one man . They flung back the proposal
of surrender with indignation . Men volunteered for
their country by thousands. Their words breathed
the loftiest enthusiasm . But their measures disclosed
that want of practical statesmanship , which always so

fatally enervates the arm of the people in despotic

states. Idle debates on municipal concerns had
wasted the precious hours which should have been

sacred to preparation . Money, arms, discipline,
military skill- all but devotion, were wanting. Half
armed crowds of militia find enthusiasm a frail
defence before the deadly missiles of war. It
is a feeble substitute for discipline and skill ; and

it soon cools beneath the influence of the sharp
lessons of defeat and flight. Inexorable time
crowded the work of years into days-but could not

add the might of giants to the strength of men .
The Austrian was in battle array ere the Neapolitans
had time to assemble their men . The powers of
despotism were ever ready to strike at naked liberty.
They hastened to anticipate the hour of preparation :
and rushing on the enthusiastic but ill-prepared youth
of Naples, scattered their hastily assembled forces
and marched to the occupation of the city.
The heroic King rested- as Kings now usually do
at a distance from the scene of conflict-till his peo
ple had been dragooned into submission-the hateful
Parliament dispersed—the sworn constitution abroga
ted ; and then at leisurely stages he approached his
capital, and resumed his throne amid the clamor of
the lazaroni and the military salute of the Austrians .
The usual results followed in swift succession . The
schools were closed lest light should illumine the

people. The Jesuits were recalled , to bewilder
their consciences. The press was fettered, that no
free word might disturb the stillness of despotism .
The people were relieved of their useless weapons ;
and the secret possession of them punished with

death. The prisons were crowded with the most
illustrious friends of freedom, and military tribunals

dealt from the drum-head quick destruction on the
adherents of the vanquished cause of the country.
The bloody and reckless wrath of the tyrant could
only be controlled by the terrors of desertion by
his allies ; and the horrors of his rule may be esti
mated when Austrian pity interposed to shield the
victims of his undistinguishing madness . The con
dition of his kingdom then, is best learned from Mr.
Gladstone's pamphlet painting that of his successor
now .
With these excesses we have nothing to do . They

are too common to justify description . We deal with
the political fact, that the three despotic powers
assumed and acted on the principles of the Holy
Alliance as above defined . They found a constitution
in full and peaceful play- sanctioned by the royal
oath-safe in the affections of the people—strong
enough to put down domestic sedition-able to meet
and discharge all the duties of international neigh

borhood-stained by no blood- and free from
aggression on its neighbors. They left in its place

the stillness of despotism- broken only by the groans
of the prisoner .
MAN
They did this, because the example of the peace
ful working of a free constitution was dangerous to
the quiet of their states. They secured by treaty
with the King the right to control his people-just
as at Carlsbad they conspired with the Princes of

Germany to suppress the development of political
life. In the very act they declared war against every
free government—against the very life and being of

freedom. The question of its suppression was only
one of time, policy and power.
Had Naples been left to herself, all Italy would
have been a free and united Kingdom, strong in
liberty, free from Austrian despotism- a support and

a comfort to the cause of mankind . She is, what
-
despots only can make mankind , the image of them
selves-cruel, cowardly and debased . The destruc
tion of the Neapolitan constitution dragged after

it the suppression of the promising efforts for
constitutional rights in Sardinia. There too the
King had fled- Charles Albert was at the head of

affairs but trembled before the outbreak he had him-
self fostered ; and his vacillating character left the ener

gies of the friends of freedom to waste themselves in
fruitless and disconnected revolts. The partisans
of the French and of the Spanish constitution
divided in hostile bands ; the decisive sword of
Austria was freely offered to the former to crush the
latter : and that was followed by the necessary sub
mission of their allies . Italy again lay at the feet of
her masters.
This was a grand step for despotism . The examCON

ple of the American revolution and our peaceful
republic shook all the despotisms of Europe . The
example of free , peaceful and united Italy would
have been deadly poison to the absolute power of
Austria. Her dominions would have been curtailed
of their Italian provinces. She would have been

driven to legal, moderate, constitutional government .
Russia would have been deprived of her faithful ally

and servant, and confined in the frozen North till the
fires of liberty should reach her. Germany, free

and popular, would have been released from Austrian
dictation ; and now she would have been a glorious
Empire of confederated states on the plan of our
magnificent union, quietly reposing on her conscious
strength, defying assault from abroad, and maintain
ing by the even operation of equal laws the peace
and quiet of her citizens-a barrier against Russian
aggression- an example to restless and uneasy
France-a model of constitutional liberty .
The children of despotism are wiser in their gen
eration than the children of light ; they saw the
dilemma, and manfully threw away their liberal pro
fessions in the face of a despotic necessity.
The proximity of Naples to the Italian provinces

of Austria, excited her solicitude and demanded her
first attention . The facility of her success gave
the leisure and confirmed the resolution of repeating

the experiment in Spain . The congress of Aix
la Chapelle had admitted France to the confed
eration of monarchs . It was fit that having kissed
the hand of her masters, she should be eager to
show her devotion by some work of repentance .
The arms of Austria had been stained by her
onslaught on Italian liberty. The legitimist monarch
of France aspired to equal honors, at the expense of
Spain . The example of her constitutional govern
ment was of damning example by the side of the
Her free constiB
retrogressive monarchy of France .
tution won by the swords which had expelled the

invader was a standing libel on the fraudulent charter

of the French-the emanation of the grace of a
Prince who won his crown by foreign bayonets, and
reigned by the right divine and Russian permission .
Impelled by the Furies who urged to that madness
which precedes ruin , that shade of a monarch urged
the intervention of the Allies, that his might be the
glory of the execution .
The Congress of Laybach had adjourned late in

1821 with the resolution of meeting at Verona,
within a year- when the results of the operations in
-
Italy could be known and the extent of the inflamma
tion estimated ,-to determine on the treatment of
Spain and in October, 1822, Verona swarmed with
princes, priests, diplomatists and pilgrims on the
holy crusade against the political miscreants who
defiled the soil of Spain , sacred for centuries to des
potism and superstition .
Let us, ere we recount their deeds, estimate the
weight and character of the monster whose life they
sought.
The constitution was sworn to on the 7th of
March, 1820. On the 9th July, 1820 , the first
Cortes were opened by the King- in that speech
whose promises were all perjuries in advance . His
feeble mind longed for his absolute power-so soon
as the ebullitions of the revolution sunk to quiet

under the constitution . His spirit was unchanged
it had only yielded to the commanding voice of the

nation . If that voice could be changed , if its power
Hig
could be curbed , if foreign aid might supply the defi
ciencies of internal strength , and silence the clamors
12
or suppress the movements of the people, no fear of

perjury stood in his way- for absolution was ready
beforehand no promise was an obstacle- for he was
the sovereign and his will could not be bound. His
was the cause of God and of his order- and any

means were holy in such a cause . On this system
he acted : and the constitutionalists were simple
enough to permit it.

The King hastened in the fall of 1820, even before
the dissolution of the Cortes, to hide his chagrin at
the Escurial ; and instantly on its dissolution , without
consulting his ministry and in violation of the very
words of the constitution , he changed the military
command of the province of Madrid from the trusty
hands of Gen. Vigodet—an avowed and honest but
moderate constitutionalist, to those of Carvajal its
secret foe. This was the first step in the counter
revolution to which the undivided and unscrupulous
efforts of the King were directed . The discontent
excited by this act, in connection with the discovery
of a plot against the constitution , having its seat in
the very neighborhood of the Escurial and implicating
the King's confessor, roused the people to violent
demonstrations , which were appeased only by his
return to Madrid .
This salutary indication that the public temper

would not be trifled with led to a substitution of
Baldes, a vigorous liberal, in the place of Amarillas,

as minister of war : he at once recalled Riego to the
command in Arragon : and Arco Aguero, Lopez
Bannos , Mina and Velasco, reliable men of the con
stitution , were placed in command of Estremadura,
Navarre, Galicia and Seville . In their hands the coun

try was safer than the King cared it should remain .
A collision between the guards and the people—
brought on by the former resenting the cheers of the
latter to the " Constitutional King" -compelled the
ministry, in the spring of 1821 , to disband the guards

for the sake of order. The King retaliated by dis
missing the ministry, —whose place was filled by men

of constitutional opinions but of little energy.
Under their guidance the Cortes, which met in
extraordinary session on the 1st of March, 1821 , ex
erted itself to found an adequate military force to
suppress internal disturbances which seemed to have
their fountain near the throne . Summary tribunals
and prompt proceedings , and martial law when the
civil arm was overmatched and defied , preserved the
cause of order : yet so moderate was their course ,
that their punishments were ascribed to treasonable

leniency, and provoked the mob in one case to a
W
summary execution of a priestly conspirator con
demned to the galleys. The incompetent ministry
failed to punish the outrage : and the King seized
the moment of public terror and revulsion to relieve
himself of Villalba as military commander of Madrid ,
and to substitute in his place Murillo , a man of distin
guished firmness but of sinister views as to the
constitution , and devoted at once to the King and to

the essential modification , if not to the abrogation of
the constitution. Thus the King had Carvajal for
the province and Murillo for the city-men not
devoted to the constitution they were appointed to
defend . The appointment of Murillo , though dis

tasteful to the Cortes and the liberals, was permitted

to pass without objection, in consideration of the
disorder he was appointed to suppress. - The Cortes
might have shewn equal moderation in a different
manner, with more safety to the country and the
constitution .
Thus strengthened , the King strangled by his veto

not only the law against political associations ; but
fastened on the people the iron fetters of the feudal
system which the Cortes in the true spirit of free
government strove to break. England had passed
such a law in the time of Charles II : France had
torn up the system by the roots : and Prussia made a
similar radical reform the first boon she offered her
people to incite them to the war of liberation . Fer
dinand knew the connection between feudal rights
C
and despotic power : and with his eyes on the res
toration of the former, refused the abrogation of the
latter . That excitement should boil up in the public
mind on such events is not surprising . The wonder

is that it did not break out in deeds of violence .
The feeling of security fled with the session of the

Cortes to whose conservative liberalism all men
looked for protection against the adverse machina

tions of the Court and the Clubs : but the policy of
the King was to justify the royalist by the popular
disturbances : and he therefore postponed , against the
urgent solicitations of the people , the meeting of the
Cortes till October . The event justified the adverse
fears and hopes. An accident occasioned in August
a collision between the guards and the people .
The people clamored for Murillo's removal ; but
the King not only refused to dismiss him but dis

charged the Minister of War for accepting even his
resignation- replaced him by an incompetent dotard
of royalist sympathies- and followed up his advantage
by striking Riego from the command of Arragon ,
where his faith and energy and heroic spirit would
have bid defiance to the French deliverers . The
false and slanderous pretext was, that against all his
known constitutional tendencies he had proclaimed
the Republic in his province . It was worth a lie and

a libel to be relieved from the terror of such a name.
The ministry of war was successively offered to Con

tador, and Rodriguez , whose incompetency would
destroy its efficiency : and on their refusal the King
provided in the person of Salvador an opponent of
the constitution to conduct its defence- who answered
his master's expectations by treasonably betraying it

in its last retreat. The fortunate results of the assault
on Naples and Sardinia had raised the hopes of a like

rescue : and the King was thoughtfully intent on giv
ing his friends as little difficulty as might consist with
•
his safety till their arrival . The people could not be
both blind and dumb while their friends were stricken
down, and they themselves delivered defenceless to

their foes. These outrages of the King called forth
counter manifestations from the people. In Madrid ,
in Seville , Malaga and Carthagena, processions and
assemblies bespoke the deep feelings of the people for
freedom insulted in the person of Riego ; and the
throne was assailed with petitions for his restoration ,
or the reasons of his removal. The country was
excited to the strongest manifestations of discontent :

but they did not break out into revolutionary vio

lence.
These events introduced the session of the Cortes
which opened on the 28th of September, 1821 .

Thus far, the people, though threatened by foreign
war and domestic treachery, however violent in
language, had been on the whole moderate in their
deeds. The Cortes followed their too tame example ,
and without holding the Government to a strict
accountability for these significant acts , proceeded to
the consideration of matters of ordinary import, when
the state of the country threatened them with a
royalist revolt and the King was smoothing the road
for foreign invasion. Encouraged by their apparent
indifference, he took another step in the same direc
tion . He recalled from the most important military
posts the friends of the Constitution , Jauregui from

Cadiz , Empecinado from Zamora, Velasco from
Seville, and the heroic and unconquerable Mina from
Galicia, and supplied their places by men lukewarm
or hostile to the Constitution , who would infuse no
energy into the defence of the country, and would
not be likely to mistake the King's friends for the foes
they were to oppose .
Venegas the bitterest opponent of the revolution ,
the last to give in his adhesion to the triumphant
constitution, was sent to command the stronghold of
Cadiz . The city rose in indignant outcry against
such treachery and refused him admission . Madrid
joined in the remonstrance . All the large cities of
Andalusia demanded the dismissal of a minister who
could consent to such an appointment. The excite

ment raged in the clubs, and fierce words, such as

Danton or Marat had spoken and acted out, were
muttered in no doubtful tones. Venegas shrank from
the storm . Andilla, his successor, equally objection
able, met with an equally abrupt opposition. Daviz,
intended as Velasco's substitute , was unceremoniously
driven from Seville ; and Mina was forced to resume
his post in Galicia by the indignant people. They
met and foiled artful villany with blunt honesty .
They were justly little scrupulous as to the mode of
dealing with it. The ministry bent before the
blast, but the King found them too useful tools to
be willing to part with them.
The Cortes disapproved of all the illegal violence
yet failed to remonstrate with the King on its
causes―till seeing the country on the verge of civil
war, they spoke in manly and moderate tone the
truth to the King, laid to his ministry's charge the

popular discontent, and besought their removal from
his councils. He delayed as long as he dared , and it

was not till January , 1822 , when the cloud was black
all over Spain, the south in arms, and Catalonia
ready to defy his authority, that he surrendered
his advisers .
Instantly the angry waves subsided . It was no
revolutionary rage, but manly resolution to do what
our English ancestors and our American fathers did ,

a readiness to snuff despotism in the tainted breeze ,
and defy it while yet distant. The removal of the
danger quieted the fear, and the first step of the
Cortes was to signalize their revolutionary madness
by passing a law to suppress the violence of the
press ,-in spite of the furious clamor of the clubs !
But still the military power and most important posts

were not in the hands of the friends of the constitu-
tion .
The members of the new Cortes were elected in
the midst of the excitement, and were the devoted

friends of the constitution . Immediately on their
meeting, in February, 1822, a new ministry, with

Martinez de la Rosa at its head, took the reins of
government- men signalized for their mild and mod
erate constitutional views, admirable advisers for

quiet times, but not gifted with the rough energy of
pilots for such a storm. For now it was apparent
that domestic violence conspiring with foreign force

threatened the constitution .
As the ferment subsided among the liberals, the

intrigues of the court and the priests stirred up the
adherents of despotism to deeds of violence infinitely
surpassing those of their opponents . Strange com
pounds of the priest, the renegade , and the robber,
united themselves in bands of defenders of the faith ,
and swarmed through old Castile and Navarre, and
infested the mountains of Catalonia ; while weaker
troops ranged over the southern provinces, drove the
trade of loyal robbery , at the bidding of monks , in
the cause of the King. In Valencia , the tyrannical
conduct of one of his officers brought the people and
the soldiery into bloody collision , and threatened to
spread the flames of war throughout the land . These
things were done with the knowledge, by the parti
zans, and for the benefit of the King, who quietly
watched and secretly instigated disturbances which
threatened to dissolve the bands of social order .
They drew their origin and support from the fanatical

wrath of priests and monks, and the countenance of the
King and Court ; while the French army lined the
borders, instigating and aiding the outbreaks, and
waiting to complete what they might leave undone.
The Cortes had long watched with solicitude the
course of events , dissatisfied with the ministry-which
sought to avert danger by conciliating the King, and
leaving in their places the dangerous officers he had
appointed-yet unwilling, against the remonstrances
GEN )
of Rosa, to break in on his policy. But now the im
pending danger of civil and foreign war was so great
that while preparing an army and contracting loans,
they besought the King to quiet the minds of men
and give energy to the administration of the law, by
appointing men who possessed and were entitled to
the confidence of the country. Nothing could have
been more distasteful to the King. He feigned ill
ness as an excuse for delay, and watched the gather
ing cloud, till finally, on the 30th of August, 1822 ,
he felt himself strong enough to venture to present
himself before his people at Aranjuez. Shouts of

"long live the absolute King," pleased his ear, and
but for the timely advent of the National Guard of
Toledo, the loyal mob , joined by the guard , would
have swollen to a royal army . On the same day in
Valencia, part of the garrison in like manner began

the revolt, but were quelled , after sharp fighting, by
their colleagues . The patience of the Cortes was
exhausted. They demanded the return of the King
to Madrid ; but he evaded compliance , till on the 30th
13
of June he came to close the Cortes . The excited
rabble, as the procession passed, shouted huzzas for

Riego . The guard and the people stood face to face.
An officer, a decided liberal, in staying the collision ,
was shot by one of his own men . The guards, it was
known , had been tampered with by the Court ; and

this deed was ascribed to that source . Thousands of
the people and troops surrounded the Palace , where

the guards entrenched themselves.
After thus standing in hostile attitude for a night
and a day, four battalions renounced their obedience,
encamped out of the city, and refused to return , in
spite of Murillo's assurances of the safety of the King .
The latter openly took the part of the revolted guards .
He detained the ministry in the Palace so that no
orders could be given ; and Riego and Ballesteros
were driven to assume authority to concentrate an
adequate force to repel the expected assault of the
guards. The King laid before his ministers a ramb
ling paper assuming that the existing disturbances
had broken and abrogated the constitution and remit
ted him to his unrestricted power ; and he spoke of
rewarding the guard whom the liberals had excited ,
and denounced bitterly Riego's conduct . They
replied he had no powers but under the constitution ,

and that the guard should be punished and not
rewarded. Still he would not yield, nor strike a

decided blow ; but waited in the hope of something
turning up from the seething whirlpool . The guards

in the Palace were prepared by drink and money and
caresses to join the revolt.
In this condition of affairs the four battalions made
a formal assault on the city, gained the interior by

treachery, were foiled in an attempt to seize the
arsenal and occupy the open place before the palace,
into which they were forced to throw themselves .
The troops true to the Constitution crowded to the
scene, and stood ranged in battle array before the

palace ; and the King, and the guard were at their
mercy. Yet after every provocation , in the moment
of easy victory they were guilty of no excess, of no
violence, of no threats against the guilty King, but
contented themselves with demanding the disbanding
of the guards . This was agreed to . The two
battalions which had not taken active part in the dis

turbances , marched out to their cantonments . The
other four marched out in battle array, but as if
about to stack their arms-till when close upon the
constitutionalists, without a word or a provocation ,
they poured a volley into their very faces. Fury,

rage, madness, and death in an instant ruled the
hour ; and a general massacre of the guards righte

ously rewarded their blood - thirsty treachery. The
victorious troops of the national guard at once occu
pied the Palace, and the King with supple and

cowardly hypocrisy hastened to return them his
eager thanks in the name of the country for their

faith and patience !! Verily they deserved them—
for letting him continue to live !!
These are the scenes which the Emperor of Russia
alludes to when , concluding his climax of the horrors
of the Spanish revolution , he says-" On the 7th of
July, 1822 , blood was seen to flow in the Palace of
the King and a civil war raged throughout the

Peninsula !! "
It is true- blood did flow in the Palace of the
King : but it was the blood of constitutionalists, shed

by the rebellious partisans of the King, in treacher
ous and cowardly violation of the terms of a merciful
capitulation . A civil war did rage in the Peninsula ;
but it was the offspring of the machinations of the
King, and his priests, and foreign Allies- a revolt not
by, but against the constitutional government of the
country !! So much for Muscovite history !
But that civil war was soon as effectually hushed
by the vigor of the Cortes and the new ministry- as
the revolt of the guards was put down by the national
guard.
The ministry were promptly dismissed ; devoted
but inexperienced friends of the constitution suc
ceeded them : commands were conferred on reliable
men ; Mina promptly dispersed and drove from the
country the Royalist Junta of d'Urgel, who assumed
the powers of government in the name of a captive
King. Other revolts shared the same fate . The
constitution was triumphant over all its domestic
foes, unstained with blood or cruelty- strong for all
the purposes of maintaining internal peace and order ,
too strong to rest its power on violence or the threat
of it, and free from the slightest imputation of propa

gating revolutionary principles beyond its borders , con
tent with mild and moderate rule and rich in all the
promised fruits of a blessed freedom. Such was the

conduct of the Spanish Government, so moderate, so
mild, so equitable , so considerate , so pure in its

high office, that fiends could find no cause against it .
There was no attempt to propagate their principles
in any neighboring land . There was no revoluG
tionary violence which was not discountenanced and
punished by the ministry and the Cortes.
The Cortes, elected by the free suffrages of the
people, and therefore embodying the spirit of the
revolution , were moderate , sedate , respectful to the
King and the constitution , and finally sacrificed their
cause and themselves in a vain effort to ward off an
attack rather than adopt the measures of energy

requisite to repel it. They left the conduct of the
war and the appointment of officers in the hands of
the King, who was the centre of the internal insur
rections and of the external assault : he encouraged
the one by the priests and monks , always on the side

of the power of darkness ; he facilitated the advance
and ensured the success of the foreign enemy, by
opposing to them, on the most important points , men

indifferent and cold towards the Constitution , or
its secret enemies, who betrayed it on the first

opportunity. And while the Cortes strove energeti
cally to suppress and punish insurrections against the
King-provoked and justified by his treacherous
conduct and scandalous appointments ; he encouraged
those against the Cortes even to the last moment.
While these events were transpiring , the allied
despots were conspiring at Verona how to find in
them a pretext for destroying the liberty of Spain .
The Congress met in October, 1822 .
There appeared the Emperors of Russia and

Austria and the King of Prussia with their minis
ters, breathing the spirit of Metternich, who on the
journey had dispelled the doubts of Alexander, and
turned his eye from the dangerous attractions of the
Grecian struggle by lofty suggestions of his mission
for the restoration of monarchical order in Europe .
-
England and France were there-the youngest con
verts to the infernal conspiracy - the former already
tired of the burthens and disgusted with the dis
honors of the association ; and struggling under the
lead of Canning to free herself from its influence.
The latter, the instigator of the crusade against the
liberties of Spain- which she felt to be a dangerous
example from their complete success . And honor
ably seated amid the potentates of Europe were the
delegates of the revolutionary junta of d'Urgel—a
band of rebels against the government but for the
King of Spain , crowded into one corner of the
kingdom and crushed ere the Congress ceased its
deliberations : and they sat at the board of Kings who
assumed to be the apostles of order, as the representa
tives and in the name of the nation by whose laws

they were denounced and punished . In the name of
France , Montmorency pressed on the Congress the
impossibility of tolerating on her borders revolutionary
disorders of such dangerous example ; and demanded
their countenance and support in the event of hostili
ties . He spoke to no cold and indifferent listeners .
They were zealous for the cause of Kings , and the
Emperor of Russia promptly tendered the aid of
forty thousand troops on whatever frontier of Spain

LAYBACH AND VERONA , 103
France might need them. The Duke of Wellington

spoke a somewhat different language from that of
Castlereagh at Laybach. The scope of the interven
tion looked beyond Spain to her American Colonies.
England declined to be a party to any armed inter
vention in the affairs of Spain ; but distinctly asserted
her right and intention to recognize the independence
of the colonies , in case of an attempt by the allies to
reduce them ; and abruptly withdrew from the con
ferences . But England did not do for freedom, what
its foes were doing for despotism. It was her first
step in the right direction ; and we must pardon its
faltering tread.-The Congress resolved on stringent
remonstrances with the constitutional government of
Spain concerning the ruinous course of political affairs
in the peninsula, and on the withdrawal of their
representatives upon their failure to effect a change.
In this event it was left to France to take such steps
/
as her safety might require. They vainly but slily
hoped that French intrigues and influences, the
threat of her impending force and the encouragement
of domestic dissension and royalist revolts, would do
the work of the friends of order without the needless
scandal of a public execution .
At the dissolution of the Congress the " Three

Powers " renewed their assurances to the other
Courts of Europe, that the Holy Allies adhered

with unshaken resolution to their principles ; that the
Allied Monarchs were resolved to war upon revolu
tionary movements, wherever and in whatever form they
might appear : that they had rejected the prayers of
the Greeks and ordered the recall of their ministers
from Spain ; but that the earnest concurrence of all

governments was essential to the attainment of the
object they proposed to themselves- the support and

maintenance of social order ; and should they lend an
ear to other counsels, they were robbing themselves
of their only means of guarding their subjects from
the ruin which threatened them .
A change of ministry in France modified the spirit

but not the objects of her policy ; delays indicated a
shrinking from the last resort ; but still the object was
pursued of wringing from Spanish fear a change in
the constitution . Even England joined in the effort to
subdue the courage of the constitutional government,
and violated her own principles by advising con
cessions to a foreign demand for a change in the con
stitution, and tried to shake their resolution by paint
ing the disastrous results of an unequal conflict. One
and all were repelled by the spirit of independence
which scorned advice supported by a menace .
The remonstrances of the three Northern Powers
were presented simultaneously with that of France.
Equal in insolence, impertinence and insult, in auda
cious arrogance and despotic pride , their very tone
closed the door to conciliation , even had their object
been any thing itself, if couched in the most courtly
phrase, but a wanton and daring outrage on the in
dependence of nations . They all in dolorous strain
bewailed the unhappy condition of Spain, ascribed
her misfortunes to the blind fury of the revolutionary
spirit, and saw no remedy for the evil so long as

their enlightened and liberal monarch , Ferdinand VII .
was stripped of his uncontrolled and despotic power.
The canting hypocrisy, the insolent criticisms , the

ignorance and falsification of plain historical facts, the
libelous blackening of the character of the Spanish
liberals, with which these memorials abound , poorly
supply the place of reason-and only illustrate the
409
usual course of deliberate villany, which always black
ens the character of the victim to extenuate the
crime. The liberal King of Prussia was aghast at a
constitution " which confounding all elements and all
power and assuming only the single principle of a per#SE
manent and legal opposition against the government,
necessarily destroyed that central and tutelary authorSu
ity which constitutes the essence of the monarchical
system . " It would seem therefore that the opposi
tion in England-which is now grown to be a some
what chronic disease- in monarchical eyes is only
secured from criticism because the jest might prove
too serious !!
He considered a sufficient condemnation of the
Spanish Government, " that it was at once powerless

BRAN
and paralyzed .All its powers were found concen
trated, accumulated , and confounded , in one single
assembly ; this assembly presented only a conflict of
opinions and views of interests and passions, in the
midst of which propositions and resolutions of the
most heterogeneous kind were constantly produced ,
resisted or neutralized . " The concentration of all
powers in one man would have been quite unobjec

tionable : and the latter clause not unaptly describes
an American Congress or an English Parliament.
He complains that the " ascendency of the fatal
doctrines of a disorganizing philosophy," augmented
14
"the general delusion ” —till " every notion of sound

policy was abandoned for vain theories."
He expressed some disappointment that such a
despotic faction did not fall to pieces ; but he found
the conservative principle of its existence in the
" delusive declamations of the tribunes and ferocious
outcries of the clubs ; " and it was asserted as the

chief of the grievances laid to the charge of Spain
that " doctrines subversive of all social order are
openly preached and protected . Insults, directed

against the principal sovereigns of Europe fill with
impunity the public journals. The revolutionists of
Spain disperse their emissaries, in order to associate
with themselves in their pernicious labors , whatever
conspirators may be found in foreign countries against
public order and legitimate authority. "
I do not know of which of these crimes this
Republic is not thrice guilty.

Prince Metternich assured the Spaniards that " con
formably to eternal decrees good can never arise to
states any more than to individuals from a disregard
of the first duties imposed upon man in social order ;
the amelioration of the condition of subjects should
not be commenced by criminal illusions, by pervert
ing opinion and by misleading the conscience ; and
military revolt can never form the basis of a happy
and durable government ."
How miserable and insecure then is the condition
of the people of this Republic.

Prince Metternich states with logical precision the
principle of his policy, and lays bare what is the
object of his fears and his hate . He would have felt
"a just repugnance to intermeddle with the internal

affairs of an independent nation," "if the evil oper
ated by her revolution was concentrated or could be
concentrated within her territorial limits. But this is
not the case : this revolution even before it arrived at
maturity, had been the cause of great disasters in

other states ; it was this revolution which , by the con
tagion of its principles and of its example, and by the
intrigues of its principal partisans, created the revolu
tions of Naples and Piedmont ; it was this revolution
which would have excited insurrections throughout
Italy, menaced France and compromised Germany,
but for the intervention of the powers which pre
served Europe from this new conflagration . Every
where the destructive means employed in Spain to
prepare and consummate the revolution , have served
as a model to those who flattered themselves that they
were paving the way to new conquests. Every where
the Spanish constitution has become the rallying
point, and the war-whoop of a faction , combined
alike against the security of thrones and the repose
of subjects ;" in consequence of these things "her
relations with the greatest portion of Europe are
deranged or suspended ," and they could be restored
only by revesting the King with the power "of restor
ing order and peace in his kingdom, of surrounding
himself with men equally worthy of his confidence by
their principles and talents, and finally of substituting
an order of things in which the rights of the monarch
shall be happily blended with the real interests and
legitimate views of all classes of the nation ."
The Emperor of all the Russias, learned in con

stitutional lore-but oblivious of scenes in which he
had been a conspicuous actor- vilifies the Spanish

revolution as the act of " perjured soldiers," who
"turned their arms against their sovereign and their
country, to impose on Spain laws which the public
reason of Europe , enlightened by the experience
of all ages, stamped with its highest disapprobation . "
He might have recollected that a perjured King had
annulled those very laws which he had sworn to
maintain , and which the people sought only to
restore . He could scarcely have forgotten that he
himself had formally recognized as legitimate those
very laws and that very government, which he now
insolently asserts the public reason of Europe stamps
with its highest disapprobation !
He painted "the evils that are inseparable from a
state of things where the conservative principle of
social order had been forgotten," and among the
grievances to be redressed by foreign arms, we are

startled to find enumerated " ruinous loans and contri
butions unceasingly renewed- religion despoiled of

-
her patrimony - the throne of popular respect- au
thority transferred to assemblies where the blind pas
sions of the multitude seized upon the reins of govern
ment :" and lastly, the climax of horrors is capped

by the impudent assertion that, " on the 7th of July
blood was seen to flow in the palace of the King , and
a civil war raged throughout the Peninsula."
The English debt, and her despoiled monasteries
may yet provoke the reforming hand of the Czar !
The throne of France has been despoiled of re

spect sufficiently to require his restoring zeal ! He
may find on this side the Atlantic many cases

of authority transferred to assemblies where the
blind passions of the multitude have seized the reins
of government ; but he will have his hands full if he
undertakes to wrest them away ! It was not unnatu

ral that the successor of the murdered Paul should
be somewhat sensitive to the flow of blood in royal

palaces ; but the example hardly strengthens his case !
These insolent pretences were met and repelled
with manly bluntness by the ministry . They looked
war calmly in the face, while they tendered the min
isters of the allies their passports . With laconic
point they assured the minister of France that his
master's solicitude for the welfare of Spain would be
best displayed and relieved by withdrawing his army
of agitation from her borders . The Austrian minis
ter they dismissed with the cool reply, that his Cath
olic majesty was indifferent whether he maintained
relations or not with the court of Vienna. To the
Russian, the minister of foreign affairs applied words

of just and indignant severity- You have shamefully
abused (perhaps through ignorance ) the law of nations,
which is always respectable in the eyes of the Spanish
Government. I transmit by order of his Majesty the
passports you desire, hoping your excellency will be
pleased to leave this capital with as little delay as
possible.
Still the irrevocable step was delayed , till Alexan
der, impatient at doubts he could not comprehend ,
urged France to act in the spirit of her negotiations ;
and Austria and Prussia promised aid in case the

Spanish war should kindle domestic disturbances in
the rear . Ministerial doubts yielded to such sugges
tions. Louis XVIII . in January, 1823, in opening
M
the Chambers, defined the purposes of the interven
tion to be to secure the safety of his own people, and
Spain from extreme misfortune ; at the call of the
God of St. Louis, to maintain a descendant of Henry
IV. on the throne of Spain ; to obtain for Ferdinand
VII. the freedom to bestow on his people those insti
tutions which they could only obtain through him, and
which alone could assure their quiet, and dispel the
solicitudes of France .
On the fifteenth of March, the Duc d ' Angouleme ,

to whom the conduct of the expedition was fitly con
fided , left Paris for the Army, and immediately the
French legions passed the Bidassoa, on their disgrace
ful crusade .
For Spain, the conflict was hopelessly unequal.

Nothing but miracles of valor and skill, devotion and
unity, could save her. She was deficient in all.
Her treasury was empty- her taxes unproductive

her army weak, scattered and undisciplined . In a
contest for life and death, the conduct of the war was
in the hands of a traitor , who stirred up the sedition
he had sworn to suppress, and eagerly hoped for the
arrival of the foes of his country, as his deliverers .
He seized the moment of the adjournment of the
Cortes in February, when the French were ready to
cross the frontier, to dissolve the constitutional min
istry, and strip the northern army of its only reliable

commanders , Mina and Ballesteros ; and their resto
ration at the clamor of a mob, left small hope of

energetic and concurrent action . The King had
systematically filled every important post, so far as
possible, with men doubtful in their politics, indiffer
ent to the cause of the constitution , and ready at any
convenient moment to betray it. The ministry, with

ruinous moderation , had deferred the evil day of
decisive action, under the vain hope that they could
soften the hate of the allies by conciliatory conduct.
They were in the midst of a crisis , when desperate

remedies were the only wisdom,-and they acted as
men who hoped for peace, if they gave no cause for
-
war. They forgot that the existence of the constitu
tion was the cause of the war- that the more quiet
and peaceful and satisfactory was their rule, the more
damning was their example , the more ruinous their
influence, the more worthy of extermination . They
therefore were obliged to meet the enemy, not only
with forces utterly inadequate to a contest in the
field ; but, of the four divisions of their army, three
were commanded by persons lukewarm in the cause,
or secretly hostile to it, or despairing of its success ;
all of whom hastened its doom by treachery and trea
son . Abisbal, who commanded the capital, opened

negotiations with the enemy on his first advance,
WE
divided and disheartened the troops, and was re
moved from the command by his officers. Morillo ,
at a critical period of the contest, abandoned the
cause, and carried his troops over to the enemy ; and
Ballesteros, disheartened by the defection of Abisbal,
conducted the war not as a desperate revolutionary
struggle, but with a view to good terms at its close ;
and finished , after a few indecisive skirmishes,

by surrendering upon good terms for himself and his
followers. Mina in Catalonia, and Villafranca in the
south , alone conducted the war in the desperate spirit

which the occasion required . In the same false hope
of conciliating , the Cortes neglected to appeal to
the revolutionary spirit to which they owed the
constitution, in its defence, and left themselves desti
tute of the only energy which could supply the defi
ciencies of money and of men . They relied on the
guerrilla warfare, yet feared to employ its leaders .
The enthusiastic devotees of the constitution they
left in obscurity ; and only called the heroic Riego

to command, when nothing could be done but
sacrifice his life to the cause . They paralyzed the
whole conduct of the war, by leaving it to a perjured
King, whose hopes were blasted by victory, to whom
defeat gave despotic power, and in whose name
swarms of priests and monks roused the lower rabble
to revolt, and preached sedition in the cause of order.
Such a cause, so defended , was lost from the first .
Before the advancing foe , as treachery, and luke

warmness, and the weakness of despair relaxed the
energies of their defenders, and their armies melted
into nothing, the Cortes, carrying with them the
reluctant King, eagerly covetous of captivity at the
hands of the French , adjourned from Madrid to Se
ville . They scarcely drew breath , before they were
compelled to seek safety in Cadiz. Even there ,
treachery had anticipated them, and prepared in their

last retreat defenceless and dismantled fortifications
untenable even by Spanish valor . There, in the last

ditch, surrounded by her faithful children , the liberty

and the constitution of Spain fell before the murder
ous assault, after a defence such as only the sons of
liberty know how to exhibit.
With their fall closed the second battle of light

and darkness in the nineteenth century ; and the
cheering dawn was turned into night.
Stripped of the pretences which thinly veiled the
dark purposes of the despots, their act assumes the
form of a high crime against the liberty, laws, and
independence of free nations. It has a meaning ,
which it becomes us deeply to ponder, under the
light of recent revelations.
The safety of France was not implicated in the
Spanish Revolution, save by the bare example of a
free government established in spite of the opposition
of the King. Social order was not disturbed by
the constitutional authorities . They were devoting
their best energies successfully to maintain it against
the partisans of the King, the intrigues of his priests
and courtiers, and the countenance and support of
the menacing army of France .
The blood that flowed in the Palace was shed by
the King's guards, at his instigation , in a revolt
against the established government, to re -instate him
in his unlimited and despotic power ; and he hypo
critically thanked those who suppressed the insurrec
tion.
The ruinous loans and exhausting taxes, which

were insolently put forward as grounds of interfer--
ence by a foreign nation, were chiefly occasioned by
the impending war which the accusers were bringing
15
THE CONSPIRACY OF A
114
on the country ; and the terms of raising them were

rendered more oppressive by the insecurity their
threats and the King's intrigues threw over the
"existing order."
There was no propagation of the revolution abroad ,
or danger to the life of the King at home, by the very
confession of Morillo , during the insurrection of July.
The government earnestly and energetically sup
pressed every symptom of insurrectionary violence ,
controlled the clubs, restrained by salutary laws the
excesses of the press, and so carefully and delicately
dealt with the King's inclinations, so anxiously avoided
even the appearance of restraint on his person or
of opposition to his wishes , that against the opin
ion and remonstrances of the Cortes, they continued
the opponents of the constitution appointed by the
King in the most important military posts, till their
moderation was their ruin . They fell victims of a vile
conspiracy, because they too much shrank from being
what they were charged with being . What England
would have been , if Parliament had continued
Charles at the head of government- what France
would have been , had Louis conducted the defence
of the country against the European coalition-that
Spain became, because her moderation stopped short
of their examples . Europe combined against France
because she did, and crushed Spain because she did
not depose and fetter her crowned and anointed
traitor .
There remains then, nothing as the cause of the

war, but the single fact, that Spain had freely estab
lished a constitution , moderate in principle , conser
vative in its administration , resting on the popular

will, yet leaving ample prerogatives in the hands of
the King for the due administration of the laws and
his own protection ; only controlled by the responsi
bility of the ministry, and the restraints of every free
constitution. Against this the war was waged . It
was waged to destroy the example of a free and
peaceful government, which despots called revolutionR
ary. It was undertaken, because it was at last
fully felt and seen, with all the clearness of the logic
of history, that free ideas were dangerous playthings.
They soon grew from pets to masters . They were
inconsistent with the existence of neighboring , des
potism . They were a living light that would shine
into the adjacent darkness, not because carried there,
but because it is the nature of light to diffuse itself.
It will dispel darkness - and this, to despotic power ,
was ruin. They therefore resolved to extinguish

what they could not hide nor escape. To be free was
the sin . The only atonement was death . With
this, there is no reasoning but the sword . There is
no law for it, none against it--but the law of self
defence . The Holy Allies would yield none of their
power, and held fast to the central principle of their
policy -the absolute, uncontrolled , and uncontrolla
ble sovereignty of the King ; —and against whatever
was inconsistent with this, they consistently waged a
war of hate and extermination , under the name of
revolutionary madness.
-
We are equally settled in maintaining the sover
eignty of the people-their absolute and unlimited
right to change their institutions at their pleasure—
116 LAYBACH AND VERONA .
and this is absolutely incompatible with the principle

of the Holy Alliance . We must therefore be ready ,
not to argue, but to fight. These principles go to the
foundation of civil society-they are the criteria of
the rights of Kings and of men- there is no arbitra
ment but the sword. The allies had become con
scious of this, and acted with rigid and unflinching

consistency. The Spanish ministry were deceived
in supposing the pretexts to be the cause of the war,
and they sacrificed their country by their blunder .
With the blood and torture which signalized the
triumph of Ferdinand , we have nothing to do . It
is all included in the historical meaning of despotic
power. We leave Spain weltering in her blood, for

another field of agony, which rushes red upon the
sight.
SECTION III .
THE REVOLT OF
FRANCE AND POLAND
AGAINST
THE HOLY CONSPIRATORS .

THE REVOLT OF
FRANCE AND POLAND
AGAINST
THE HOLY CONSPIRATORS.
FROM 1824 to 1830 , the people of Europe sunk

panting and exhausted from the fruitless conflict
into restless repose , haunted by ghastly dreams , and
oppressed by the nightmare of despotic power.
While they slumbered , the eyes of all the Courts
were fixed on the earthquake which shook the soil
of the Turkish Empire, where Greek rebellion and
Russian ambition threatened to shatter its decayed
and tottering fabric. These events are not within
the precise line of the contest between freedom and
despotism, but they bear on and illustrate them.
The preservation of order in Europe was only a
means to an end with the Emperor of Russia . He
wished repose in Western Europe, that he might
without disquiet at home prosecute his schemes
in the East. The death of Alexander in 1825
changed the person , not the policy of the Emperor ;

and what was lost by the removal of one endeared to
120 THE REVOLT OF
his brother despots by relations of long personal

friendship and the memory of common dangers and
common triumphs, was more than compensated by the
more vigorous and consistent politics of the Emperor
Nicholas, his more clear appreciation of the necessities
of the times, and his greater ability to meet them.
He seized the moment when Turkey was left de
fenceless by the annihilation of the Janizaries, to wrest
from her helplessness the treaty of Ackerman in 1826 .

Alexander had rejected the prayer of the Greeks for
aid ; Nicholas eagerly caught at the opportunity to
weaken the Turk : and England and France, anxious
to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire,
were forced to appear on the side of Russia, dictating
terms to the Porte for the purpose of setting bounds
to the aggressions of the Czar.The famous interven -
tion of England, France , and Russia, for the Greeks,

sprang from no sympathy for their heroic cause, their
barbarous sufferings, their historic renown , nor from
any consideration of the debt of gratitude to their
classic ancestors. While the people of Europe
swayed to and fro with the varying fate of the war,

and breathed earnest aspirations for the victory of the
oppressed, the Governments of Europe were in the
field , the battle of Navarino was fought, the French
army swept the Peloponnesus-not to defend the
Greeks, not in the cause of liberty , but— for the pro

tection of the Ottoman Empire against the aggres
sions of the Russians, and its too great enfeeblement
from the success of the Greeks . Russia was there ,
in spite of her horror of revolutionary violence,
because Turkey was to be weakened through the
FRANCE AND POLAND . 121
success of the Greeks : England and France were

there to see that Greece by the aid of Russia did not
succeed too far. They preferred the maintenance of
a shadow of the Ottoman Empire , to the creation of a
strong vigorous Christian Kingdom covering ancient
Greece and Macedonia , and capable of maintaining
all the relations of peace and war -for fear that Rus
sia might augment her power. Yet by their usual
temporizing policy they lost all the fruits of their in
tervention— and only postponed the inevitable day .

They rested on their arms when they should have
dared the utmost. Honest aid to the Greeks would
have at once driven the Turks across the Bos
phorus, placed the political power in the hands of
the Christian population , and raised a vigorous and

firm power to bar the progress of Russia. They
temporized till the battle of Shumla had left the road
to Constantinople without a defender : and then , unGUE
der the mediation of Prussia, permitted the treaty of
Adrianople to sever the Danubian provinces from the
Turkish Empire, under the paternal guardianship of
Russia, to strip one bank of the Danube of its for
tresses, to exempt Russian subjects from Turkish
jurisdiction, to burthen the Sultan with the over
whelming expenses of a war for his religion, his
empire and his life . They only postponed the final
consummation of the ambitious hopes of Russia for a
few years in the life of nations .
Such was the spirit of the famous , the lauded, the

popular, intervention of France and England and
Russia on behalf of Greece-a despicable political
squabble between the Courts for political power.
16
122 THE REVOLT OF
The treaty of Adrianople was concluded in 1829 ,

under the impending threat of an English fleet in
the Dardanelles , and of an Austrian army on the
borders of Hungary . The Czar paused before such
a combination , and postponed for a future day the
realization of his dreams.
He was on the threshold of 1830. Events were
on the wing which would soon give employment to

his sword in the holy cause of social order.
Emboldened by the impunity which attended the

outrage on Spain , the Bourbons of France struck for
the absolute power of their ancestors. God hardened
the heart of Charles-as formerly of Pharaoh—that

he might draw down on him resistless wrath . The
restored exile had learned no wisdom : and he tried
beyond the point of submission the patience of his

people. The charter was itself a fraud on the na
tion . It professed to emanate from the grace of the
sovereign, who reigned by the grace of God . It
gave the semblance rather than the reality of free

dom. Yet the spirit of even its niggardly conces
sions had always been the plaything of the royal
caprice . Its words had become elastic in the hands
of his ministers : till emboldened by past impunity, he
violated its very letter , and abrogated by the decrees

of July, the most essential rights of speech and of
the press . This was the fatal spark. The mine
exploded in the revolution of the three days of
July.
All Europe trembled in sympathy-as if an earth
quake rolled by.
Germany ever oppressed and patient, uttered a

groan and turned uneasily beneath her burthen.
Belgium, forced into unnatural and ruinous union
with Holland , summoned the energies of long dis
content for a final blow ; asserted her independence :
and, in September 1830 , drove their King beyond
the borders .
Poland, wearied with the oppressions and outrages

of Russian insolence , sprang to her feet, as the thun
der of the western revolutions seemed to sound the
fatal hour. In November 1830 , she expelled from

her capital the tools of her perjured tyrant-and ,
with arms in her hands, summoned her children to
consult for her welfare .
The revolution of July was the precise case con

templated by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle . The
Bourbons , for whose restoration all Europe had been
in arms, had been again expelled by revolutionary
violence. They were parties to the Holy Alliance ,
they had shed the blood of liberty in its cause, and
now were victims of their devotion to its principles .
They did not appeal in vain to their confederates .
Nicholas, promptly on the news of the revolution ,

took measures for its suppression. The Polish army
was put on the war footing. On the 18th of August,
orders were transmitted to Warsaw for the requisite
funds . Masses of Russian troops were crowding to
the Polish frontiers . General Diebitsch had been
sent to Berlin ; and the campaign was concerted to

commence on the Rhine- which of course involved
the alliance of Prussia. The news of the breaking

out of the conflagration in Belgium was an additional
124 THE REVOLT OF
admonition of the danger of delaying to extinguish

the flames before they spread . The obsequiously
cringing letter of Louis Philippe of the 19th of
August was written after war was resolved on : and
the scornfully evasive reply of Nicholas would , by
any other prince , have been treated as its declaration .
Louis Philippe trembled on his throne, feared to
appeal to his people, and continued by hesitation to
compromise his dignity, till Poland lifted her majestic
arm against the foe he feared .
She was scarcely the shadow of her former self.
Her spirit burned brightly-but her arms were
drained of their life-blood . She stood alone surK
rounded by the waste of despotism— a withered leaf

less lifeless trunk, reft of her fairest boughs, stretching
her bare arms to heaven in vain invocation of its
mercy- drawing down on her thrice devoted head
the lightnings of Russian wrath , which the Czar had

gathered to hurl against the newborn liberties of
France .
At the council board of the Congress of Vienna
one place was vacant . It was a void which might be
felt. It could not be forgotten that Poland was not
there. Her ghost still hovered before the memo
ries of her murderers searing their eyeballs, and
would not down at their bidding-till due reverence
had been done to her manes.
Such was the power of her name , the importance

of her enslaved children , the agony of Europe as
remorse pointed to the folly which sacrificed her
that the first article of the final Treaty of Vienna is
dedicated to her re-instatement among the powers of
Europe.
That article stipulated for the erection of the

Grand Duchy of Warsaw into the Kingdom of
Poland-whose crown should rest on the head of the
Czar. To him it was declared bound by its constitu

tion : and it was solemnly stipulated that the Poles
within the three Empires of Russia, Austria, and
Prussia, should obtain a representation and national
institutions, to be regulated according to the political
principles which the Government to which they
belonged should judge useful and convenient.
This solemn stipulation , introducing the long train
of adjustments on which the peace and independence
of Europe were made to depend, was not intended
to be mere verbiage . It had a political import, an
international significance , indicated by its prominent
position . It is perfectly well known to have been
the result of long negotiations, of conflicting claims ,
of reciprocal distrusts quieted by mutual concessions ;
Meg
and that in this article pretensions found their solu
tion which threatened to re-open the wars of Europe ,
and had actually led to secret re-unions against the
exclusive voracity of Russia.
The parties to the treaty therefore meant- what
their language imports, and what is well known in
the history of Europe- not to incorporate Poland
into the body of the Russian Empire , but-to pre
serve its nationality, while they united its crown
with that of Russia on the head of the Czar . They
meant to create a separate and independent political
body-united by the head of the common Emperor.
The relations of Scotland or Hanover to England , of
Hungary to the Imperial Crown of Austria, were the
126 THE REVOLT OF
models. The object was— to raise a barrier however

feeble against the western ambition of the Czar
to stay at its lowest point the augmentation of his
power which must flow from the possession of Poland .
The plan was - to preserve intact and fresh the na
tional feeling , the historic memory, the traditional
spirit of the Pole by means of national institutions.
and constitutional guarantees .
So Alexander understood the treaty , and in its

spirit was the constitutional charter framed , which he
promulgated on the 27th of November 1815. It
declared the Kingdom of Poland united by its con

stitution to Russia : in conformity with it alone the
sovereign authority should be exercised : the solem
nities of a coronation at Warsaw and of an oath to
observe the charter were the slender bonds on the
-
royal conscience : but the substance of a free govern
ment was embodied in the perpetual representation
consisting of the King and the two chambers of the
Diet, wherein resided the power of taxation and legis

lation : and the national army of Poland decorated
with national military orders, and severed from the
Russian service, was at once the emblem and the sup
port of her perpetual and living sovereignty.
Such a constitution was sufficient any where but
beneath the Upas shadow of Russian despotism.
With soft words and fair promises Alexander
opened in 1818 the Polish Diet. He held out the
hope of the re-union of the great provinces which
formed the Poland of history, as the reward of good
conduct. He complimented the independence which
rejected a proposal of the government : and adjourned
the Diet with bright hopes for the future. But a
cloud came over the sky. Italy had been shaken by

revolutionary violence , and the absolute sceptre had
been wrested from the hand of Ferdinand . Alex
ander had disregarded the limitations of constitutional

power, and he sought to control the restless discon
tent of the Poles by a more efficient or more subser

vient judiciary armed with a more summary code.
The Diet of 1820 , in the spirit of the English
Barons, refused to exchange the open procedure
and jury trial of the French for the secret and
prompt proceedings of the Imperial code. The
smile of favor was darkened by the frown of dis
content. His Majesty took it ill that the freedom
he had conferred should venture to thwart him.
He closed the Diet in the utmost indignation at their

presumption : and admonished them of the serious
consequences which might follow the spread of so
unseemly a disposition .
The more his Majesty saw of free government the
He got tired of playing at free govGO
less he liked it.
ernment when his people refused to consider it a
plaything. He had dreamed of complacent Diets,
docile judges , a complimentary press . He had looked
with patriarchal eyes on an obedient people- whose
freedom would find its best reward in conformity
to his will, and who in case of unhappy differences

would exemplify their grateful acknowledgments by
cheerful self- denial. He had painted the constitution
in his fancy as the best support of the burthen of
an absolute crown- not limiting its illimitable and
heaven- derived powers, but a subordinate aid in
128 THE REVOLT OF
their administration . To oppose his will, thwart

his views, criticise his policy, reject his proposals
these things were not freedom, but its seditious
excesses not far removed from revolutionary vio

lence. The Poles in his view were like the Roman
freedman- liable for ingratitude to be again reduced

to bondage : and not to do his bidding was the height
of ingratitude . did not see-he had to learn
He
Swe
from experience, from Metternich's sinister commen
taries, and his logical pursuit of principles to their
results—that two sovereign powers in one State are
as contradictory as two Gods in Heaven. If the
King be absolute the people must be nothing . If

the people are associated in the exercise of sov
ereignty, its attributes must follow it and fall on
the heads of its possessors . These lessons he
learned — and never forgot. He loved freedom-but

he hated its exercise . He was the friend of liberty
while it was complacent ; but when oppression and

misrule had stung it to madness , he turned in fury
on his pet, and died frowning hate upon the work of
his own hands.
Ere Alexander's death in 1825, the oppressions of

his tools had driven Poland to the verge of rebellion .
Nicholas saw the political blunder of the constitution ,
and reluctantly swore at his coronation to observe
and maintain it— only because perjury was less dan
gerous than civil commotion prematurely provoked ,
and its refusal might be met by armed resistance .
But injuries and outrages had sunk too deep in the
minds of the Poles, in ten years of misrule, to be
obliterated by an additional perjury.
From the grant to the revocation of the constitu

tion, its existence was only a name. Its most solemn
provisions were perpetually set at naught-as if they

did not exist. The first act of Alexander was the
appointment of the Grand Duke Constantine com
mander in chief of the national army of Poland- in
the very teeth of the constitution ; and with that
illegal post he conferred an undefined and despotic
power to which no legal limit could be assigned ,
C
and for which no authority of law existed . Nom
inally above him , in reality his tool, was placed
Zajaczek as Viceroy of Poland-a feeble irresolute
old man, a fit veil for the arbitrary and illegal admin
istration of Constantine and his assistant in iniquity
Nowosilzow . This national administration bent all
its energies to the annihilation of Polish nationality ;

and the means were indifferent, so that the end
were reached. Every manifestation of national feel
ing, of manly freedom, or restlessness under illegal
oppression was the excuse and the occasion for more
stringent measures . The Grand Duke was a member
of the first Diet, when the freedom of the press, the

abolition of the police and the spies , the removal of
high officers stained by high crimes, were the topics
of vigorous debate shocking to despotic ears ; and
the Diet was ordered to conform to the opinion of
the Duke. Armed men surrounded their sittings-to
exemplify the freedom of debate . The voice of re
monstrance died away in their hall-or fell on the
ears of laughing minions to whom alone the police
gave tickets of admission. The presumption of the
press was punished by a stringent and stifling censor
17
130 THE REVOLT OF
ship . The members of the Diet who dared to com

plain of their wrongs were denounced as turbulent,
and excluded by violence from the sittings . The
publicity of their deliberations was arbitrarily taken

away. Indignities led to conspiracies ; and conspira
cies to spies- who swarmed through the land noting
every chance word, and denouncing the best and
noblest of the nation : and close on their heels trode
the police with arbitrary searches, illegal arrests, un

explained and indefinite imprisonments, secret and
summary executions. The constitution was a word,
a name, a mockery, to the tools of despotism- who
gnashed at the legal restraint on their outrages ,
denounced the constitution as an impediment to the
administration of government and the course of jus
tice, and elevated to the dignity of principle of their
policy the maxim- that "the Grand Duke is the
best constitution . "
The countrymen of Kosciusko thought war better

than that peace-death better than that life . A wide
spread rebellion was disconcerted by the sudden death
of Alexander. The elevation of Nicholas doubled
the necessity for one . The revolt at St. Peters
burg was extinguished in some of the best blood of
Russia and of Poland . But the blood of the martyrs
was the seed of liberty. New men and new plans
filled the places of the departed . The time for the
final blow was fixed by the approaching war against
France and the consequent removal of the Polish

army. A temporary excitement hastened the out
break which , appointed for December the 10th ,

occurred on the 29th of November .
On that night Constantine was expelled from the

capital of Poland.
Chlopicki was by acclamation named dictator. He
sought safety in negotiation , in delay, in deputations,

in conditions. Two precious months fled unim
proved. He refused to rouse the great Polish Pro

vinces- till masses of Russian troops were encamped
in their midst. He suppressed by force the popular
violence which broke out on the reception of the
Imperial proclamation : and even then refused to
abandon his temporizing policy. He feared by energy
to get beyond the reach of reconciliation : and did
not venture to hope for success . He finally was

compelled to renounce the dictatorship ; and Prince
Czartoriski and Radzevil divided between them
the civil and military departments .
While Chlopicki negotiated , Nicholas armed . The
delegates returned with the peremptory demand of
submission. The Diet considered this the close of
the door of reconciliation . Energetic measures for
defense were taken . The proposal was made to

depose the house of Romanoff: but men shrank from
that irrevocable step . One of the deputies, Jesierski ,
repeated the insolent words of Nicholas , scratched on
the margin of their memorial : "Je suis roi de
Pologne, je la roulerai . Le premier coup de canon

tiré par les Polonais anéantira la Pologne. " That
dispelled every doubt ; they flung away the deadly
hope of conciliation ; declared the deposition of the
Czar, and grasped with vigorous hand the sword
as their only safety.
132 THE REVOLT OF
The temporizing policy of Chlopicki inspired Nich

olas with hopes of easy success . His tone was lofty
and dictatorial while Poland deliberated . He turned
pale before her final resolution . He had supposed

·
her troubles could only impede his march to the
theatre of western war, postpone for a month the
opening of the campaign , and transfer the scene of
operations from the Rhine to the Elbe . Such was
Diebitsch's boastful menace to the Polish deputies.
But the stern face of her patriot armies boded more
than a military brush . Discipline , and arms , and
devotion, are dangerous elements to encounter. Suc
cess however certain must be bought dearly, with

blood, and treasure , and time-and triumph would
leave deep scars on the Empire and in the minds of
his subjects. He would now have negotiated . He

could not retreat without ruin . An energetic remon
strance, backed by military force, in the name of
France or of England, could have secured all the
Poles had demanded , saved the integrity of the
treaty of Vienna, and preserved Poland from annihi
lation . Neither the spirit, nor the will, nor the policy,
nor the statesman's prescience existed in either.
The hearts of the people were right, and beat with
fervid hope for their suffering fellows. The rulers
and cabinets of England and France were blind and
dull with selfish aspirations and dynastic ambition .
Nicholas had promptly recalled his ambassador
from the Court of France , upon the revolution . He
had scornfully repelled the cringing advances of
Louis Philippe. He had prepared to war upon his
throne in behalf of his rival, and in combination
with Prussia . These facts were communicated to

T
Louis Philippe in December by the Polish govern
ment, with the official correspondence of the Russian
government by which they were proved . He knew
that the Polish revolution was the sole impediment
to an immediate attack ; that its close would leave
him exposed to the imminent danger of a Russian
invasion . A bold policy could have saved him for
the time, and seated him firmly on the throne and in
the affections of the people of France . The people
stormed the chambers and the King with petitions for
Poland , and for armed intervention . They burned
with hatred of Russian despotism and were eager to
retaliate the indignities of their invasion . The Poles

were destined for the vanguard of the invasion of
France . They wheeled upon their sovereign , and
became the vanguard of France against her deadliest
foe : and, though Louis Philippe knew that their
army was the sole barrier between his throne and
Russian invasion, he repressed the ardor of his peo

ple by his calculating, selfish and obsequious policy .
He preferred to reign by the favor of despots, rather
than to dictate the law to them in the name of his
people . He curried favor with Nicholas by allowing

him to designate the French minister he would
accept. Mortemart was charged by all means to

secure the favor of the Czar. Poland was left to
her fate, that Louis might reign by the leave of

Nicholas ; and her envoys were mocked by the fruit
less sympathies and timid intercession , which Morte
mart was charged to whisper with prudent reserve in
the imperial ear. A cowardly wisdom threw away
134 THE REVOLT OF
the hopes of Europe, and left a noble and devoted

people to the tender mercies of the Tartar horde .
England's heart was fat with the good things of the
world, and too gross to beat in sympathy with Polish
sufferings. She had commercial treaties and good
understanding with the Emperor ; and her mercantile
views could not be seduced even where generosity
was the highest policy. She did not, or would not
see, that the battle of Constantinople could be fought
on the plains of Poland. She contented herself with
debating the reform bill, and keeping France out of

Belgium- while Russia broke down the barriers of
the treaty of Vienna, and grasped the power which

England had at the Congress avowed her readiness
to wrest from him by arms.
Deserted by mankind , this heroic people trusted in
God, their sword, and their cause . With the miliG
tary details of that stupendous conflict, whose vary

ing events exalted with hope or wrung with agony
the heart of Christendom for the fate of her earliest
defender- I cannot now deal . I only draw the les

son which all history confirms. Poland fell- because
her patriots trusted in moderation - because while
free nations sympathized , despotism armed-and

while they protested , despotism struck .
W
Unequal as were the numbers of the parties, cour
age and devotion more than overbalanced the dispar
ity . Chlopicki's delays had driven Poland to the
defensive , deprived her of the aid of the northern
provinces, and made her soil the seat of war.

Diebitsch crossed the frontier with treble numbers ,
fulminating boastful proclamations and furious threats,
in February . Ere its close , on the plains of Grochow,

the Poles with a third of his numbers scattered his
army and drove him across the frontiers . Such is
the power of liberty from Marathon to Sarmatia .

With reinforced power again, in March, Diebitsch
renewed the struggle , with scarce better success ; the
confines of the Kingdom were the scene of war ; and
the provinces were beginning to be restless spectators
of the struggle .
The stern and stubborn defense of her people

raised up for Poland a strange defender- from a
strange and unexpected quarter. One of the Holy
Allies began to fear the fraternal hug of his northern
brother. Austria had stood ready to cross the road
of Russia to Constantinople. Prince Metternich
saw-what England did not- that the inevitable bat
tle had better be decided in Poland . He rejoiced at
the unexpected opportunity of creating, in the King
dom of independent Poland, a real and effectual bar
rier against the threatening ascendancy of Russia .
He could not breathe freely within the comprehen
sive embraces of Russia, sweeping from Gallicia to
the mouths of the Danube , in acknowledged sove
reignty ; and extending her control with an indefi
nite authority over the Danubian principalities to the

passage of the river from Hungary. He shuddered
beneath the chill shadow of Russian protection
more than he trembled before the fiery spirit of the

Metternich saw in the battles of FebruS
revolution .
ary and March the elements of a power equal to the

brunt of a Russian onset. Russia had sacrificed her
horror of revolution to her rapacity, and supported the

136 THE REVOLT OF
Greeks that she might weaken the Turk. Prince

Metternich profited by the example he had opposed ,
and retaliated on Nicholas his insidious policy. He
devised a scheme to weaken the Czar by succoring
the Pole : and to relieve the Austrian Empire from the

pressure of the Colossus of the north by the creation
of a firm support. He acted cautiously, circum

spectly- with a sharp look to a possible failure and a
keen sense of the dangers of discovery. He sug
gested to the Polish government, that his master was
not disinclined to aid in the establishment of Polish
S
independence, under an Austrian Prince, with Galli
cia to augment his territory-if France and England
would concur in the proposal . Louis Philippe did
K
not repulse, but he did not accept the Austrian over
ture . He declined to entertain it unless it met the
favor of England . Palmerston , the liberal and the

fighting minister, then guided the foreign affairs of
England- but alas ! in a different spirit from that of
Canning. His eye could see no foe but France whose
aggrandizement could threaten England . His soul
was absorbed in preventing France from acquiring a
part of Belgium. He was tangled in the inextricable
mesh of the London conferences . He could aspire
to nothing beyond elevating one of the house of Saxe
Coburg to the Belgian throne.
Before so momentous an object, the cries of suffer
ing Poland , the rights of constitutional government,
the aggrandizement of Russia, the balance of power
of Europe, the integrity of the treaties of Vienna
were as dust in the balance. Besides the best
understanding existed between His Majesty of

England and His Majesty of all the Russias . These

tender ties he could not lacerate in any sentimental
cause of human suffering or human liberty . Belgium ,
supposing herself safe when her King was expelled ,
had fallen among thieves who strove by guile to filch
her freedom. A treaty of eighteen articles embodied
the obnoxious conditions on which her independence
would be tolerated by the London Conference. The
them as M
humili
assembly at Brussels sturdily repelled
ating and insolent. But they had a fellow feeling
for their suffering brethren of Poland , and were

willing to sacrifice something for their success . It
was intimated that a favorable consideration of the
Polish case might reconcile the Brussels Assembly to

the " eighteen articles ;" and Palmerston refusing a
formal engagement, yet dropped hints which might
mislead but could not bind, that the acceptance of
the " eighteen articles " would be a great service to

Poland and her cause : and Talleyrand promised in
that event to renew the overtures to the British Cabi-
net. The suggestion produced the acceptance of
the articles ; but the note of Talleyrand met with a

refusal of polished insolence from Palmerston ; and
Metternich and Louis Philippe hastened to abandon
a project which might call down on them the indig
nation of their master, if discovered . The benefit
to Poland was the delay which precipitated her
overthrow.
To this day, Poland , supplying by heroism the defi

ciencies of numbers, had more than maintained her
cause . She had foiled the advance of the enemy on
the right of the Vistula, and defied his approach to

18
138 THE REVOLT OF
the fortress of Praga . Cholera or poison had

removed Diebitsch . Paskewitch was rushing to fill
his place and supply his losses with the fame and the
army of the Asiatic frontier. He transferred
his
troops to the left bank of the Vistula in July, and leiGRE
surely prepared without molestation for the final con
flict. An inexplicable paralysis had seized the Polish
Dictator . Skrzynecki lay on his arms for two fatal
months- deaf to the cries for battle which greeted
his appearance in the camp, and covered by suspicions

of the most disheartening character. He failed to
assail the Russian army in its dangerous and difficult
movement round Modlin as a centre- when a deciG
sive blow could have finished the contest-or wrested
tolerable terms from the Czar . The right bank of

the Vistula was stripped of the enemy and the road
to the Provinces was open and unguarded . A simple
march would have called to his standard thousands of
eager recruits and doubled his efficient force . Yet
he rested in vile repose, till his people's spirit rusted ,

till the foe advanced to the shock, and the fires of
death were lighted on the last battle field of Poland .
Skrzynecki temporized till he was hemmed in by
overwhelming forces, and till the peremptory order
of the Diet forced him to resume operations . He
was waiting the result of the negotiations in London ,
which Lord Palmerston's ambiguous words had taught
the Polish envoy to anticipate ; and which he had
induced Skrzynecki to rely on. The messenger
was sent with the knowledge, at the expense ,

and on the suggestion of the Cabinet of Louis
Philippe, to relax the energies and suspend the

activity of the Poles with the vain hopes of negotia

tions and good terms.
Skrzynecki did not know that Cabinets are a vain
trust for freedom ; that desperation is the only safety

for those who draw the sword against a despot ; that
moderation had ruined Spain and must ruin Poland ;
that atonement was impossible. To fight and to
die-the example of Thermopylæ, and the immor
tality of fame- was all that was left them . The day
of grace was gone . The day of victory was passed .
Nemesis and despair alone ruled the hour . Dem
binski's immortal retreat to the field of battle cast
into the shade that of Xenophon's ten thousand ; and

heroes of more than human mould enacted , beneath
the battlements of Warsaw, the deeds without the for
tune of Marathon . Peace be with their ashes
immortality to their names !!

The third battle of light and darkness was closed .
Grim despotism glared over the land . English indif
ference contented itself with the Czar's assurances
that he would restore the constitution, preserve the
nationality, and guarantee the rights of the Poles.
The victory obliterated the promises from the Impe
rial memory . He had tested the indifference of the
Cabinets of Europe . If they would not aid the

Poles in arms, they would scarcely renew the war for
their constitution. Louis Philippe was on his good
behaviour for his crown. Palmerston confessed the
outrage, but considered the matter not important

enough to call for English intervention . Nicholas
acted on these dispositions . In February 1832—

having trampled out the last spark of resistance- his
140 THE REVOLT OF
edict of abrogation appeared . He reversed the
political blunder of Alexander. He reduced Poland

to a province of the Empire, annulled the constitu
tion he had so recently but so reluctantly sworn to
observe, dispersed the Polish soldiers throughout the
Russian army, and ploughed up the very foundations

of her nationality of a thousand years , consecrated
by heroic deeds in the cause of Christianity and of
civilized Europe-whose Kings looked on her ruin
with tearless indifference .
The axe, the gibbet, the knout, the mines, the

dungeon, the trains of fainting pilgrims toiling to
Siberia- the blood and smoke of ravaged cities
guilty of the sin of liberty- why mention these
things in the land of " social order," beneath the
paternal sway of the inexorable enemy of " revolu
tionary madness ?"
It is difficult to estimate the enormity of this com

pound of cowardice, folly, and crime.
All Europe was a party to the treaty which stipu
lated for the constitution . No one contemplated a
grant revokable at will. Even despots admit in the
ory the validity of a treaty with a foreign power—

whatever scruples they may entertain as to the possi
bility of binding their sovereign freedom by charters
to their people-and Russia had led the van of the
crusade on liberty with the cry of the sacredness of
treaties on her lips. Yet no one lifted voice or hand
to prevent or to punish this gross invasion at once of
the rights of nations, the obligations of a treaty, and

the sanctity of an oath- though, being only a royal
oath, it must be taken with many grains of allowance ,

and was hardly worth a war.
The balance of power of Europe was at stake .
The proposition of Austria was a simple and effectual
curb to the menacing aggrandizement of Russia , and
recommended by every consideration of humanity and
of policy. The Poles alone had more than sustained .
the weight of their enemy ; and before the proposed
intervention, Russia must have succumbed almost withC
out a struggle. So urgent were the circumstances , that

one of the leaders of the Holy Alliance made the
proposal and offered to contribute a province to the
Kingdom. Yet England and France-the two free
powers of Europe, alone interested in the mainte
nance of constitutional liberty,—refused their counte

nance, and left their powerful natural ally to sink
unaided beneath the stabs of their common enemy.
The fall of Poland settled the results of the revo
lutions of 1830. Belgium was severed from Hol

land--but passed under the surveillance of the Holy
Allies stripped of the attributes of sovereignty, and
only tolerated under bonds for good behaviour .
Restless and feverish Italy sprang to her feet- but
her despicable princes stretched out supplicating
hands to Austria for help they could not afford them
selves ; and her bayonets prostrated the revolution ere
it was erect.-Again order reigned in Europe amid
the silence of the grave, unbroken save by the groan
of the captive in his cell-the muttered curse of the
oppressed who cast his agonizing glance to heaven
for the aid mankind refused . The long and weary
142 THE REVOLT OF
years dragged on till the cup of wrath was again full

to overflowing .
The people of France and England were on fire
to rush to the aid of Poland . But the history of the
last thirty years has been that of a combination of
Kings against the people ; and Poland is only one of
many victims of the conspiracy. Terrible indignation
burst out in England at the melancholy sound of her
funeral dirge. Tears, and sadness, and the silence of
the plague, reigned over Paris. The theatres , the
shops, the marts of commerce were deserted . The
people forgot their own misery in the fall of Warsaw.
They were as the people of Athens on that evening

when the occupation of Elatea was announced- or
when the fugitives of Choeronea entered the city. It
was as if another Waterloo overwhelmed them with
its agony. Yet the Kings were placid , smiling, quiet

and unconcerned-the ministers parried with a joke
or a sophism the interpellations of Parliament and the
Chambers . England was absorbed in her merchan
dise. Louis Philippe was nursing his infant crown .
Nicholas improved the opportunity of their indif
ference to rid himself of a thorn in the side, and
his frontier of a dangerous quicksand . He firmly
planted his foot on what before was a treacherous

bog-and, in the attitude of advance, stood ready
to assert by diplomacy or by arms his newly founded
supremacy in Europe.
His eye was fixed on Louis Philippe- who quailed
beneath its glance -and deprecated its ire . He did
his best to deserve his pardon for the presumption of
wearing a crown . The price for his toleration was,
the bridling of the revolution . Perhaps the Autocrat

was softened by his abandonment of Poland . Per
haps he thought the cost of deposing him would
exceed the benefit. He admired his adroit manage
ment of the factions . For the eighteen years of Louis
Philippe's inglorious reign- France ceased to be felt
as a power in Europe . So disgusted were her peo

ple with his rule, that none were found to lift a
hand in defense of him or his dynasty. In spite of
his skillful jockeyism so insecure was his seat that he
tumbled at the first jostle-like a child from a wild
horse . He was pardoned because he was powerless
for mischief, of a quiet and orderly disposition- took
care of his family and left Nicholas to take care of
the world— and withal made an excellent police con
stable for maniac France .
The humiliating reign of Louis Philippe was a

long preparation for its violent close . The elder
Bourbons were re-seated on the throne against the

will of France . They signalized their triumph by a
fraudulent charter which cheated the people out of
the fruits of twenty years of revolution ; and finding
even its restraint intolerable , they drew down the
national indignation by adding to perpetual disregard
of its spirit the most despotic outrages againt its let
ter, and the rights and feelings of the nation . Louis
Philippe assumed the vacant crown at the call of the
leaders of the revolution of July. The nation was
not consulted in his elevation . His rule was acqui

esced in on the faith of the guarantee of names dear
and venerable to the French people, and only in
expectation that his government would exemplify the
144 THE REVOLT OF
principles and breathe the spirit of those who had

chosen him . He was regarded as the symbol of the
national sovereignty-the personification of the peo
ple's right to control their own affairs . His crown
was held by the tenure of conformity to this first
principle of its origin .
France had reached conscious political life-when
a revolution meant more than a personal preference
or dislike for a ruler . It was not a mere designation
of who should be her master ; but of the principles

which should control her executive in wielding her
power. She could tolerate no king who refused to
abide by this law.
There are two clearly defined states of political
life-connected by a transition period of indefinite
duration and passing into one another through
imperceptible shades . The one is before the nation
have learned to have a will of their own on all public
affairs ; their rulers are then the symbols of sove
reignty ; their will is that of the people ; and absolute
monarchy is its natural form . The other is the
offspring of advancing intelligence-when the people

have learned to hold definite opinions on the
conduct of affairs ;-this is the period of legal popular
-
constitutional government ; and none other is possi
B
ble—except at the point of the bayonet. The transi
tion period of balanced light and darkness is the equi
nox of the national cycle-the region of stormy revo
lutions, which may dissolve society into anarchy, or
prostrate it at the feet of despotism .
France had reached the day of political maturity
when Louis Philippe accepted the crown , forfeited
by Charles for violation of the fundamental law

according to which alone kingly power was possible .
He held it on condition of conforming to that principle.
It involved the necessity of governing by ministers,
whose policy should follow the popular will as
expressed by the votes of the Chambers- regardless
dandy
of that of the King. This is the fundamental condi
tion of the English monarchy, which, however it may
strive to modify, never hesitates to obey the will of
the people when once declared . To the existence of
this system, a parliament accurately representing the
T
will of the nation and not of a class is absolutely essen
tial. At best, it is a sorry contrivance to reconcile
with an immovable head the fluctuating tides of popu
lar feeling. It is intended indirectly to attain the end
of our elections- periodically expressing in an authen
tic form the will of the people on the conduct of
their affairs. It was the misfortune or the sin of Louis
Philippe that his reign was one unbroken violation of
every condition on which his power rested .
He was the symbol of the people's sovereignty,
invested with their power, to do their will, for their
benefit. He wielded that power to do his own will,
for the consolidation of his dynasty . His fault was,
the perversion of the powers of his high trust to

selfish ends. His blunder was in supposing the best
means of attaining even those ends lay in a policy
which, at home, stifled every popular feeling, refused
every concession, and punished by military execution
or judicial proscription the ebullitions of discontent
springing from disappointment-- and abroad, bought

peace at the cost of national humiliation, by cringing
19
146 THE REVOLT OF
before every power which presented the alternative

of concession or of war. His system was peace
abroad- and war at home.
The revolution of July was made by the people :

yet their voice was never heard in their legislative
halls . They were as powerless under the younger
as under the elder Bourbons . The charter of Louis
XVIII . confined the right of suffrage to persons
assessed with three hundred francs in taxes. The
G
charter of the revolution of July reduced the qualifi
cation to two hundred and forty francs. The value
of the revolution to the people was sixty francs in
the qualifications for voting . The revolution con
ferred on two hundred thousand persons alone, out
Mag
of thirty-five millions, the right of electing the Cham
ber of Deputies , charged with expressing the legisla
tive will of France, and forming, in the political
machine , the index for the regulation of the executive

conduct.
The exorbitant greediness of the upstart royalty

disgusted the people . C
They remembered that a mil
lion and a half of francs had adequately remunerated
the three consuls-whose head was the conqueror
of Italy. They could not forget that the legiti

mate Bourbons were content with the moderate sum
of four millions and a half. They cried out against

the King of the barricades and of the bourgeoisie
who demanded over twenty millions-which the
complaisant chamber granted within a year of the
revolution . They were continually scandalized by
bickerings about allowances, claims for dotation, for
apanage, for family establishments for the King's
numerous progeny at the expense of the nation.

The press spoke the popular disgust : and the King
pursued the editors with all the harshness of legal
prosecutions armed with government power, with
domiciliary visits and arbitrary arrests and seizures,
which would have roused the phlegmatic spirit of
the Briton to rebellion .
That insurrectións should accompany the change
of dynasty was to be expected . The continuance
of discontent after the acquiescence of the people
accuses the faith and the competency of the gov
ernment. The press teemed with fierce denun S
ciations of the retrogressive tendencies, and the

harsh and arbitrary acts of the King. He smote the
accuser on the mouth , for a charge he could not deny.
The sale and distribution of pamphlets through the
streets were subjected to the license of the police ;

and Paris was stung to madness by the bloody and
indiscriminate vengeance taken on a peaceable crowd
assembled to procure them. The right of association
is essential to liberty : and the public discontent had
covered France with wide-spread organizations to
maintain the rights of the people against the daily
encroachments of the King. He sharpened the
existing laws against them, abolished the distinction

between periodical and occasional assemblies, leveled
the same punishment against the leaders and the led ,
and transferred the cognizance of the accusation from
the jury to the Court, in direct violation of the con
stitution . The people answered by the insurrections
of 1834, which wrapped the Kingdom in flames-and
which the King is accused of having fomented for
148 THE REVOLT OF
the benefit of suppressing them. The brutality of

the execution lends countenance to the suggestion .
Irregular and ill-organized insurrections flamed up
without concert , and were extinguished in detail.
Lyons was the centre and the leader : her punishment
left her in blood and ruins. Paris was the scene of
military executions more barbarous than any which

the revolutionary republic visited on its foes. The
Rue Transnonain is as eternally infamous as the

republican baptisms of the Loire . The occasion wast
eagerly seized by the King to wrest from the national
guards of the disturbed districts and cities their
arms- whose only danger lay in his own misrule .

Arbitrary imprisonments and searches, long confine
ments on suspicion without examination , harsh treat
-
ment and reckless cruelties characterized the govern
mental proceedings under pretext of suppressing or
punishing the insurrections . The iron sank deep
into the soul of the French people. The assassin's
hand was armed again- and furnished the pretext

for the arbitrary laws of September 1835 - which
placed the liberty of the press and of the subject at

the mercy of the King. The barriers of formality
were swept away in prosecutions for rebellion, at the
will of the prosecutor : only seven jurors were
required to concur for conviction : and every publi
cation against the person of the King or the principles
of the government subjected the offender to be pun
ished by heavy fines and severe imprisonment !!
The bloody lesson of 1834 taught the people the
wisdom of patience . They waited till the accumula
ted grievances should press the nation into one party.
The King diligently pursued his advantages , relent

lessly wielded his legalized despotism, and eked out
its deficiencies by corruption or by usurpation as the
case required . The Chamber of Peers, the Courts,

even the Deputies were his willing supporters . The
rest of his reign was a war against the press, a series
of prosecutions against freedom of thought, a strug
gle against the ever increasing demand for legislative
reform . The press denounced the outrages of the
King. He replied by state prosecutions . The coun

try got on the side of the persecuted editors ; and
jurors refused to find verdicts against them . The
jury lists were tampered with— to secure enlightened
jurors. Changes of venue evaded foreseen difficulK
ties, and secured facile triumphs in well disposed
districts . Obsequious Courts supplied the deficiencies
of juries, and moulded the law to the exigencies of
G
the case. They applied to prosecutions for publi
cations against public officers the rule of private
libels ; and in the face of the words of the law for
bad the truth to be pleaded in defense . The new
assessments roused the passions and provoked resist
ance ; the press associated itself in the defense . Pro
secutions were repeatedly thrown out. The King
and his ministers were mad against the editors.

The Chamber of Peers was invoked . The attempt
on the life of the Duc d'Nemours was attempted to
be fastened on Dupoty, the editor of the Journal du

Peuple. He was prosecuted as an accomplice - that
the blow might discredit the press . The evidence
failed- yet the chamber condemned him for " compli
cite moral." French ingenuity left the clumsy contri
150 THE REVOLT OF
vance of constructive treason far in the back ground .

Dupoty was condemned-not because he had known
or encouraged either the crime or the criminal- but
because the criminal had read his paper, and his
paper tended to defend the crime. Such madness
betokens the end of dynasties .
The same spirit presided at the suppression of the

Polish anniversaries of the reform banquets- of
every outward expression of political feeling, or of
national and popular memories. Petitions for elec
toral reform for eight years in vain poured in on the
King and the Chambers . The one hundred and
sixty-one officials in the Chambers, the officials
swarming through the country out-numbering the
voters, and the close corporation of the Chambers
themselves sympathized with the fears, the hostility,
the contempt of the King in regard to the people
and popular government ; and the petitions were
scornfully rejected At last patience was exhausted—
the burthens and increasing deficiencies of the revenue
in time of peace exceeded the cost of the wars of
Napoleon- and the disgust of the people left the King
without support. Surrounded by his cherished army,
and his gigantic fortifications, he was tumbled from
his throne by a Parisian mob ! Some people call this
an accident. I call it an inevitable, long prepared ,
and richly deserved fatality.

Throughout his ignoble reign, France was the
sport and mock of continental Europe ; for Louis
Philippe preferred his crown to his country, and he
placed his safety in conciliating the contempt and
quieting the fears of his legitimate neighbors.
The most signal instance of his folly and cowardice

was the abandonment of Poland- to buy the favor or
the toleration of Nicholas. He assisted at the tangled
intrigues of the London conferences to deprive Bel

gium of the fruits of her revolution , and France of
the influence she could have won by supporting her.
He coveted the throne tendered to his son-for it lay
in the line of all his aspirations ; yet he hastened to
renounce it before the protest of England, in favor of
one of England's creatures ; and France saw her own
government a party to territorial arrangements which
were aimed at her most cherished aspirations when
about to be accomplished- without a protest or even
a murmur .
The absolute powers had commended to the

Pope's consideration the propriety of yielding certain
reforms and concessions to gratify and quiet his peo
ple and ensure the repose of Italy. His Holiness
clung to his infallibility, and refused to stultify his
government by a change. His people sought redress
in insurrections, and the trembling Priest besought
secular aid. The people of free France were scan
dalized to see the minister of Louis Philippe among
the first to assure His Holiness of their aid to bring
his rebellious subjects to unconditional submission .
Austria anticipated him by the occupation of
Bologna ; and Louis Philippe, in an ecstasy of jeal
ousy, hastened to seize on the quiet and unoffending
Ancona by way of innocent and safe bravado .
The throne of Spain was disputed between a con
stitutional Queen and a legitimate pretender. The
success of the latter would be a thorn in the crown
152 THE REVOLT OF
of Louis and in the side of France . He begged a

subordinate place in the triple alliance of Spain ,
Portugal, and England , concluded behind his back,
for the exclusion of the pretender. He posted an
army of fifty thousand men at the Pyrenees ; yet, in
spite of his minister's advice , he repelled two earnest
solicitations of both England and the Spanish Queen
for help in the critical hour of the contest. He was
ambitious of continental recognition ; he dared not,

for the interest of France, fire a gun against a legiti
mate pretender.
Switzerland- the natural ally and impregnable
defense of France-was an inconvenient refuge for
the persecuted victims of Austrian tyranny. Metter
nich instigated Louis Philippe to bully the people
who protected his own exile, for extending similar
hospitality to others . The Duc d'Orleans was suing
for the hand of an Austrian princess ; and Louis
Philippe hastened to destroy the influence of France
in Switzerland, by peremptorily demanding the exclu
sion of the political refugees , under a threat of armed
intervention . When he was fully embroiled , Met
ternich had no hesitation in finding the match too
unequal between a Prince of the July revolution and
the daughter of a hundred Cæsars .
The progress of Mehemet Ali's arms threatened
the Ottoman Empire on one side, as much as Russia
menaced it on the other. England was interested in
the control of the Isthmus of Suez ; Russia, that no
body else should seize Constantinople ; France, that

her ally, the Viceroy of Egypt, should consolidate a
power over which her influence predominated .
They were all parties to negotiations in London .

With that studied contempt which Louis Philippe's
peaceable disposition had so often provoked, Pal
merston and Nicholas announced the secret conclu
sion of a treaty from which France was excluded—

for the purpose of imposing terms on the ambitious
Pasha, to be enforced by arms if not acquiesced
in . Louis Philippe was furious at the insult. He
swore vengeance, and began to arm. All France
rang with warlike preparation . Her people were on

fire to punish English and Russian insolence , and sup
port the cause of the Pasha. Louis Philippe seized
the opportunity, to increase his army of suppression ,
S
and to incarcerate the capital of France by fortifica
tions for the control of the populace . In the midst of
his preparations , they were treated as a sham by the
Allies- and Beyrout was bombarded . What all had
anticipated came to pass . The French fleet was has
tily withdrawn to Toulon- for fear its aid might be
invoked by the Viceroy. The insult was digested .
Louis contented himself with his fortifications- and
acquiesced in the settlement Russia and England had

agreed on.
So spiritless and powerless was his rule , that he

paid the United States indemnity under the pending
threat of President Jackson ; and it was the vigorous
and resolute rejection of the treaty for the right of

search by this country , which drove him, by the storm
of popular indignation , to refuse the name of France
to its ratification . He concluded the long drama of
selfish aggrandizement at the expense of the honor
and dignity of France, by consummating the Spanish
20
154 THE REVOLT OF
marriages. He dared the risk of universal war for
the advancement of his house , at the expense of

France--when before, against her manifest interest and
loudly expressed will, he had compromised her dig
nity and destroyed her influence by clinging to peace
lest he might endanger his throne . Such a reign ,
tyrannical within and cowardly without, found a fit
termination in a street fight- so destitute of friends
that none was found to do battle for the dishonored
crown. Europe had wondered at the firmness of his

seat on a throne hitherto shaken by revolutions ;
and its astonishment was unspeakable at such a fall.
But his repose was-the balance on the tight rope—
wonderful only because it was precarious and difficult
to maintain- yet such that a touch of a child could
overthrow it.
The restoration of the ashes of Napoleon to the

bosom of France was his only popular act ; and the
enthusiasm it excited was the bitterest sarcasm on a
reign which studiously shunned the glories of the

Empire.
Italy and Spain fell before the armed assaults of
the Holy Allies of the North . The policy of the reign
of Louis Philippe was the offspring of the terror they
inspired . Nicholas despised the revolutionary royalty
of Louis ; but he met a stumbling block in the fiery
Poles ; and his oriental ambition attracted him to easier
and more fruitful fields . But he never more than tol GET
erated the upstart crown of the revolution of July ;

ka
and he always nourished the hope of one day resum
ing the cross of the Holy Alliance against infidel and
rebellious France- to tame her factions by the sword .
FRANCE AND POLAND , 155
Louis Philippe trembled before his threat, was too

pusillanimous to repel it by an appeal to the spirit of
his nation, and bowed the haughty head of France
`before the Muscovite,-for leave to wear his crown, to
perpetuate his dynasty, to walk about a shadowy
unsubstantial semblance of a King among the real
Powers of Europe . For this poor privilege, he
stooped to be the jailer of his people, and chained the

terrible spirit of France, before whose untrammeled
might his foes would have fled .
Yet he could not hide a blush at the contrast
between his position and his conduct. His wounded
vanity took refuge from the humiliations of the pre

sent in the recollection of his illustrious descent : and
-
found strange consolations for the contempt of Nich
olas in the oft repeated soliloquy : " Am not I the
G
grandson of Louis XIV ?" One would have sup
posed his eye would have turned away from the
glories of the Grand Monarque, which must have
recalled the fact that he was a slave on that throne
where his grandfather was the arbiter of Europe .

His faith was equal to his spirit. The King of
the Barricades-the sworn monarch of a constitu
tional realm- spoke contemptuously of the people

who honored him, and of the law he swore to observe
and tried to annul. "Constitutions "-he said
"are the malady of the day. It will pass-but one

must know how to treat it. The continental Kings
shrink from it with terror- but as for me- I treat it
after the homopathic method , and that answers my

purpose . " He meant to say :-" The Kings of the
156 REVOLT OF FRANCE AND POLAND .
continent destroy liberty with the sword-I, by the

safer and surer method of slow and deadly poison . "
He humbly claimed for himself the subordinate char
acter of the fox-and left the part of the lion to his
masters.
His long reign of eighteen years was a painful

preparation for the era of revolutions .
SECTION IV .
THE REVOLT OF EUROPE IN 1848
AGAINST THE
HOLY CONSPIRATORS .
GERMANY .
AGAINST THE
HOLY CONSPIRATORS .
GERMANY .
DURING the whole reign of Louis Philippe the
fear of the Holy Allies controlled the destiny of

France . Before them her proud spirit was abased—
till the cup of her indignation was full against the
man who wore and disgraced her crown ; and then
she rose and shook him off.
The boasted power of Louis Philippe vanished

like the morning cloud- dissolving into thin air with
out a flash of lightning or a roll of thunder to
&
announce its departure. It was not even honored
with a military burial-but fled before the hoots of
a mob and the terrors of an evil conscience to hide
itself in a dishonorable grave .
France-relieved from the incubus- stood erect in
her majesty and power-gigantic in her proportions—

terrible in the glance of liberty- and hurling defiance
at the powers who had dared to insult the hour of
160 THE REVOLT OF EUROPE .
her humiliation. All Europe shook at the sound of

her voice. It was the trumpet of the resurrection of
imprisoned liberty. The
giant lay beneath the
-
mountain weights imposed on him at the great over
throw . From time to time weary of his constraint
and panting beneath his burthen, his restlessness had
moved kingdoms from their bases and shaken eldest
dynasties. The time of his liberation now seemed
fully come ; and as he turned heavily in act to rise,
Gay
the earthquake of 1848 passed along. Every mon
archy in Europe shook to its foundations ; and from
the seven hills of Papal Rome to the city of the
Great Frederick, and from the Bay of Biscay to the
Vistula, not a throne was left erect. Europe was
covered with the ruins of her political edifices. The
prison doors were shaken open and the captives were
free . Their shackles were off, and their Kings were
cringing in humble supplication before the people

they had despised , insulted and oppressed .
The signs of the times might have been read on
the dial of the Vatican . Pius IX . the successor of
Gregory, represented the progress of fifty years ; and

his concessions to the spirit of the age were the off
spring of an urgent necessity. But like Louis XVI .
he had evoked a spirit which he could not control,
and whose power would not be stayed at the bounds
he prescribed. Charles Albert had oscillated again
to the side of freedom, and granted his subjects a
fair constitution. The successor of Frederick the
Great, after alternately spurring to madness and
curbing to submission his patient people, had dis

guised his absolute power beneath the shadowy forms
GERMANY . 161
of constitutional rule . These things prepared the

minds of the people for a step in advance ; and the
overthrow of Louis Philippe was the signal for the
march.
The rising of the people, the agitation of mind ,

the looking for of great events, were every where
to be seen. In France only was the revolution abso
lute master of the field , and securely enthroned in
power. Every where else the people forbore to
exact from their Princes the extreme penalty of their
iniquities ; and they were left at the head of affairs
armed with the powers of Government, which they
prostituted to the overthrow of the people who mer
cifully spared their hour of weakness. The conflict
began in guile , was waged under artful disguises by

diplomacy, and was closed by the sword . Europe
was one great battle-field where strove for the mastery
the tyrants and the people . The battle swayed with
various fortune on many fields . It was decided by
a sudden blow in a distant and obscure corner of
Europe. But the result of the movement depended

on the success of the people of Germany ; and that
was wrapped up in the cause of Hungary. Success
here gave the key to the field of Europe ; and failure
here rendered success on other points matter of detail
determining nothing . For the contest was between
the People and the Kings . Without the arm of Aus
tria, Italy could control her petty despots, and Ger
many could realize her longings for substantial unity.
The independence of Hungary would have para
lyzed the arm of Austria for purposes of mischief ;
and, with United Germany under a free constitution,
21
would have opposed an impenetrable barrier to the

arms and influence of Russia ; while their proximity
and example would have assailed her power in its
citadel, by weakening the hold of despotism in the
minds of her people . To overthrow Hungary was
therefore the shortest and safest method of arresting
the progress of the revolution. To have assailed
Prussia would have armed all Germany ; and a mil
lion of bayonets would in a month have bristled on
the frontiers . Russia did not care to waste her
powder nor to endanger her success . She therefore ,

G
under cover of the Austrian invitation , entered Hun
gary as the ally of a German Power. The interven
tion was not felt as an assault on the people of Ger

many ; her Kings could safely close their eyes to a
campaign whose success must be for their advantage ;
and, by their connivance and the apathy of their peo
ple, the contest was settled before they were conscious
it had opened . The game was played with eminent
skill ; the faith of Kings , their royal oaths and right
royal perjuries, the simple confidence of the people
and the decisive argument of the bayonet, concessions
and soft words in the hour of weakness , retractions
and defiance in the hour of returning strength, are
the elements of the game. Their application for the

suppression of freedom is one of the most instructive
as well as the saddest pages of history.
The result was ruinous to the rights of the people—
and damning to the character of Kings.
The details of the simultaneous rising of the peo
ple of Germany in each of her thirty states would be

only the tedious repetition of the same events varied
GERMANY . 163
by circumstances of place and person . From Berlin

to Vienna, from Frankfort to Dresden , in every king
dom and principality, the people rose as one man ,
inspired by the pervading spirit of liberty, and urged
by the resistless yearnings after that national union
embodied in a national representative government
without which all local reforms were useless.
They strove in their several states for the rights

which were at issue in our revolution : and as their
only adequate guarantee, they were driven to contend

at the same time for the great constitutional organiza
tion which we effected , in peace and quiet, ten years
after the revolutionary storm had passed .
The demands of the people, spontaneously pouring
from the hearts of millions scattered over the length
and breadth of the land , so simultaneous as to pre
clude the supposition of concert, so uniform as to
indicate the pervading extent and depth of the griev
ances to be remedied and of the conviction as to the
proper remedy- were almost entirely free fromthe

excesses of revolutionary violence or radical reckless
ness. They partook of the eminent moderation of
the German character, and betokened a political

maturity in the people which was the best assurance
of their competency to wield the powers they
claimed .
There were doubtless three parties . The conser

vative party clung tenaciously to the Metternich
principle-"the existing order of things." The
radicals stimulated with an unreal enthusiasm the
republican spirit and blood -thirsty recklessness , without
the courage and energy, or devotion and simplicity, of
the school of Robespierre and Danton : but they were

few, powerless, and insignificant, and always under
the control of the Burgher guard- till the counter
revolutionary tendencies of the governments sharp
ened their hostility into the madness of despair, and
drove them into rebellion , which ended in disaster,
and closed the scene of this memorable drama. The
people of Germany, they who demanded the rights

of the nation and awed their rulers into submission ,
were guilty of no such excesses. They were the

great mass of the people- the sons of the men who
rose in the war of liberation , -demanding the long
deferred rewards of their valor. So universal was
the upheaval, so lofty and threatening the wave

which agitated Germany, so resistless the still might
with which it lifted the thrones and dynasties of
solidest mould and deepest foundation from their
bases, that at once , almost without a collision of arms,
certainly without more than enough to feel the
weight and earnestness of the masses, Emperors,
Kings, and petty Princes, at Vienna and Berlin not
less than in Baden and Cassel, with one voice, but
with various views, bowed their crowned heads be
fore the majesty of the national will .
That will did not ask republican institutions , nor
socialist theories, nor jacobin madness. It confined
itself to the essential rights of free government,
under monarchical forms , with the guaranties with
out which chartered concessions are only the will
of the King for the moment. It demanded the free
dom of the press from the shackles of the censor ,
and of peaceable association for the consideration of
GERMANY . 165
grievances that the wishes of the people might find

a voice and free consultation devise a remedy . The
public administration of justice and the trial by
jury were demanded that the people might aid in
administering the laws, and bring the judge before
the bar of public opinion . The claim of a Burgher's
guard is only the German form of the American right
of the people to bear arms- the only guarantee that
the right of self-government will be a reality- and
to which the oath required of the army to the consti
tution was an essential addition . The people insisted
on representative assemblies, on constitutional forms,
on liberal suffrage, on religious freedom : but they
never asked or imposed a condition inconsistent with
the continuance of the royal power-they never
denied any right fit to be held by a constitutional
King. They left him a part of the Legislature, the
whole of the executive power, and prerogatives :
more extensive than those of the Kings of England .
These demands were made in a tone of firm and
manly moderation : they were yielded every where

almost without hesitation- under the pressure of the
universal demand .
But in addition to these essential powers and rights ,
every where the national aspirations after national
union breathed not only fervent prayer, but spoke in
tones of decided import. The people felt that no

victory in the several states was safe so long as a
close corporation of princes ruled the confederation ,
conspired against the liberties of the people, fulmi
nated decrees inconsistent with the very shadow of
constitutional government, and enforced them by the
intervention of the armies of Austria. So long as the

decree of 1832 interpreting and enforcing that of
1820 remained in force, constitutional government in
any German State was an impossibility. Local vic
tories were fruitless . Local concessions were power
less to limit the despotism of the prince . Those laws

declared that the sovereign power must remain intact
and undivided in the hands of the Prince- that the
grant of taxes could not be made conditional on a
redress of grievances-that the publication of legisla

tive debates must be at the mercy of those sovereigns
who governed so badly that the voice of free discus
sion was of ill example to their subjects . These
things were dangerous to the monarchical system ,
and were to be suppressed by the federal power as
inconsistent with the groundwork of the confedera
C
tion-a Diet of Princes absolute and irresponsi
ble. These laws had been stringently enforced
to destroy the fruits of the popular victories won

in Saxony, Hesse Cassel, and Hanover, under the
inspiration of the French Revolution of 1830. The
people felt the blow ; and now sought to paralyse
the arm which dealt it. They aspired to the bless
ings of a united popular government in lieu of
the confederation of Princes. They wanted a guar
antee of the rights of the people in place of the

Princely conspiracy for their suppression . This
demand was first and chief among the popular requi

sitions ; and it was universally acquiesced in by the
Princes .
The hopes of Germany were centred in the Frank
fort Parliament and the confederated constitution it
GERMANY . 167
was charged to form . The success of the effort was

to be decided at Berlin and Vienna. Victory or
defeat followed the fate of the contest on these two
decisive points . The rest of the field must follow

them. The power of imperial Austria was debated
on the plains of Hungary ; and the vacillating reso
lution of the King of Prussia rose and fell as his
ambitious hopes swayed to and fro in the trembling
balance. The terrors of the Russian name and the
weight of the Russian sword decided the fate of

Germany.
The bloody day of Jena had thrown a pall over the
glories of the Kingdom of Frederick and definitively
shattered the hold of Prussia on the past. From
that day she was nothing-but what she made her
self in the war of liberation . Her power lay in her
devotion to the cause of German progress, in opposi
tion to the despotic conservatism of Austria . These
two powers impersonate the spirits which for forty
years contended for mastery in Germany. Both
have been absolute monarchies, but Austria has

boasted herself a consistent despotism. Prussia has
professed liberal principles, made popular conces
sions, promised constitutional guaranties and culti
vated her people to no small degree of political
knowledge . Her King had gradually reluctantly
and late added moderate political powers in the shape
of Provincial Diets of very limited faculties. As if
anticipating the storm, just before the outbreak of
1848, he conferred a charter and a United Diet on
the people of his kingdom. The charter thinly
veiled the retention of absolute power in the last

resort by the King. It revealed how reluctantly

Kings part with any prerogative ; for the absolute
power of the Prussian monarchs has always been
moderated by their dependence on their people's

favor, and by gratitude for their eminent sacrifices in
two great national crises-the seven years war , and

the war of liberation. They always claimed, yet
feared to exercise otherwise than mildly, their abso
lute power. They weakened and undermined its
influence by continual promises to abandon it, yet

fretted and worried their people by continually de
ferred hopes. They seemed to value their power as
a miser does his hoards-not for the use but for the
possession, living in terror of the inevitable day of

parting, yet eternally talking of his posthumous bene
fits and the day of distribution .
In this state the wave of revolution struck the
vessel. The accomplished trifler who held the helm

of Prussia, feeling himself powerless to oppose, as
pired to lead the storm and convert its power into
the means of his ambitious advancement. He flung
overboard with free hand those weighty prerogatives
it was dangerous to retain. The raging waters were
covered with the glittering emblems of empire de
voted to appease their voracity .
Tumultuous agitations broke out in Berlin on the
13th of March . An enormous meeting for reform
was the occasion of a collision between the troops
and the people . The King may have taken this

mode of testing the temper of the people : but if he
did the trial was satisfactory . The continued excite
ment and renewed collisions attested the depth and
GERMANY . 169
permanence of the feeling, and the King felt the
import of the movement, assuaged the raging masses

by ascribing the collision to accident, withdrew the
obnoxious troops, bowed graceful acquiescence in
the will of his faithful people, and set earnestly to
work at once to gratify them— and advance himself.
The imperial height sparkled in the distance, and
with his eye fixed on it, constitutional concessions to
his people sunk in value, and seemed cheap in
exchange for future glories .
A week had satisfied his mind and nerved him to
the final step : and on the 18th of March, the royal

revolutionist issued his first proclamation . He lifted
the censorship from the public voice . He created and
armed the Burgher Guard as the protector of public
order and popular liberty. The United Diet was sumC
moned to provide for a National Assembly, commis
sioned to devise a constitution . " But above all ,"
the King declared , " we demand that Germany be

transformed from a confederation of states into one
federal state ," the precise change in our own condi

tion from the confederation to the constitution, the
source and security of our peace and greatness.
He declared a federal constitution , based on popular
representation , united by a single imperial constitu
tional head, defended by a national army, graced
by a national flag, secured by a central tribunal of
ultimate resort, and enriched by the free flow of
commerce and community of citizenship-to be the
indispensable condition of their power and freedom,
the imperative demand of the people and of the age.
He pledged himself to strive for its attainment .
22
It required no second sight to see that the inspiration

of the King was quite as much the offspring of his
ambition, as of any deference for the will or welfare
of the nation . On the 21st of March, the successor
of Frederick the Great, decorated with the tri

colored German flag, paraded on horseback the
streets of his capital, and , pausing beneath the statue
of his illustrious ancestor, inaugurated by his solemn
words in the hearing of his people the restoration of
the Holy Empire . While he declared the colors he
wore not his own and that he would usurp nothing,
he did not fail to declare his belief that the hearts of
the Princes yearned toward him and the will of the

nation supported him ; and the royal ordinance, ad
dressed to the German Nation, announced- that Fre
derick William IV. had taken the lead of the German
Nation, and invoked the blessings of Providence " on

our constitutional Prince, the leader of the German
K
people , the new King of free and regenerate Ger
many."
G
If, then, the people demanded a central govern
ment, it was the King who assumed the lead in the
attempt to secure it. Yet his course was a series of
blunders and contradictions, of liberal acts and violent

retractions, of bold steps in advance followed by
humiliating retreats and pitiable weaknesses. His
nerves failed him in the decisive hour, and Germany
remains as she was- divided , powerless and dis

honored . i
The National Assembly met on the 22d of May.
It was chosen under a law proposed by the King,
adopted by the United Diet which he had created,
GERMANY . 171
and formally approved by him . It existed under a

law sanctioned by all the known powers of the state .
It was elected by the vast majority of the people.
If this assembly did not embody, with the King, the
sovereignty of the state , no assembly can be any thing
more than a consultative commission, nor have any
more permanent tenure than the royal pleasure.
The King greeted the assembly at its opening as
one charged by the general election of the people to
unite with him in making a constitution destined to
create an era in Prussia and Germany ; and expressed
his confidence that they would strive at once to
secure the people a large share in the affairs of state,
and to place the rights of his family on a sure founda
tion. The assembly do not appear to have been in
duced to depart from either of these high purposes ,
either by the seductions of popular inclination , or
the terrors of the Berlin mob, -which occasionally
assumed an unruly tone, but never obtained the
mastery of the assembly. They freely discussed the
constitutional plan submitted by the government ,
and they were inclined to alter some of its provisions ;
but they did not deviate into jacobinical excesses , nor
in any manner impair the just security of the crown ;
and surely it was not supposed that this formal as

sembly had received the sanction of the people, that
they might in turn accept without discussion such
law as the monarch might dictate . The conduct of
the King is merely another illustration of the tenacious
grasp of royal hands on despotic power . Frederick
was willing to concede a constitution , but he rebelled
at its logical consequences, and sought pretexts in
the turbulence of the revolutionary mob to usurp his

original authority. The first serious outbreak , on
the 16th of June, was occasioned by the conciliatory
resolution of the Assembly , that the events of March
were not a revolution but a transaction between the
King and the people ; but that was directed against

the Assembly, and was promptly suppressed by the
Burghers' Guard . From this point the re-actionary
tendency of the King and his councillors is suffi

ciently manifest. The pretext was the popular
violence , not of the Assembly, but directed against it.

The ministry proposed and the assembly rejected an
increase of the military force. It was apparent that
a spirit of hostility to them was being encouraged in

the army ; and they, on the 9th of August, required
the Minister of War to order the officers to cultivate
a spirit of conciliation and kindness towards the

citizens . The minister resigned rather than execute
the order, and another performed the rejected task .
The King confided the command of the troops to
Von Wrangel, whose harsh and dictatorial address
breathed the spirit of his appointment . An occasion
was sought to remove the assembly beyond the in
fluence and the protection of the Berlin Guards.
The Assembly was invaded by a promiscuous multiC
tude late in October, when it was proposed to pledge

the government to aid the Viennese patriots ; but the
Burgher Guard completely protected the Assembly.

No pretext remained . Yet the King committed the
government to Von Brandenburg, a man not merely of
great resolution, but of known hostility to the popular
cause : and he assumed the right to prorogue the
GERMANY. 173
Assembly from Berlin to Brandenburg , where it was

required to meet on the 27th . The Assembly saw
the design and repelled the usurpation . Excluded
from their Hall, they sought another . Again foiled ,
they met in a Coffee House , —and resolved that no
taxes should be paid till they were allowed to resume
their free sittings in Berlin. They were then forci
bly dispersed . Not enough met at Brandenburg to
transact business-where their voices could only echo
the influence of the army and the ministry. They
were again prorogued till the 7th of December, and
before that day arrived , while the National Assembly
was in full being, after the King had parted with his
absolute powers by two distinct and solemn acts , he
suddenly resumed them in their highest plenitude,
dissolved the body in which was vested the sovereign
legislative power of the state, and in his own name ,
by his own plenary authority, proclaimed on the 5th
of December a full and complete constitution for the
state !
So impossible is it to impress on royal minds the

pervading nature and high authority of popular
sovereignty— unless the lesson be enforced by the
sinister memory of a banishment, a deposition , or a
scaffold ; or the presence of an ever armed and reso
lute people oppose an insurmountable barrier to royal
arrogance . The absence of this experience left
Frederick free to revoke powers irrevocably granted .
He found the Assembly not inclined to take any such
4
constitution as he might propose ; he therefore
violently usurped the powers of absolute sovereignty,
and imposed on the nation such a constitution as he
pleased . Of course its duration was equally depen

dent on his pleasure, so long as his army was more
than a match for those who were willing to fight to
place freedom and the rights of the nation above the
royal grace ; and the assembly it authorized swiftly
followed the fate of its luckless predecessor. They
met on the 26th of February, 1849 , in Berlin

whence the former had been arbitrarily driven . The
King's speech proposed for consideration a multitude
of topics, but the first case of independent opinion

was the signal for their dispersion .
The Frankfort Parliament had completed an admi
rable constitution, and the Imperial dignity was ten
dered to the King of Prussia. He shrunk from the
responsibility
! and on frivolous pretexts which ill con
cealed his irresolute and trifling character, declined
the dignity, in opposition to an earnest and manly
appeal from the Assembly. The Assembly reiterated
their urgent prayers , but the pusillanimous monarch
who had first led the great central movement could
not be coaxed or driven by his imploring people
to meet the expectations he had raised . He pre
ferred to disgust them by his refusal, rather than to

gratify the mass of the German nation by giving
effect to the grand constitution which had just been
voted by their august Parliament.
The Assembly then voted , that the constitution of
the Frankfort Parliament bound the people and
states of Germany . This the King and his ministry
construed into an impertinent usurpation in the re
presentatives of the legislative power of the State ,
and this with their expression of opinion on the un
GERMANY . 175
constitutionality of the state of siege of Berlin under

the King's own instrument, were the occasion of their
arbitrary dissolution !
The dispersion of the legislative body was prompt
ly followed, while the constitution of the 5th Decem
ber was in force, by the King's electoral law, the
foundation of the whole constitutional structure !
Such trifling with constitutions , such childish vacil

lation, such arbitrary appeals to the sword to break
the stubbornness of a popular assembly, would have
been intolerable to any nation whose spirit was not
weighed down by the incubus of a gigantic mili
tary power. It far surpasses the outrages on truth
and faith which sedate and law-abiding Englishmen
visited on their sovereign with the axe and the scaf

fold ; and had Frederick William worn the English
crown , his name would probably have graced the
prayer-book of her church in company with " King
Charles the Martyr. " But the King felt himself
secure in his army, and he chose arbitrarily to defy
the opinion of the assembly whose only purpose was
to limit and control his discretion- whenever it ven
tured to take the constitution as a reality, and in its

spirit and by its authority to speak in opposition to
the good pleasure of the King.
This surely gave poor promise of constitutional
government in Prussia. Yet while allowance must
be made for the revolutionary agitation of the times,
it cannot fail to strike us that the Assembly were
disapproved of and dissolved , for advancing the views
with which the King himself opened the movement
for a central power. That his opinions had changed
we have no reason to suppose . That he longed for

German unity and the imperial dignity we know.
Why then this retreat in the face of the earnest pro
tests and exhortations of his people and his Parlia
ment ?
It was the shrinking of a weak mind from a deci

sive step at the appointed hour. Frederick William
had too little of the blood of Frederick the Great .
He stood in awe of the powers the latter had defied

and beaten off. He saw Austria across his path, and
from far in the back ground the frown of Russia
darkened the prospect and chilled his ambition . He
feared to strike a decided blow for the people and

his own glory, against his brother sovereigns ; —and in
less than a year he was driven to a levy of the mass
of his people, to repel their aggression against his in
dependence , and to guard his influence in the coun
try over which he might have ruled .
The King's treachery was one of the results of the
struggle in southern Germany and Hungary . Let us
there seek the explanation .
The events in Vienna followed the same course
with those in Berlin ; but the imperial court is free

from any suspicion of honest intention . Despotic
rule never for a moment abandoned its throne in the
hearts of the princes, and the concessions were only

devices to gain time for their retraction . The ulti
mate aim was to defeat the renovation of Germany

by the Frankfort Parliament ; for that would have in
volved the overthrow of the conclave of petty despots
through which Austria ruled Germany , and the eleva

GERMANY . 177
tion of her liberal rival to an imperial crown of real

power.
The shock of revolution struck Vienna in March ,
1848. Early in that month, the Hungarian Parlia
ment addressed to the monarch an exhortation to
surround his throne with institutions in accordance
with the spirit of the age ; and the tone of that ad

dress was caught and echoed by the Diet of Lower
Austria, one of those feeble and fading relics of the
liberties of feudal times which still survive, like the
ruins of old castles, the period of their grandeur.
Anxious consultations occupied the court. The
Emperor was a shadow ; the substance of power

had long been held by Metternich , who struggled
against a current he felt to be irresistible . His opin
ion supported by that of the more despotic of the
royal family prevailed, the petitions were rejected , and
proclamations for the suppression of the agitation and
the dispersion of the crowds were being printed—
when the people infuriated by their disappointment
flew to arms, the troops refused to act against them,
and terror seized the hearts hardened by irresponsible
power. Metternich felt that his hour was come, laid
down his dignities , and fled where none pursued him
save the consciousness of evil deeds . The Imperial
court helpless and bewildered , after throwing out an
ambiguous decree which the people scoffed at, felt
itself obliged to yield to their reasonable requests.
The freedom of the press, a national guard , the con
C
vocation of the deputies from the provinces to con
sult over the constitution which should be granted
were the rich fruits of a single day of manly resolu
23
tion and moderate conduct on behalf of the citizens
of Vienna. This first step, faithfully pursued , would

have restored Austria to her dignity among the
nations, and laid anew the foundations of the empire.

But the spirit of a tortuous policy presided at the
conception and execution of the plan . The conces
sions disguised a step towards that centralized unity
which had been the day-dream of successive em
perors for a century . The bitterness of defeat was
assuaged by the thought of the opportunity it af

forded, under cover of a general constitution which
guarantied no substantial rights and was revocable
at pleasure, to break down the several nationalities
which hitherto had proved an inseparable obstacle to

the creation of an absolutely centralized despotism.
On the 25th of April, the Emperor published his
constitutional scheme for the consideration of the
Diet. It had a liberal appearance ; but its legislative

body was only to meet when convoked by the
Emperor , its consultations were confined to his
propositions, and nothing indicated any limitation of
the absolute powers of the monarch during its vaca
tion . It was a convenient cover for the exercise of
absolute power under constitutional forms . The Diet
met at Vienna on the 22d of July, and was opened

by Archduke John, in a speech of mild and earnest
exhortation to moderate counsels. The Emperor
who, impelled by causeless terrors, had run away from

Vienna to Innspruck in May, returned on the 8th of
August, and was met by the cheerful and enthusiastic
greetings of the people of the capital. The Diet
pledged itself to guard his constitutional throne ,

GERMANY . 179
whose presence was the symbol and guarantee of its

union with the people, and the Emperor professed
himself bound to labor for the reconstruction of the
monarchy on a representative basis. The Diet enGj

tered on its mission in the midst of explosions of
national animosities, entangled by the complex reGRA
sponsibilities of daily legislation, and filled with soli
citude by the arbitrary outrages of the Imperial
cabinet on the rights of Hungary. The scandalous
negotiations with Jellachich , the invasion of Hungary
by an imperial army, under the command of a rebel,
at the order of a King who was professing liberal
principles and pretending to assume the restraints of
constitutional government, were contradictions which
destroyed all confidence in the sincerity of the court.
It was plain that time and opportunity alone were
expected to accomplish the restoration of arbitrary
power. If the time-honored constitution of Hungary
had no sanctity in the eyes of the Emperor, he could
not look on the creature of his own hands with more
regard. If Hungary fell, no protection remained for

constitutional concessions in any part of the empire ,
and the Diet was deliberating only to give time for
the construction of an armed force for their over
throw. The order to the Viennese regiments to

march on Hungary on the 6th of October confirmed
every fear, and impressed the people with the fate
which awaited them. The troops refused to march ,
the people flew to arms, scenes of violence filled the
streets. The Diet required a new ministry , the
Emperor trifled , evaded, refused half their demand ,

and on the 7th, before day, fled from his capital to
.
Olmutz, leaving an intimation that he went to return
with power to overwhelm them . The constitutional
Emperor summoned the Ban Jellachich with his
Croats and Windischgratz from Bohemia to bombard

his capital into submission ; and summoned the Diet,
which sympathized with the outraged Hungarians ,
to meet at Kremsir- where they would be at the
mercy of the Emperor's constitutional bayonets .
Vienna fell before the military power which the
Emperor had created by treacherous bargains with
the leaders of the Sclavonic insurgents, who purchased
worthless promises of privileges to themselves as the
price of the blood of their German and Hungarian
fellow-citizens. They did their work faithfully : on
the 31st of October, " order reigned in Vienna : " and
with Vienna began the series of re-actionary suc
cesses, which, by a fit retribution , prostrated Sclavonic
and Hungarian pride alike in the dust. The Im
perial court from this triumph drew new resolution

and spirit in the war for absolute power. Under its
inspiration, and ere the might of liberty and Hunga
rian heroism had humbled the Imperial head in sup
plication to the Czar, the Diet of Kremsir met-and
were dispersed .
Their deliberations progressed with moderation
and firmness, but they laid too deep the foundations
of their work. The Court felt the supports of abso
lute power shake , when the Diet proceeded to declare
the people the source of all power ; and Count Stadion
peremptorily interdicted the dangerous theme.
They proceeded to discuss and adopt wise and
conservative provisions, giving rich promise of a solid
GERMANY . 181
and enduring structure in the new constitution , when
suddenly the instincts of absolute power saw how

fatal would be a constitution emanating from an elec
tive body, and guarded with statesmanlike wisdom.
The constitutional Emperor forgot his mission and
his pledges, dissolved and dispersed the Kremsir
Diet, and himself proclaimed on the 4th of March ,
1849, as the emanation of his grace, a constitution
for the Empire. Sclavonians, Zechs, Bohemians ,
Italians, and Magyars were melted and confounded
in one centralized monarchy- moulded by the Impe
rial omnipotence into " the one and indivisible Empire
of Austria." Its greatest fault was its greatest merit,
in the eyes of its author . It was merely waste paper
without life or power, meeting the wishes, wants and
expectations of no part of the Empire, rejected by
all , defended by none , a thin veil for imperial absolu
tism , an illusory deception convenient to divide the
liberal party, yet powerless to control the royal will.

It was an unreal unsubstantial piece of gossamer
floating in the air, holding fast by no historical recol
lections , answering to no national expectation , a web
of a day, to be blown away in an hour . It never
assumed, even in appearance , the symbols of power .
The triumph of the Hungarian arms followed swiftly
on its announcement : and the Boy- Solon found his
constitution in danger of being without a kingdom .
From the absolute dictator of the law to his vassals,
he was humbled in the dust as the vassal of Nicho
las-imploring his protection against the people he

had outraged .
But prior to the disasters of March and April, the

court were exulting in their fancied triumph ; and
secure of absolute power at home, they employed all
the resources of diplomacy and intrigue, to defeat
the Frankfort constitution, to frighten the King of
Prussia from accepting the proffered dignity, to re
tain Germany divided that she might be weak, and
weak that they might rule her.
The evils of Germany flowed from her confedera
tion. Her patriots wished to convert it into a bless
ing . Her statesmen met at Frankfort under the
commission of the people and of the princes of Ger
many to effectuate the momentous change . The
conception of a federal representative government
for the whole of Germany, operating in harmonious
concert with local governments for the respective
states , was a sublime idea , worthy of the greatest
statesman to devise , and only second to our own
glorious government because following it in time.
It was the only refuge for freedom against the league
of princes who conspired its ruin , and converted the
existing confederation into a Holy Alliance to stifle
every free manifestation in each state by the com
bined power of all. This end had been completely
attained by the supplements to the original articles in
1820 as expanded and enforced in 1832. The far
sighted men of business felt that detached victories
must be fruitless ; and that the power and dignity of

the nation not less than the freedom and happiness
of the people were sacrificed by the existing isolation
of the states and combination of the princes . They
therefore devoted their energies to wrest from the
GERMANY . 183
governments such concessions as would suffice to

create a wide enduring and powerful union . Their
efforts were ridiculed as enthusiastic dreams by the
people, and their success deprecated by the gov

ernment of England- the only free nation of Eu
rope-as famous for tenacious conservatism and prac
tical wisdom in their own affairs, as for an unmeas
ured contempt, or incapacity for the comprehension ,

of any system not like their own . We greeted with
just pride the deference of modern Europe to the

western system for combining a wide area and
diverse interests beneath the protecting arm of one
powerful representative government . Our revolu
tion inspired the Frenchmen of 1789 - our consti
tution was the classic model for the German Parlia
ment of 1848 .
The Frankfort Parliament was not the offspring of

revolutionary violence-but the instrument of a
peaceful and legal reform. It was not dictated by a

mob behind a barricade, in the streets of a single town.
It was the calm and deliberate device of statesmen
and princes to avoid revolution by removing its causes,

in obedience to the settled and universal will of the
nation.
The pervading idea of German Unity, the symbol

and instrument of national strength freedom and
honor, first assumed a practical form at a meeting of
fifty-one gentlemen of note, chiefly members of the
Legislative Chambers of Prussia, Bavaria and other
states . On the 5th of March, 1848 , they met at
Heidelberg, declared a Representative Assembly

chosen by all the German states in proportion to
their numbers , to be a measure of imperious neces

sity, and charged a committee with the preparation
of a scheme. They convoked a preliminary Parlia
ment to meet at Frankfort on the 30th, to provide
for the election of members to the National German
Parliament, to which the hopes of all looked forward .

So public and approved was this design , that the
Diet of the confederation , created by the treaties of
Vienna, wielding the powers of the existing confed
eration, composed only of the plenipotentiaries of
the German sovereigns, and hitherto the fatal tool of
the Holy Alliance for the department of Germany, in
session at Frankfort on the 8th of March, formally
invited to participate in their deliberations and join

the ranks of the Diet, seventeen of the leaders in this
popular movement, and among them were Von
Gagern, Welcker, and others of the Heidelberg com
mittee.
The preliminary Parliament met on the 30th of

March , at Frankfort, fixed the ratio of representation
for the National Assembly at seventy thousand
souls, settled the mode of election by the people ,
and appointed May the 18th as the day for their
meeting. On that day the representatives met at
Frankfort. They were the direct representatives of
the votes of the people of Germany , elected by law
in every state . The ▾ Diet of the confederation
which bore the same relation to them that the Con
gress of the confederation did to the Grand Con
vention in many respects-hastened on the first days

of their assembling to present them a message, ex
pressing the desire of the Diet to act in friendly
*
GERMANY . 185
unison and co-operation with them. The legal char

acter and high functions of the Frankfort Parliament
were thus formally and promptly acknowledged by
the Diet which they were to supersede. It was the
solemn inauguration of the Assembly as the repre
sentative of the national sovereignty of Germany :
and they at once entered on its actual and plenary

exercise .
They did not confine themselves to devising a

system of constitutional law, which was to be opera
tive only when approved , whether by princes or
people or both . They assumed the functions of
actual government in the name of the nation ; and

their first debate continued till the end of June the
consideration of the powers of a central executive .

The result was the law of June 28th, constituting a
Provisional Central Power for the administration of
affairs touching the whole of Germany. It was

vested with the executive power in the affairs of the
nation, with the command of the armed force, and with
the right to send and receive ambassadors, to make
war and peace, and with the assent of the Assembly
to conclude treaties . These high prerogatives were to
be conferred on a Regent elected by the Assembly,
himself irresponsible , but surrounded by responsible
ministers, without whom he could not act. His power
was limited to the period of the completion of the
constitution, and he was directed to exert it, as far as
compatible with his duty, in good understanding with
the plenipotentiaries of the German States. The
German Diet was declared to cease from the moment
that the Central Power began to exercise its func

24
tions. As the Diet represented the whole executive
authority of the confederation, this latter provision

was essential to prevent a double and conflicting
executive-if the Frankfort Parliament and their
Central Power were to be any thing but shadows and

names. The recognition of this law by the German
Powers involved the recognition of the legal and
sovereign nature of the Assembly. They elected the
Archduke John of Austria, Regent under the law.
The Diet of the confederation placed in the hands
of the committee of the Assembly appointed to
announce the election of the Archduke, a letter
expressing the satisfaction of the Diet at the result,
and assuring him that, pending the debate on the law,
the plenipotentiaries composing their body had been
instructed to declare in favor of his election. The
Archduke, a subject and in the service of Austria ,

after consultation with the Emperor, his brother,
accepted the dignity. On the 12th of July he was
solemnly inaugurated as Regent of the German
Empire, and in the presence of the National Assem
bly declared that he would obey and enforce the law
under which he was appointed. He forthwith sur
rounded himself with a ministry, filling all the de
partments of a complete and elaborate government
charged with the internal and external affairs of a
great Empire, and entered on the active discharge of
the duties of his station . His appointment and his
powers were formally announced by the Prussian
ministry to the Prussian Assembly ; and both the
person and the authority were approved, with some
little hesitation at the transferring from the Diet to the
GERMANY . 187
Regent of the powers of war and peace. Even that

hesitation was forgotten in the alacrity with which
Prussia acted in his name in the Schleswig- Holstein
invasion. The Malmö armistice was not ratified at
first by the Frankfort Parliament : and on its vote

refusing the means of executing it, according to the
custom of constitutional monarchies, the ministry
-
which had approved it resigned . A change of circum
stances induced a change of opinion : the Assembly
finally resolved to adopt it, and the Regent was
instructed to negotiate with Denmark on the subject.
In this view of the functions and position of the
Regent and the Frankfort Parliament all Germany
seemed to concur . They were every where re
cognised as the governing power of the confederation,

and not merely treated as a convention devising a
scheme of constitutional law, but having no legal and
sovereign power either to make or to enforce laws
binding the people and the states.
But the recognition of their character however it
must involve, did not secure the recognition of the
consequences. The Austrian acquiescence was rather
the time-serving consent of a helpless power, than
the honest acceptance of the great change involved
in the successful evolution of the scheme of the
Frankfort Parliament . Her arts and intrigues were
roused to deadly activity, to strangle in its infancy a
GAL
power whose full grown might it would be danger
ous to cope with . She entered the field without a
declaration of war, herself powerless if unaided, but

armed with the votes of Austrian delegates in the
Assembly, with the sympathies of dependent king
doms whose proximity subjected them to her sinister

designs, and with the strength of promised Russian
aid which sufficed to awe into submission the light
and frivolous, the ambitious but irresolute King of
Prussia. He aspired to the imperial dignity- but
trembled before the difficulties which intrigues and

jealousy reared in his path, and concealed beneath a
simulated tenderness for the rights of his brother
sovereigns the cowardice which palsied his arm in
the execution of his darling plan, and the treachery
to his people whose cherished hopes he sacrificed

after proclaiming himself their champion .
On two points hung the results of the Frankfort
Parliament- the structure of an efficient popular con
stitution- and the selection of a head to defend and
enforce it. It was certain from the beginning that

M
Austria would accept no constitution which was hon
estly based on the popular will : and that the eleva
tion of Prussia to the Imperial supremacy would be
met by armed resistance . The success of the attempt
to found a German Empire on a popular basis de

pended upon the power of Austria to prevent it ; and
that depended upon the readiness of Prussia to try the
question in arms rather than yield her hopes or falsify
and dishonor her pledges to the world . The accep
tance of the constitution depended on the acceptance
of the Imperial dignity : for if it were rejected by

Prussia, she would also reject a constitution which ne
cessitated her own subjection to some other Emperor ;
and she was the only power which could for a mo
ment sustain the cause of the nation against the inter
est of Austria and Russia to enfeeble and divide it.
GERMANY . 189
If the constitution once concentrated the power of

Germany, or of any considerable part of it, in the
hands of a popularly elected Parliament and a liberal
Emperor, from that day Russian influence would be
dead, Austrian domination would cease, both powers
would be assailed along their whole frontiers by the
inevitable propaganda of liberal ideas and mild consti
GANG
tutional rule exemplified in the affairs of the confed
eration and of the states. They both, therefore, had
a deep stake in its defeat : and the treachery and
cowardice of Frederick William yielded , without a
blow, all that the most successful campaign could
have wrung from disaster.
The Frankfort Parliament, on the 28th of March ,
1849 , elected Frederick William of Prussia to the
dignity of Emperor of Germany. A committee of

thirty-two members announced to him his election
on the 3rd of April, 1849. His answer betokened a
melancholy change in the royal mind since the 18th
of March, 1848. The royal hypocrite had turned
his gaze to the King of Kings- whom they strangely
conceive as made after their image, and in whose
name their treacheries and perjuries are perpetrated .
He recognized , he said , the voice of the German peo

ple , and acknowledged that their vocation gave him
a title he knew how to prize ; he confessed his wil
lingness to assume the burthens and the thorns of the
proffered crown , but-with many circumlocutions,
with much hesitation, under thin pretexts-he de
clined to assume the Imperial dignity without the

voluntary assent of the crowned Princes of Germany.
This was equivalent to a refusal : for it was refusing to
control those whom the constitution was intended to
control-without their several and individual assent.
If only on that condition the labors of the Frankfort

Parliament were to be successful, sensible men would
have staid at home- or taken the field before their
royal enemies had time to organize armed resistance .

The course of events throws light on this result, so
overwhelming to the popular cause . Something had
obliterated from the memory the procession , the
oath , the proclamation , the devotion of the 21st of
March, 1848. Then the King of Prussia had ad
dressed the German Nation- not his fellow-princes,
who would then have been glad of his countenance
and aid—announcing that he had taken the lead , re
lying on their political regeneration for his support as
the leader of the German people, the new King of the
free regenerated German Nation . He declared that
thenceforth the name of Prussia was fused and dis
solved into that of Germany . He promised a plan
for the conversion of the confederation of states
into a federal government, urged its prompt execu

tion, and proposed to surround it at once with an
army at its disposal. In April, his ministry had
explained these acts so as to remove the impression

that the King meant to anticipate the unbiassed deci
sion of the sovereign Princes and the people of Ger
many, in the assumption of the Imperial crown before
he was called to it. But this did not import that,
when called by the authorized representatives of
Princes and People, he would not accept, unless every
Prince gave his individual assent. Such an interpre
tation was then in no one's mind . It was as little
contemplated as the assent of each individual of the
GERMANY . 191
people . Either Prussia or Austria must represent the

Imperial dignity ; and neither could for a moment be
expected to assent to the elevation of her rival- if
her veto could defeat the election of the people. It

must therefore have been contemplated, that the
Frankfort Parliament, speaking as the representatives
of Princes and People , should invest by their vote
the object of their choice with the right to bear the
sceptre of united Germany, and with the power to
coerce the refractory by the common arms . The
creation of the Provisional Central Power, a regent
for the conduct of an actual government, vested with

the powers of peace and war, surrounded by a
ministry responsible to the Frankfort Parliament and
not to the Diet of the confederation , and endowed with

the capacity of voluntary independent action in the
affairs of the nation without consulting the Princes
or their plenipotentiaries except so far as he might
consider it proper so to do, was absolutely inconsis
tent with the supposition of a paramount title in the
Princes to control the deliberations or to counteract
the policy or to defeat the enactments of the Parlia

ment-the full representative of the national will.
To await their individual assent was either a hypo
critical device to defeat the constitution inspired by
subsequent events, or- it covered the King of Prussia
with the stain of premeditated treachery, and proved
him to have betrayed his country with the kiss of

Judas. His ambition stands surety for his early sin
cerity : his fears, his vacillation , his cowardice were
the causes of his faithless abandonment of the national
cause .
Since the ebullition of the royal enthusiasm for an

Imperial crown in the disguise of popular and na
tional aspirations , Austria and Russia had intimated
their opinions on the contemplated innovations. For
some centuries Germany had been an agglomeration
of discordant and powerless states. It was seriously
to impede the westward march of Russia, that its
scattered members should be knit into one articulate
and nervous frame , animated by one spirit, and

moving with concentrated might. At the outbreak
of the revolution , the Czar professed neutrality : but

as the agitations shook the thrones of Germany, he
illustrated the Russian idea of neutrality, by augment
ing his armies and crowding them to the frontiers .

They stood ready at a moment's notice to cross the
imaginary line which divides Prussian and Austrian
from Russian Poland.
In July, 1848 , thus prepared, the Czar communi

cated to his agents at the German Courts his views
on the National Union. It was to be a popular gov
ernment, it was the result of revolutionary agitations,

it was to replace weakness by strength, division by
union, the conspiracy of princes by the powers of
the people . No one need doubt what Nicholas
would think of this. In the eyes of the head of the

Holy Alliance , it would be a gross violation of the
laws of good neighborhood . The mode of express
ing his sentiments is peculiarly Russian . He boasted
his disinterested aid in the Liberation war and his
recent proffer of his deadly alliance . He complained

of the imputation of intrigues, which he hardly denied :
and then in a sentence of dark import he declared ,
GERMANY . 193
"We have never ceased to recommend and maintain

in Germany concord and unity- not indeed that ma
terial unity which is now the day-dream of a demo
cratic spirit of levelling and aggrandizement, and
which if it were possible to realize it as conceived
by ambitious theorists, would infallibly sooner or
later plunge Germany into war with all her neigh
bors—but that moral unity, that sincere harmony of
views and intentions in all political questions which
the German Confederation formerly treated of. It
is the maintenance of this union, it is the consolida
tion of the bonds which unite the German governments
together, which has ever been our sole aim, because
we desire the peace of Europe : and in our opinion
the surest guarantee of this peace has ever been
lodged in the intimate union of all the Governments
which constitute the German Confederation . "
Of the meaning of Russian neutrality there could

be no doubt after this communication . It was
equally insolent, menacing and humiliating. Nicho

las formally declares that his arm has been laid on
the German people to maintain concord and unity
between the governments of Germany ; and history
explains the purposes and results of that concord to
have been the suppression of freedom . He declares

his sole aim to have been the maintenance of this
union-as his predecessor Catherine had maintained
anarchy in Poland by guaranteeing the "liberum

veto. "In language not to be mistaken, he denounces
་
war against any union among the people of Ger
many which should create a power self- sustaining,
and a union which he would not be required to
25
194 THE REVOLT OF EUROPE ,
sustain as his predecessor suppressed by force of

arms that wise liberal and peaceful constitution of
Poland whose introduction elicited the well consid
ered eulogy of Edmund Burke . What he oppro
briously terms " that material unity" "the day-dream
of a democratic spirit of levelling and aggrandize
ment " was the wise and liberal renovation of Ger
man nationality with which the Frankfort Parlia
ment was charged-the creation of a popular and

powerful federal government demanded by the voice
of the people whose rights it was to protect, and
whose arms would defend it— and sanctioned by the
very princes whose union Nicholas was so anxious
to maintain . The threat of hostilities was plainly
spoken in the prophetic assurance , that the realization
of that unity, the creation of that central and tute
lary power after which all Germany yearned, "would
infallibly plunge Germany into war with all her neigh
bors :" for Russia was one of those neighbors—the
only one interested to defeat the efforts of the
Frankfort Parliament. Russia had already de
nounced those internal changes which threatened to

elevate Germany from insignificance to the dignity of
a Power among the nations- as an aggression on her
rights which required her to arm ; and her hordes
crowded to the frontiers in token that her words
were no idle threat. Such was the position of the

ally of Austria formally announced in July, 1848 ,
when the debates on the central power, the law de
fining his authority, and the draft of the proposed
constitution were fully known and had clearly defined
the purposes of the vast majority of the Frankfort
GERMANY . 195
Parliament. To these things- not to the wild theo

ries of irresponsible enthusiasts-the words of Nich
olas apply. The Parliament thenceforth deliberated
under a Russian threat.
Austria sympathized with her ally. Her German

provinces were represented in the Parliament, her
Archduke presided over the nascent Empire - yet
it was known that she was hostile to the change.
She would consent to no federal union in which her
supremacy was not secured . That was an impossi

ble condition, on any probable contingency. The
very purpose of the union was-the change of the
confederacy into a federal state- subordinating each
separate state to the will of the whole. If the
Frankfort Parliament changed the relations of the

states, and created a central sovereignty, embodied
in a representative assembly and hereditary Imperial
crown guarded by constitutional restraints, that would
be incompatible with absolute power in the Austrian
provinces. It was still more hostile to the policy of
Austrian unity, whether popular or despotic. It
involved the subjection of her German provinces to a
foreign power. If the whole of the Austrian Empire
were embraced in the confederation , it would have
been folly to talk of placing the Imperial diadem out
of the house of Hapsburg. But this was absolutely
incompatible with the conditions of a popular repre
sentation . Such a constitution must have been a
dead letter. Austria might have consented to it—

safe in the assurance that it never could be enforced .
But all Germany would have repelled such an union .
It subjected the German to a host of alien tongues

and races, it merged forever that nationality they

were striving to embody into a political fabric. The
only scheme at all reconcilable with that central des
potism which was the sole unity of the Austrian con

glomerate was the existing confederation . The Diet
of Princes could find a place for Austria. Her influ
ence could control them on matters of general inter
est. Her weight could deaden every stirring of
political life in the individual states, with the aid of

the local sovereign . The subjection of her German
provinces to the Diet was only a circuitous way of
governing them herself. She was free to pursue
her course of consolidation untrammeled by laws for
her provinces above her own control.
When the Frankfort Parliament met, the Emperor
of Austria was an exile from his capital, and threat
ened with a struggle for his crown . His empire
seemed dropping to pieces. He could not openly
oppose the universal wish of Germany- procrastina
tion was impossible-intrigue and treachery alone
remained .
His provinces appeared by their representatives .

Their vocation was to strangle the infant Hercules
whose cradle they pretended to guard.
Every delay was a gain. It gave time to recon
struct his shattered power. He could not secure the
Imperial crown-he therefore opposed its creation .
He proposed a central directory of the crowned
heads of Germany, whose power would be divided
between Austria and Prussia- and whose divisions
would paralize the power the assembly was convoked

to found. The proposal was defeated .
GERMANY . 197
The triumph of Prussia was imminent, unless the

constitution could be made so obnoxious as to insure
the rejection of the crown it created and conferred .

The Austrian members voted with the radicals for
universal suffrage that they might disgust the moder

ate masses of the nation. They supported the quali
fied, in place of the absolute veto , that they might
humble the pride and chill the enthusiasm of a King
used to absolute power, by the offensive prominence
of the limits which confined him. Months wore
away in this war of parliamentary tactics . The diffi

culties were great even were honest intentions striv
ing for the solution . But anarchists of the two
extremes were blending their forces to ward off a
result equally fatal to both . The radical and the

despot were equally overthrown by the establishment
of a wise and liberal constitution . Between this
double fire fought the patriotic representatives of the

mass ofthe German nation- driven by this dishonest
combination to concessions alternately to each of the
allies, yet so strong in the power of reason and the
favor of the nation , that finally they baffled their
united foes. The real difficulty was the German
provinces of the Austrian Empire which formed at
once an integral part of the existing Confederation
and of the Austrian Empire. The assembly could
not include them without dividing that empire.—
They could not exclude them without cutting off

part of the existing Confederation . Austria voted
in the assembly, was impracticable , and immovable.

She would neither come in nor go out- but adhered
pertinaciously to the existing arrangement, and tried
every art to defeat any other. Equal difficulties

seemed to beset either course- when Austria herself
gave a solution.
The debate had opened on the 11th of January,

1849. On the 4th of March, the Emperor of Aus
tria, after dispersing the Diet of Kremsir, proclaimed
a constitution for his empire , melting into one its
numerous provinces, vesting the absolute legislative
power in the Emperor and the Diet acting on his
proposition— and thus utterly cutting himself off from
the German Confederation . He did for his empire
with a single stroke of the pen, what he was stu
diously engaged in defeating for the German nation
at Frankfort. This act solved the difficulty. There
was no more question of the treaties of 1815 -those
foul shackles on the arms of Europe- for, besides a
thousand former violations , Austria had formally
abrogated all that related to her German provinces.
-
There was no more question of the fitness of ex
cluding Austria- she had pronounced the separation
of herself from Germany. The Parliament had only
to give her credit for sincerity, to take her at her
word, adopt a constitution covering the rest of
Germany, and leave the relations with Austria for
future negotiation . The propitious moment seemed

to have arrived : and Welcker hastened to improve it.
On the 12th of March he moved a series of proposi
tions based on the result of the constitution of Count
Stadion. The contest was protracted in an animated

debate worthy to decide the fate of an empire, till
G
the 21st of March . All Germany hung with breath
less suspense on the words which were to decide the
GERMANY, 199
fate of their fatherland . Multitudes who desponded

of success, or were disgusted with the factious
squabble that had more than once disfigured the

symmetry of the plan, now looked up with renewed
hope. The prompt adoption of the propositions
would have changed the whole course of events and
probably ensured the acceptance of the constitution .
They were voted down by a factious conspiracy

between the conservative and the revolutionist aided
by the Austrians who, pending the debate, poured

into the Assembly where they had not previously sat.
Their number was increased from eighty to one hun
dred and ten ; the motion was lost by a vote of two
hundred and fifty-two to two hundred and eighty
two-by the precise number of Austrians added to
the Assembly. The result was produced by votes

which ought not to have been admitted ; for Austria
by her constitution had severed herself from Ger
many ; and from that day it was an outrage to mingle
in her affairs and control her destiny. The defeat of
C
this proposition probably decided the fate of the con
stitution. After further delays the constitution was
finally adopted on the 28th of March : and Frederick
William of Prussia was elected Emperor of Germany
in spite of the pertinacious opposition of Austria. Yet
he refused to take the crown proffered by the
nation. The despotic powers were again suc
cessful.
The result of the consultation of the German
Princes by the king might well be surmised before

hand. It can be regarded as nothing but a form to
disguise a previous resolution . The refusal of the
crown was resolved on before the consent was either

asked or refused .
The Sovereigns of Austria, Bavaria, and Saxony

declined to accept the constitution and to sanction
the election of Frederick William. But no one ever
dreamed of the concurrence of Austria ; and the

King of Bavaria was his satellite .
But the whole of
S
Germany north of the Mayn and of the Erz moun
tains would have supported Prussia, if her King had
not been false and cowardly. Twenty of the states,
with their Princes, formally accepted the constitution
and the Imperial headship of the King of Prussia.
Among them were the important states of Baden,
Hesse-Darmstadt, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg, Bruns
wick, and the four powerful and wealthy Hanse
towns, Frankfort, Hamburg, Lubeck, and Bremen .
Their population with that of Prussia exceeded
twenty millions. They alone sufficed to sustain the
constitution till its silent pleading would have coerced
the accession of the rest. Hanover and Saxony alone
of all northern Germany interposed objections ; and
they spoke the mind of the King and not of the peo
ple who would soon have compelled the acceptance
of the constitution. The people of Prussia through
the Assembly at Berlin spoke their mind in no mea
sured terms . They were willing to encounter the
sacrifices and the burthens which their hypocritical
King was too tender to ask them to assume. The
upper chamber, on the news of the election of the
King, anticipated the arrival of the committee by re

solutions urging him not to refuse the fulfilment of
the hopes of the nation . The Assembly heard with
GERMANY . 201
the greatest indignation the halting reply to the com

mittee, resolved unanimously to enter on the imme
diate consideration of the subject, and adopted an
address professing the utmost readiness to encounter
the burthens and dangers involved in the acceptance
of the crown and constitution which the distracted
state of the country and the threatening condition of

Europe so imperatively required ; and concluded with
praying him not to refuse the summons, but to fulfil

the hopes and expectations of the German people.
But his majesty had turned his gaze from the people
to the princes . He placed his complacency to the
latter on the false ground of reluctance to entail on
the former the burthens and dangers incident to a
compliance with their wishes.
It still remained to accept or reject the consti

tution . The ministry advised the rejection . The
King was impelled by his ambition to keep the door
open for his future elevation, and decided not to re
cognize it. The Assembly of Prussia, by the consti
tution of the King an integral part of the legislative
power of the country, supposed themselves entitled
to a voice in the acknowledgment or rejection of a
constitution which was to be the supreme law of the
land . They could not consent that the King should
alone decide on a question of such magnitude, nor
that he should arrogate the exclusive right of either
subjecting the nation to another jurisdiction or ex
cluding it from a union essential to its interests.
They had no ambitious hopes to gratify : and with
the good of the people whose voice they uttered
before their eyes , they clung with patriotic devotion
26
to the constitution which concentrated the hostilities
of all crowned despots, and formally recognized it

as valid and binding. This was no more than ex
pressing in words what the princes and people of
United Germany had impliedly sanctioned by the
creation of the Central Power and vesting it with
the attributes of actual sovereignty. Yet the consti
tutional King treated as an insolent usurpation this
claim of the Legislature to a voice and an opinion on
this great paramount law of the land . He dissolved
them instantly and contemptuously, without deigning

to assign a reason or intimate beforehand his inten
tion .
From the leader of the German people, Frederick

William, in less than a year was become the defender
of the German princes. In March, 1848, he was
ready to devote his kingdom and his sword to the
Union of the people : in April, 1849 , he offered his
sword to the princes to silence the indignation of
the people at their base betrayal. That year involved
a whole cycle in human affairs .
The absolute princes, in March , 1848 , found them
selves in a moment prostrated by a storm whose
sound they heard , but whence it came or whither it
went they could not tell . Their armies were not to
be relied on . Their people were clamorous for conK
stitutional rights. All society was tossed in tumul

tuous agitation. Its waves shook the solidest fast
nesses of despotism . The noise of their people's

rising was as the voice of many waters . - A year of
agitation had cooled the ardor of some, disappointed
the hopes of many. The delays , the intrigues, the
GERMANY . 203
conspiracies, the combinations of the despots had

disheartened the friends of constitutional Union .
The masses of the nation began to despond . They
were without a leader in whom to confide, devoted
to their cause, nothing without it, his all dependent
on their success. They had speakers, politicians,
philosophers--but no one man of action to unite the
people into an organized body whose will should be
law. No Hampden arose to dare the worst in the
logic of freedom , and to sound the hour when con
cession was madness and arms the only hope . No
Cromwell arose to lead to victory men who stood
ready to shatter by the last argument the brittle and
fragile contrivances of royal conspirators. No Wash
ington was there to inspire with his venerated name
confidence in adversity and unity in the midst of disA
tractions . No Frederick the Great was there with
the genius of a lofty ambition whose dictates stood

in the place and performed the offices of the highest
virtues - with an iron grasp to seize the proffered
crown so that all Europe could not wrest it from his
hand-with an earnest devotion to the greatness of
his people which is willing to accept the conditions

on which alone that greatness is possible, and with
clearness to comprehend and self- relying courage to
adhere to the dictates of practical wisdom. From
his day to the present, the German nation has not
produced his like nor his second . The storms of
the French revolution failed to awake a spirit of
more than the most mediocre stature . The bureau
cracy of the thirty years of peace has deadened
every energy and suppressed as dangerous every
independent manifestation . No field of action has

been opened to train her youth to high thoughts
the essential prerequisite of high deeds. Her
princes are pusillanimous, narrow-minded, incompe

tent for any thing higher than the routine of oppres
sion. And on the throne of the Great Frederick,
the acknowledged and only leader of the spirit of

the times, sat a trembling irresolute trifler -accom
plished in all the accomplishments of a literary nation,
with sympathies for freedom and progress, but covet
ous of arbitrary power and hostile to the consequences
of the liberty he admired, susceptible of lofty con
ceptions, but too light and frivolous to give them

form and shape in practical life , and without that one
essential quality of him who would do great things
for himself or for mankind , the knowledge of the
appointed hour, and the resolution to commit himself
to the rise of the tide which bears onward to the
wished-for haven-whose swell once passed will
never return . He lacked the energy to do and dare.
His idle vanity feared to risk his peaceful repose for
greatness and his country's good . WeddingsThe constitution
was in some respects distasteful to one who held ab
solute power. Universal suffrage was represented

as the revolution legalized . The suspensive veto
was described as a pliant door for the invasion of
democratic ambition and the overthrow of kingly

rights. The acceptance of the constitution and of the
crown when the princes over whom they were to rule

refused their assent- once already given to the Parlia
ment, was described as taking the part of the revolu
tion against his fellow princes- as reversing the tra
GERMANY . 205
ditions of thirty years- as treachery to the cause of

royal conspiracy. These reasons were now armed
with all the authority of obedient armies ; and these
relaxed the strenuous devotion which the King had
expressed for constitutional rights-when their re
fusal might have left him without any. Von Wrangel
was master of forces adequate to control any but
universal and organized resistance . Austria held a
position and a power not to be contemned : and her
voice was decisive . The arms of Windischgratz and
Jellachich had subdued Prague and Vienna . No

leader appeared to concentrate the scattered might
that slumbered in the peasant's arm . Discordant
nationalities were cheated or defeated in detail : and
the Imperial government, wielding the powers of the

law, selected and combined an army which stood
ready to do its bidding- while the clamors of the
people for constitutional rights were silenced by the

deceptive charter which Stadion in the name of the
Emperor flung down before them as the apple of dis
cord. The Hungarian war was raging-but it had
not yet assumed the character of a war of indepen
dence . The advantages seemed on the side of the
Emperor. His generals had won great victories .
His troops though checked still stood with their face
to the enemy. The question was one of internal
administration which a little concession could com
promise at any moment. Obstinate persistance
threatened absolute overthrow- for the decisive bat
tles which demonstrated the unity resolution and

heroism of the Hungarians had not taken place.
The declaration of independence was yet to come.
They might even accept the Stadion constitution .

The sword of Russia was already drawn in this
domestic quarrel- and seemed to render resistance
futile . A shudder ran over Europe when the Rus
sian eagle was seen in the mountains of Transylvania
and announced what all had foreboded, the alliance
of the two despotic powers for the suppression of
revolutionary freedom. The armies of the Czar
hung like a black cloud over the horizon of Germany,

and the flash of the lightning from the distant quarter
of Transylvania betokened the storm which might
pour over Germany at the will of him who controlled
it. Europe looked on in silence . No voice protested,

no arm was raised to shield the oppressed from the
blow. The princes of Germany could not quarrel
with a volunteer ally . England and France were
wrapped in secure and selfish indifference . This
was a combination which might have caused a firmer
heart, a more devoted spirit than that of Frederick
William to quail . Success involved a contest which
must let loose all the elements of European discord .
The prophetic eye of genius and patriotism could
see through the darkness of the present the bright
ness of the future ; but the sybarite and the epicu
rean , the dainty Royalty bred in luxurious ease,
whose ambition was an idle fancy cultivated to vary
the monotony of unopposed power, whose only idea
of heroism was in the past and in the future and
never the dictate of the imperative now- he was not
the man for the crisis- and Germany had none other.
Her womb was barren of greatness. Her reproach
was not taken away among nations . She remained
GERMANY . 207
as she was, divided , distracted , despised , the prey of

petty despots, led as a silent captive to decorate a
tyrant's triumph.
The fate of the constitution was sealed by the
combination of the despotic powers .Yet the Par-
liament clung to its high mission, and the Regent still
represented the imperishable existence of the unity
which princes and people had created . The Parlia
ment on the 4th of May, repeated by formal votes
their assertion of the obligatory character and legal
validity of the constitution , called on the several
states to conform to its provisions, and convoked the
first Constitutional and Federal Parliament to meet
at Frankfort on the 15th of August. They provided
for the refusal of the Imperial crown by Prussia by

elevating the sovereign of the most populous state
which should conform to its provisions , to the dignity
of Regent of the Empire. But the man for the
time was wanting. The solemn and heroic resolu
tion not to despair of a great cause however admira
ble is worthless , unless supported by armed power
against armed aggression : and nothing could secure

the operation of such a constitution within the limits
of states whose sovereigns were hostile to its exist
ence-but a central army, strong enough to rally
round it the masses of the country- and led by a
man competent to deal with such a crisis. Neither
army nor man existed . The King of Prussia could
safely usurp the power of recalling the delegates his
people had elected : and volunteer military aid to
crush the outbreaks of the people which the faith
lessness of their princes had provoked .
The people of Saxony and of Baden were too

much in earnest to submit quietly to an outrage
which justified force if force could be successful.
The Saxon Assembly called on the King to acknow
ledge and submit to the Frankfort Constitution .
The dissolution of the body was the remedy copied
from the example of Austria and Prussia . The
people of the capital rose and expelled their King :
the people were masters of their own fate . Prussia
rushed to the rescue, and by armed intervention pros
trated the nation at the feet of its petty despot.
In Baden the disgust and discontent of the people

encouraged the radical party to deeds of violence
which again provoked or excused the intervention of
Prussia : and after a sharp struggle, the people were
there also crushed into quiet. But these disturb

ances were the direct result of the perfidious conduct
of the princes of Germany, who excited by their
promises and their acts expectations which they
seized the first pretext to disappoint . Till they saw
their hopes fall with the constitution , the conserva
tive and reforming mass of the nation controlled , in
the very tempest and fury of the revolutionary feel
ing, all serious breaches of public order, by radical

violence . The progress of affairs was like the
reform agitation of England rather than the madness

of Parisian revolution : and the sovereigns of Gerwi
many must accuse their own bad faith for the blood
of the struggle in Saxony and Baden. To them will

history ascribe the untold horrors which must attend
the revolution they have at once postponed and neces
sitated . They have laid up wrath against the day of

wrath .
GERMANY . 209
The Frankfort constitution fell before the com
bined cowardice and treachery of its chosen head ,

and the intrigues and menaces of its open enemies.
It was denounced beforehand by Russia as " the day
dream of a democratic and levelling spirit of aggranC
dizement ; " it was spurned by Austria as contami

nated by its popular origin. The offspring of the
will of the people, it was the centre of their affections
and attracted to itself their united support. It had
a source other than princely grace. Its title to
rule was paramount the delegated authority of

princes. The fear and the hatred of this firm and
lofty title had driven the King of Prussia and the
Emperor of Austria to dissolve and disperse the
legislative assemblies which their people had chosen
and they had convoked to make constitutions for their
empires-that they might substitute charters ema
nating from the royal grace, which the people would
not care to defend against the royal pleasure .
The King of Prussia played the same game in the
affairs of United Germany. The four powers who
had strangled the Frankfort constitution united to
contrive a substitute, not infected by the contagion of

the revolutionary plague, yet providing for the essen
tial interests of the nation . It fills us with contempt
for their incapacity, when we contemplate their

work . Fresh from the destruction of one constitu
tion, Prussia Saxony and Hanover promulgated , on

the 30th of May, another, embodying every feature
which had ensured the failure of the former- with
the single exception of its origin. The essential

demerits which proved fatal to the former were the
27
elevation of Prussia to the supremacy formerly occu(
pied by Austria-the substitution of a government

for a confederation - the exclusion of the Austrian
provinces or the division of the Austrian Empire.

The minutiae of organization , the more or fewer
voters for the lower house, the existence of two or
of three chambers, were matters of detail about which
princes and people might differ but for which no one
would fight. Yet these are the changes which the
royal Solons supposed would make a constitution
acceptable which had been already rejected because
it placed an efficient control on arbitrary power and
shifted a crown from one dynasty to another !! Bava
ria participated in the conferences without com
mitting herself to the result. The completed struc
ture was at once and peremptorily rejected by both
Austria and Bavaria for the precise reasons which
controlled their judgment on the work of the
Frankfort Parliament. The embryo fell stillborn
from the hands of the royal midwives.

In the brief time between the rejection of the first
and the second constitution, Austria had tasted the
-
sharpness of death and the sweetness of an unex
pected resurrection.
The power of Austria was the real cause of the
overthrow of both the constitutions. But for her
intrigues backed by her own and the Russian arms,

Germany could have succeeded in creating a pow
erful and constitutional government. Her power to
speak with authority in the affairs of Germany de
pended on the fate of the Hungarian struggle. In
April , 1849 , that conflict had been closed by the
GERMANY . 211
entire success of the Hungarian arms . Between
Hungary and Austria the impassable gulf had been

fixed by the defeat of the Austrian army, their expul
sion from the kingdom , and the declaration of Hun
garian independence. The success of her arms dis
membered the Austrian empire . If left to herself,
GUID
Austria could no longer control the affairs of Ger
many. She could no longer defeat the strivings of the
people for an efficient and central constitution . She
would not have dared even were she able , with con
stitutional and independent Hungary in her rear, and
the mass of her people clamorous for similar privi
leges, to support a threat by acts. Her negative
would have been an idle breath . Prussia could
safely, peacefully, quietly have so controlled the rest
of the German states as to insure the Imperial crown
.
to her sovereign, while United Germany under its
guidance and armed with the constitutional power of
the people would have taken her place among the
powers of Europe.
In May, 1849 , the Czar advanced to retrieve the
waning fortunes of Austria.
It was the re-construction of the Austrian Empire ,

shattered by the Hungarian explosion, which re
stored her power for mischief, and made her menace
effectual to seal the fate of constitutional freedom in
Germany.
On the plains of Hungary shaken by the thunder
of Russian battle let us seek the causes of this final
disaster .
SECTION V.
AGAINST THE
HOLY CONSPIRATORS .
HUNGARY .
AGAINST THE
HOLY CONSPIRATORS .
HUNGARY .
THE fate of Hungary involved that of Europe . The

revolution of 1848 was decided on the plains of Hun
gary. A crime was there committed which surpasses
the annihilation of Poland in iniquity. A blow was

there struck by Russia for universal empire in a
single campaign more decisive than half a century of
victory and robbery . One of those blunders was
committed by England in her indifference which is
worse than a crime for the crime passes away with
the perpetrator and the victim-while the blunder
entails slavery and blood on untold generations . The
principles of the Holy Alliance triumphed by prompt
ness, energy, and logical consistency. The friends of
liberty fell because of the lukewarmness, the selfish
ness, the indifference of the free nations of the world .
The cause of Hungary deserves to be stated for our

instruction and for our warning . It is rich in the
prophecy of history. Happy the nation that shall

read it aright !
The Hungarian war was at no time a revolution .
It fell by accident in the era of revolutions— and was
confounded with them. It was not a struggle for
new rights , but a defensive war for old rights. It

aimed at no change in the form of government
but sought to maintain the existing form against ille
gal alterations . It was not even to punish with
deposition a king who traitorously assailed the con
stitution he had sworn to support. Without the
consent of the National Diet, the King renounced

his crown, abandoned the duties of government, and
arbitrarily transferred them to Francis Joseph who
was not even the legal heir apparent of the crown .
S
He refused to accept it with its constitutional lim
itations, abrogated the constitution , arrogated to
himself arbitrary power, and made war on the
people of Hungary to enforce his daring usurpa
tion. It was only then- in the absolute vacancy of
the throne, and on the absolute refusal of the only
crown known to the Kingdom of Hungary—that the
National Diet drew the sword , not to expel a lawful
incumbent of the throne, but to repel an insolent

invader of the national independence. It was not
till their arms had achieved victories which converted
their right into a fact, that they announced that fact

to the nations of the world- and by their declaration
proclaimed the fall of the house of Hapsburg- Lor
raine. If that house now wield the sceptre of Hun
gary , it is no sceptre known to the history of Europe .
It is one made after the fashion of that of the Czar Ką
HUNGARY . 217
and by him placed in the hand that holds it . The

national crown of Hungary ceased to exist from the
14th of April 1849. The title of her master is that
of conquest. It is nothing more or better .
Hungary for a thousand years has been the seat of
a constitutional and independent monarchy, coeval
with the infancy of the nation , reared upon the feudal
plan, and guarded with the feudal jealousy of arbi
trary power. Her constitution out dates by centuries
the royal house whose perjured hands have been lifted

against it. It was venerable and mighty when Ru
dolph of Hapsburg was a petty prince with his crown
to win. It was no bundle of musty charters wrung
from the niggardly hands of absolute princes- but

the birthright of the nation, the law whence their
princes drew their rights, the limit which confined
their powers . It was entwined around the very
heart-strings of the nation, and could be ruined only

by their destruction .
The Diet of Hungary was the assembly of the
nation, vested with their supreme legislative powers.
It was divided into two houses- the upper, wherein

sat the magnates and prelates— the lower , correspond
ing to the English Commons, and composed of the
representatives of the lesser nobility and the towns.
This venerable body was the sole source of law
known to the Hungarian constitution : and its convo
cation was imperatively required by the law every
three years .
The delegates to the lower house were elected at

the " congregations , " or meetings of the nobility of
the " comitat." The " comitat" is the county, the
28
congregation the county court of the early English

law. Nobility followed descent, not race. Men of
every race might be and were of this class of nobles ,

and every child followed the condition of the parent.
The Croat, the Servian , the Czech participated in
the privileges and rank of the nobility, as well as the
Magyar : while the vast majority of the Magyars as
well as of the rest were not noble. One in every
twenty of the whole population was noble, and con

sequently entitled to political privileges. Under the
French charter of 1830 , only one in about two hun
dred of her forty millions, held the right of suffrage.
The nobility of Hungary were over five hundred
thousand. The population of Magyar descent were
over five millions. The whole population of the
Kingdom were about fifteen millions. The whole
political power was therefore confined to about five
hundred thousand persons .
But the noble was not necessarily an aristocrat, nor

even generally rich . The vast majority were men of
the middle class in life , or else of the class of peasant
nobles —the latter by birth , the former in cultivation
and condition . Of these elements was the Diet com
posed which for centuries had given laws to Hungary,

and which voted by acclamation the reforms of 1848
which provoked their ruin .
The crown of Hungary was for centuries elective
as were all the other crowns of Europe that now
forget their lowly origin in their lofty claims to the
C
right divine. The mists which hang round the morn
ing of history have always been the refuge of royal
pride to conceal the nakedness of its birth . It has ever
HUNGARY . 219
aspired to draw its title to rule from the gift of God

rather than the will of man ; and the illusion of historic
perspective which blends the heavens and the earth in
the distance of the dim horizon has served to veil the
fiction of a divine diploma for usurpations which time

has half covered with the hoary emblems of right.
This pestilent delusion has hitherto proved ineradi

cable save by the sword or the axe. But no such
illusion conceals the source of the title to the Hun-
garian crown . The fatal day of Mohacs extinguished

in 1526 the House of Jagellon . The Hungarians
conferred the vacant crown on Ferdinand I. hedged
around with the limitations of the constitution , the
coronation oath, and the formal right of resistance to
his illegal acts . He acquired no arbitrary power , nor
even an hereditary title . It was not till 1687 that the
crown was entailed, by a law of the Diet, on the heirs
male of the House of Hapsburg : and the pragmatic
sanction of 1723 first admitted the heirs female into
the line of the succession . But these acts merely
made the crown hereditary , they did not release it
from its previous limitations . They were imposed
anew, with additional limitations. The crown of
Hungary had always been conferred upon conditions

only. Upon their observance rested the obedience
of the people : and five times in one century did they
grasp their arms to repel or to punish the aggressions
of their princes . In 1222 the Hungarians had forced
the Golden Bull on Andreas II .- the Magna Charta
of Hungary, and it continued to the last day of the
monarchy the authentic declaration of the rights of
the nation. The pragmatic sanction , formally adopted
CON
by the Diet, reiterated —as a condition of the con
cession it contained- that ancient fundamental law,
that Hungary should never be governed according to
the laws of any other kingdom ; that it was and
should be independent of any other state , and should
remain in continual union with the hereditary states
of Austria ; that every heir of the throne must be
crowned before he ascended it, and before his coro
nation confirm the national liberties and laws, customs
and privileges, in a formal diploma , and with the solem
nities of an oath ; and that till such oath should be
taken , the title of the heir to the crown should have
no validity . It was further provided that " all parts
of the Kingdom of Hungary re-conquered or to be
re-conquered should remain embodied in the king
dom ; " and that on the extinction of the House of
Hapsburg, the right of election should revert to the

nation. So strict, so precise , so jealous , so inexo
rable were the Hungarians when committing their
liberties to the guardianship of power. No crown
in Europe is so clearly held only by a conditional
title . If Hungary can be governed by her own laws
only, any decree not sanctioned by the Diet is illegal .
If Hungary is to be independent of every other
state, she is entitled to a ministry for the conduct of
her own affairs , responsible to herself alone- else she
is not independent. If all the fragments of her ter
ritory are to be and remain integral parts of her
kingdom , there exists no power in the crown to
divide her territory without the consent of the Diet.
These points bear directly on the struggle of 1848.
They were wise far-sighted and practical provisions
HUNGARY . 221
against the dangers to the independence of Hungary

from the numerous and powerful states over which
the House of Hapsburg reigned , by different titles ,
and with various powers .
The laws and usages of Hungary defined the pre

rogatives of her kings to be- the execution of the
laws, the powers of war and peace, of coinage and
the post, the administration of justice according to
the laws and through the ordinary Courts, and the
dispensing of mercy and of honor . With a change of
name these words would describe the prerogatives
of the constitutional kings of England .
The ambition of the House of Hapsburg had accu
mulated in the course of centuries on the heads of its
princes the several crowns which now glitter in the

constellation of the Austrian empire . The Counts
of Hapsburg and Tyrol grew by conquest and diplo
macy to be kings of Bohemia on the one side, and of
Lombardy and Venice on the other, gradually united
under the same rule all the intermediate territories,
and under the forms of election rendered the Imperial
crown of Germany hereditary in their house. The
same person held , with the crown of Hungary , those
of the other kingdoms and principalities : but they
were held by different titles, they were politically
foreign to each other, and their only union was in
their common head . The king of Hungary gained
no new powers over Hungary from his associated dig
nities-as George , Elector of Hanover brought no
accession of power to George, King of England . He
ruled in Hungary by her laws only ; to her his other
dominions were foreign : and she never in law or in
fact formed any part of the German Empire . Her

boundaries and her laws severed her from every other
state, in isolated independence. There was a per

petual struggle of her kings to break down the wall of
partition between the separate nationalities under their
sway, and to blend them into one simple monarchy .
But their resistance was as pertinacious and as cease
less as the encroachment : and while Bohemia and
Austria and the Tyrol gradually yielded to the inces

sant assaults of the Imperial head, and lost the sub
stance while they retained the shadow of their ori
ginal freedom and independence , Hungary, more
resolute, more warlike, or more fortunate, never, for
an instant succumbed to art or force . Her sturdy
citizens foiled the one and broke the other on many
a well fought field and by many a formal statute .

The violation of their rights was made the occasion
for their re-affirmance ; as the Magna Charta of Eng
land was re-enacted and confirmed by the parliament
as protests against its violations by their kings. In
1790 , when Leopold succeeded Joseph II. -whose
reign was one of despotic liberalism, and whose en
ergies had been mainly bent towards the obliteration
of Hungarian nationality, the Diet re -enacted and
imposed on him the declaration " that Hungary was
a country free and independent in her entire system
of legislation and government ; that she was not sub
ject to any other people or state ; and that she should
have her own separate existence and her own consti
tution, and be governed by kings crowned according
to her national laws and customs . "
HUNGARY 223
This was the answer of the Hungarian Diet to the

G
centralizing policy of the Imperial head . They cher
ished their national independence . They clung to
their national laws. They forced on their princes
perpetual recognitions of their prescriptive rights .

They would know nothing of an Austrian Empire .
They remained and were resolved to remain citizens
-
of Hungary, subject to the constitutional king of Hun
gary. Their isolated position- in the midst of jealous
despotisms, alone free-gave them the habit and im
posed on them the burthen of perpetual vigilance .
They were forced to defend the errors that they might
not lose the defences of their antique bulwarks . They
were heavy and frowning battlements of the feudal
age ; but they looked defiance on despotic power in
the prince , and this excused their gloomy hostility to
popular privileges. They were the only protection
of the people, and the people loved and defended
them. They would cheerfully have amended them,
but they feared to pull down the old battlements to
widen and deepen the foundations, lest while de
fenceless and in the process of repair, the powers of
despotism should rush on and overwhelm them.
The abuses of their constitution and laws were soft
ened by usage, and were endeared to them by the

blessings with which they were associated . But still
the lapse of time was visible to the eye ; and the pat
riots of Hungary felt the spirit of the age, and only
awaited a propitious day to make the necessary
changes.
Three parties struggled in the Diet, in the forms of
constitutional debate, for the control of the policy of
the country. One clung to the time-honored edifice

as the perfection of human wisdom which alteration
could ruin but not improve. They corresponded to
the Tories of the English Parliament. Another
sought by moderate reforms to remove the outgrown

relics of a barbarous age, and to replace them by the
institutions of the nineteenth century. A third rep
resented the wishes and the intrigues of the Imperial
court, consisted chiefly of the officers or dependents

of government, were looked on as traitors to the
country, and were powerless and despised .

The popular party, lead by Kossuth and Batthianyi ,
embodying all the ability of the legislature , sought
no revolutionary changes in the dynasty, in the re
lations of the King to the Diet, or in the relations of
the kingdom to the provinces of the empire . They
strove by legislative acts, under the sanction of the
King, for those reforms of their internal administra

tion which should make their government in fact.
what it was already in law, to guard by fit defences

the rights they already held, and by expanding
the foundation to strengthen the structure of the po
litical edifice . They had the substantial body of a

free constitutional government- such an one as the
English constitution prior to 1688. They aimed by
peaceful and parliamentary reforms to introduce those
changes which cost England two revolutions, twenty

years of war, twelve of absolute despotic rule , a
change of dynasty, a century and a half of embittered
political strife, and which the reform bill of 1831 only

half secured . They were no empirics, no dema
gogues, no destructives of the school of the Jacobins,
HUNGARY . 225
no preachers of the Red Republic . They were

statesmen trained in the great school of parliamentary
politics, dealing with an old and venerated constitu
tion so as to infuse new vigor into its body without

destroying it. They did their work in an artist- like
style .
The grievance to be redressed flowed from institu
tions which had outlived the reasons of their intro
duction . The feudal system still subjected the peas
antry to the burthens of personal service . Their lands
were held subject to oppressive tenures limiting the

title and diminishing the value of the ownership .
Out of fifteen millions of citizens only half a million
of nobles held political privileges ; and while they
engrossed the power were exempt from the bur
thens of the state . To raise the peasant to the level
of the citizen , all that was required was to emanci
pate him from personal service -and his land from
feudal burthens-and to extend the right of suffrage
and the liability to taxation to all orders of the state .
This was no revolution-but a great renovation . It
was this that Kossuth and Batthianyi and their asso

ciates had struggled for in vain for years, against the
hostilities, the corruptions , the pertinacious opposi
tion of the court. The Hungarian affairs were con
ducted by the ministry at Vienna, who while in law

responsible, were enabled to evade that responsibility
by their position, by their connexion with the admin
istration of the rest of the empire , and by the materi
als of which they were constituted . The indispensa G
ble condition of success in any effort at reform was

the obtaining of a national Hungarian ministry , in fact
29
as well as in law. This was possible only by severing

the Hungarian ministry from the irresponsible bu
reaucracy which guided the affairs of the empire at
the nod of the court of Vienna . To the obtaining
of this great end as the means of every other reform,
the great leaders of the Diet devoted their sleepless
and untiring energies.
The events of February 1848 in Paris were felt
on the banks of the Danube, and in the halls of the
Hungarian Diet. At the sound of that stirring voice ,
even the free Hungarian gathered new energy in the
cause of freedom. Kossuth, even before the news
from Paris had reached Pressburg, seemed inspired
by the revolutionary air with prescience of the future ,
and had pronounced him worthy to be called the
second founder of the house of Hapsburg who should
W
reform the Austrian government on the basis of con
CONT
stitutional institutions ; while he declared that Hun
gary could never be assured of the desired reforms ,
so long as the government of that monarchy, whose
head was the same with that of Hungary, should
stand in direct contradiction with the principles of
her constitution- so long as that ministerial council
of state, which conducted the common interests of
the empire , should continue to exert a decisive
though unconstitutional influence in the internal con

cerns of Hungary .
On the 3d of March- eight days after the overJuly
throw of Louis Philippe had shaken Europe- Kos
suth lifted his warning voice in tones of prophetic
wisdom before the Diet, and their echo rang through
the empire, far beyond the confines of Hungary, like

HUNGARY. 227
the reverberations of thunder among the mountains.
"I speak my firm convictions- he said— when I say

that the clinging to the perverse policy which opposes
at once the interests of the people and their rightful
claims of national freedom, must compromise the
future of the dynasty. Unnatural systems may sus
tain themselves long-for it is a long way between
the patience and the despair of a people : but there

are systems whose long endurance has diminished ,
not increased their strength, and the hour comes when
it is dangerous to try to sustain them : for their long
life has only ripened them for death ; and death one
can share, but not put off. The people is eternal :
and eternal we wish the fatherland of this people, and
the glory of the dynasty which rules over us. But
the dynasty must choose between its welfare and the
maintenance of its rotten system ; and I fear, unless
the loyal declarations of the people intervene, this
ossified system will seek a short respite in the revival
of the now slumbering Holy Alliance, at the Court
‫ور‬
of the dynasty .
The 13th of March followed his prophecy with the
confirmation of history . The Court hypocritically
bowed a reluctant and ambiguous compliance with
the demands of the people , and calmly awaited the
hour of reaction. The news of that day combined
the floating thought of the Diet at Pressburg into a
definite shape . A deputation to Vienna, headed by
Esterhazy, Batthianyi and Kossuth , was immediately
despatched to demand of the King a national and re
sponsible ministry . Their demands were complied
with on the 19th of March 1848. The Archduke
Stephen was commissioned as Viceroy , and Batthi

anyi was charged with the construction of a national
ministry, which the pressing emergency required

without delay . On the 23d the chief members were
announced to the Diet and greeted with tumultuous
joy-as the pledge of the fulfilment of the national
hopes . The spirit of a new life seemed breathed over

the Diet. It was filled with the representatives of a
single class, men who enjoyed a monopoly of the pow

ers of government and an exemption from its burthens ,
and were the chief possessors of those feudal rights
which the progress of time had converted into irrita
ting shackles on the industry of the nation and the
freedom of her citizens . Every concession was a
sacrifice of selfishness to patriotism, of the powerful
to the powerless -not at the bidding but in spite of
the hostility ofthe government. Yet this aristocratic
body, this close corporation , this monopoly of the
rights of sovereignty, in a week, strode over the space
it had taken England a century and a half of painful
conflict to accomplish by doubtful victories and nig
gardly concessions. By acclamation of the privi
leged orders—almost by unanimity— in the days be
tween the 18th and 23d of March 1848 , peacefully ,
quietly, legally and cheerfully, the Diet of Hungary

achieved the results of 1688 and 1831 almost without
a division of the Houses, and with the entire and grate

ful concurrence of the nation . These changes were
the spontaneous gift of the privileged class to the
requirement of justice and sound policy . They were

not wrung from them by the external pressure of the
mob, nor by the armed might of the country. They
HUNGARY. 229
were the fruits of free government freely distributed

to all by the few who had engrossed them. So utterly
false is it that these great concessions were flung down
by the greedy leaders of the aristocratic party, as
necessary sacrifices in a critical hour, when the favor
of the people must be bought at any cost.

The most important of these laws was that relative
to the responsible ministry for Hungary. It was a
great constitutional charter declaring anew the fun
damental law of the state , and without which every
other was waste paper . The law is comprehensive and

statesmanlike, embracing a vast multitude of details
that nothing might be left for inference or dispute
in its execution-yet the fundamental principle on
which all depended was comprised in a few simple
words . Their power lay in the readiness of the
nation to die for them .
The law affirmed the sacredness of the person of the

King and of the Palatin when exercising his powers
in his absence . It declared that his Majesty and the
Palatin exercised the executive power in the sense of
the laws, through the organ of the responsible minis

try, without the signature of some one of whom resi
dent at Pesth no order or command of the King
should be of legal obligation. To the ministry resident
in Pesth it committed all the affairs of the nation, civil,
military, religious and financial, which hitherto had
been conducted at Vienna through the various counK
cils or chanceries . The appointment of ecclesiastical
dignitaries, the conferring of titles and orders , the dis
pensations of grace, were confided to the personal will
of the sovereign : but the disposal of the military force
beyond the limits of the Kingdom could only be in ac

cordance with orders signed by a responsible though
non-resident minister : and the receipts and expendi
tures of each year were required to be reported to

the Diet for their consideration in detail .
The other laws of these prolific days extended the

elective franchise to every resident of Hungary and
of the kingdoms united with her without distinction of
class who paid a moderate tax ; thus they destroyed
the political monopoly of the noble class. They sub
jected the persons and property of every class to pro
portionate taxation - and abolished the exemption
of the nobles . They repealed the soccage burthens
and feudal rights-conferring on the peasantry at
once personal freedom and absolute titles, while the
landlords were partly compensated at the cost of the
state . They abolished the titles and confiscated the
lands of the ecclesiastics— but provided for their sal

aries out of the coffers of the state . They released
the press from the censor's gag. They converted the
mass of the citizens into a national guard for the
maintenance of the internal peace .
On the 11th of April 1848 was celebrated the

passing away of old things. The King of Hungary,
surrounded by the magnates of the Kingdom and the
constitutional ministry , appeared in the Hall of the
Diet at Pressburg amid the clamorous greetings of
a joyous assembly : and , in the presence of the august
Diet of the realm, formally and solemnly signed and
sanctioned the acts of the session which was about to
close. The approval-an antique formulary- is worth

translating.
HUNGARY . 231
" Having graciously heard and graciously approved

the petitions of our Court and faithful Archbishops ,
Eishops , Abbots Magnates, Nobles, & c. & c. , of Hun
gary and the united territories, we command that th
above named articles of law which have been laid
before us for our sanction be accordingly registered .
We approve, confirm , and authorize them, and pro

nounce them valid as well word for word as in their
whole extent. We extend to them our Kingly sanc

tion ; and, by this our royal Brief, we pronounce them
good and sanction them ; while we assure our faithful
States that we will ourselves observe and cause to be
observed by others the above laws which we have

freely approved . FERDINAND .
BATTHIANYI. "
Pressburg, 11 April.
Those names and that date speak volumes. They

still stand there a damning testimony against the
iniquities that followed them— still witnessing the cry

of Batthianyi's righteous blood from the ground to
Heaven for vengeance against the deep damnation of
his taking off.
These laws contained every thing the people of
Hungary desired . They were stained by no blood ,

wrested by no violence , stripped the King of no legal
prerogative. They were the peaceful, constitutional,
regular enactments of the acknowledged Legislature
of the Kingdom , freely approved by the King, and
under his special sanction put into active operation .
He came from Vienna to Pressburg- from Austria to
Hungary- from beyond the kingdom within its lim
its and therefore he freely came-for the purpose of
approving them. Whether he liked them or not , is

nothing to the purpose. He may have thought them
ruinous—but he made no protest, he uttered no ob
jection. We can listen to no mental reservations :
to such a plea the only reply is an appeal to arms.
These enactments were the legal results of a constitu
tion equal in venerable age and dignity with that
of England , and by them renovated with all the life
of popular power . By them the nobles freely abro
gated the invidious distinctions which consigned one

half the people to the caprice and the power of the
other, and by the breath of freedom created out of
the dry bones of their serfs a nation of freemen , an

army of heroes - ready at the voice of their country
Ada
to devote themselves as an army of martyrs. Hun
gary was as England had been after Charles signed
the Petition of Right. Whoever struck a blow at
this law was the revolutionist- be he King or Jacobin .
But if these laws stood, they were fatal to the
dream of Austrian unity . It were vain to talk of
merging her various nationalities into one simple
indivisible irresponsible despotism after the model of
Russia. It was equally vain to suppose so cherished
an idea would yield to any thing but inexorable ne
cessity . It might be postponed- not abandoned .
The question was merely one of time and means of re
gaining by fraud or force what an evil hour had lost.
Every province of the empire had claimed the
rights of man. A Diet was sitting filled with their
-
representatives under the Imperial sanction to con
trive securities for those rights . The main army was
HUNGARY . 233
busy in Italy . The home armies were disorganized ,

or of doubtful faith . The Hungarians were not a peo
ple to be trifled with . To strike and not kill would be

worse than folly— it would be fatal. Fury furnished
arms and Satan was prolific of devices . The clique
who held the feeble Emperor in leading -strings while
they controlled affairs in his name took refuge in
the diversity of nationalities, whose adverse claims.
had shaken the Empire , and whose spirit they had

devoted their utmost power to break. The Sclavo
nians might be encouraged to fight the battles of the
Emperor for promised concessions-which the hour
of victory would enable them to retract, or at least
leave them equally able to combat. Jellachich was
tempted, and proved a pliant instrument : treason ,
treachery, and rebellion were the honest implements
of the warfare : and the actors were simple enough
to suppose themselves concealed by the thin veil of
the royal word and plighted faith .

The realm of Hungary, its crown, its Diet, and its
constitution embrace four several kingdoms, those of
Hungary, Croatia, Dalmatia , and Sclavonia, and the

Grand Duchy of Transylvania -as England , Scotland,
and Ireland , originally three several kingdoms, now
form one united kingdom, under the same crown , and
Gag
represented in the same parliament. For eight cen
turies these states had formed an integral part of
the Hungarian kingdom, enjoying the equal protec

tion of its constitution , represented in the Diet,
having their voice in the administration ; and it was
a part of the coronation oath that this union should
be maintained . Besides their representation in the
30
national Diet, they enjoyed their congregations of

the comitats, and had local Diets for the regulation of
their local concerns. The most important of these
Diets met at Agram in Croatia . We have the au
thority of the Imperial proclamation of June 10
1840 confirming the voice of history, that for these
eight centuries the national Diet had respected the
rights of the united kingdoms, and that they were
without reasonable grounds of complaint. They were
included in all the great reforms of the Diet of 1848,

whether political, social, industrial, or financial. The
law was the same for them that it was for Hungary
itself.
But, in Croatia and Sclavonia the inhabitants were

chiefly of that Sclavonian race which spreads through
the Turkish provinces of the Danube, and extends
over the greater part of the Russian empire, and
under various names peoples Bohemia and Moravia
and the plains of Poland .
Croatia was the chief field of their activity in Aus
tria, because there they were less mingled with other
races that swarm through its agglomerated provinces,
and the Diet of Agram and the habits of political
life which the Hungarian constitution favored gave
opportunity for the cultivation and expression of pub
lic opinion .
The versatility of Russian diplomacy has enabled
the Czar, in the pursuit of universal empire, to substi
tute the feeling of nationality for the enthusiasm of
freedom ; and to draw to himself, by the deep feeling

of relationship , the sympathies of the inhabitants of a
third of the Austrian and half of the Turkish empires.

HUNGARY . 235
Russian agents, intrigues, and gold have given a uni

versality and life to the Sclavonic nationality among
all the provinces of the empires among which the
vicissitudes of a thousand years have divided them,
which has stripped Turkey of Bessarabia, has weak

ened her hold on Wallachia and Moldavia, and causes
the inhabitants of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Servia to look

with more affection to the Czar at St. Petersburg than
to the constitutional crown of their King at Vienna.
So Russia prepares far beforehand the march of her
armies and the solid foundations of her fatal rule .
This feeling of nationality, based on community of

origin, evidenced by community of language more or
less nearly related , and looking for its realization be
yond the political relations of the present, was di
rectly antagonistical to the efforts of the Austrian
court to obliterate all distinctive nationalities through
out its heterogeneous provinces, and to melt them all
into one undivided empire. That court strove by
every art to draw the eyes of the people away from

The
the past, and fix them on the Imperial crown.
nobles were invited to Vienna, the German language
was pressed on them, national memories were dis
couraged. The result of the effort was to make each

people cling with greater pertinacity to their his
torical recollections and mother speech ; and in all
the departments of the Hungarian kingdom this
tendency was strengthened by the thought that the
assault on the language and the national feelings of
the people was only the necessary preliminary to
weaken first and then to destroy their time-honored
constitution and their political freedom.
For the time being the Russian sympathies of the
Sclavonians were quiescent. They did the work of

Russia by dividing and dismembering and enervating
Austria.
The only visible point of unity among these races

was that of language . This feeling developed itself
about 1835 in the vivid and active cultivation of
the Sclavonian dialects . Nothing political seemed

mingled with it, but it was implicitly involved in the
concentration of the ideas of the people on historical
and ethnological relations of the past, to the exclusion
of, or in hostility to the political relations of the pre
sent, as the ground of nationality. Between 1840
and 1848 the seed sown brought forth bitter fruits .
One of the results of the opposing efforts of Aus
tria to centralize the empire and of the Hungarians
to preserve their national rights was the adoption by
the Diet of the Magyaric language as that of official
intercourse . This chiefly served as the pretext, it
certainly was the occasion for the development of the
hostility of the inhabitants of Croatia and Sclavonia
against Hungary, as well as against the central Impe

rial government. Sclavonia and Croatia were parts
of the kingdom of Hungary chiefly inhabited by the
Sclavonian race speaking dialects of the Sclavonian
language . Croatia had about five hundred and thirty

one thousand five hundred Sclavonia about three
G
hundred and fifty-two thousand seven hundred in
habitants-together only about eight hundred and
eighty-four thousand two hundred souls. They
formed part of a kingdom of about fourteen or fifteen
millions of people-speaking thirteen substantially

HUNGARY . 237
different languages. The languages were more nu

merous than the races, and many spoke the Magyaric
language who were not of Magyar origin . Divided
according to races, the kingdom of Hungary held
about five millions and a half of Magyars, five mil
lions and a half of Sclavonic origin , three millions
of Wallachs, one million four hundred thousand
Germans, and three hundred and eighty thousand
of various other races and languages. But there
was no one Sclavonic tongue common to all the
races of Sclavonic origin . Those who spoke Croa
tian did not amount to a million in the whole
Kingdom, those who spoke Servian, scarcely to a

million, the Slovack language was spoken by about
half a million , the Ruthenes language by about six
hundred thousand , and three hundred thousand Jews
spoke a language of their own. German was spoken
by about two millions, and Magyaric by over six mil

lions of the people of the Kingdom. Sclavonian was
not even the exclusive language of Sclavonia and of
Croatia. The rest of the people of Hungary spoke.
the babel of tongues whose very names are known
only to the ethnologist, and whose political weight
was insignificant.
The judicial and legislative proceedings the debates
and the laws of the land were all in Latin . A change
from a dead language , spoken only by the learned ,

and utterly unknown to the mass of the people, to
some one living language was the dictate of the high
est statesmanship as well as of the simplest common
sense . It was one of the cherished designs of the
ny
cabinet of Vienna to procure the substitution of Ger
man ; for the strongest link of national unity has often

-
been proved to be language. Nationality is a com
munion of thoughts , feelings , sentiments, and pursuits :
and community in neither of them is possible when
a diversity of tongues is an absolute barrier to easy
and frequent interchange of ideas. The proud Ma
gyar spurned the suggestion : the wise defender of
the national liberties repelled it as an insidious as
sault : the statesman rejected it as a remedy not
meeting the disease . There was but one language
which at all answered the essential conditions of
being sufficiently developed and cultivated , of being

spoken by a majority of the people of Hungary and
by a large plurality of the people in the united
kingdoms, of being the language of the leading and
most powerful and influential class, and of being
spoken by three times as many inhabitants as any
one other language in the realm.
Moved by such considerations the Diet, in a series
of acts extending from 1830 to 1844 , declared the
Magyaric the language of debate in the Diet of the
kingdom , of the authentic public laws , and for the

conduct of public affairs by the high public func
tionaries.
The law of 1839-1840 went rather beyond what

the case required in exacting of all priests a know
ledge of Magyaric, and in requiring it to be taught in
the schools of Hungary .
The latter as oppressive to the Slovacks was re

pealed in 1847-1848 . The former remained and
gave occasion to some effervescence of feeling in

Sclavonia and Croatia. But all were formally ap
HUNGARY . 239
proved and sanctioned as formal and valid laws , not

oppressive or impolitic , by Ferdinand V. the King
of Hungary . They were the formal peaceful laws of
the land . They were never the causes of national
estrangement—but only the pretext behind which
designing and ambitious men screened their insubor
dination. In the absence of any grievances they
were made the pretext for the revolt of the Croats,

under the lead of Jellachich- against the Imperial
crown and the government of Hungary . It was as
if the Welsh and Irish, merely because they are of
Celtic race and their language of Celtic origin, with
out any other grievance , should revolt against the
English government, and assert their right to dis
member the British empire in order to gratify their
historic pride and national sympathies of race. But
it must never be forgotten that this was not a question

between the Imperial court and the Hungarians. They
stood on the same side. The Emperor had signed
and sanctioned the laws of the Diet. It was a revolt
of the Croats against both the Emperor and the Hun

garian government to dismember Hungary without
a grievance laid to her charge.
The claim put forth by the Croatians to a separa
tion from the crown of Hungary rested on no speci
fied grievance . It had no foundation in the history
the laws or the traditions of the people . It is by no
means certain that the whole people felt any great
interest in the demand . They who chiefly pressed it
were men of ambitious views, connected with the
government, of no special power, and probably con
scious that they could play a first part on the small
theatre of Croatian nationality, but that they would

always be insignificant before the united Diet and
in the presence of the great leaders of the Hungarian

nation. On the basis of legality, of national right,
and of justice, there was no sort of pretext for the

clamor for national separation . The case of South
Carolina for secession was strong and irresistible
compared with it.
Yet as matter of high policy , if the great events of

1849 could have been foreseen , if it could have been
known that Austria when humbled would sink so
low as to accept the aid of Russia in her domestic

difficulties, it might have been wise to conciliate even
the unreasonable pretensions of Croatia by yielding
the separation. But the refusal, if a blunder, was
no wrong .
The storm of 1848 blew the embers of discontent
into the flames of rebellion- which an artful intriguer
contrived to divert from the cracked and tottering
edifice of Metternich's policy against the renovated

structure of the Hungarian constitution .
Among the deputations which in March 1848
crowded Vienna none were more clamorous and im
portunate than the Croatian. They asked nothing

less than the dignity of Ban for Jellachich- the chief
agitator against the imperial government-and the
erection of Croatia, Dalmatia, and Sclavonia, into a
This was
kingdom disconnected with Hungary.
placed on the ground of community of race . By
some diplomatic legerdemain, after interviews with
the court clique, the main head vanished from their
petition ; yet the leaders boasted that the Austrian
HUNGARY . 241
ministry had conceded all they asked ; and Jellachich ,

invested with the dignity of Ban, returned to Agram,
to fill the country with the novel watchword , -" The
Unity of the Monarchy " —while every where the
note of preparation was sounded against the Hunga
rians as separatists to be put down by arms. The
unity of the South Sclavonian kingdoms had sud

denly become merged in some higher and invisible
unity. The imperial general Nugent stood quietly
by in the midst of the preparations. Batthianyi ,
instead of arming , sought accommodation by negotia
tion . Jellachich vouchsafed not even a reply to the
invitation of the Palatin to a seat in the Council of
C
State. The Hungarian ministry invoked the medi
ation of the court at Innspruck . Yet not till June
and after being thrice required did Jellachich ap
pear. He was received with apparent coldness —and
dismissed in peace. The Imperial proclamation of
the 10th of June followed him with the charge of
treason against the Emperor, of rebellious purposes
against Hungary, and ambitious views for himself ;
and stripped him of all his dignities . The procla
mation ascribed the fears of the Croatians for their
nationality to the seditious slanders of interested agita

tors, recalled the lapse of eight hundred years of
peaceful union with Hungary, the uniform justice of
the Diet, and its recent extension to them simultane
ously with the Hungarians of the great political re

forms of March , as the best assurance of their entire
safety ; and reminding them of his coronation oath to
maintain the integrity of the Hungarian crown, he
vowed a new oath for the observance of the old .
31
This proclamation emanated from Innspruck , bore

the name of Ferdinand , and covers by its sanction
every act of the Hungarian ministry and Diet to its
date . Yet not the slightest regard was paid to it by
Jellachich . He proceeded in the face of the impe

rial court and army and officers with his preparations
for war. He even refused to allow the Croatian regi
ment to march for Italy at the order of the ministry
of war . He openly appeared, on the 19th June ,
nine days after the proclamation denounced him as

a traitor, in Vienna, was recognized and treated with
by the ministry, arranged with Latour the plan of
operations, and returned in peace to Agram, appa
rently a traitor, secretly confirmed in his dignities,
and worshipped as the saviour of the Imperial house.
But the proclamation still stood unrevoked-a snare
for the Hungarians, to entrap them into the belief that
the court was on their side and would afford them
the requisite aid to suppress the rebellion . Jellachich

was secretly provided with money, and arms, and all
the munitions of war by Latour from Vienna . Hra
browsky was ordered to stand neutral. When for ap
pearance sake he was compelled to rebuke the prepa
rations of Jellachich , he on the 6th of August threw
off the mask, declared the proclamation of the 10th of
June to have been revoked, and announced himself
as the defender of the Imperial court against the
faction which used Hungary for the division of the
monarchy. Batthianyi again repeated his efforts at
peaceful adjustment ; but Jellachich insisted on the
separation of Croatia, Sclavonia, and Dalmatia from
the Hungarian crown. That condition was inadmis
HUNGARY . 243
sible ; and the leaders parted with fierce words and

defiances to be adjusted by arms on the banks of the
Drave. It was sufficiently plain that the demand of
the deputation of March was suspended not aban
doned, and one need not be very conversant with
public affairs to divine the terms Jellachich had wrung
from the distresses of the court. The price of laying
Hungary at their feet was to be-the concession of
the Croatian claim to separation .
Hungary now awoke when almost too late to the
truth of Kossuth's prophetic words, and eagerly
grasped her arms .
arms. Jellachich was not yet quite
ready. Art must win yet a little delay. The Em

peror on the 21st of August peremptorily insisted
that the Palatin should accommodate matters with
the Croatians ; but conditions were suggested which

were inadmissible ; and the trick shown out through
the preliminary requirement that the Hungarians
should suspend their tardy military preparations .
This artifice was too transparent to be successful, and
the Hungarians pushed on their preparations, till Fer
dinand's letter of the 4th of September removed all
doubt from every mind for whom Jellachich was
arming. In that letter the Emperor confesses his
error in having supposed Jellachich ever intended
to divide the territories of the Hungarian crown - re

vokes the proclamation of June the 10th- restores
him to his dignities-and assures him of the Imperial
confidence in his exertions for the benefit of the
whole monarchy, the integrity of the Hungarian

crown, and the development of the associated terri
tories . Not a word alludes to his warlike prepara
tions, to the aid of the Viennese ministry, to the

view taken by the court of his purposes ; but Jella
chich is assured that the Emperor is convinced he
never intended to divide the Hungarian Kingdom
though that had been the express demand on which
the last attempt at reconciliation between Batthianyi
and the Ban had failed !!
On the 11th of September Jellachich crossed the

Drave , on a pontoon bridge furnished by Latour
from Vienna, and marched on Pesth the capital of
Hungary.
If preparations could not be postponed , at least
they could be retarded by changing the persons at
the head of affairs . On the 24th of September, when
Jellachich was almost in sight of the capital, the
Archduke Stephen, the commander-in-chief of the
Hungarian army, received orders to vacate his post
of Palatin . Instead of reporting the illegal order
to the Diet, he secretly, at night, like a criminal,
slunk from the capital and fled the country. Even
this could not confuse the affairs of a government
conducted by the trained statesmen of Hungary.
This blow was followed up on the 27th of Septem
ber by an order dismissing the Batthianyi ministry,
commissioning Vay to form another, appointing
Lemberg royal commissioner for Hungary with the
command of the Hungarian army, and commanding
the obedience of citizens and officers, civil and mili
tary. Neither order was signed by any responsible

minister ; and Lemberg was appointed to an office
unknown to the laws . The Diet instantly declared
the orders illegal and unconstitutional, forbade
HUNGARY . 245
obedience to them , and required the people to follow

the orders of the president of the ministry and the
committee of public defence . On the 28th , Lemberg
was barbarously murdered by a rabble- whose deed
was condemned and mourned by the Diet.
On the 29th, this riddle of fraud and treachery was
solved on the field of Velencze , where the Hungarian
peasants half armed , undisciplined , under the luke
warm command of an Austrian General, Moga, but
inspired with devotion for the land which secured
them the rights of man , met and foiled Jellachich's

superior and well appointed army. To him a check
was equivalent to a defeat. He represented no na
tion ; he was without a reserve ; his whole resources
were exhausted by that one blow ; and he vio
lated a truce , which he was driven to ask or accept,
by hastily retreating-not towards Croatia- but to
the nearest point on the Austrian frontier- on the
direct road to the court whose authority he had been
apparently defying.
The Hungarians stopped the pursuit at the frontier.
However convinced of the guilt of the court, they
resolutely shut their eyes to the fact, and acted as if

the question were between them and the Croatians.
They were guilty of a great folly in pausing in their
pursuit till they had annihilated Jellachich's army.
The hour of victory was the best time for negotia
tions. They feared the reputation of revolutionists , —
and played into the hands of the most unscrupulous
of counter-revolutionists .
The court tricks had been exposed and their

plans defeated . Secrecy was no longer possible .
The proclamation of the 3d of October threw off

the mask and denounced war to the knife against
Hungary and her freedom. It was as unambiguous
and as significant as the attempt of Charles I. to
arrest the five members in the House of Commons.
Nothing remained but an appeal to the sword- not

between Croatia , under whose mask Jellachich had
been commissioned to destroy the Hungarian consti
tution-but between Hungary and the house of
Hapsburg Lorraine, in whose name the war was
now waged.
That insolent proclamation assumed the right to
K
dissolve the Diet, a gross and impudent usurpation
annulled the measures it had taken for the defence
of the kingdom- created Jellachich, then in arms

against the Hungarians, and dripping with their
blood, the commander-in-chief of the Hungarian
armies-declared all Hungary under martial law,
which meant the substitution of despotic for legal
authority- and confided to Jellachich the entire
executive power of the kingdom in the absence of the
King, in gross violation of the plain law of the land .
The revolutionary outbreak of the 5th of October
was the answer of the people to the proclamation , and
shewed the deep sense of the danger to the newly
acquired liberties of the empire which this outrage
on Hungary occasioned . The people of Vienna rose
to defend what they had acquired-for they knew
that the fall of Hungary would drag them down.
Still the Hungarian Diet and the Austrian assembly
higgled over legal formalities for more than two
weeks ; and the march of the Hungarian army was
HUNGARY . 247
resolved on only after the imperialists were fully

prepared to repel them.
The battle of Schwechat arrested the advance of
the Hungarians on the 30th of October, and com

pelled them to leave Vienna to her fate. She surC
rendered on the 31st : and Hungary lost by her delay
an opportunity of changing, by a vigorous blow, the
course of European politics. She gained only a
month to arm . She might have gained a victory
which would have made arming needless.
That month was devoted to formal preparation for
a struggle which all parties recognized as one for life
and death .
The court of Austria transferred the Diet to
Kremsir that they might be dependent on its plea

sure. The Emperor was at Olmutz. The control
of affairs was in the hands of the reactionist party of

the Imperial family, the Archduke Ludwig and the
Archduchess Sophie, mother of the present Em
-
peror. The emergency called for energy unscru
pulous in its means, reckless of moral and legal ob
stacles in reaching its objects , relentless in vengeance ,
and not sick at the sight of righteous blood . There

were only two possible courses . They must honestly
accept and maintain the popular institutions which the
Imperial word had conceded to the prayers of the
people ; or they must openly or secretly undermine
or overthrow them , eradicate every trace of pro
vincial nationalities, and by force of arms march
straight across the fragments of every constitutional
and legal barrier to the establishment of a simple
indivisible irresponsible despotism . The voice of the
people, the cry of humanity, the whispers of con

science must be silenced , and will and the sword
stand in the place of law and right. He who could
not rise to the height of this pure iniquity was not
the man for the crisis. He cumbered the field of battle ,
and must be removed . The Emperor Ferdinand V.
was old and weak. Bred up under the shadow of
Metternich's influence , he knew not how to act but at
the dictation of stronger spirits around him. He was
not very scrupulous even for a King, but he had some
human feelings left . He was not darkly bent on anni
hilating Hungary, for his mind could not comprehend
that liberty and despotism cannot lie down side by
side in friendly embraces . He did not comprehend
that the time had come to choose between them. He
might have been induced to accept reasonable terms

of adjustment— which would have brought quiet for
the present at the expense of certain liberty to
Austria for the future . The clique who guided
affairs in his name, therefore , secluded him from the
public-put in his mouth his official replies to depu
tations and cut off all communication between him
and the Hungarian ministry. But when urged openly

to abrogate the constitution of Hungary, his supersti
tious mind recalled the tenure by which he held her
crown- and he yielded no other answer to their
urgency than that touching remonstrance-" But my
oath — but my oath !" One so incapable of apprecia
ting the rights of a necessity was forthwith pronounced
in family conclave unfit to rule . He was discovered to
have a rudimentary conscience , and was at once de
clared not to belong to the royal species. They who
HUNGARY . 249
wielded the power behind the throne resolved that
the empire needed a youthful head, and a less

scrupulous conscience, unentangled by the sin and
snare of constitutional oaths, who, free from duties
might conquer rights and realize the idea of unity
which had haunted Joseph II . The crown was torn
from the aged brow of Ferdinand V. by family strife ,
and transferred to the head of a boy, who would prove
a pliant tool, and might be educated in the virtues of
a Nero under the auspices of an Agrippina.
The abdication of the 2d of December was known
on the 6th at Pesth . On the 7th the Diet declared
1
that the crown was held only under conditions, and
could not be abdicated or transferred but by their
consent ; that their law recognized no secret family
arrangements as entitled to dispose of their national
crown ; but that the Diet alone were authorized to
provide for the regency or the succession. They
therefore commanded the people and the officers of

the kingdom to adhere to the constitution, to refuse
obedience to the illegal usurpation which had been
perpetrated against their liberties, and branded as a
traitor him who should do otherwise .
In the absence of a legal king, and of a legal min

istry, the Diet provided for the exercise of the powers
of government by electing a ministry ; and placed
at its head Lewis Kossuth . The people greeted
with joy the resolutions of the Diet ; and Görgey and

the army under his command formally gave in their
adhesion to the national government .
On the 16th of December Windeschgratz crossed
SE
the Leitha, on the crusade of despotism against Hun
32
garian liberty. The miraculous efforts, the heroic

struggles of this momentous campaign belong to
another pen than mine . They stand with those of
Poland alone on the page of modern history . I deal
with their results.
The Hungarian army retreated fighting, with their

face to the foe, across the Danube. Their government
sought safety in Debreczin. The day of Kapolna—
the 26th of February-gave the Austrian army , by
the divisions of the Hungarian generals and the
traitorous inactivity of Görgey, what the court con
sidered their crowning victory. They thought the
power of Hungary broken, and the spell of the revo
lutionary spirit dissolved . They breathed more
freely, and stepped boldly to their object. They
dealt summarily with the Diet of Kremsir and the
constitution of Hungary. Only eight days after the
battle, on the 4th of March, the charte octroyée of
Stadion was published at Olmutz . It was proclaimed
at Vienna on the 7th of March 1849 .
By a single stroke of the pen, it dissolved the Diet
of Kremsir , because too slow in its movements for
the popular zeal of the Court- it abrogated the Hun
garian constitution— it divided Croatia, Dalmatia and
Sclavonia from all connection with Hungary- it com
bined all the territories over which the house of
But
Hapsburg ruled into one great consolidated and cen
tralized empire, under the forms of a constitution ,
but under the reality of a despotism. It was a fit
successor to those shadows of free institutions whose
substance had withered away beneath the touch of

Austrian despotism . It reserved to the monarch the
HUNGARY . 251
right to make the decrees requisite to its operation ;

and till then all things were to remain as they were.
This act of audacious insolence reveals the depth
and blackness of the perfidy of the court. History
affords no parallel to it in modern times. It can only
be illustrated by saying, it is as if George , Elector of
Hanover, on his falling heir to the British crown , but
even before he had set foot on English soil, had pro
mulgated a constitution razing to its foundation the
bulwarks of English freedom, and blending in one
empire under new forms England and Scotland , Ire

land and Hanover and Canada, with such rights as he
saw fit to concede-during his good pleasure . It
would not be a grosser outrage for the President to
annul the state constitutions , proclaim the United
States supreme and absolute , and himself their he
reditary and imperial head .
The constitutional structure thus summarily dealt
with was no mushroom growth of yesterday-but a
sturdy oak of ages, beneath whose boughs genera
tions had risen, reposed, found shelter, and a grave .
If this Hungarian constitution, imbued with the life
of the nation- hoary with venerable age, yet vigo
rous pliant and expansive as youth-outdating every
one of the upstart sovereignties which crowded
around it for its ruin- alone the frontier and guardian
of Europe while they were petty principalities or

semi-barbarous and wandering hordes-bearding the
imperious Turk while Austria was a subordinate
dukedom and ere Russia was half a match for Po.
land or for Sweden- if this time-honored growth

could not escape the assassinating hands of those
who hypocritically plead for time-worn and prescrip

tive governments , how shall those of newer date and
less deep and spreading roots abide the whirlwind
that will rush over them when this barrier is swept
away ?
-
This " charte octroyée " of Count Stadion , ar
bitrary in its origin, unsatisfactory in its details ,
was a castle of cards piled up by a child to be blown
down by his capricious breath . It was introduced
by the dispersion of the Diet of Kremsir- which sat
by a higher authority than any Diet this constitution
could assemble : and its fate must ever impend over
any successor having no independent power, no

popular origin and subject to be revoked by the
paramount sovereignty which granted it. Its con
cessions to freedom were revocable graces emanating
from the crown and only pending its pleasure . To
call this liberty, and such waste paper a constitution
is trifling on grave subjects and making a mock of
things holy.
That was precisely what the wily despots desired .
If they could substitute these Sibylline leaves for the
deep solid often defended and always impregnable
barriers of the Hungarian constitution , founded in
the hearts and inscribed all over with the proudest
memories of the people- not only could the same

power which gave them, revoke them ; but while
they remained , they would be a mere veil for the
convenient concealment of the arcana of despotism
beneath popular forms. It could offer no firm re

sistance to any design of the monarch : for there
would be no terrible looking for of fiery indignation
HUNGARY . 253
for the violations of a constitution forced on a crowd
of reluctant races . It must remain a piece of lifeless

mechanism, moving at the nod of the central auto
crat, with puppets for actors treading its stage in

dumb mimickry of the acts and contests of popular
rule- having the form without the power thereof.
Its very existence would be a perpetual protest
against the existence of any inherent independent
original power of sovereignty in the nation-that
rottenness at the heart which made the French
charter a mockery till 1830 , and not much better
from that time till 1848. It would have reared itself
aloft-a stupendous fraud by which despotism, foiled

in the field, had gained the reality of victory by con
senting to the formal humiliations of defeat.
What all men foresaw as the consequence of the
defeat of Hungary has come to pass even while I

write . The issue which trembled in the scale of
battle was not the substitution of the " charte oc
troyée" for the Hungarian constitution. It was the
substitution of despotic power for constitutional free
dom of a thousand years in Hungary, or the triumph
of popular power over the whole of Europe . That
issue was tried and decided on the plains of Hungary,
in 1849. Murder and rapine reigned till 1850 .
Late in 1851 an imperial decree sounded the passing
bell of the languishing constitution- in declaring that
gang
the responsible ministry were thenceforth responsi
ble only to their Imperial master : and now while I
write , another edict has declared that the whole
baseless fabric has passed away-leaving a naked
despotism, unveiled by even the drapery of freedom.

The feet of those who carried out Hungarian Liberty

have returned- and carried out its successor also .
While the court at Olmutz gloried in their vic

tory, and their generals reposed in fancied security
on their laurels, Lewis Kossuth organized with
rapid energy a vast army, inspired with the hopes of
heroes and the resolution of martyrs. On the 23rd
of March, a month from the battle of Kapolna, the
Hungarians resumed the offensive along the whole
line of the Theiss. A series of rapid movements
exploding in ruinous blows, and crowned by brilliant
victories, in ten days, drove the Austrian army, along

the whole line, from the Theiss to the right bank of
the Danube , shattered its power, despoiled it of the
prestige of victory, and freed the central plains of
Hungary from the presence of a foe.
This was the glorious result of ten days of con
tinued battle. Austria was again prostrated at the
feet of Hungary : another blow which Hungary was
able to strike, which Görgey was ordered to strike ,
but which he traitorously neglected to strike , would
have ended the war.
This was the hour to proclaim to the world the

political result of these victories. Hungary had been
stripped of her constitution , invaded by an usurper,
and her very existence threatened by military vio
lence . She had prostrated the assassin . She would
no longer recognize his blood -stained brow as fit to
bear her diadem. On the 14th of April the Hun

garian Diet solemnly pronounced the deposition of
the house of Hapsburg from the throne of Hungary.
This was merely the declaration of a fact. But there
HUNGARY . 255
were those who were interested to make the fact

otherwise at any cost.
That sword which was red with the blood of
Poland had been freely tendered to Francis Joseph ,

in February , and again in March-but was refused .
Thousands of Russian troops crowded the borders of
Austrian-Poland ready for marching at a word .
The overthrow of the Austrians in April first con
vinced the court that Hungary was more than their
-
match. They were driven to choose between sur
render or Russian intervention . They preferred that
Francis Joseph should rule as the viceroy of a despot,
rather than be the constitutional king of a free
people . Schwartzenburg took the place of Count
Stadion- and flung himself into the arms of the Czar.
The 10th of April had settled the fate of Win
deschgratz : on the 17th the line of the Danube was
free from the presence of the enemy ; and Welden , on

assuming the command , had no alternative but a pre
cipitate retreat to the Austrian frontier. His army
was disorganized , dispirited , demoralized , and broken .
The orders of the ministry, the dictates of military
science, the settled plan of the campaign which Dem
binski had advised and Görgey had approved, alike
-
imperatively required the prompt unintermitting pur
suit of the retreating Austrians, and promised as its
fruits their utter annihilation . Vienna was exposed
Görgey's rear was unthreatened-a single battle
would have ended the war-and the Hungarians
could have dictated peace at Vienna before Russia
could have been even summoned to the rescue.
Yet Görgey held his main army idle on the left

bank of the Danube from the 21st of April till the

20th of May - amusing his own and the national
vanity with freeing the unimportant fortress of Buda
from its Austrian garrison ; and then he whiled away
the precious hours on the banks of the Waag, in the
presence of an inferior enemy, till the middle of
June-while the net was being drawn round his
native land and the destroyers preparing in quiet
their deadly blow.

On the 27th of April the proclamation of Nicholas
announced his intervention in the affairs of Hungary
for his own defence . The terms were arranged at
Warsaw, where the young Emperor repaired to plot,
amid the ruins of Poland , under the auspices of its
destroyer, the murder of another nation , her equal in
heroic grandeur, in historic renown, in priceless
services to Europe in the past, and in importance
to its safety for the future.
From the 4th to the 11th of May the Russian
corps crossed the several frontiers of Hungary. On
the 12th the Imperial proclamation summoned the
free Hungarians to unconditional slavery . On the 3d
of June the first Russians reached Pressburg. Not
till the middle of June did the general advance of
the invaders begin. Görgey quietly awaited their
readiness .
The early days of June were consumed in sharp

but detached and insignificant conflicts on the line of
the Waag- usually resulting in favor of the Hunga
rians, but deciding nothing. They introduced the
inevitable hour of ripe preparation .
HUNGARY . 257
Hungary is a great plain surrounded by the Car

pathians and penetrated by the Danube- whose exit
and entrance make two gates through the mountains .
Around this mountain barrier lay the masses of Rus
sian and Austrian troops, ready to pour through the
passes on the plains beneath.
The children of Hungary, at bay within the fated

circle, concentrated their power across the paths of
their foes, and opposed their breasts to the threat
ening onset.
The hour for advance having been wasted at the
end of the campaign of April, the plan of the second
campaign was confined to the defensive . The HunS
garian troops were to retreat- if driven back- from
the frontier to the centre. Their united power would

overmatch the enemy at any given point. They
occupying the centre of a circle round which their
enemies were disposed , could choose their time and
point of attack with all their power, and thus defeat

in detail the armies whose combined power they
could not oppose . This plan also was sacrificed by
Görgey's traitorous disobedience .
Haynau with the main Austrian army advanced

along the Danube-Görgey lay across his path .
Paskewitch crossed the northern frontier with the
main Russian army, to descend the vale of the Theiss

and its tributaries. Dembinski opposed him.
Jellachich, recovered from his castigation, threat
ened the southern frontier. Guyon and Vetter bade
him defiance .
Luders from Wallachia invaded Transylvania.

33
Bem created the force with which he harrassed his

advance, and hemmed in his activity .
With chivalrous folly, or with treacherous faith ,

Görgey waited the readiness of his foes- and then
with Quixotic madness assayed an impossibility
Not till the middle of June, when Haynau was
fully prepared , did Görgey cross the Waag . He

proved, by his incipient success, how decisive
might have been an earlier activity-but at Pered
and Zsigard the victory was wrested from his grasp
by the fatal appearance of the Russians on the field .
He was defeated, driven over the Waag, and when

Haynau on the 27th of June, at last in the fulness of
time, began his advance, Görgey was compelled to
retreat to Comorn .
On the 1st of July he repulsed the assault of Hay

nau , and on the 2d he assailed the Austrians, but
failed to drive them from their positions.
At this critical moment he was informed of the
elevation of Meszaros to the command in chief-whom
he was ordered to obey . His wounded vanity vowed

revenge, and he peremptorily refused obedience
to the government, declined to unite his forces with
the central army, and proceeded to act out his inde
pendent course.
He wasted from the 3d to the 10th of July in inac
tivity-and then learned the advance of the Russians
in his rear, threatening to cut him off from the Theiss .
Necessity drove him to do what he had refused to
duty and patriotism .

Under cover of a feigned attack, on the 11th he
fell back on Waitzen, only to encounter the Russians.
1 HUNGARY . 259
Paskewitch had begun his advance on the 18th of

June, had pushed as far south as Gyöngyös , and had
sent a corps to Waitzen to cut off the communication
of Görgey with Dembinski .
Görgey assailed them fiercely on the 16th of July
under the walls of Waitzen , and under cover of the
battle maintained by Nagy Sandor, he drew off his
main army to the north by the valley of the Eupel,
and away from the rest of the Hungarian forces.
Perczel was distant only a few miles with a strong
force, yet Görgey gave him no notice to unite against
the enemy .
Grabbe crossed his path and cut short his northern

tour at Losonez . By bold manoeuvring he evaded
his antagonist, turned to the south, and suddenly pre
sented himself at Gyöngyös, directly in the rear of
the Russian army, on the 22d of July- on that very
day engaged with a corps of Dembinski's army at
Aszod . The Russians were defeated, and Görgey
enjoyed the exemption from attack which it secured
him, but neglected the opportunity of at once annihi

lating a large body of the enemy, and effecting his
union with the central army .
Perversely flinging away his advantages, he turned

again to the north , sought strong positions secured
by skilful strategy amid the meanders and marshes
of the Sajo, the Hermad and the Theiss, repelled
repeated assaults of the Russians in the neighbor
hood of Tokay, and on the 25th of July gained such
decisive advantages as opened once more a commuC
nication by Tessa Fured with the main army. His
delay of three days lost the chance , and his victory
Se
of the 28th of July was rendered fruitless by Pas
kewitch's crossing the Theiss - which compelled
Görgey to fall back to the left on Nyiregyhaza on
the 31st, on the road to Arad.
The plan of the Imperialists to invade Hungary
by Paskewitch on the north and by Haynau on the
west-to penetrate to the central plains, divide
Görgey from Dembinski , and with united forces crush
the rebellion in detail, was now on the point of
accomplishment. Paskewitch divided Dembinski
from Görgey.
Dembinski despairing of union, withdrew from

the upper Theiss to cover Szegedin , on which Hay
nau was rushing with overwhelming masses.
His outposts were in sight when the Government
retired to Arad.
On the 2d of August Haynau occupied without

resistance the fortress of Szegedin : on the 3d crossed
the Theiss ; on the 5th defeated Dembinski at
Szoreg.
The Hungarians retreated to Temesvar, instead of
to Arad- another blunder ; but yet there was hope .
K
Around Temesvar, to the south of Arad was concen
trated the combined power of Vetter and Guyon and
Dembinski ; and the name of Bem lent its power to
the array .
The latter had come from his mountain home in
Transylvania to take the command in chief at the sum
mons of Kossuth, while Vetter and Guyon after scat

tering the thrice beaten hosts of the treacherous Ban ,
the boasted saviour of the dynasty, had hastened to
join Dembinski , shared the defeat of Szoreg, and now
HUNGARY . 261
were ready for the fatal day of Temesvar. Görgey's

column alone was absent from that field . The treason
of Görgey, inflicting many a stab on his native land,

prepared from afar the final blow of that decisive day.
He was retreating in two columns on Arad , when
on the 2d of August Nagy Sandor was assailed at
Debreczin by the Russians, and called for aid. He
received laconic orders to retreat- and after a fight
of ruinous bravery met Görgey at Grosswardein .
There three precious days fled in idleness, while
Haynau was shattering the Hungarian force at Szoreg
on the 5th ; and not till the 7th of August did he ad
vance on Arad- where Nagy Sandor arrived on the
8th and Görgey on the evening of the 10th .
Görgey was ordered instantly to advance to Tem
esvar for the final conflict-but when the order was
given the day was decided . His delay had been

fatal. His languid preparations were abruptly broken
off by the fugitives from the stricken field .
On the 10th of August Haynau had attacked Bem,
who displayed the full power of his genius, and
was confident of success. The Austrian force was
already broken- when the Russian and Austrian
reserves opportunely reached the field , and snatched
from him the half gotten victory.
The overthrow was decisive and final. The last
Hungarian army was annihilated, and its fragments
were scattered in flight and dismay.
Görgey's three days in Grosswardein were the
fitting conclusion of his whole campaign . He could

have reached Arad on the 7th, Temesvar on the
8th, rested his troops on the 9th, and with Bem
t
have crushed the Austrian main army at a blow on

the 10th . He would have held the option of meeting
the Russians, or of retreating on an open road to the

south for time and reinforcements .
On the night of the 11th when all was over, Kos

suth , under the moral and physical coercion of the
generals and representatives assembled at Arad , laid
down his power which treachery had rendered
useless, and placed his life in the keeping of the hos
pitable Sultan, that he might dedicate its future to
his country. Görgey held the only army on foot and

between Arad and the enemy. He was entitled to
the fruits of his villany. He assumed the dignity of
Dictator for a day-that his country might fall by a
worthy hand.
Görgey at Villagos attained the height of his am

bition- an immortality of infamy .
The fourth battle of light and darkness was closed
on the plains of Hungary.
Her fall was as that of the apocalyptic star which
turned the third part of the waters to wormwood
of which many died because they were bitter.
Four times in less than thirty years have four
nations of Europe risen after free institutions, wrested
them from their rulers, and maintained them intact
against their assaults—and as many times have those
nations been prostrated at the feet of their tyrants,
by foreign military power, inspired by satanic hate
of liberty, and commissioned by the Holy Alliance
for its extinction. In every instance the voice of the
only two free nations of Europe has been silent.
Their sword has clung to its scabbard . They have

HUNGARY. 263
hugged the delusive phantom of selfish security, and

closed their eyes and ears to the inevitable day when
alone they must defy or obey the powers whose inso
lence they failed to punish . That day is at hand .
The overthrow of Hungary closed the revolu
tionary era of 1848 .
It left Nicholas the arbiter of Europe. Under his
protectorate the petty princes of Germany resumed

the airs and vexations of irresponsible power. Be
neath the blight of his frown the visions of German

Union faded away. Austria, strong in his support,
and with Hungary at her feet, disdainfully rejected

the federal constitution proposed by Prussia and
Saxony on the 30th of May 1849 .
The King of Prussia , as ambitious as weak, sum
moned Germany to Erfurt on the 20th of March
1850 , to consult for a constitution , which his horror
of revolutionary affinities and his fear of separation
from his royal cousins caused him to reject when ten
dered by the people with the assurances of their
support. But any union other than that of the
Princes stood condemned as savoring of that " ma
terial unity" which Russia had denounced . Austria
neither desired nor dared to think otherwise than
Russia. Her power was at stake in any change of

the Diet and its plenum, where her influence was
supreme. Secure of aid from abroad, and fearing no
serious opposition at home from Princes whose
power she was protecting with her own against the
people, their common foe, Austria forgot or disre
garded the events of the last three years, her active
participation in the creation of a central power, her
recognition of its legitimate title to the attributes of
an established government, and the incompatibility of

those facts with the continued existence of the con
federation of 1815. She wanted a power to oppose
and if possible to crush the dangerous innovations, and

the revolutionary agitations of Prussia. She was not
sure of consent, if the Princes were consulted ; but
she was sure of acquiescence, if she assumed the
responsibility of summoning the Diet into renewed
existence . All Germany was startled by the resump
tion of her vacant presidency, the call of the Diet of
the confederation to Frankfort, and the demand for
its recognition by the foreign diplomatists .
Germany seemed threatened by two governments.
Energy and resolution decided the supremacy. The
Erfurt Assembly yielded to the Frankfort Diet- be
cause Austria in arms audaciously supported the

usurpations of the one, while Prussia in defence of
the other, weakly entangled herself in the meshes of
a technical legality, and met aggression only by argu
ment. The issue was made and decided , under the
dictatorial mediation of Russia, in the affairs of Hesse

Cassel.
A free constitution , the offspring of 1830 , sheltered

Hesse Cassel from the storm of 1848. Her Elector
repaid his people by invading their rights in the reac

tionary period of 1850. Their constitution required,
as preliminary to a vote of money, a ministerial
budget in detail, specifying the purposes to which
the money was applicable . This is indispensable to
the existence of ministerial responsibility. The
Elector had resolved on freeing himself from that

HUNGARY . 265
control. His minister demanded the taxes without a
budget. The Diet refused them— and was dissolved .

The taxes were decreed by the Elector- and payment
refused by the people . The officers would not collect

them, the troops would not enforce obedience. Hay
nau, red with Hungarian butchery, was invested with
the command as a terror to well doers . The officers
refused obedience and threw up their commissions

which their subalterns disdained to accept. In his
extremity the Elector appealed to Austria. The
refusal of taxes was forbidden by the construction
put on the 25th and 26th articles of the Final Act
of Vienna in 1832 : and Austria eagerly seized at so
opportune an occasion of enforcing the articles of the
confederation, which she wished to re-instate, while
she dealt a blow at a free constitution for which the
people would fight. Russia played the mediator in

this domestic quarrel, and Austria and Prussia were
invited to Warsaw, to settle the internal affairs of the
German government .
The invitation itself was of sinister significance.
The government of Germany had passed north of
the Vistula, and the conspiracy against the last relic
of her freedom was conducted where the ruin of
Poland had been consummated , and that of Hungary
plotted . It was as if the constitution of the United
States were debated at Quebec, under the mediation

of England !!
Terms of arrangement were ostensibly mediated .
Yet the conference was followed by the occupation
of the Electorate by the armies of Austria and Ba

34
varia in the name of the confederation ; and martial

law substituted the sword for the constitution .
Even the patience of Prussia was outraged . Her

population armed and rose en masse at the summons
of the King ; and Austria yielded to his armed de
mands the " free conferences" of Dresden.
They resulted in nothing but the submission of

Prussia, the continued occupation of Hesse Cassel,
and the march of an Austrian corps to Hamburg .
Germany lay at the feet of Austria- the slave of the
Czar, and Prussia stood silent, irresolute, dangling

her military ornaments, and clattering her useless
sword.
Such is the result of the revolution in Germany.
Despotism crossed the Rhine at the election of
Louis Napoleon to the presidency of France . His

ambitious eye was fixed on the memories of the Em
pire . He longed for arbitrary power ; and turned in

reverence to the Mecca of despotism . He gave
earnest of sincerity by crushing the infant freedom of
Rome beneath the spiritual and temporal omnipotence
of the Pope. Two short years have fled , and now the
constitution of France is a thing of the past. Abso
lute power , seized by the sword, covered by the sanc
tion of a sham election , and cheered by the assur
ances of Russian support as it was usurped by its
example, now chills the banks of the Seine by its
gloomy shade. The example of the Czar supports

the position, and inspires the policy of Louis Napo
leon . Wherever a hand is lifted against liberty, there
is the Czar to support, to aid , to encourage , to in GANG
spire, prodigal of his resources in the crusade on

HUNGARY . 267
freedom, and defending his frontiers from the ap

proach of danger by meeting and repelling it far
from his threshold .
But Louis Napoleon cannot stand still . He must

advance or fall. His equilibrium can only be pre
served by action. Russia insists on the treaties of

1815, and that excludes the Rhine from his ambition .
But England is hateful because powerful, and dan

gerous because free . To cripple her resources would
be the most acceptable sacrifice the neophyte could
lay on the altars of the northern Moloch . Rumor
points to that quarter : the note of preparation seems

to confess the reality of the danger ; and we do not
hear that the treaties of 1815 are invoked in the
north for her protection.
Three months have elapsed since the above was

written and already the northern powers are pre
paring to reduce France to conformity with their

despotic theories of the divine and hereditary right.
Louis Napoleon was welcome when he arose—to
stay the plague . He was greeted with favor when
he forced the bit between the teeth of rampant
France, and prevented her from dashing to atoms

their tottering empires- while they struggled with
the revolutionary maniacs at home.
But height has recalled high thoughts-security
has banished fear-and the useful tool may now be
treated as a dangerous weapon . Safely enthroned
amid the ruins of the suppressed revolution, they
feel strong enough to renew the alliance for the res
toration of monarchy in France .

If the communication in the London Times may

be relied on for substantial accuracy, the conde
scending visit of Nicholas early in 1852 to Vienna
and Berlin was no idle courtesy. It was a political
mission of union , conciliation, preparation, and con
•
ference. The diplomatic notes interchanged between
the courts related directly and ostensibly to the perG
sonal ambition of Louis Napoleon ; but the principles
and purposes avowed or foreshadowed plainly im
port a renewal of the Holy Alliance in spirit and in
substance for the restoration of absolute monarchy in
France- leaving the time and mode to be settled by

the exigencies of the future.
The northern powers assume the right to dictate
or to declare the public law of Europe : and in their
diplomatic notes, Europe and the despotic powers
are convertible terms .
They confess and recognize the fact that Louis Na

poleon is possessed of supreme power-but they hint
that it involves a violation of the treaties of 1814 and
1815. They contemplate the possibility of his

assumption of the Imperial dignity, and declare in
advance how it will be received . Whether volunta•
rily assumed or conferred by the will of the French

nation, in either case it is equally reprobated as an
infraction of what they are pleased to term the funda
mental maxims of the public law of Europe. Their
al
conduct may be different according to the circum
stances attending the change- but they deny the
right of either the president or the nation to make
the change. They assert for the first time in explicit
terms, that they recognize no power to create a new
HUNGARY . 269
dynasty, hereditary and legitimate, ruling over the

-
French people. They scoff at the caprices of uni
versal suffrage in a tone which might lead them to
impeach the legitimacy of our presidential elections.
They recognize no government as de jure unless it
claim by inheritance ; and 'the only inheritable crown
of France which they will recognize or accept is
that of the Bourbons. Its assumption by any one
else is an usurpation .
They justly regard the assumption of the Imperial

title by Louis Napoleon for life as merely a verbal
change : but to claim it by inheritance from his
uncle would be a grave usurpation . That would be

an assertion of a right which they would feel called
on to resist and resent- for it would involve the in
tegrity of their central principle- the assertion of a

fountain of rightful , sovereignty elsewhere than in
the breast of a legitimate and anointed ruler.
All other authority they treat as temporary- as
passing and exceptional in its nature-to be remada
spected or expelled according to circumstances- but
never for a moment as clothed with the incommuni
cable attributes of heaven-descended sovereignty.

They liken it to the authority of Cromwell - as if his
title was not as good as that of the tyrant he ex

pelled . They even have the impudence to class it
with that of Napoleon- their master and scourge
as if they had never bent the knee before his legiti
mate might. They venture to assimilate it to the
authority of the kings of Poland-as if centuries of
elective dignity consecrated by the national devotion
could confer no sanctity . Or did they mean to shelter

their bloody extermination of that magnificent realm

under their modern principles-that an elective
crown is only tolerated till the advent of the first
armed usurper who conquers in the name of absolute
and hereditary right ?
The principles therefore of these recent confer
ences plainly indicate that the northern powers regard
the rule of Louis Napoleon as illegal in its origin—
an infraction of the treaties of 1815 - outlawed by
the common law of Europe-and liable without any
iniquity to be swept away at the pleasure and by the
arms of the despotic powers .
<
That if they tolerate the continuance of his au
thority, it is only in the interest of peace , dependent
on his civil and peaceful conduct, and accompanied
by a protest that it is accepted as a fact, not regarded
as a right.
That the right appertains only to the line of the
Bourbons- over whom even in exile the halo of
the crown hovers till it shall descend and settle upon

their triumphant heads .
That they recognize the power of Louis Napoleon
as only de facto- which means, they will seize the
first and best opportunity to make it not a fact.

That it may endure , under certain humiliating con
ditions, during his life, but not beyond ; it must be a
barren sceptre - no son of his succeeding : but while
a dark silence rests on what shall follow in his room ,
that silence is pregnant with meaning.

If Louis Napoleon , though proclaimed Emperor
by the unanimous voice of France , will yet be allowed
to hold only a temporary authority not transmis
HUNGARY. 271
sible-then at his death- or sooner, if he violate the
limits imposed on his ambition—some other authority

is to fill his place vacated by death or by armed ex
pulsion . The northern powers have declared that
the crown of France appertains of right perpetually
and exclusively to the Bourbons- surviving every
change-undying in the midst of murderous revolu
tions—and calmly waiting the passing away of every
temporary revolutionary possessor of their legitimate
and indefeasible sovereignty .
They therefore mean that the Bourbons shall
again sooner or later- by peaceful or by forcible
means - by armed interventions or by the capricious
nature of universal suffrage-so soon as it may be
convenient and at the death of Louis Napoleon at
the farthest, remount the throne of the restoration
and link France once more to the car of despotism .
The Bourbon princes of either branch look for
this mighty deliverance- are burying their domestic
feuds which the usurpation of 1830 engendered—
and preparing to cross once more the French frontier
at the head of an army of deliverance. The heir of
the elder branch now counts his partizans by the
hundred thousand- insolently issues his bulletins to
regulate their conduct and marshal their forces
interdicting the oath of office to the usurping presi
dent and pointing to the bright day of their
approaching advent.
Whether this bold iniquity shall succeed or fail—
rests with God . Louis Napoleon can utter no voice
of complaint . But France will speak in tones not
easily to be forgotten .
I only mark the event as proof of the consistent

assertion by the despotic powers of the universality
of their principles, of their deadly hostility to every
form of national sovereignty- of their deep convic
tion that the principle must be extingushed as their
only safety.
No man can tell what a day may bring forth . It
behooves wise men not to shut their eyes to disagree
able truths, nor to put far from them a danger which
may be at the door . Wisdom demands that we of
this western world anxiously inquire the import of

these startling events of our day, which outstrip the
calculations of political sagacity , and heap up in weeks
the events of a century- all bearing in one direction ,
inspired by one spirit and backed by powers which
act as one man- the powers of despotism banded and
sworn for the ruin of liberty.
If Russia grasp the dictatorship of Europe she
must wield her power for the overthrow of this Re
public . The law of necessity will compel her : and

the hatred and the fear of freedom will make it a
grateful task.
What then is the position of Russia and of her allied
despots in the affairs of Europe -is the question it
behooves us gravely to consider. Let us not shrink
from the investigation- nor refuse to accept the con
clusion which reason and history may force on our
conviction .
SECTION VI .
THE DICTATORSHIP OF RUSSIA
IN EUROPE .
35
THE DICTATORSHIP OF RUSSIA
IN EUROPE .
THE revolution of 1848 has recoiled with disastrous

ruin on the cause of human freedom. It lies crushed
beneath the fragments created by its own explosion .

The result of that stupendous outburst is now
before us, real , palpable, complete . The victors
have secured their footing—and already look for the
signal of a new onset.
What that result is, who have gained by it, against
whom is the power of the victors directed , are mo

mentous inquiries for the free people of the world .
I insist
That the issue of that eventful struggle has been

to upset the balance of power in Europe in favor of
Russia :
That it has decisively overthrown the cause of

popular liberty, and driven for their security all the
despotic powers of Europe under the protectorate
of Russia :
That this union in her hands of preponderating
power, and of the recognized lead of the despotic

276 THE DICTATORSHIP OF
powers in the war of freedom has inaugurated the

Dictatorship of Russia in Europe :
That this power must from necessity , on principle ,
and by inclination , be devoted to the ruin of all
free governments : that it is absolutely inconsistent
with the existence of the English monarchy and the
American Republic as free popular representative
governments : and that they will be compelled sooner
or later to defend by force of arms their freedom and
independence against the intrigues, the diplomacy,
the legislation, the hostilities of the despotic powers
of Europe :
That it is, therefore, the part of wisdom to be pre
pared for the advent of the inevitable day, and ready
to seize the first favorable conjuncture to strike in
common the first blow, and so to strike that it may
be the last :
That such a course is the dictate of sound policy

the policy followed by our foes and the cause of their
present triumph :
That this is the policy of President Washington—
illustrated by his conduct, and consecrated by his
parting address -adopted by President Monroe
-
re-affirmed by President Adams - reiterated by Presi
dent Polk-the traditional policy and the only safe
policy of this Republic :
That the question we have to decide is not
whether we will live in peace and repose, or gra
tuitously go on a crusade for liberty throughout the
world, but the absolute certainty of a contest with
the combined powers of despotism being apparent—
shall we wait till those powers , having utterly rooted
RUSSIA IN EUROPE . 277
out free governments from Europe, shall turn their

might for our destruction, alone and without allies ;
or shall we now seize the first opportunity of a deci
sive outbreak in Europe to aid the cause of freedom
with arms and money, fight our battle by the armies of
European revolutionists on the field of Europe , and
by the aid of our allies for ever settle the question
between freedom and despotism .
The only alternatives are war, in Europe, now,

with allies— and war hereafter, on our own soil ,
without allies.
Thrice since the days of Charlemagne has Europe

been threatened with universal empire :-but never
has the danger been so immediate , so threatening, so
irresistible as now.
Charles V. united beneath his massive sceptre
Spain and Italy and Germany and the Netherlands,

and supported his mighty armies from the gold and
the commerce of the colonies of the Eastern and the
Western Indies . England and France alone existed

to oppose him. But the reformation divided his
people, and raised foes of his household , and opened

the door to foreign intervention which was used with
decisive effect. His death divided his empire . The
wars of the reformation impaired the unity of power
in the hands of his successors . After the death of
Philip II . the cloud melted away from the sky of

Europe and men breathed more freely. The great
war of opinion in matters of religion in Germany ,
aided by the arms of France and England , rescued
the liberties of Europe from the fate of those of Cas
tile. The spirit of bigotry and the wasting hand of
despotism exhausted the strength of the empire of

Spain . At the death of Charles IV. it had been
deprived of some of its fairest provinces. What re
mained was lethargic, spiritless , dead in political
power, a hereditas jacens for the first or the strongest
comer . One danger had departed . Another was at
hand.
France and the fortune of Louis XIV . filled the
haughty place of Spain . The Spanish dominions ,

still majestic though in ruins, were bequeathed by
their childless monarch to the grandson of Louis.
This was to bestow them on him. His ambition
was armed with the double power of the French

and the Spanish monarchy. He swayed the sceptre
over France and Spain and the Netherlands and the
two Sicilies and the Milanese . Powerless in the
imbecil hands of Charles, these vast dominions in the

energetic control of Louis and supported by the
Sala
genius and military science of France-if once con
solidated- made an end of the independence of
Europe.
Galaj,
The courage and far-sighted statesmanship of Wil
liam of Orange united the arms of England , Holland ,
and Germany, to shatter this stupendous but ill-com

pacted empire , ere it should be too late . He died—
and left the execution of his plans to Marlborough ,

who vindicated on the field of battle the indepen
dence of Europe. The second danger fled .
Napoleon united in his grasp the scattered energies
of the revolution and turned its madness into the
docile minister of his ambition. He dragged at his

chariot wheels the monarchs of continental Europe.
He dictated the law from the Baltic to the Euxine .
He assembled in stupendous masses the whole mili-

tary power of western Europe for the overthrow of
the colossal empire of the north . But his power had
no deep foundations. It rested on opinion . It van
ished with its change . England and Russia alone

bade him defiance : but it was only when the enthu
siasm of Germany and Austria rose on his retreating
armies that Europe was free. For the government of
a conqueror is necessarily that of a despot. Military

power replaces the will of the people . Freedom
and law can have no sure abiding place . The people
rose at the call of their kings- because national inde

pendence is indispensable to national liberty. Napo
leon fell- his foes sat in his seat. Europe was deliv
ered from the hands of one, to those of many tyrants.
The third danger passed .
Yet it did not pass without dragging us into a war

for our independence and our neutral rights . That
war would have been waged ten years before , but for
our feebleness . The provocations, the insults , the
injuries existed , accumulated , were repeated during
long years till strength was substituted for endur
ance ; and we entered the lists of armed nations be
cause the two tyrannies, which divided and contended
for the mastery of Europe , with impartial hate de
predated on our commerce under the decrees of Ber
lin and Milan and the Orders in Council, and invaded

the security of our citizens under the assumed right
of search for absconding sailors.
The fourth peril now exists . It is greater and
more grievous than the others, and has attained
what they only threatened to attain . Russia at this

moment dictates the law to Europe from the Ural to
the Bay of Biscay.
Her power is more permanent and stable in its
foundations than that of either of the preceding aspi
rants for universal dominion .
It is not composed- like that of Charles V.- of

divers discordant states united only by the crown he
wore. It is one great central empire , compact in
shape, vast in dimensions, inexhaustible in resources ,

moving as one man at the word of its master. His
will is hampered by no feudal privileges. His orders
are disputed by no proud and powerful vassals . No
national immunities withdraw the resources of his
people from his reach. No Cortes, deeply seated
in the national affections and interwoven with the
Just
history of the people , bids him defiance in his usur
pations, and summons him to a civil war ere he can
dispose of his arms for foreign aggression . No reli
gious dispute rouses the stubbornness of conscientious
resistance ; but the religious zeal of his people con

spires with his ambition and with the expansive ten
dencies of his empire. The ideas of human liberty
Canais
and popular power are to this age what those of con
science and faith were to that of Charles V. But
armed and organized governments, fired with devo

tion for the cause of the reformation , met Charles on
many a field ; when inactive, their arms lay ready

to repel aggression ; and the consciousness of their
power compelled the respectful consideration of the
Emperor and his bigots. His own vassals were

divided against him, and France and England lent
them countenance and " material aid. " Nicholas is
troubled by no internal dissensions on liberal ideas.

His people are far behind that point-quiescent in
the faith of their fathers, and glorying in their Czar
as the vicegerent of God , the father of all his people.
Without, all governments are on his side . He is
their protector against their domestic foes. By his
arms alone can the petty tyrants of Europe maintain
their tottering thrones. He is the head and leader
of the conspiracy of princes against the people.
The Emperor of Austria, the rabble of German
princes, the besotted and foresworn King of Naples,
the trembling Pope, the Austrian tools of Tuscany and
the Italian principalities, are one and all his slaves,
pensioners on his bounty, eager to do his bidding,
covetous of his favors, absolutely dependent on his
power. Through them he rules Europe . Without
him they are nothing. Their thrones are held by no
tenure but obedience to his dictation : for his aid
would be withdrawn from the refractory, and the

people can deal with their domestic tyrants when
freed from the weight of Russian arms. The only
issue in Europe now is freedom or slavery. On that

question all the princes of Europe are of one mind
and of one heart. They make common cause , have
a common purse, swear by and invoke the same devil,

and ply with rival skill his borrowed flames .
The Czar is relatively to his opponents more
powerful than Louis XIV. in all the might of the
Spanish monarchy. He was forced to guide discor
dant kingdoms under the forms of domestic rule .
They were jealous of foreign domination . His power

36 t
was not consolidated ere it was shattered by the coal

ition. It had no central idea, rested on no tradition ,
was inspired by no grand purpose. It was the idol of
his ambition, the monument of his egotism. Devoid
of all hold in the affections of the people whom the
will of a dotard delivered to the rule of a boy, his
vast dominions were a lifeless corps over which
heroes contended , while it was careless and uncon
scious of the maddening conflict. A few years of
grace and respite would have made a difference.
But William was too prompt to shape the weapon ,
and Marlborough too hasty to ply it .
The Russian dictatorship is more absolute , more
powerful, more dangerous than that of Napoleon ,
when all Europe followed his eagles to Moscow.
His followers were his vassals, outraged at his upstart
domination , and driven like eastern slaves to the
battle by the terrors of threatened castigation. The
heart of neither kings nor people was in it. They
moved like automata at his bidding. They covered

his flanks, kept open his communications, and formed
corps of reserve . His power for action centred in
the troops of France . The first check chilled the
devotion of his allies or revealed their discontent.
The first retreat loosed the bands of authority, re

leased the struggling and reluctant vassals from their
restraints, and arrayed them in open hostility against
the standard they had followed. Nicholas has the
absolute control of his own people and the absolute

devotion of his vassal crowns . Before him every
Before him
head is bowed low-for by him alone are they deco

rated with a crown and tolerated on a throne.
Without him they are nothing . They are therefore

the slaves of his will. There is no fear of defection.
Adversity will only strengthen the bonds. Defeat

will only make protection more necessary, and union
more indispensable for the common cause. The
•
kings and nations whom Napoleon hurled on Alex
ander reluctantly, sluggishly, and against their will,
Nicholas now arrays as with a magician's wand in
the cause of human slavery. Napoleon's fall was
involved in the very nature of his empire . It rested

on his military genius- but its only object was his
personal aggrandizement. To that the independence
of his neighbors was unhesitatingly sacrificed . Kings
and people were alike interested in its overthrow.
Kings could not brook the rank and humiliations of
Viceroys . The people felt that freedom was impos
sible without independence. Liberty must find its
security in the responsibility of the domestic gov

ernment to the people of the state . Their rulers
were beyond their control so long as they were co
erced by the fear or supported by the countenance of
a foreign power . Kings became agitators in favor
of freedom, that they might break a galling yoke.

Their people were partly deceived by their pro
mises , partly conscious of the necessity of national
independence to domestic liberty. They joined
against the common oppressor, and adjourned the
question between themselves and their rulers to a
more convenient season . Now , large masses of every
nation support the governments . They are sur

rounded with highly organized armies, officered with
a view to revolutionary disturbances. All the powers
of government are sedulously devoted to the great

cause of kings, and the leader of that cause is the
Czar.
Napoleon was the soldier of a revolution which
he betrayed, the champion of a liberty he chained .
The powers by which he rose were his fiercest foes .
The cause in which he fleshed his maiden sword
was the victim of his success, and its partisans shed

no tears at his fall. Nicholas reigns with quiet un
questioned accepted authority over a docile people .
His title is hereditary and unquestioned . His pur
poses are those of national aggrandizement. His
people associate themselves to his glories. His au

thority is looked on as divine throughout the great
majority of his people, and the disquieted provinces
of Poland are held in obedience by the immovable
mass of the empire .
The centre and body of the empire of Napoleon
was vulnerable at every point. Spain and Germany
and Italy and the ocean surrounded it. His power
was divided in his assaults by the necessity of de

Sung
fence. His rear was always exposed, and while con
tending with the allied arms on the German frontier,
Wellington penetrated his territory from south to
north, and only closed his career on the field of Wa
terloo .
The empire of Russia occupies the northern and

eastern extremities of Europe . Eternal snow and
ice are the unassailable bulwarks of its rear. Its
eastern flank skirts far and wide into the dim confines
of Asia- free from the chances of assault, and pro
lific in the materials for the best cavalry in the world .
Its vast plains slope to the south , and tend to precipi

tate the mass of the empire on the fated walls of
Constantinople . On the west alone is it assailable ,
and there only during three months of the year .
Retreat can hide disaster behind inaccessible snows
till the favorable moment summons new armies to
activity. They march to soft and sunny climes,

allured by the splendors of art and the luxuries of
civilization, where no month can numb their frames
enured to the ices of the pole , and the campaign and
the year are conterminous. This colossal and invulGA
nerable power Napoleon well declared the " Antæus
of the fable which cannot be overcome but by seizing
""
it by the middle and stifling it in the arms.' " But
where," he asked after his own melancholy failure—

" is the Hercules to be found who will attempt such
an enterprise. Show me an Emperor of Russia,

brave, able, and impetuous, in a word a Czar worthy
of his situation , and Europe is at his feet. He may
(
begin his operations at the distance of only one hun
dred leagues from the two capitals of Vienna and
Berlin, the sovereigns of which are the only obstacles
he has to apprehend . He gains the one by seduction ,
subdues the other by force , and he is soon in the midst
of the lesser princes of Germany, most of whom are
his relations or dependants. A few words on liber
ation and independence will set Italy on fire. As
suredly in such a situation I should arrive at Calais by
fixed stages, and be the arbiter of the fate of Europe."
A generation do not yet sleep in their graves
and the vision of the seer has become the fact of
history.
t
Alexander-" faux fin et foube comme un Grec
du bas Empire " -is replaced by Nicholas "brave ,

D
able, and impetuous," but also calm, prudent, far
sighted, and inexorable . Events which properly
used should have broken his power have permanently
consolidated it. Europe is at his feet. Those whom
Napoleon contemplated as the enemies to be over
come are now the suppliants for his favor. He now
may begin his operation- not at only one hundred
leagues from the two capitals of Vienna and Berlin
K
but at the Rhine. Those sovereigns, the only obsta
cles to be feared, are his accomplices or his slaves.
The Emperor of Austria owes him the rescue , the
preservation, the possession of his crown- twice lost.
in the Hungarian war. Without the aid of Russia
he falls to -morrow . Russian aid was invoked to
conquer Hungary. Russian troops now again are

invoked to keep down the rebellious population , and
the plains and fortresses of Hungary have been gar
risoned by the Czar at the humble request of the
Austrian Emperor . The Empire of Austria is not
only out of the way of Russian conquest-it is the
dependant of the Czar . Its territory is the basis of
his operations. Its resources are at his disposal. Its
Emperor rules by his permission , and is little better
than his vicegerent. He is a willing slave , imbued
with the principles and devoted to the cause of des
potic power, and cheerfully aiding in the great cru
sade against liberty .
Prussia, the other obstacle, has ceased to be a
stumbling block . The King has repented him of his
imperial dreams and popular ambition . He has failed
in energy for a great game, and has sunk to a second
rate place . He no longer leads Germany whose

sceptre he flung away and whose people he disap
pointed , disgusted, and betrayed . He stands before
them in confessed impotency, bearded on his frontiers
by Austrian arms, driven from his great scheme of
German regeneration within the meshes of Austrian
-
intrigue and beneath the Diet of the treaties of Vi
enna. He has danced attendance on the Czar and the
Emperor at Warsaw, to debate the internal affairs of
Germany and settle by the interested mediation of
Russia her government on its narrow and tottering

base. He has allowed the only free constitution of
Germany to be crushed by Austria at his very door.
C
He has compelled his troops to retire before the ad
vancing Austrians, and to allow Hamburg and the
north of Germany to be occupied , brow-beaten , and
insulted in the name of the abandoned and fallen
Diet. The capital of Germany is at St. Petersburg.

The usurpation of Louis Napoleon has stricken
from the map of Europe the only free power capable
of bidding defiance to Russia. His policy from his
election has been reactionary. His feelings are
with the counter -revolutionists. He held the fiery

spirit of the French in check till despotism had
won decisive triumphs. He discountenanced and
repressed every sign of sympathy. He signalized
under false pretexts his devotion to the cause of
despots by assailing the Roman republic and crush
ing its infant freedom . He calmly waited the day
of factious violence to merge dissensions in his abso
lute power, confident of impunity in the midst of
factions too hostile to each other to unite for his
overthrow, and singly not a match for his partisans

backed by the arms and power of the government .
His usurpation has thus far been successful. It has
stricken France from the list of free governments.
It has ranged her in the ranks of despotisms . With

them only can Louis Napoleon sympathize- from
them alone can he hope for support—and by them
alone can he hope to maintain his usurpation. With
his usurpation end for the present the hopes of
European freedom . The Kings of the north were
clamorous with exultation and joy. Austria and
Russia hastened to greet the converted revolutionist
in the cause of royalty . German tyrants breathed
freely, when relieved from the frown of French
democracy at their unrighteous deeds. Prompt
acknowledgments met his accession to the holy cause.

Secret assurances of aid and comfort must have
encouraged his nascent treason . By this usurpation

France changed sides on the day of battle. Whether
the usurper pursue a subservient or an independent
policy the weight of France is lost to the liberal
cause. He cannot encourage the spirit of the revo
lution without sounding the signal for his overthrow.
He may be inclined to defy the schemes of Russian
ambition ; but he cannot with safety to himself attack
the foundation of her power. That rests on her
sole ability to repress the revolution and to maintain
the princes on their thrones . Louis Napoleon will

hardly venture to appeal to the people of Germany
and Italy while oppressing those of France . He will
scarcely speak of constitutions and popular guaran

tees, while yet smoking with the heat of his contest.

with both. His private interest to maintain his
power is greater than his public interest to preserve

the dignity of France . His position is not a little
like that of Louis Philippe ; and similar causes may
induce him to stifle the voice of France in the
affairs of Europe .
He would doubtless prefer an independent and

a brilliant policy -one which should gratify the pride
of France and decorate his own name with the laurels
of high deeds . But the first question is-the pre

servation of his power ; and that rests on the sup
pression of the spirit of revolution and the extinction
of the idea of free government. The friendship of
Russia is the best security for the success of that
effort : and such aid is worth many sacrifices of dig
nity and of national benefits . His sympathies are
on that side ; and his interests seem to run in the
same channels. It is scarcely possible for any war
against Russia not to assume the shape of a revolu
tionary appeal to the people against their rulers.
They are all in the interest of Russia : and France
would scarcely dare the contest without allies. She
must therefore be still , or seek allies at the hands of
the revolutionists : and that would ill comport with

the position of Louis Napoleon as the tamer of the
spirit of Jacobin France . An easier game would

seem to be a Russian alliance with a hostile aspect
towards England , and based on such partitions of
European and Turkish territory as the parties might
be satisfied with .
37
A revolution in France must, therefore, precede
any hopes of her aid to the cause of liberty ; and

without her there is no power on the continent able
to stay the march of Russia to universal empire .
The Czar is not only the arbiter of Christian
Europe he is also at his pleasure the master of
Mohammedan Europe. The last barrier between
his eager hand and the glittering dome of St. Sophia
has been swept away .
The two great problems of European politics in

the nineteenth century are the fate of the Ottoman
Empire and the fate of free principles. The events
of the last three years have solved both in favor of
Russia.
The flood of Mohammedan conquest rolled at the

two extremes of Europe to the foot of the Pyrenees
and of the Carpathians. Before those mighty bar
riers were its proud waves staid . Ferdinand the
Catholic drove them across the Straits of Gibraltar
three centuries and a half ago . Nicholas would

have driven them across the Bosphorus thirty years
ago- but for the armed veto of united Europe . The

Ottoman is still camped at Constantinople by favor of
the dispute for the possession of his spoils. There
was only one nation able at once to seize and to gov
ern the provinces of the Turk. But such an acces
sion to the power of Russia was too dangerous to be
permitted ; and England , France, and Austria were
sharpsighted to spy out her insidious advances, and
more than once united to forbid her progress. But
the contest has been between jealous allies, distant
from the scene and having discordant interests,
uniting only for a negative object-and one despotic

power on the scene of action, taking advantage of
every emergency, with every thing to gain and out of
reach of possible loss, retiring from every contest with

some fragment of the prey, and each time leaving the
victim more enfeebled and more defenceless .
The Mohammedan power has reached its term of

life and is now fading away. The only question is
what shall fill its place . The mode of its removal is
immaterial. It is already dead , and awaits those who
shall carry it out and bury it. Its expulsion from
Europe and Western Asia is natural, moral , and
necessary . It is a tyranny of the fiercest character,
-
compensated by no advanced civilization, and desti
tute of promise for the future . The civilization of
which it was the representative has run its cycle of

rise, perfection , and decline , and its naked stump now
only cumbers the ground and excludes better occu
pants. It covers the earliest seats of Christianity
and of civilization with the fragments of an infidel
and a semi-barbarous empire. Of its population only
one-third in the European provinces are Mohamme
dans , and only two -fifths of that in the Asiatic do
minions. The rest is almost wholly Christian , held
in the most abject subjection , and ready at any mo
ment to receive with open arms their Christian
brethren. The despotism of the Czar would be a
mitigation of that of the Turk. The most fertile
provinces of Europe would be regained to the arts
of civilization and the faith of the Christian, and its
desert places would blossom as the rose beneath the
touch of modern energy and the breath of modern
improvement. The power which reposes in those

delightful regions won them by the sword, but has
not naturalized itself by taking root in the soil. Its
continuance is an outrage on the faith and feelings of
the vast majority of the people. It is fading away
from the scene of its glory as did the Greek empire
of Constantinople before the splendor of the ascend
ing crescent. It treads the path of the grave with
the even step of fate - pushed onward by a power
that looks like Providence, in its calm, steady , delib
erate, but ceaseless and fatal advance .
The consistent policy of Russia has been met only

by the vacillating schemes and the shifting expe
dients of her opponents ; and the history of the world
is one long comment on the fate of such a contest.
The Greek revolution stripped the Turk of his
most celebrated provinces, and set the fatal example
of internal dissolution .
The battle of Navarino in 1827 destroyed the Ot

toman fleet- for the benefit of Russia.
Nicholas seized the moment of exhaustion in 1828
to pick a quarrel. Debitsch forced the passes of the

Balkan, scattered the Turkish armies, and Constanti
nople was exposed without a defender. His march
was staid at Adrianople by the threat that France and
England would cross his path ; and his master con
tented himself with the treaty of Adrianople in 1829 ,
which surrendered the mouths of the Danube, opened
the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, virtually severed

Wallachia and Moldavia, and vested Russia with pre
texts for perpetual intermeddling, and a right to make
war whenever it might be convenient.
The genius of Mehemet Ali had gradually aug

mented his power in Egypt till he could defy his
master, and was more than a match for the sluggish
mass to which he was nominally subject . Egypt
was lost to the Porte.
Syria is the necessary outwork and dependent of

Egypt, and the Taurus the first barrier fit for the
frontier of an empire . Mehemet Ali coveted that
mountain rampart ; and in 1831 his son marched to
the conquest of Syria . Ibrahim captured Acre ; and
he followed up his success by scattering the armiest
of the Porte at Homs , at Beylan , at Kouiah , in rapid
succession . In 1832 Constantinople was naked
and trembling before his sword. Russian armies
promptly responded to the Sultan's piteous cry for

aid, crossed to the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, and
interposed between the powerful vassal and the pow
erless lord. The treaty of Unkiar Skellessi formally
inaugurated the Russian protectorate . The terrified
and feeble Sultan secured the right of Russian aid ;
and Nicholas knew that to ask protection was a con 1
fession of dependence , and cheerfully assumed the

duty of guarding his future dominions against a more
formidable occupant. Protection covered the in
sidious advances of the Macedonian , the Roman, the
British empires ; and Russia only availed herself of
the traditional and customary forms of incipient.
conquest.
Russia had rescued Constantinople ; but Syria still
lay in the grasp of Mehemet Ali .
In 1839 the Porte renewed its struggle for its lost
province . The battle of Nezib stretched it again
prostrate before Ibrahim. Again Russian arms were

ready. Nothing but the sudden and brilliant descent
of Napier and the English squadron on the coasts of
Syria, and the threatened bombardment of Alex
andria, scared the rapacious Egyptian from his prey,
and spared the Porte a second precedent of the dan
gerous presence of the Russians .
Languid and exhausted , the Ottoman empire, un

able to stand erect even before domestic foes, lay at
the mercy of European diplomacy and arms . The
joint treaty of England, Austria, Prussia, and Russia,

embodied the jealousy of the former powers, and se
cured their common intervention . It alone stood
between Nicholas and his fated victim. He was not
hasty or impatient. He used the treaty to break the

alliance of England and France, and secured by their
division future impunity. Turkey was fallen from

the list of powers . Her place was vacant-awaiting
an occupant. There was only one power which
could occupy it. That power, sure of the future ,
confident in the course of events, rich in the promises
-
of time and accident, waived for a season the occu
pation of her inheritance. The blood of the princes
of the Greek empire transmits to the Czar a spe
cious pretext of title , which has been nurtured into
a national tradition , and confirmed by ancient pro

phecies. The religion of Russia is that of the majority
of the population of the Turkish dominions. Their
advance to the conquest of Constantinople would be
a holy war to the Russians ; while the Christians of
M
Turkey would greet their advent as a great deliver
ance . Superstition and policy , national tradition and
hereditary ambition conspire to fix the destiny of

Constantinople . The events of 1848 and 1849 have
removed or lessened the obstacles which hitherto
have postponed and impeded the accomplishment of

those darling dreams ; and any day we may be called
on to listen to the trumpet call of Christian Russia
to a crusade for the extermination of the religion and
the empire of Mahomet on the soil of Europe.
What stands in the way of its speedy, easy, entire
triumph ?
Certainly not the most serious of the obstacles
which have hitherto retarded it. That has been
the opposition of united Europe . All the great
powers have been on one side and against Russia,
however diverse their peculiar interests might be.
France may have been for a partition ; Austria for
the integrity of the Ottoman power ; while England
may have seen in its weakness the best security for
her East India communications : yet all felt and
acknowledged that the possession of the wide domain
of the Turk and the port of Constantinople by Russia
would destroy the balance of power in Europe for
ever, place the fate of Asia in her hands, and subject
the world to her dictatorship . They therefore tried
every species of political combination and military
protest to hinder the consummation of the hopes of
the Czar. Austria was most deeply and directly in
terested of all. The Ottoman dominions form her
southern border. Moldavia alone divides Russia
from her eastern line . On the north from Cracow
eastward Russia is her conterminous neighbor . To
allow her to seize and appropriate the spoils of the
Turk would be to permit Austria to be completely

wrapped round by the coils of this constrictor . She
would lie in the embrace of death . Metternich was ,
therefore, the most prompt, pertinacious, and uncom

promising enemy to Russian aggrandizement on the
side of Turkey. He more than once lined the Hun
garian frontier with troops ready for action, and was
willing to fling to the winds the hopes and blessings
of the Holy Alliance , and bid defiance to its head ,
rather than submit to the inevitable fate which the
conquest of Turkey involved. Austria, while an inde
pendent power, was, alone of all the great powers,
directly interested in checking the Russian advance .
Her independence , her power, her very existence
were at stake. No scheme of partition could recon
cile her for her discordant provinces were her

greatest difficulty ; and a part of the spoil would in
crease the difficulty more than it would add to her
strength .
But all this is now changed . Austria is held
together by the weight of Russian power . Her pres
tige is lost among the powers . Her domestic diffi
culties are beyond her control. She was indebted to
Nicholas for her existence as an empire. His arms
still support its tottering fabric. The relation of
equals in the Holy Alliance has been changed into

that of protector and dependent. Nicholas is the
master of the Austrian empire . Austria , therefore ,
will be no worse off with Turkey in the hands of
Russia than she is now. Wallachia and Moldavia are
now practically Russian provinces ; and they line the

greater portion of her Turkish frontier . Wallachia
was, on the south , the basis of Russian military opera

tions against Hungary in the cause of the Emperor.
It was found convenient to have that spirited nation
compressed on all sides by the powerful protector of
the Imperial feebleness . The Russian occupation of
those provinces is now the greatest obstacle to a
Hungarian rebellion . Such is the miserable exhaus
tion of Austria that her danger is her safety. She

cannot, therefore, if she would , arrest the march of
Nicholas to Constantinople . She has not the will
any more than the power to do it . Hungary and the
Carpathians have ceased to be barriers : and Russian
troops under Austrian leave can penetrate through

them into every province of Turkey, divide her
feeble forces, distract her defence by multitudinous
attacks, and prostrate her at pleasure . But the diffi
culty has not for thirty years been of a military, but
a diplomatic character. Russia was always able to
crush the Turks ; European arms and diplomacy
stood in the way. But only three powers were at
once interested in the question and able to speak
with authority. They were England , France , and
Austria . All were equally threatened by Russian
preponderance . Each had a separate and special
C
interest. England must keep open her communica
tions with India over the Isthmus of Suez and by the
Red Sea. Egypt must, therefore , be in the hands of
a power dependent on England and not on Russia or
any other strong power. France has always aspired

to *influence in Egypt, partly inspired by hostility to
A
England, partly by her interest in her African pro
vinces, and the desire safely to extend them. She
38
has always longed to call the Mediterranean a French

lake, and Russia would be a dangerous rival. Aus
tria shrunk from absorption in the spreading flood of
Russian conquest .
On Austria the brunt of the conflict must fall.
England and France were too far off to operate either

promptly or efficiently with bodies of troops ade
quate to the encounter of the Russian armies . The
Egyptian expedition of Napoleon was as decisively

overthrown as that to Russia. One to Constanti
nople would meet a more speedy and inevitable fate.

Men of war might force the Dardanelles- but Sebas
topol is at the door. Russian fleets could meet them
or anticipate them, and Russian armies could fortify
those straights so as to make them impassable to any
fleet. She could at less expense put tenfold greater
masses of troops at any given point of the Turkish
empire than France and England combined . The
great majority of the population would be indifferent
or on the side of Russia, and that alone would be
decisive .
The only power which could act with effect was

Austria. She was nearer than Russia. Her military
resources were on the flanks of the Russian opera
tions, and as they progressed they would be liable to
have their communications cut off from the east of
Hungary, and to be assailed in rear by Austria, while

opposed in the front by Turkish armies, commanded
by French or English officers, and supported by
foreign troops . So long as Austria was an inde
pendent power, and chose to forbid the occupation of

Turkey, it was impossible.
But the events of 1848 and 1849 have made her
dependent on Russia. Her territory is protected by

Russian troops, and would form the base of their
operations against Turkey . She cannot forbid it
for the withdrawal of their aid would leave her at the
mercy of the outraged and inflamed Hungarians, who

stand ready to clutch their weapons at a moment's
warning. Austria must acquiesce in whatever policy
Nicholas may see fit to dictate , for her military
strength always resided in Hungary. The genius ,
spirit and devotion of the Hungarians alone rescued
the empire from dismemberment on more than one
occasion ; and now the Hungarian is at once the bit
terest and the most dangerous enemy of that house
which clung to him for protection in the hour of
need , and repaid his services in treachery, slavery,
and blood . When the Emperor invoked the power
of Russia to crush the liberties of Hungary, he for
ever alienated the people who alone could defend
him . He could sink to no lower or more humiliating
condition . From that day there was no possibility of
arraying any force against Russia adequate to protect

Constantinople from occupation at her pleasure.
It is by no means certain that France, under her
present usurper, would even strive to prevent it .
Louis Napoleon is too ambitious of permanent
alliance with the legitimate despotisms to incur the
hostility of the leader of them . French vanity and
ambition could be pacified by concessions in Egypt
which would strengthen and extend the African
empire . French hate would be the more grateful for
W
an opportunity of cutting off the English communi
cation with India. The policy of Napoleon has be

come a national idea. Louis Napoleon could carry
the nation with him in any arrangement which should
deliver European and Asiatic Turkey to Russia and
Austria in such proportions as the former might de
signate , while it secured to the French the African
provinces of the Ottoman empire from Alexandria to
Algiers . The quadruple treaty of 1840 foreshadowed
such a partition of influence , if not of empire , be

tween England and Russia. But that treaty was a
blow aimed at constitutional France and the English
alliance. France under a despotic head would be
entitled to very different consideration . Her ruler
would strive to rouse the national ambition and fire
the national hatred against England . Her eastern

empire is her vulnerable point, and Russia and
France would easily unite to humble a common and
dangerous rival . The partition of the spoils of the
Ottoman empire would cement their hate of England
into an alliance for her ruin ; and the geographical
position of Russia and of France indicates the pro

portions of the partition .
Turkey in Europe is, therefore , under the existing
relations of the European governments, at the mercy
of Russia . What future and unforeseen contin
gencies may arise human ken knows not. We must
base our calculations on the only elements of calcula

tion- the existing relations of the Powers on which
the fate of Europe depends. On that basis, Euro
pean Turkey may be regarded as a province of
Russia.
If so the time of occupation may be postponed

for a while-but only that it may be easily and safely
effected .
The addition to the Russian Empire of the rich

provinces of Turkey, stretching from the Euxine to
the Adriatic, and from the borders of Hungary to

the Bosphorus and the Egean-sparsely populated
by ten millions of people, and capable of supporting
thrice that number in affluence-embracing half the
course of the Danube , whose mouths she now
already holds, and along whose banks the peaceful

and the warlike march of nations has always found
their natural and easy entrance to western Europe
the power of Russia would be finally consolidated .
Austria would be enclosed by her iron folds. She

would be the neighbor of Italy. She would hold
the Euxine as a Russian lake, and dispute with France
the possession of the Mediterranean . She would
have the control of the centre of European com
merce : and by her influence in Italy and Sicily,

while consolidating the reign of despotism, she
could bar the path of England to the east and cut
off or harrass her commerce at her pleasure . Asia
Minor, Syria, and Egypt would be at her control :
and Suez would soon be a Russian or a French Gib
raltar . These are the inevitable results of the occu
pation of Turkey by Russia. They are involved in
the relations of powers and of places, they flow from
the political dynamics which must give the law to the
consequences of the occupation. They are the re
sults of the most consistent of all logics-the logic of
historic consequences .
But if this be so - then, Europe is delivered over

to the dictation of the Czar and his dependent
empires. England stands isolated and alone- with
nothing but her sturdy yeomanry and heroic tars

between her and ruin . Her eastern empire depends
on her European power, on her ability to open her
communications across the isthmus of Suez , and on
her ability to throw a greater military force into her
distant possessions than Russia, by her intrigues and
her arms can bring to bear on the vulnerable points
of her expanded but ill consolidated dominion . The
Russian eagle has already flown farther from St. Pe
tersburg than its resting place is from British India,
and the Czar already murmurs of a treaty of Cal
cutta .
The result therefore , seems to point to the isola

tion of England in Europe, and to reduce the ques
tion of her fate to a calculation of the chances of her
being able to maintain herself at Suez and on the

Euphrates alone, against the power of Russia and the
states which are her vassals or confederates.
On the continent the dictatorship of Russia has

now been inaugurated . From St. Petersburg go
forth the decrees which control the destinies of EuK
P
rope. The question of power and political aggran
dizement seems to have reached this solution .
The other problem for solution in the nineteenth

century is the relation of the people to the sove
reignty . The conflict of free ideas against despotic
rule ushered in the century, and for fifty years it has
shaken Europe with the noise of battle . Whether
power descended from the Eternal Throne on the
anointed heads of kings, or emanated from the

people, a trust for their benefit-whether the people
were by Providence delivered into the hands of their
rulers, bound to unquestioning obedience , or were

vested by God with a right to dispose of their own
destinies, and to dictate the law to those whom they
set over their affairs-this has been the great question
debated in the council and in the field , between kings
and people during the first half of the nineteenth
century.
The American revolution first introduced the idea
of liberty, as an absolute right of man, on the field of

-
battle . France caught the inspiration , and her ex
ample and her arms propagated the enthusiasm of
liberty from the Straits of Gibraltar to the Vistula.
The triumph or defeat of this principle involves the
total reconstruction of the states and politics of Eu
rope. It has therefore been the centre round which
all events of moment have grouped themselves.
They have been judged and estimated according to
their bearing on this problem. The ambition of
states and individuals has disguised itself in devotion
or hostility to this principle, and men have sought to
enlist the power of the opponents or the partisans of
liberty for the purposes of vulgar ambition— as kings
arrayed Protestants and Catholics in adverse ranks to
decide under the name of a religious war the political
empire of Europe. But the principle of liberty and

popular power strikes by its very nature at the root
of every authority claiming any other source than the
popular will. Invoked as a tool, it soon becomes a
chief actor on the scene. Rulers are therefore driven
to choose between friendship and enmity. They

must admit and act on its principles - or they must
oppose and defeat its partisans- or they must submit
to defeat and ruin in the inevitable encounter. Neu
trality is impossible-or it is ruin .
Kings were long in discovering this necessity-and
still longer in uniting to act on it consistently. But
bitter experience has taught wisdom . The spirit of
liberty has shone on many a field of battle , and tried
the extremes of fortune. It has shaken thrones by
its triumphs, and from defeat it has risen in defiance
of death-like a spiritual essence incapable of decay,
and stood a spectre frighting kings from their pro
priety at the banquet and on the couch .
The apparition when last it rose spread ruin over

Europe, and struck terror into the stoutest hearts of
kings-and for a while it held undisputed mastery .
But its foes recovered from their fright, resumed the
fallen sword, and, in the absence of a leader fit for
the crisis, smote and overthrew its scattered and
disorganized power. It triumphed in every state

(D
over its domestic tyrants . In every state it was over
thrown by the intervention of foreign powers, and
those foreign powers in the last resort found their

ultimate reliance and support in Russia. To Russia
it was the crisis of life or death , of ruin or of universal
empire. The sword of Nicholas decided the contest.
Every crown north of the Pyrenees is worn by virtue
of his arms. Every government is in his interest,
linked to his policy and empire by dependence,
by gratitude, by hopes of safety, by the con
sciousness of feebleness if deserted . Every army
RUSSIA IN EUROPE .. 305
and every government, France included, is now in

the hands of despots and in the interest of despotism,
leagued to keep down the spirit of liberty which they
have overthrown : and the leader of the league is
Nicholas .
The fate of liberty has been that of the prince of

the Genii, whom the fisherman ignorantly released
from his vase.
A rebellious and defiant spirit, it had for centuries

been oppressed by princes in the name and with the
seal of God .
France fished in troubled waters for means of
annoying England . She found on these western

shores in the English colonies, something as prom
ising in secret riches , as innocent of threatened dan
ger, as the fisherman's vase . She broke the sealP
and forth streamed the smoke which spread over the

heavens— and assumed the terrible form of the Spirit
of Liberty-wearied with promising for centuries in
vain, as the price of liberation , riches endless- the
hidden treasures of the caves-the glories of princely
power- and now, when freed by an accident, mad
dened with disappointment and despair, threatening
death to its deliverer. For years it held the princes
of Europe in mortal terror-till fraud supplied the
place of might—and the spirit before which they
trembled was coaxed , cajoled , and deceived into sub
mission to their power. It dissolved again into thin
smoke- it laid aside its terrible form- it surrendered
its arms to the hands of its deceiver—it voluntarily

quieted the terrors it created by changing the form of
armed defiance for that of peaceful and submissive
39
citizenship-trusting that its freedom would be re

stored. But the day of submission was the last of
liberty, and the terrified princes hasted to place the
seal of fate guarded by military power over the place
of confinement of the terrific phantom.
This is the present result of the great revolution
of 1848. Europe has fallen back-pressed beneath
the heel of its masters more heavily than before.
The liberal cause has been decided definitively- for
the present at least-in favor of despotism.
It has been decided under such circumstances as
forbid the hope of any voluntary mitigation of the

severity and exclusiveness of despotic rule . The
terror was too imminent and too mortal for princes

to forget it. The fashion of liberal ideas has proved
too costly a luxury even for royal palaces ; and it is
prudently abandoned and forbidden . Liberty might
before have been hoped for in some moderate form
of concession ; but royal souls can never forgive the
arrogance of demanding as a right what they consid
ered a royal grace. To beard and defy them in such
a cause was unpardonable : but how shall they wipe
out the humiliating memory of flight and exile, con
cessions wrung from terror and safety bought with
tears, the ungraceful sight of royal backs and tremb
ling knees, the deep and smarting wound to the pride
of kingly independence compelled to seek safety by
foreign aid , the pledges, the oaths , the perjuries, the
treacheries which have exposed royalty to the hate
as its cowardice did to the contempt of the people.
These are the fruits of liberty to kings : they all
unite in deprecating the agitation and stifling the
RUSSIA IN · EUROPE . 307
discussion of topics so dangerous : and if they did

not unite voluntarily, their dependence on Russia
would compel submission . She demands as the price
of protection the avoidance of exciting topics and of
all encouragements to popular commotion . She will
not tolerate the submitting of the prerogatives of the

right divine to the impertinent curiosity and irrev
erent discussion of popular assemblies. Europe will
be no more troubled with volunteer constitutions from
royal hands- while Russia is the guarantor of des

potism .
The revolution of 1848 has thus strengthened the
power, and expanded the field of action of Russia ;
it has elevated her to the dictatorship of Europe in
the great controversy of the age : and the perma
nence of that dictation is secured by the dependence
of all the despotic powers of Europe on her arms
for the compression and extermination of the revo
lutionary spirit. The first necessity of the prince is
the existence of his power : the mode and extent of
it are secondary considerations. It is only by the
union of all princes for the defence of each that the
power of any can be insured : and the only effectual
combination for this purpose of first necessity is that
under the guidance and dictation of Russia. Her
power therefore is as permanent as the revolutionary
agitation . It must rest on its present basis, so long at
the least as the spirit of liberty shall animate the
masses of the people of Europe with the resolution
to arm for the attainment of power. Every purpose
of individual aggrandizement, of personal ambition,

of territorial enlargement, is subordinate to the main
tenance of monarchical absolutism : and the power of

the people is the external force which drives all
the princes of continental Europe cowering beneath
the Gorgon ægis of Russia . Before the fierce eyes
of their people terror expels every repining thought
and every ambitious aspiration . It deadens the sting
of humbled royalty, as the passions of men sink into
calm at the presence of death . To resist is to deliver
themselves naked to their outraged , insulted , exasper
ated, and merciless subjects. At their hands, after the

perjuries of 1848 and the bloody proscriptions which
stained the victory of royalty, small grace could be
expected in the hour of triumph . The majesty of
monarchs would be soiled in the dust : and their
prerogatives, if they existed at all, would be mocking

shadows of their former power. The Russian dicta
torship, therefore, rests on its necessity for the de
fence of those who claim despotic power and spurn
the moderate prerogatives of constitutional rule.
But even constitutional monarchy would not now
content the outraged people of Germany, Austria,
Hungary, or Italy. They would have been satisfied
with it in 1848. They actually accepted it, modeled

their constitutions in monarchical forms, surmounted
them with a crown emblasoned with ample and
honorable prerogatives, and armed with powers
adequate to its own protection, to the maintenance
of order under the guardianship of liberty, and
subjected to only such control as is necessary to

secure the nation some safe guarantee of its rights .
These constitutions were either voted by popular
assemblies elected in the height of the revolu
tionary fever and representing the utmost demands

of the mass of the nations, or they were accepted
and acquiesced in by such bodies on the voluntary

grants of the sovereigns. That mighty upheaval of
Europe was not a revolt of Jacobins , nor of the red
republicans, fiercely threatening royalty with death ,
and repelling any thing short of a republic as the
form of European government . It was the fair,
calm, and irresistible expression of the great mass of

the people, declaring their confidence in monarchy,
if surrounded with popular institutions The legis
lative assemblies , the responsible ministry, the na
tional guard, the freedom of the press, the adminis
tration of the laws by independent judges equally to
all—these were the great central ideas around which
the whole movement circled . For their attainment
the masses of Europe rose with one consent, and ,

except small factions of madmen, the slaves of demo
cratic or of monarchical despotism, these were the

limits of the popular demands . They left the king
on the throne, armed with prerogatives as ample as
those which guard and decorate the crown of Vic
toria. How these constitutions were gotten rid of it
has been my painful task to narrate.

The people of Europe now would not be content
with such moderation . Their kings have destroyed
their own cause . They have repelled popular and
moderate constitutions and have clung to irre
sponsible power - in the face of pledges , promises,
and oaths - in defiance of the almost unanimous cry
of their people - in utter forgetfulness of the mag
nanimous moderation of their victorious subjects .
They have made their election , and repelled modera

tion from their council chambers . While cringing
before the indignant wrath of their people, they
hastily yielded to every demand , and confirmed it by
a royal oath, to get time for a perjury . They plotted
with a foreign despot the perjury they have com
mitted , laid the national independence at the mercy
of the Czar as the price of his assistance in regaining
their despotic power, and humbled their dignity before
a master rather than consent to rule with moderate
sway over a free yet loyal people. That people is

disgusted with the faithlessness of those who rule over
them. They despise the cowardice which fled and
would not fight for the power clutched after so eagerly.
They have learned that despotic power is now in the
hands of men disgraced by every vice, faithless to
every obligation , and not redeemed by personal
courage in the defence of their usurpations. They
have seen royal heads bowing humbly before the
people, suing for time to betray them, fly in terror
from their capitals, and return at the head of foreign
armies to revoke and annul their solemn acts . Their
people feel that even the rule of their master is no

longer a national government— but that it represents
a foreign domination . The love of freedom, the
sense of nationality , the devotion to the independence
of the country, all conspire to rouse the hatred and
contempt of the people towards their masters.
Their cruel proscriptions, the martyrdoms of the
children of liberty, the holy blood shed by a brutal
soldiery at the order of a court martial, in insolent
defiance of the popular disgust, have sunk deep in
their minds. They no longer rest in the faith of

their fathers , nor will they be content that creatures
thus defiled by blood and iniquity, faithless, cowardly,
cruel, and cringing, shall rule over a free people .
They cannot be trusted with the powers requisite for
the good of the state to be placed in the executive
hand : for those powers have once already been
turned to the destruction of the constitutions which
gave them, and to the oppression of the people who

in the honesty of their hearts confided in the faith
of their rulers. If the people rise again , and again

have the power in their hands , they will make short
and sharp work with kings and crowns and thrones.
Their wrath has been taught little moderation by
those who have shewn no mercy and have known no
faith . The blood of murdered heroes cries from the
ground at Arad, against Haynau and his hell-cats, and

the heartless and remorseless despots who let them
loose. Aulich, Poltenberg, Lemingen , Nagy Sandor ,
Damianich, martyrs of liberty, heroes on the field of
battle, struggling in honorable warfare for their
nation's rights , betrayed by the traitorous Görgey,

and vilely done to death by the shooting party or the
tree of shame, have laid up untold wrath against the
terrible day of account. The noble blood of Batthi
anyi stains the tyrant's hands so deeply that it will
not be washed out. The Hungarian plains decorated
with the gallows trees- like telegraph posts on a
highway-are one eternal summons to vengeance.
Germany, delivered to the insults of a foreign soldiery,
her men of heroic mould shot down at the word of a
court martial, her very groan of agony stifled by the

312 THE DICTATORSHIP OF RUSSIA .
steel gauntlet of a strange master, pants for vengeance

and sighs for the leader and the hour. The fate of
Charles I. and of Louis XVI. , the terrors of Robes
pierre and Danton , the madness and ruin of the Great
Deliverance are the bitter fruits stored up for the day
of retribution by those crowned scourges of their
kind who have imitated and exceeded the cruelties,
the blood, and the phrenzy of the worst of the evil
Genii of the Revolution . An avenging God will visit
them by the hands of their people with the fit re
wards of their perjuries and their bloody deeds .
The dogs of Austria which licked the righteous blood
of Batthianyi shall yet lick that of those who shed it.
By these terrors, by this necessity, by this threat
ened scourge are the despots of Europe bound to the
Czar. He alone is able to protect them. He alone
rules a people untainted by the revolutionary plague,
docile in obedience , devoted to their master, and
powerful and ready for every enterprise of arms.
His power can be applied beyond his frontiers for the
suppression of liberty : for no serious fear of internal
disturbance restrains his arm from giving efficient

aid . He defends himself by aiding them : and their
union with him and submission to his will is their
great security and their wisest policy.

On these principles , it is not rash to say, that the
centre of gravity of Europe has passed north of the
Vistula and St. Petersburg has become- the Capital
of Europe .
SECTION VII .
THE RELATIONS OF
AMERICAN AND ENGLISH LIBERTY
TO THE
RUSSIAN DICTATORSHIP .
40
THE RELATIONS OF
AMERICAN AND ENGLISHI LIBERTY
TO THE
RUSSIAN DICTATORSHIP .
THE events of 1848 have placed in the hand of

Russia no barren sceptre. It is not the unmeaning
bauble that decorates the feeble hands of other
princes- but a mace of crushing weight, lifted by a

giant arm, in a cause where aggression is the only
defence, in a contest which cannot be declined , and
where the existence of the combatants is staked on
the issue .
It is of vital moment to this Republic to ascertain

if she do not stand in the line of its destructive
descent.
It is in no spirit of vain bravado, nor at the dicta

tion of a blind fanaticism, nor from any capricious
hostility to liberal improvements, that the Autocrats
of Russia have freely poured out their treasure and
the blood of their soldiers in the defence of des
potism . They feel that they are fighting their own

battle, and that it is one which is inevitable.
316 AMERICAN AND ENGLISH LIBERTY
They have calmly, deliberately, and justly come to

the conclusion that popular sovereignty is absolutely
incompatible with royal sovereignty ; that there

cannot be two co -equal sovereign powers in one
state ; that the claim of the people has pushed them
to the wall ; and that they are driven to elect between
a popular constitution and their absolute power.
They have elected in favor of absolute power in
their own hands.
Experience has also convinced them that liberal
ideas are contagious. They have ascertained that to
encourage or to tolerate them is fatal-so congenial
are they to the mind of man , so rapid is their spread ,
so vigorous is their working, so suddenly do they pass
from speculation to action, from the mind to the field
-
of battle. If, therefore, despotic power be incom
patible with popular sovereignty, and if popular sove
reignty be the legitimate fruit, the universal and
necessary product of liberty of thought, of speech,
and of action—of any participation in the high acts of
government by the people- it is only consistent, wise,
and logical, to war down and exterminate every thing
that looks like , or leads to, or advocates popular
government. The despotic powers of Europe—
triumphant over the revolt of 1848 - have every
where shewn the utmost resolution in acting on those
views. They tolerate nothing that savors of liberty.
But it is the peculiarity of liberty that it tends to
spread . It radiates like light from a centre, and
destroys darkness within its reach. Its influence
does not stop at the lines of foreign states . Re

gardless of laws and of limits, it spreads like an ethe
AND THE RUSSIAN DICTATORSHIP . 317
rial essence, in spite of political and legal barriers .

It shines into the heart of man wherever he may be ,
and finds a congenial reception . It wakes the slum

berer from the incubus of despotism, and breathes
life into the dead in slavery. So long as a spark of it
exists any where, it is ready to break into a flame.
It is not enough to extinguish the spirit of liberty
at home. It is almost as dangerous in a neighbor.
It spreads across the bounds, and flashes conviction
into benighted minds, and nerves the soul to high
thoughts and daring deeds . If therefore the despots
will maintain their power intact and undivided over
their own subjects , it directly concerns them that their
neighbor be as despotic as themselves. This is the
foundation of the Holy Alliance . This it is which

rouses the Czar to such strenuous hostility against
every step towards liberty in any neighboring country .

It is the great law of self-preservation logically ap
plied to the destruction of a principle, unquiet, ag
gressive, propagandist, by its very nature-always

tending to stir up the people to war against des
potism, and if left to itself absolutely sure of success .
If Germany could be free , if Hungary could be a
republic , without disquieting the subjects of Nicholas ,
assuredly we should not have seen Russian armies
crossing the Carpathians. If Spain could have en
joyed the blessings of constitutional liberty and her
example had not tended to make France restive
under the fraudulent mockery of her charter, we
should have been spared the expedition to Cadiz .
If Italy could be free and raise no longing after free
dom in the Austrian people , Metternich would hardly
have concerned himself to reinstate, at the head of a

hundred thousand men , a dotard on the throne of
Naples, which he had proved himself unable to hold .
They felt that liberty any where was dangerous
to despots every where, and they resolutely set to
work to root it out.
Nicholas is the devotee of this new faith, for in it

alone can he find the salvation of his power, his
crown, his empire of rich promise . He knows , if

western Europe be democratic, Russia must cease to
be despotic ; and its despotism is its union, the centre
of its might, the very principle of its expanding
dominion. Free government, were the people fit for
it, is as absolutely incompatible with the unity of
Russia as it is with that of Austria. If Germany
and Hungary were free, ideas of liberty must migrate
across the border, and sooner or later enter the
very penetralia of Russian despotism. Had they
succeeded in 1848, there must have been an end of
Russian dominion in the Polish provinces. A quarter,
the most flourishing quarter, of the empire of Nicholas
would have been lost. Any form of popular gov
ernment on the borders of Russia would have lighted

up a conflagration which could have been extin
guished only in the ashes of the empire : for Poland

is a great and ill - protected magazine of explosive
material, which any day, by a chance spark, would
explode with irresistible fury , and shatter down the
last home of despotism on the continent of Europe.

This Nicholas knew : and with logical consistency
he called the invasion of Hungary a defensive war.
With statesmanlike resolution he dared the worst,
rather than tolerate a successful revolution on the
side of his Polish provinces . If he were indifferent,

the revolution must have been successful and the
consequences to him ruinous. If he lent Austria his
arms and she failed , he was little worse off than if he

had been quiescent ; some money, a few men, were
S
well paid for by the damage they did ; and the hu
miliation of the defeat chiefly attached to the prin
cipal in the contest. If he succeeded , he delivered
himself at once from an ever present terror, fatal in
its influence, and sure in its workings . He knew
that on the Hungarian plains he fought the battle for
his crown ; and fortune rewarded the resolution and
the daring of the despot according to his merits.

It is this deep conviction of the fatal contagion of
liberty, founded on a true analysis of its nature and
powers, which lies at the foundation of the alliance
of sovereigns under the Dictatorship of Russia, for

its extermination .
This alliance has now endured the shocks of po
litical strife for more than thirty years, with various

activity and success , but never broken down nor
abandoned , and now triumphant in the cabinet and in
the field. It has pursued its object under various
disguises , under shifting pretexts with infinite art and
endless activity. It has moved under the cloak of
religion, and called itself holy. It has clamored for
social order, and leagued the quiet and peaceful

under its banner. It has strenuously defended what
ever existed, and arrogated to itself the epithet of
conservative ; and aristocratic traitors and mushroom
rich civilians have sheltered their ignoble heads be

neath its ægis. It has called self-defence an assault ,

and punished it by confiscation of a nation's freedom .
It has pronounced the oaths of sovereigns void when
wrung from them by the national will- and armed to
release them from the obligation , and to restore their

yielded prerogatives. It has encouraged the abroga
tion by the monarch of a free constitution peacefully
established , and in quiet and sedate operation ; and
it has punished as revolution and rebellion the arming
of the people to restore it. Swearing by things old ,
yet when a nation took up arms to maintain the con
stitution of a thousand years against the innovations
of their sovereign, the sword of the chief of this
alliance was swift to strike them down. The treaties
of 1815 are the shibboleth of the league ; yet the

constitution of Poland and the independence of Cra
cow, guaranteed by their most solemn provisions ,
have been unscrupulously suppressed . Aghast with
horror at the blood and phrenzy of the revolution ,
it has looked calmly on while its generals have deso
lated realms in its cause. Shocked at the sight of a
crownless or of a headless king, it has delighted in
the sacrifice of hecatombs of noble souls on the
altars of its ambition . Wherever the issue has been
between the nation and the king, whatever the point
of dispute, whatever the merits of the parties, the
Holly Allies have never taken but one side- that of
the king against the nation . With the words of
religion , social order , conservative government, on
their lips, they have warred on only one thing- the
spirit of liberty, in every form, under every pretext,
and without pretext when one was wanting. It has
consistently pursued to its extremest conclusions the
principle of their politics-that liberty any where is

incompatible with the quiet repose of despotism
every where-and therefore it must be exterminated .
This is a new thing under the sun . No previous
age has witnessed or dreamed of it. Former poli

ticians derided such an alliance as impracticable , and
predicted its speedy dissolution . Yet this has sur

vived unbroken and triumphant, still pursuing with
unrelenting hostility the spirit of liberty, but never
dragged aside by temporary advantages , never hurried
into premature assaults , calm, wise , slow, and patient,
biding its time till the hour to strike.
The people have repeatedly every where proved

themselves masters of their destiny against their do
mestic rulers . In Italy more than once , in Spain, in
every state of Germany, in glorious and heroic Hun
gary, in France , in Lombardy, in Venice of old
renown, have the people proved themselves by deeds
of arms equal to the high task of wresting liberty

from their oppressors . They have every where
given this indispensable proof of their fitness for the
freedom they sighed for. It is only possible when
the power of the country is on its side , and , till that
day, the powers of government are properly in other
hands for government is the power of the nation ,

and should be with those who can wield it. It is for
this reason that no people can be said to be fit for

freedom till they are able to cope with and control
any domestic government which may oppress or
oppose them. Every nation in Europe but Russia
has given this proof, and most of them more than

41
once. But they have always been flung back beneath

the rod of their masters by a power from abroad.
The contest between a people and their governG
ment is always a difficult and doubtful one. Large
masses of the population cling to whatever exists :
many are too indifferent to risk life in battle or
ignominy on the scaffold . All fight with a rope round

their neck, and in the face of all the powers of
organized government, usually armed with regular
troops, and amply provided with the sinews of war.
The government can never be overthrown till a
decided majority of the nation are, not merely dis
contented, but actively, earnestly, and resolutely
hostile to its continuance , and united on the substitute
to fill its place . But when even all this exists, the
contest is always so close that slight aid to either
party is decisive .
The genius of Cromwell is indebted to the absence

of a standing army for the splendor of his triumph ;
and Charles would have died king of England peace
fully on his couch had foreign arms or a domestic

army seconded his endeavors. The endurance and
the wisdom of Washington, the patriotism and cour
age of our fathers would have fainted before the op
pressive masses of foreign troops that more than once

have been thrown into the contest for freedom of
the nations of Europe . Even the elastic courage of

France has confessed the burthen of this hostility.
After twenty years of the wars of the giants the

expelled Bourbons were forced on her. Reluctantly
endured for fifteen years, they were expelled by a
new revolution, and the faction of the legitimists

remained as a root of bitterness with those of the
republic and the empire. Louis Philippe disgusted

the people, pampered his partizans, and was ex
pelled , leaving another faction . These four factions,
the fruit of the wars of the allies against the liberty
of France, disputed the mastery from 1848 till the
usurpation of Louis Napoleon silenced them all . He
now rules France with an iron rod , amid the exulta
tions and cheers, with the support and countenance
of the despotic powers- only because the people are
wearied and worn out with incessant revolutions
each necessary - each imposed by the iniquities of

the despotic powers directly or indirectly-yet each
serving to lead only to a new necessity. The allies
have for the present triumphed over France- not
in the field, not by open violence, but by the moral
and political effects of pertinacious hostility on the
minds of the French people. They are disheartened,
G
exhausted , and in despair, that such stupendous ex
ertions and ruinous sacrifices have proved fruitless by
the perfidy of their rulers, which leaves them no
alternative but submission or an appeal to arms and
civil strife . It has thus been the plan of the des
potic powers to wait the hour of exhaustion , or
to anticipate the hour of readiness : they march ere
the children of liberty have nerved themselves for
battle , or clothed themselves in armor- they watch
the hour of nascent rebellion , and strike while liberty
is naked and defenceless . Thus have they smitten
it down all over Europe when triumphant over those
who alone were entitled to draw the sword in the
contest.
Where-as in France - armed and enthroned, it

could defy direct assault, there they have poisoned
liberty at the fountain , so that those who taste of it
die. They have broken the cisterns and cumbered
the streams with the fragments so that marshes and
( d)
pools of water exhaled pestilence from their stagna
tion , while weeds of rank and poisonous growth
cover the soft vale watered by its flow. Men sicken,
where they sought salubrious airs, amid its mephitic
exhalations, and despots mock bitterly at these-the
sweets and fruits of boasted freedom !!
For the first time in the history of the world has

freedom been thus attacked, by an universal con
spiracy, in the cradle . Ere it had yet done good or
evil it was fiercely set on ; and, though its Herculean
infancy strangled those who sought its life, its youth
and manhood have been pursued with unrelenting
hate, by fraud and force , by temptation and defiance ,
by the poignard and the bowl, till overthrown, faint
ing, and dispirited, it threatens to vanish from the
earth .
Let no one boast its immortality ; for spirits as im

mortal have yielded up the ghost to the faggot and
the sword. Religion , fired by persecution into fanat
icism , sank beneath relentless bigotry and the civil
sword in Belgium. The reformation in France was
stifled in the blood of St. Bartholomew's day, and cast
out by the repeal of the edict of Nantes . In Italy
and in Spain its rising powers and spreading promise
were cut short by the fires of the inquisition ; and
in half of Germany it yielded its spirit to similar
weapons . The powers of persecution have thus
often at least extinguished the most resolute of all

rebellions-that of the conscience in the cause of
religion ; and surely the same powers which com

bined against it may now with equal success , under
more favorable circumstances, trample down the
spirit of liberty. We at this day of its humiliation
and defeat at least- ought not to be skeptical as to
the possibility of its extinction . It now lies prostrate,
powerless-giving small signs of life and less promise
of resurrection . If it live and rise again , it will be to
meet a like and final fate , unless it be succored and
defended after a very different fashion from that cold
indifference which greeted its last resurrection .
But if the genius of liberty may be extinguished
like the freedom of religion, it never is effectually
done while it breathes any where . Religion meta
morphosed into bigotry and superstition , and burnt
into the minds of a people, becomes a positive
power- not merely repelling with horror and
shrinking from , as sacrilege , the purest spirit of

Christianity- but ready at any moment cheerfully to
volunteer in a crusade for its destruction. Dominic
and De Montfort led no reluctant or indifferent slaves
to desolate Provence.
But the love of liberty speaks in soft and winning

accents to the heart of man- which leaps in sponta
neous sympathy to her voice. Despotism may rest
on contented heads-but as such it wakes no enthu
siasm , and its dominion is ever ready to vanish with

the dawning light. If it is to be permanent, it must
dwell in darkness . Men must know of nothing
better- lest they desire it.

The Holy Allies cannot ever rest in peace till
liberty has ceased from the world . They dare not

lay their armor aside till there is nothing more of
light and liberty to conquer. It is not enough to
prove it mortal, they can celebrate no final triumph
but over its grave . They cannot rest quietly on their
thrones, till the spirit of Liberty in its last agony,
shall in yielding up the ghost cry aloud- it is finished !
It may strike us with horror to indulge the thought
of such an iniquity as an assault on English liberty :
but Hungary was as free, as venerable , and as vir
C
tuous-yet it fell ; and at some day not distant mea
sured by the life of nations , in some mode not difficult
to indicate, such an assault is not only possible—but
sure as the flight of time.
On the confines of European darkness, so thick
that it may be felt-still flames the Pharos of English

liberty and against it are the scowl and hate of
tyrants bent. They must extinguish it-or be them
selves consumed. They have no choice left . They
have chosen their part and they must act it out- and
the penalty of failure or faltering is- death .
So long as England exists resplendent in all the
glories of liberty, despotism can find no safe and
quiet abode on the continent of Europe. In form a

monarchy-her crown is a shadow of a departed
power - so thin that the stars which lead the coming
day shine through it-yet paling before a more efful
gent light. Her aristocracy—once the strength, now
little more than the ornament of the throne ,—has
deeper roots and more inherent power. It is of

sturdy growth and might deliver serious battle for its
existence but before the real power of the state it

is -nothing. A breath- and it is gone . But behind
and beneath all , the foundation and the wall of that
glorious fortress " formed to freedom's hands, " stand
the great mass of the people of England , her in
domitable and heroic yeomanry— the democracy mili
tant-in fact though not in form, the governing power
of the country. Their free ideas, their bold spirit of
independence , their sturdy hatred of tyranny , their
deep sympathy for the oppressed , will ever speak in
trumpet tones - enough to wake the dead beneath the
pall of despotism , and sound the advent of the judg

ment day . The miracles of their art and industry,
the ceaseless activity of their enterprise, the smile of
happiness that shines over their land-all perpetually
personify and proclaim the blessings of liberty . No
nation is so distant that they cannot see this light in
the sky- none so dull that they cannot confess the
majesty of this example- none so besotted as not to
feel the waking longing after its nameless, endless ,
priceless, blessings. Vain, while it exists, are custom
house barriers-paper blockades- literary censor C
ships-inexorable exclusions- laws of non-inter

course . They might as well decree eternal night,
and veil the sun at his going forth-as leave the giant
of English liberty unbound - and forbid him to run
his course. They must smite him, or he will smite
them .
That the will exists , who so simple as to doubt- if
only it may be safely and successfully done. They

who have laid liberty low on the continent feel and
know that the busy hum of English liberty is ever
exciting their oppressed subjects to rise, and that the

plain spoken words of indignation at their doings are
holding them up to the hatred and contempt of their
people. Their war is against liberty as incompatible
with despotism : and what so dangerous as the ex
ample and the power of free England . Her freedom
is not older than that of Hungary-but infinitely
more dangerous. Her example is more contagious
than that of Spain-for her liberty imbrued its hands
in the blood of her kings, and they who now rule
over her are there by the choice of the people. With
her boisterous and turbulent sons, fierce in tongue
and resolute in act-tenacious of legal rights and

defiant of official encroachments- irreverent towards
foreign royalty and not very respectful of that at

home-jealous of absolute freedom of speech, and
proud to signalize it in the High Court of Parliament
by language that from no other quarter of Europe

rings so loudly in the ears of princes- how can she
be left to stand, if she may be stricken down. She
stands in the direct line of precedents- she is guilty
of every liberal sin- bristling with every danger that
terrifies ambitious despotism. It were scarcely worth
the while to stain the hand with Spanish, or German ,
or Hungarian blood , if England may live, and breathe
the words of freedom.
How and when the assault may be made, is-for

the prophet or the historian . I claim to be neither.
I use the facts of the past to calculate the dangers of

the future-for the guidance of the men of this
day . It is enough to shew the will, the existence
of a deeply seated plan of policy-hitherto pursued

consistently, resolutely, and unfalteringly- but never

rashly or hastily - guiding the power of the mightiest
military monarchies of Europe-and that England
stands in the way of that policy, is its chief, it may
be its only obstacle to entire success, -for statesman
to foresee and provide against the collision which
time must develope.
No man may predict the mode of that attack .
Amid the infinite combinations which the politics of

this troublous era present, pretexts will not be want
ing. What if Russia and France agree to assign to
the former Constantinople and Turkey in Europe , to
the latter the line of the Rhine, or Egypt ; or Russia
arm Persia and Afghanistan and the Tartar hordes
against British India ? If Russia march on ConstanGO
tinople, England must meet her there-or wait, and
meet her with augmented power, and a more disci
plined and efficient navy , at Suez, a few years later.
If France in alliance with Russia grasp at Egypt and
assert the mastery of the Red Sea and the line of the
Euphrates, England cannot decline the battle, unless

she is prepared to surrender her Indian empire . It
is at these indispensable points that England is most
vulnerable. We are not driven to the necessity of
calculating the chances of a successful invasion. Eng
land on her own soil, now, united , and fresh, is a
match for all Europe . The clamors of French in
vasion may have good foundation in the ambitious
daring of the upstart usurper. It is no part of the
profound Philippic policy of the Autocrat of Russia .
That policy will hazard no ruinous defeats- no dis
crediting failures . It will seek no rash and barely
42
possible triumphs . Time is for it, and its haste is

slow. It will strike vital points at the extremities,
worry and weary by long, and vexatious, and distant
contests, compel the putting forth of every power to

-
maintain dependencies which are as necessary chan
nels of English industry as veins are for the blood .
If they be cut off, the ruin of the centre is slowly but
surely consummated . Russia is rapidly spreading
her actual government over Asia, and her influence
spreads far in advance of her government. She is
the neighbor of Persia, which is the neighbor of
England in India. Her agents flit like demons of the
night around the skirts of the English dominions .
They were felt and seen in the Afghan war. They
can discipline, organize, arm, and direct the Tartar, the
Persian, the Belooch, the Sikh , -better materials for
an army than the native troops which under English

officers form the mass of her Indian army. Russia
may thus meet England in her own dominions with
troops drawn from her borders, and compel her to
daily
fight on her own soil for her empire . How the popu
lations of India would side , it is vain to conjecture :
S
but it would be more strange for her recently con
quered provinces to be faithful, than that they should
eagerly join any standard adequate to support them.

Russia is the only military power that can support
an army at Constantinople or in Egypt, without the
aid of a navy. She now holds the passes of the
Caucasus, and her territory eats far down into Ar
menia . She can coax or coerce a free passage over
the Dardanelles : or, subject only to the necessity of
defending them, she can in safety land on the Turkish
shore of the Euxine , as many troops as she needs

for operations on the Euphrates or in Egypt, and
march them unopposed by any adequate force to
their destination . If therefore Russia retain the
-
dictatorship of Europe, the fate of the English em
pire depends upon her ability to measure swords with
Russia, without European allies, in Asia Minor,
in Egypt, and in India ; and failure is to England
ruinous, without a blow struck on English soil .
But we are not entitled to predict eternal quiet to
England at home . Elements of discord are there
brewing. Civil disturbances lie concealed in her
dense population, and the discontents and suffering,

occasional or perpetual, of large masses. The demo
cratic spirit is rife , and radicals clamor for conces
sions, and might be induced to urge their claims in
arms . The red republic has its representatives, and
the socialist theory will flourish with rank luxuriance
in her manufacturing districts . It will not be the
first time nor the only place that despotic powers
have agitated in the name of liberty for the cause
of despotism. Russia has signalized her art in this
department more than once at the expense of Turkey ;
and the seeds of the Greek revolution were scattered
by her hand , that their growth might unsettle the

walls of the empire . A civil war for republican in
stitutions in England is by no means a distant contin
gency. The discontents of Ireland are an ever open
door for foreign interference ; and steam navies
change the whole conditions of the problem as to the
possibility of exciting or aiding them. By this policy,
under the dictatorship of Russia, wielding the power
of Europe, or of the whole north of the Rhine , the

fall of England is not only no remote contingency,
but it is the natural result of the continuance of
causes and a policy now existing, successful for thirty

years, with continued motives for perseverance, and
now stronger, more united , and more under the con
trol of a central head than ever before .
The power of England is to Europe now, what

that of the Dutch was formerly : and similar causes
but of greater intensity may bring her proud head to
as great humiliation . England's strength, like that
of the Dutch Republic when Van Tromp and De
Ruyter swept the Channel- lies in her colonies, her
dependencies, and her marine. Never a first rate mili
tary power on the continent, she has played her part

there by subsidies, by alliances, by the genius of her
generals at the head of allied troops with small bodies.
of her own. Her size is contracted- her population
pressing the confines of its possible limits- while the

expanse of Russia offers room for additional millions,
and her continental neighbors may double theirs with
comparative convenience. The advance of the rest
of Europe tends directly and inevitably to the rela
tive decline of English power and influence . Her
genius and industry and commercial enterprise may
keep up the unequal contest for a long time ; but she
must see across the channel in the Dutch Republic
the foreshadowing of her own fate, and one as speedy
as it is unavoidable, if Russian counsels are to dictate
the policy of Europe.

She must expect to be assailed by arts and intrigues
as well as arms- traitors will worm their way into
high places --feed orators may stir up sedition-paid

patriots may prefer Russian aid for the introduction
of the republic to English independence under aris

tocratic forms - dearth of military genius may fall on
her, and sterility prepare the way for defeat-fierce
factions may drink in bitterness in civil feuds, and
invoke an arbiter from abroad. The power of corrup
tion, intrigue , and force , at the control of the man
who dictates the policy of the chief continental na
tions, in this revolutionary era , in a country so filled
with elements of discord as England , are beyond the
reach of calculation . How efficient they may prove
in a critical emergency -when national existence may

depend on one man— the traitors of heroic Hungary
and Poland may illustrate . With a Charles or a
James on the throne- a Strafford at the head of affairs
veiling his designs with popular art- some English

Görgey in command of her army or navy-the Czar
lavishing his resources to aid his royal cousin in
yoking his rebellious subjects, wearied with an ex
hausting war for India, and divided in the great
struggle between numbers and property at home
these things , within the experiences of this age, are
sufficient to render a final account of English empire
and English freedom .
Grecian genius has left the model of liberty for
the inspiration of future ages. It has also left
the plan by which it may be encountered and de

stroyed . Every usurpation of later day effected by
any thing but barbarous force has been a coarse and
distant imitation of the classic art with which Philip
subjugated the fierce and turbulent democracy of

Greece. The rise of the Russian Empire, and its

march to the control of Europe is the closest imi
tation history furnishes of the great model.
Europe- like Greece is a peninsula jutting out
from a great continent- whose southern portion is
occupied by numerous highly civilized , populous ,
powerful, but jealous and discordant governments .
North of these in both cases stretched a wide ex
panse , inhabited by semi -barbarous tribes scattered
over a sparsely populated country of great but un

developed resources . In both cases a prince unlike
any of his predecessors arose, of far - reaching genius
and indomitable energy, the impetus of whose
activity urged the course of improvement within , and
the power of his arms and diplomacy without, so
rapidly, that in a brief space the northern wilds were
the seat of a flourishing empire , powerful in arts and
arms , of martial spirit and aggressive tendency
pursuing with steady policy and regular success ag
grandizement on all sides at the expense of his
neighbors.
Both empires were cut off from the two seas which
stretched on each side of them : and Thessaly and
Poland respectively lay between the growing and

aggressive power and the southern and civilized
states.
Athens, with her dependencies scattered far as the

Euxine and the Bosphorus, her naval power and com
mercial activity , was the England- as Sparta with her
military might and lofty spirit was the France of that
system : while Boeotia, interposed between them and
the northern power,-alternately the ally, the stumb
AND THE RUSSIAN DICTATORSHIP. 335
ling block , the foe , and the victim of the Autocrat

Philip was the Germany of Greece .
While Athens was entangled in the social war and
Sparta struggling to regain her ascendency in the
Peloponnesus, Philip seized Pæonia, dismembered
Illyria, fooled Athens out of Amphipolis ; and thus
doubling his power while he touched the Hadriatic
by his dependencies and the Ægean by his territory,

he came in contact with the naval empire of Athens
and acquired the resources requisite to emulate her
power on the sea.
Thessaly excluded Philip from the affairs of Greece ,

as Poland barred Russia from Europe : factions and
tyrants and civil discord invited his intervention : and
the people delivered from many oppressors cheerfully
yielded to the dictation of a mild and skilful ruler,
who was content to have the freedoms and the bene
fits apart from the burthens of its government.

Philip become master of Thessaly --as Russia , of
Poland- while the southern states were immersed in
domestic discords or private ambition : and his con

quest was perfected without a protest or an opposi
tion . He had become a Grecian power, stationed at
the entrance of Thermopyla : Athens looked on in
silence, engrossed in her games and shows, her
theatrical scenes and the rhetorical struggles of the
Agora.
With infinite address he stirred up dissensions in
Euboea-the Ireland of Athens- he assailed covertly
her allies, her dependencies, points essential to her

trade, with professions of friendship on his lips,
apologies for his encroachments, often compensation
for his conquests. He cheated Athens out of the
Olynthian alliance-cajoled 'Olynthus with promises

and caresses— and then struck her confederacy to the
ground , -while Athens debated their deliverance ,
weighed the arguments of his advocates against the
patriotic remonstrances of Demosthenes, and sent
inadequate forces under false and incompetent leaders
in time to witness a fall they were too late to prevent
and too feeble to restore.
The Amphictyonic council under the dictation of
Thebes denounced high penalties against Phocis and

Sparta, and all Greece was convulsed with the sacred
war. It spread to Thessaly-and Philip covered
himself with glory and the reputation of the defender

-
of the faith, while consolidating his power at the ex
pense of the state whose territory held Thermopylæ.
He followed up his success by marching on the pass ;
but that was too palpable for Athenian indifference
to fail to understand . She flew to arms, garrisoned
the straits, and Philip paused , as Nicholas did at

Adrianople, before the English .
The Holy Alliance is the Amphictyonic council of
Europe : it speaks in the name and fights for the
cause of religion and social order : and Nicholas
uses it as Philip did the Amphictyons of Greece .

W
By bribery he opened the pass of Thermopyla
obtained a decree for the extermination of the sacri
legious Phocians-and executed the orders of the

Amphictyons with fire and sword-till Greece stood
aghast at the horrible sack , and Athens stricken
with terror laid aside her arms and sunk her protest
into a plea for peace . Philip was within the sacred
bounds of Grecian liberty -oppressing by the terror

of his presence his most powerful opponents- who
feared to call down on them the anathemas of the sa
cred council whose voice he inspired. Yet he made

no haste to snatch prematurely at the prize-for comS
bination among his enemies might yet convert his vic
tims into his masters . Europe , within thirty years has
seen her Amphictyonic decrees executed with fire
and sword on Naples, on Spain, on Germany, on Po
G
land , and on Hungary. The free powers have mur
mured, protested, and acquiesced- terror stricken
before the visitation , divided in councils, bewildered
by intrigues, and paralyzed between the adverse ter
rors of the revolution and its sworn exterminator.
Where Nicholas prostrated Hungary in the cause of

Austria he laid open the only Thermopyla which
barred his march to Constantinople-and to the mas
tery of Europe.
The Bosphorus and Byzantium were to Athens
what the Bosphorus and Constantinople and Egypt
and the Euphrates are to England .
Philip withdrew himself from Greece , and struck
at the distant but vital points in the naval empire of
Athens. Again the Agora resounded with the conflict
between Demosthenes, unveiling the future and ex
posing the artifices of the great agitator-and his
spies and abettors , who extenuated his acts and
pleaded his cause before the Athenians . But they
armed in earnest, and their alacrity foiled Philip be
fore Byzantium -somewhat as England , though in
alliance with Russia, saved Constantinople by her
prompt operations in Syria and Egypt : for Me
43
hemet Ali , while the enemy of the Porte , played into

the hands of Russia.
Biding his time, Philip withdrew from the face
of a power he could not oppose into the wilds of
Scythia- while his emissaries plotted new treasons—
stirred up new sacred wars-got new Amphictyonic
decrees of extermination . Then he made their lan
guid execution by his creatures the pretext for invest

ing him with the leadership of the Amphictyonic
army to execute their behest.
Armed with the authority of its central power,
Philip stood in the midst of Greece- invested with
all the terrors of superstition- firm in the resolution
to abide the worst- secure in the dissensions of the
states in the jealousy of the minor republics towards

Athens and Sparta—in the enfeeblement of the latter
by his Peloponnesian expedition - in the activity of
his partizans among the clamorous democracies that
would not combine for his overthrow.
He seized Elatea-and a shudder of approaching

fate thrilled through Greece. He marched to Cha
ronea and the land of Leonidas and Job P
Miltiades
committed to the folly of Lysicles, and the effeminate
vices of Chares, and the faithlessness of Theagenes,
while Phocion remained in obscurity- in a single
day passed under the dominion of Philip .

Europe awaits her Charonea.
There was no moment of Philip's career up to the
day of Charonea that Athens in arms under competent
leaders was not more than his match . Had Sparta
and Athens united, the conflict would have been
speedily and easily decided . But sloth , and division ,

and hesitation , and boastful confidence , and the short

Call
sightedness of democracy, which will never antici
pate and repel danger at a distance , allowed Philip
to hem in their dependencies , cut off their resources ,
sow dissensions among their allies , and defeat in detail
powers which united would have been irresistible .
The lesson is full of instruction in our day for
Europe and for America. The same game is being

played with consummate skill-under more favorable
auspices-hitherto without check-already centering
a dictatorial power in the hands of Russia, which
only waits a favorable opportunity to shew itself as
the governing power of Europe .
We neglect the lesson if we wait till Russia take
the form and assume the functions of municipal gov
ernment. That is not to be expected - if her effort

be successful- within the limits of a century . It
is not the form but the reality to which statesmen

look . The effort of a conquering power is always
to conceal while it grasps the control of affairs-to

withdraw from the popular gaze any striking altera
tions to deceive the eye with the sameness of ex
ternal forms—to lull the passions by respect for usages
and customs- to cheat the people, by freedom in mu

nicipal affairs, into acquiescence in the entire with
drawal of public and foreign affairs from them.
Philip changed-after the battle of Charonea
no government in Greece. He did not even occupy

Athens. The Greek republics all retained their forms ,
their laws, their courts , their assemblies . The rights
of peace and war were not even taken away. Their
relations among each other were not altered . They
were dependent on a common power which by its

unity controlled them to its purposes, dictated their
external relations , disposed of their military power,
occupied their strong positions so as to hold them in
check : but the forms of municipal government, the
freedom of legislative and judicial proceedings, the

laws of commerce and intercourse were not changed .
Athens retained the symbols of sovereignty as fully
when her citizens listened to Demosthenes in the
splendid oration concerning the crown , as when they

condemned Socrates to the hemlock . The relation
of Philip to Greece was that of leader to dependent .

It is the initiative form of every conquering power.
So Italy and the Confederation of the Rhine and the
Kingdom of Prussia followed Napoleon to Moscow.
Rome led her allies before she converted them into
provincial subjects. England dictated the law in
India far beyond her legal frontiers, in anticipation
of the assumption of the forms of actual sovereignty.
This is what now exists over all the north of
Europe , and which threatens to be universal—if it
be not arrested . It is the first stage of universal
empire ; and, for all the purposes of aggressive am
bition, it is as pregnant with danger to the inde
pendence of nations.
The power of Russia is the more dangerous at this
stage-because her domination rests on the interests
of the governments she controls : and their interests
are hostile to the spirit of freedom and to the ad
vance of popular government . They combine from
necessity and from choice to defeat a common enemy :

and the power of Russia over their movements rests
on the sure and permanent foundation of their de

fencelessness and her sole ability to defend them.
The dictatorship of Russia, therefore , is not to be
looked for in the shape of an actual government
but of an invisible power operating through diplo
matic forms , and supported by military power M
speaking through the voice of domestic rulers words.

she has put there-and standing guaranty for the en
forcement of whatever they may resolve . In this
form , this generation has seen Europe governed by
Napoleon . But his power was from its very origin
transitory as it was absolute and irresistible for the
time . That of Russia is founded on what Napoleon

had to defy the domestic governments of Europe .
It has the central empire of Russia as its nucleus and
support- an undisputed monarchy as its head- a
martial population as its soldiery -despotic will as
its guide-and unity of thought and action to direct.
its activity. It is animated by one spirit and policy.
Its great object is the extinction of liberty in the
world : and on this is founded its claim and its hope
of universal empire.
Like the power of Philip , it owes its increase to
the supineness , the divisions, the indifference , the
timidity of those interested to oppose it. All Europe

has stood silently by- prating about the balance of
power - ready to tear each other to pieces for a strip
of territory on the Rhine-and allowed vast empires
to be absorbed into the colossal mass of Russia .
Worse than that- the free powers of Europe have

stood silent and inactive while a crusade has been
preached against liberty, and Russia has assumed the
lead of its powers, and again and again , in outra

geous violation of the laws of nations, stricken down
S
people struggling for their national rights , and aug
mented her power by the divisions and the weak
nesses of her natural opponents .
England is guilty of sins of commission and of
omission against the cause of liberty of deep malig
nity . She has been
Although no tyrant, one

Who shielded tyrants .
Her arms joined and animated the coalition which

turned the revolution of France to blood , and conB
densed her freedom into a despotism which shook
Europe to its foundations . She is stained by asso
ciation in the scheme of the Holy Alliance.—
Though she has repented and turned from that
iniquity, she has brought forth no fruits meet for
repentance . Naples fell without even a protest.
She faintly protested against the iniquitous blow at
Spain- but did not arm
4 to prevent it. She spoke
sternly only when she hoped to break the barriers

which excluded her from the Spanish American
markets . She protested against the occupation of
Cracow. She protested against the annihilation of

Poland in 1830. But she did not draw the sword in
the cause of right when sound policy imperatively

required it- when the alliance of Austria and Russia
could have been forever broken- when Poland could
have been reinstated among the powers of Europe—

when the integrity of Russia could have been shat
tered and a limit placed to her aggression .
She did -
not aid the revolutions which she en
couraged in 1848. She stood by, a silent and inac
tive spectator while freedom was extinguished in
every land. She looked calmly on while Hungary
was trodden down-when prompt action, the loan of
money, the advance of arms, the peremptory protest
under penalty of war, would have changed her fate.
Again she flung away the chance of raising Poland ,
restoring its independence , dismembering the empire
of Russia, and delivering Europe from her dictation ,
and her Indian Empire from its most formidable
assailant. She was blind alike to her own interests
and to the requirements of high policy.

She was fettered by a temporizing spirit, by the
aversion of her aristocracy to revolutions, by the
clamorous imputations of socialism and red -repub
-
licanism to the revolutionary leaders, by the sym
pathies of her rulers and aristocrats for the govern
ments of Europe more than by the sympathies of
her people for the liberties of mankind . She has
laid up in store bitter fruits for herself and her
people . She has from these motives permitted the

golden hours of 1848 to pass, the friends of freedom ,
her natural allies , to be overwhelmed for lack of
her aid . She has resigned Europe to the dictatorship
of Russia, and isolated herself in its midst. She
stands a solitary and tempting prize for the cupidity

and the ambition of Russia- more dangerous if let
alone than if assailed-and promising rewards to

triumph more than equal to the risk of the attempt .
England must either be the accomplice , the victim ,
or the conqueror, of the allied despots.
Across the Atlantic there is another people allied

in blood , in institutions, and in character, which
must share the fate of England . That power is
more dangerous , more hateful, and more hostile, to
the coalition of the foes of freedom. Is it the Rome
of the modern world ?
The Republic of the United States is the first

born of the revolution . She is the oldest, the most
powerful, the most consistent, the most uncompromi
sing assertor of the right of man to self-government.
Her children are born free, and their birthright is
its enjoyment. Their earliest lesson is the hatred
of tyranny, the love of their revolutionary forefathers ,
the duty to hold life second to liberty . Their riper
years are initiated into the holy mysteries of self
government ; and their life is spent in its exercise
and enjoyment. There is no difference of feeling

or opinion . No schism cleaves the fabric of our po
litical edifice from the turrets to the foundation . On
this point it is a unit. Freedom of speech and of the

press , the universality of education and of reading
habituate the people to the formation and the ex
pression of bold and resolute opinions on all matters
of public moment. After the particular business
of each , that which most occupies their thoughts
Pyt
and words, and studious hours is the blessings, the
hopes , the dangers of the liberty they enjoy . Their
sympathies are as wide as the world . Their hatred
of oppression follows the oppressor to its confines .

No where is a blow struck for freedom without their
prayers for its success-their cheers for its tri
umph - their tears for its failure . They utter in no

measured terms their detestation of its enemies, and

fly to greet the exile on their hospitable shores.
The sufferings of the Irish, convicted of ill-advised
patriotism, the heroic countrymen of Kosciusko ,
escaping from the ruins of their falling country, -the
heroes of Hungary, betrayed by those they trusted
and hasting to save their enemies the stain of their
blood- all are met with outstretched arms : and
people and government delight in doing honor to

the persecuted children of liberty. No revolution
shakes the despotic thrones of Europe that our

hearts do not beat high as they totter. We sway
to and fro with the wavering conflict ; and when

the fires of battle are extinguished in the blood of
the victims, we go mourning to our homes-as if
some national calamity spread its pall over our land .
The muttered curse betrays the fire within ; and
youth sighs for an opportunity to strike or to bleed
in the holy cause . They symbolize their devotion
in the persons of those who have suffered in its
cause ; and the people roll after him whose name is
forever blended with Hungarian freedom- like some
tidal wave that swells from shore to shore.
The name of the American Republic is potent

among the nations . It is the watchword around the
camp -fire, it is the model in the senate, it is the hope

of struggling humanity. Its proud elevation , its
peaceful splendor, its military prowess hitherto sig
nalized only in defence , the plenty that rewards its
Gab
industry, its wide asylum for the exile and the wan
derer , the simple majesty of its government that like
the power divine " spreads undivided and operates
44
unspent," mighty at the extremity as at the centre ,

swaying with a silent omnipotence , powerful to punish
yet powerless to oppress , unshaken in seventy years
alone of all the nations by civil discord , unstained by
fraternal blood , so mild in its rule that no treason
has ever lifted its hand against its authority-these
its glories cover with shame and cast into the shade
the gaudy and blood -stained idols that elsewhere
crush humanity in their course, and boast them
selves the sole possessors on earth of the right
divine to rule. Who would not fly to its shelter
and cheerfully defy death and the grave to secure
its blessings for his children's children ?-English
men, justly enamored of their venerable and glorious
government, yet pronounce this the most perfect
government ever devised by the wisdom of man.
The wisdom of Germany in parliament assembled

could contrive nothing better, and humbly copied the
model. The people of Europe , wearied with their
struggles, or fearful of their safety, or oppressed in
their pursuits , flock by the million beneath its shield ;
and they who remain meditate on its beauties, and
sigh for its blessings, till the peasant's arm is nerved
with the strength of the hero for the war to obtain
them . No art, no power, no tyranny can banish its
name or destroy its memory. It has stamped the
name of liberty on the minds of the people of this
generation. It is the perpetual pleading by example
for the rights and the blessings of legal constitutional
liberty. It is one vast organized society de libertate
propaganda . While it breathes and moves and has
being no despotic power on earth can quietly rest or
securely repose . Its life must be one of vigilance , of

eternal readiness, of merciless coercion, of stern , re
lentless, bloody war, within or without, against its

influences, its ideas, its existence, its very memory.
Such is its moral power, the penetrating influence
of its peaceful example .
But the nation which is thus resplendent in the
arts of peace and the light of liberty wears its
gorgeous robes over armor of steel.
This people, so ardent, so sympathetic, so devoted ,

has passed in seventy years from the gristle of un
formed youth to the bone and sinew, the developed
form and well knit limbs of perfect manhood . Its
territory is no aggregate of conquered districts, filled
with hostile and lukewarm nations. It has expanded
from less than a million to more than three millions
of square miles, washed by the lakes and the gulf

on the north and the south, and by the two great
oceans on the east and the west- and embraces
the body of the continent in its domain . Its merchant

vessels whiten every sea, and its commercial marine
equals or surpasses that of any other nation- inex
haustible in materials for the best and most powerful
navy in the world . A population such as the world
cannot equal fills with the hum of industry this vast
territory . Its cultivation , its thought, its language
and literature, its habits and manners are the same ,
and so strong is its individuality and so powerful is
its faculty of assimilation , that the hundreds of thous
ands of European emigrants of every nation , language ,
and condition sink into its bosom- like rain drops
into the rivers, swelling their current while indisso
lubly blending with their waves. This people has

swollen within the limits of the life of man from three.
to more than twenty-three millions-a population

such as France could not boast when she prostrated
Europe before her march . More than two millions
of armed men- soldiers by birth, by nature, by early
education, by manliness of spirit, by habitude of self
reliance and self- defence - who are fitted to obey be
cause accustomed to the obedience of liberty and the
laws, whom a campaign of a month converts into the
regular soldier, and the word of command in his
country's cause elevates to a hero- these men- the
cheap yet priceless defence of the nation- stand ever

ready to guard their hearths and their altars from
hostile feet whether near or remote. They laugh to
scorn the thought of subjugation , and rather court
the attempt that they may be forced to free the world
from the terror of the only power that threatens

them .
This republic rose in this new world like a pale

star glimmering on the distant horizon , whose strange
beams fixed the gaze of the wise men of Europe
and attracted every eye as it announced the dawn of
that day when men should no longer slumber.
Earnest eyes watched and worshipped its augmenting
splendor- till now it has mounted to the zenith and
blazes in the heavens, the sun of the day of Liberty :

and to it are the kings and the people turned- in
hatred or in hope.
What land so distant, what eye so dull, what soul
so dead, as not to confess its genial power ? Where
sighs the oppressed under the whole heavens who
does not turn to its rising, and adore while he longs

for its peaceful and heavenly light ?
Where scowls the despot who does not feel and
hate its glory- which may not be hidden ?
Even now, Nicholas of evil omen stands- as Satan
on his mission of sin from Hell to Eden- and pale
with ire, envy, and despair, thus proclaims his hate
" Oh Thou that with surpassing glory crowned ,

Look'st from thy sole dominion like the God
Of this new world ; at whose sight all the stars
Hide their diminished heads : to Thee I call,
But with no friendly voice-and add Thy name ,
Oh Sun ! to tell Thee how I hate Thy beams—”
And shall he not add-when the prophetic scales

hang out on high which weigh his waning power
" That bring to my remembrance from what state

I fell-how glorious once above thy sphere,
Till pride and worse
3 ambition threw me down."
But shall he be reduced to this humiliating boast

of his vanished greatness ? Or shall he- even though
failing of the full fruits of his mission- while de
clining that final contest which would shake the
pillars of the world , yet by his arts and arms reduce
this new world so near the semblance of his hell as to
obscure its glory and banish its dangerous influence ?

That the quiet reign of despotism in Europe is
incompatible with liberty here has been demonstrated .
That every motive of self-preservation forces the
despotic powers to assail us in self-defence is plain.
That the concentration of the power of Europe for

external aggression in the hands of one despotic dic
tator must seriously menace our peace and safety,
and in the hands of Russia that it would be directed
to that end , is only the teaching of the history of our

own day : and that contingency is sufficiently near to
fix the anxious eye of every statesman .
The subjection of Europe permanently to any one
power would be an event of serious import to this
-
country. It would be the creation of a power mili
tary and naval before which our utmost strength
C
would be as nothing. Our safety would be depen
dent on its mercy or its justice. A struggle now
single handed with the English navy would strain
our resources to the utmost, and years would not
heal the wounds of such a war ; but what would that
be to a struggle against all Europe ?
Still, the most serious consideration is not-the
union of Europe under one power . It is the nature

of that subjection- the spirit which actuates it-the
purposes it avows or pursues-and the power which
shall grasp that dictatorship .
In the hands of Russia, with all its energies bent
on the extermination of the intractable spirit of lib
erty, and the founding of a perpetual and universal
despotism , such a power must menace the liberties,
the safety, the very existence of this government.

The probabilities of that dictatorship , its threatened
advent, its incipient organization , have been already
explained .
It remains to trace its probable or its possible policy
towards this republic- when once firmly seated on its
European dominion . An adequate motive of policy,

and a possibility of doing mischief are sufficient to
put the statesman on his guard against their results :
for security is the most deadly of dangers , and the
besetting sin, the fatal poison of democracies.
Is confidence reposed in the ability of our citizens
on their own soil if united to repel the invasion of uni
ted Europe ? That would not shew it to be unwise to
anticipate and defeat the union rather than encounter
its matured strength . We might in any direct attack
maintain our national independence : but that is a
sad state of affairs when the question at issue is exist
ence . When we have satisfied ourselves of our
ability to repel any open and direct invasion from any

quarter- we have only proved ourselves impregnable
against an attack not likely to be made. If we con
fide in our distant position , it must be conceded to
be a serious impediment to direct invasion , a great
difficulty to be overcome, but by no means a defence
against ultimate ruin- still less a shelter against

serious damage . The possibility of a successful
defence is scarcely an argument against making that

defence with allies rather than without, a few years.
sooner with powerful auxiliaries rather than a few
years later alone. Still less is it any fair basis for the
security of a statesman- that a direct attack openly
made can be repelled under favorable circumstances.
It is his high calling to foresee the future and provide
against the most unpropitious combination , to insure
the nation against certain evil in great and dangerous
crises ; so to defend it by alliances and by arms that
the most critical emergencies shall find the nation
prepared, not merely to maintain its existence and

G
independence , but to repel the most powerful com
bination possible without permanent loss, without
A
serious injury to its resources so that it shall not
come from the conflict scarred , enfeebled , and
crippled , safe for the present, but languishing and
ready to fall before the next assault.
We need anticipate no rash and hasty attempts,
terrible at the moment-but sure to recoil on the
assailant. The work of ruin will be one of art, of
intrigue, of bribery, of hostile legislation , of worrying

restrictions and exclusions. This century has seen
the whole coast of Europe blockaded and neutral
commerce almost driven from the ocean .
With Eu
rope under the dictation of a power bent on our

gradual ruin, exclusion from the continent would be
a simple , a possible, and an effectual expedient.
The day of our union and strength would not be
selected for the onset : but when measures of enfee
blement begin to work and shew their workings ;

when domestic discontents spring from outward
adversity ; when a crowding population feel the
general hostility, and , in vain seeking employment,
grasp arms rather than endure starvation ; when
fierce factions dispute the mastery, and nicely bal
anced parties quarrel over the spoils ; when public

virtue shall have sunk below its present level and
men arise who work for gold without inquiring

whence it comes- these are the times and these
the crises of danger. They are the things laid up in

store for us. The forms of democratic government
admit of no concealment- the quarrels are as open
as the unity, the peace, and the love . Interested

partizans may plead the cause of ruin before the
people for a fee, yet in colors so specious and with
tongue so soft that the poison will be instilled and
working before it is felt or known . There are vital
questions where a vote will decide the fate of great
measures. One vote decided the admission of Texas :
and on it depended war or peace-events which

might have brought a foreign fleet to New York .
That vote might have been bribed by a power
lavish of means and unscrupulous in pursuit of its
object. An Arnold once already jeoparded our lib
erties on small temptation : but temptations may
assume the shape of virtue . The north is filled
with the fanatics of liberty, as the south is with the
Quixotes of slavery. The ground still shakes with
the shock of their collision . Proud states threatened
war as the alternative of a refused concession : and
nothing but mild forbearance and wonderful modera

tion dispelled the cloud . The great measures of
peace were carried by small majorities . In every

case they were carried by votes consisting of the
great mass of the south converted into a majority by
a few votes from the north-where the concession
was to the south and by the whole northern vote
with the addition of a few stragglers from the south ,
where the measure was one demanded by the north .
The significant fact stands out, that on these sectional
disputes the great mass of each section adheres to its
own extremest demands. The balance is turned
.
by a small minority of moderate men . The fate of
the country- union or disunion -peace or war- de

45
pends on these few. The time may come-and we

shall be a strange exception to the course of human
affairs if it do not in fact come- when on some such
question, that small party of peace may not exist, or

that balance of power may be held by a Russian
faction . It was thus that Poland fell : and we are not
more lofty, more heroic, nor more pure than her

illustrious patriots .
But put far from us the supposition of corruption .
Fanaticism is not less dangerous because it is honest.
There are fanatics at both ends of this Union . It is a
fatal error to suppose that the compromise bills have
laid the infernal spirit of sectional agitation . The
teterrima causa belli exists, expands , and grows with
every year . With the increase of the slave interest
and the slave power does the prize to be defended at

S
the south, the iniquity and the oppression to be re
moved by the north, increase in importance : and the
passions of the assault and defence increase in a fear
fully greater ratio . The day of final collision is ad
journed , it is not gotten rid of. Many years may

elapse, many partial settlements may postpone an
open contest : but if the population continue in our
midst to multiply as it has done, the day must come
when half measures, palliatives, and compromises
must cease. Emancipation or disunion may be the
only alternatives . It is vain to deny that this day
may be hastened by events from abroad. There
were recently factious men , neither few nor insignifi
cant, who complacently calculated the blessings of an
English alliance. The resources of the south were
carefully estimated and ostentatiously paraded . The
basis of her prosperity was to be a direct European

trade ; and that could not but hold out temptations
to a protective alliance after a disunion .
But motives
might well exist to induce foreign aid for the accomG
plishment of the severance : and we know too much
of the bitterness of civil factions, the utter alienation
of feeling engendered by the war of words and interS
ests, by the wrongs and retaliations, which precede
the explosion of domestic hostilities, to entertain any
doubt as to the possibility of its introduction to sup
port the family quarrel.
When minds are verging to that state of fierce
excitement, fury ministers and seeks for arms. Men
may shrink in an hour of coolness from accepting the

aid of the stranger ; but once convinced that they are
oppressed at home, and foreign aid is a blessing.
The tender of assistance is greeted as a kindness.
and accepted as a providential resource . The dis
contented do not scrutinize the source of the sugges
tions which chime in with their feelings, nor see in

-
the burning patriot the traitor and the spy of an am
bitious power .
There have been periods in the
history of this government when foreign assistance
would not have been repelled as an insidious insult.
Had the sword been drawn by South Carolina and
Mississippi, Russian gold or cannon or ships would not
have been rejected . There may be discontents
which, if left free from the inflammations of foreign
instigation and hopeless of foreign arms, would
subside. But the inspiration of hope, the prospect
of success, the certainty of not standing alone, these
things even in the chivalrous south will deeply and
it may be decisively influence the final question of

peace or war- submission or secession.
It is unwise to shut the eye to contingencies such

G
as these. We may see southern or northern mad
men preaching with adverse lungs the glories or
the iniquities of slavery ; or with mutual and bitter
recriminations exaggerate the aggressions and wrongs
on southern rights, or the sin of holding souls in
slavery against the higher law. Each party may - as
they now do-cast defiance in the teeth of the
other, scorn and loathe the tolerant republic that

embraces them both, and cling as to a benefactor
to any power from abroad which will shield their
weakness in the day of rebellion .

silag
Can we suppose that the eagle eye of Russia , tri
umphant in Europe, will, for the first time in her
history , fail to mark such an opportunity ? Will she

not be swift to poison the wound , to rend wider the
breach, to madden the hostile sections ? When did
not her vulture scent detect the tainted spot in every
nation she would make her victim ? And if secure
against division and attack at home , how ready, lavish ,

and unbounded would be the money, the arms, the
supplies, which openly or secretly she would pour

into the bosom of the oppressed , whose merit would
be their rebellion. Two years have not passed since
the voice of one man averted a calamity which might
have even now made this speculation an historical
fact. Every year only increases the chances of
some combination of internal discord, servile re

bellion , and foreign war, which will make the con
tinuance of this republic among the great powers of
the world to depend on other elements than her

power when united , in harmony, to repel a foreign
foe . Our generation has seen Poland fall before the
combined power of gold and arms. Our own day
has seen Hungary shaken by a war of races, instigated

by an ambition as iniquitous as any assault on our
own independence could be. We have now in our
own midst, in full and fierce activity, elements of
discord greater than either of those which were so
deadly in the hands of skilful enemies. It is, there
fore, the height of madness and of folly to rest our
safety and to estimate our power on calculations
which omit these sinister elements .
Nor are these the only sources of foreign danger.
We are surrounded by feeble and factious republics
the prey of eternal war, delivered over to the hor
rors of civil discord , and the very points an ambitious ,
active, and malicious power would seize on , to annoy
us. The protection of distance is destroyed when
nations at our door sufficiently numerous and power
ful of themselves seriously to harrass if not seriously
to endanger us, may be stirred up by foreign in

trigues, armed by foreign money, led by European
science . We found the invasion of Mexico no
child's play and from it we may estimate how trou-

blesome would have been her accession to an armed
league of Europe.
Through her territory lies our shortest and best
practicable route to our Pacific states. The pos
session of the Tehuantepec, the Panama, the Nicara
gua routes is to us what Suez and the Euphrates are to
England . The wisdom of Congress leaves our con
nections with our western states to depend on the

strongest naval power. It makes no domestic military
road, but drives its mails and its troops through a
foreign territory , over a distant voyage, running the
gauntlet of every navy which may happen to be
hostile to us, where every material point is now in
the hands of great naval powers , or their dependents
whom intrigue and force can render inimical to us.
Russia is on our western coast an American power
nearer to our possessions than we ourselves— and
capable of attacking them with superior naval force
ere we can even hear of the contemplated hostilities.
Her possessions on our continent now stretch from the
straits of Behring down to within two degrees of

Oregon. On the Asiatic side they touch the limits of
China at a lower latitude . These possessions are not
treated as distant, outlying, and unimportant districts.

They have already been the subject of sharp diplo
matic discussion , and the basis on the part of Russia
of a claim so arrogant and insolent that the attempted
enforcement of it would leave no alternative but dis
grace or war. Possessing a portion of the opposite

coasts of America and Asia of undefined limits
occupied at a single point by an insignificant settle

ment of Russian adventurers-she expanded her
claim over the North Pacific and the desolate and
uninhabited region of North America down to the

51 ° of north latitude- where the fishermen of all
the world had pursued their calling for centuries,
and the ocean rolled four thousand miles from shore
to shore.
From this vast expanse of land and water the

ukase of 1821 arrogantly presumed to banish the
industry and enterprise of the world .
This rapacious usurpation was defended against

the remonstrances of President Monroe with charac
teristic insolence . The open ocean rolling between

the shores of Asia and America was treated as a mare
clausum-the private and peculiar domain of the

Czar. The exclusion of our citizens was placed on
the ground of their evil example in stirring up sedi

tion among his loyal subjects, and furnishing their
discontent with arms : and the perpetual hostility of
the two systems of government was darkly shadowed
forth in the polite and formal disclaiming of any im
putation on the faith of the Republic for her failure
to suppress such irregularities .
" The imperial government” —said De Poletica—
"respecting the intentions of the American govern
ment, has always abstained from attributing the ill
success of its remonstrances to any other motives than
those which flow, if I may be allowed the expression,
from the very nature of the institutions which govern
the national affairs of the American Federation !! "
The nature of our institutions is not likely to
change . This declaration is the formal announce
ment that these institutions cannot stand side by
side in peaceful contact with those of Russia. It
means that we cannot control our own citizens from
G
interfering with our neighbors-not from any acci
dental and temporary excitement but-from a disa
bility inherent in our system. It proclaims the prin
ciple that exclusion is the only method of peace—
that commercial intercourse must be restricted to the
last degree , lest contact with our citizens contaminate

the docile submissiveness of the Russian slaves. It
treats American citizens as- South Carolina would
treat an abolitionist.
Such reasoning in defence of such an ukase was

more than our patience could stand . An exchange
of diplomatic notes ensued , resulting in a treaty adjust

ing the existing dispute, but involving the seeds of
future difficulty.
The treaty stipulated for the freedom of the Pacific ,

and of resort to its coasts on points not then occupied
by either nation : but to such points neither party
should resort unless by permission : and while it pro
vided that neither power should make settlements
beyond the line of 54° , yet the ships of either party
were allowed during ten years reciprocally to frequent
S
the interior seas and harbors on the coast just men
tioned for the purpose of fishing or trading with the
natives.
The expiration of the ten years was the signal for

AND
the resumption by Russia of her extreme preten
sions to which a doubt founded on a forced con
struction of the last clause of the treaty gave the
only shadow of a pretext.
Following the precedents of its encroaching rapa
city, the Russian government- in the teeth of the
stipulation for freedom of access to all points of the
coast not occupied by Russian settlements -pro
hibited our vessels from trading on any portion of
the unoccupied coasts north of 54 ° 40' . The last
clause-which was plainly intended as a temporary
suspension of the prohibition of the first clause which

excluded us from the Russian settlements- was dis
torted into a limitation of the general right accorded ,
of landing on any part not actually occupied by a

settlement.
Against this assumption our government protest

ed-but Russia still pertinaciously declined to yield
her exclusive pretensions : and any day may bring
us into collision by her assertion of this unsocial
claim. Our fishermen pursue their calling in the
north Pacific and on the north-west coast-by the

sufferance and at the pleasure of the Czar : —and the
sword of the Republic is their only security.
Russia is therefore an American power-the jealous
neighbor of this Republic-as insolent, aggressive,
and tenacious as she has always proved herself on the
opposite continent.
We cannot escape the conflict by turning our at

tention westward , and , abandoning Europe to her
dictation, indemnify ourselves by engrossing the com
merce of eastern Asia. We do not escape, but
directly encounter her universal and engrossing am

bition .
From her Asiatic possessions, from the Kurile and

the Aleutian Islands , she overlooks the natural and
necessary course of our Asiatic trade-now by the
occupation of California grown to stupendous magni
tude, and soon destined to equal that of the Atlantic
states. Her naval stations can command effectually
the whole intercourse of California and Oregon with
the chief seats of Chinese commerce, and render our
communications unsecure at any moment. She can
46
362 AMERICAN AND ENGLISH LIBERTY :
transfer troops and munitions of war to the coast of

Oregon more rapidly than we can from the Atlantic
seaboard. She is a military power in direct contact

with China ; and her influence can stir up the Mongol
tribes, and pour them like a hail storm on the feeble
and effeminate Celestials. She can now in a great
measure balance the influence of England at Pekin ;
her emissaries speak with almost as much authority
there as at Constantinople ; and a few years must give
her the decided predominance. - How that control
would bear on our commerce with that empire in the
events which have been indicated , it takes no prophet
to foretell. We should be excluded from those
markets, or subjected to burthens which would strip

off the profits, impede the activity , and finally destroy
our Chinese trade-or we should be forced to main
tain our position against Russian armies, on the spot,

M
across the tracks of Russian navies, and at an ex
pense and sacrifice which the most lucrative returns
would scarcely compensate .
Our interests are as directly opposed as our institu
tions, policy, and principles. Russia is the great

wheat country of Europe . To her belong the plains
of the Vistula and the vast fields which pour their
produce into the lap of Odessa . From these two

sources come nearly all the wheat which competes
with ours in the European market. She is not a
manufacturing power and shews no signs of becoming

such . Her whole population are divided between
the plough and the sword : and to cut off or to
cripple the commerce of the United States, is to rid
herself of her chief, and only dangerous competitor .
Her interest, her ambition , her hate , the principles

of her Czar, the proud hope of taming Europe to
the yoke of absolute power, all combine to impel
her into active hostility against this republic. Her
territorial possessions, the condition of our neighbors ,

the relations of our own territory, all afford the
utmost facilities not merely for annoyance, but for
injury, serious and abiding. She only waits the

auspicious solution of the European problem, to seize
the first invitation of internal discord or foreign
embarrassment, to begin the plot that is to end with

our ruin . Her peaceful and friendly tone is politic
but hollow . She would encounter one enemy at a
C
She avoids sedulously the roused and com
time.
bined wrath of the two great free powers of the
earth : and she willingly postpones the assault till the

blow can be fatal, and securely dealt. If she triumph
in Europe, not many years will roll along ere we
shall feel the influence of her diplomacy, and be
called on to encounter her arms . In ordinary war

she is invulnerable to us, -while we are exposed
at a thousand points. She can cut off our com
merce and fritter away our resources- exempted
by her position from the evils of retaliation . She
encounters only half the risks of war-holding in her

hands the chances of success in attack, the certainty
of safe and unassailable asylum in retreat after dis
comfiture. Like some robber knight, she pounces
from her den on the honest and exposed way- farer,
and retreats in safety to her hold ere the arm of

vengeance can overtake her.
364 AMERICAN AND ENGLISH LIBERTY .
It is, then, the part of wisdom and foresight, for

the free nations of the world-the only two whose
towers still lift themselves above the flood- to see
and provide against these threatening calamities now,

while they are yet at a distance and allies are left,
rather than to meet them singly after a few years of
treacherous peace bearing all the fruits of the most
disastrous war.
SECTION VIII .
THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC
AND THE
LAST WAR OF FREEDOM AND DESPOTISM .

THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC
AND THE
LAST WAR OF FREEDOM AND DESPOTISM .
THE policy which this Republic should pursue in

consequence of the recent events in Europe has
become the subject of vivid discussion and varied
views .
I maintain it to be the dictate of high policy,
when ever the battle shall be joined in earnest in that

final conflict between freedom and despotism, which
is unavoidable and may not be remote , to display the
banner of the Republic in the cause of the rights of
nations and of man, for our own defence.
A wise precaution spontaneously suggests the
opening of diplomatic conferences with England , that

the two free nations of the world may face together
their common foe in that day of trial.

They who stand with their backs to the future and
their faces to the past, wise only after the event, and
refusing to believe in dangers they have not felt,
clamorously invoke the name of Washington in their
protest against interference in the concerns of Eu
rope. With such it is useless to argue- till they
learn the meaning of the language they repeat.
368 THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC AND
The opinions of a great statesman who on other

grounds reaches the same conclusion are entitled to
more respectful consideration . On their side- but
not of them- rises the majestic form of Henry Clay
for forty years accustomed to guide the foreign and
domestic policy of the republic. His venerable name
outweighs the arguments of other men . His wide
experience and practical sagacity give, with the men

of his day, to his divinations of the future the weight
of history. His voice also is for peaceful indifference.
Yet the counsels of his youth were in a different tone.
His life is now a thing of the past. His country re
members that he is passing away. His eye from the
brink of the grave looks keenly into the future, and
draws prophetic forebodings of things which shall
happen when he will not be an actor on the stage.
The marble shaft will point from the place of his ashes
to the repose of his soul, long ere she shall summon
her sons who follow him to deal with the great crisis
which so deeply concerns them and their posterity .
They are to be the actors in those scenes of high
import : theirs will be the terrible duty of treading
the field where Mars might quake to step : and on
them will fall, as the penalty of their failure, the frag
ments of the crumbling republic- and the curses of
posterity. They are entitled to decide for themselves
the questions that concern their political salvation .

Forgetting the name, it is fit that the judgment
and the reasons of a great statesman be gravely and
respectfully considered .
In the memorable interview with the illustrious
Hungarian, Mr. Clay-after depicting the difficulties

THE LAST WAR OF FREEDOM . 369
and the futility of military operations by this country

against Russia—thus expressed himself—
" Thus, sir, after effecting nothing in such a war,
after abandoning our ancient policy of amity and non
intervention in the affairs of other nations, and thus
justifying them in abandoning the terms of forbear

ance and non-interference which they have hitherto
preserved towards us—after the downfall perhaps of
the friends of liberal institutions in Europe- her
despots, imitating and provoked by our fatal example,

may turn upon us in our hour of weakness and ex-
haustion, and, with an almost irresistible force of
reason and of arms, they may say to us- You have
set us the example, you have quit your own to stand
on foreign ground, you have abandoned the policy
you professed in the day of your weakness, to inter
fere in the affairs of the people of this continent, in
behalf of those principles, the supremacy of which you
say is necessary to your prosperity , to your existence .
We, in our turn, believing that your anarchical doc
trines are destructive of, and that our monarchical
principles are essential to the peace, security and hap
piness of our subjects , will obliterate the bed which
has nourished such noxious weeds : we will crush you
as the propagandists of doctrines so destructive to the

peace and good order of the world . The indomitable
spirit of our people might, and would be equal to the

emergency, and we might remain unsubdued even
by so tremendous a combination- but the conse
quences to us would be terrible enough. "
This solemn and parting opinion is worthy of the
most profound and respectful consideration . He
47
spoke to a great leader in a great but unfortunate
struggle : and he spoke on a topic of practical mo

ment to his country. The solemn tone which per
vades his remarks bespeaks no light and transient
topic of indifferent interest, but one which might in
its decision involve the peace , the happiness, the
very being of the Republic.
The terrible power of a combination of European
despots against our liberties was keenly felt. He
indulged no boastful confidence of impunity : nor
could the leader in the war with England so far
forget his experience as to speak lightly of a collision
ma
with a league mightier far than that power, detach
ments of whose navy dealt us such stunning blows .
The greatness of the danger was felt and admitted .
The problem was, how to avoid or how to repel it.
He does not treat such a combination as a chi
merical terror- but as a real substantial danger, fully
within the range of political calculation . He only

contemplates it as a retribution for our armed inter
meddling in European affairs . His only refuge from

its power is in "the indomitable spirit of our people, "
which, he thinks, " might and would be equal to the
emergency . " And after the passage of the storm,
his eye looks on the ruins in its track , and confesses
that " we might remain unsubdued even by so tre

mendous a combination-but the consequences to us
would be terrible enough" -even in our victory.

But there are some serious omissions and some
inadmissible assumptions which require to be noticed .

If the combination be so dangerous when directed
against our united strength, it must be overwhelming
in the day of our factious division , or of civil discord ,

or servile rebellion .
If this combination be possible , and if despots
triumphant in Europe could have any inducement to

turn their arms against us, we are not entitled to sup
pose a pretext will ever be wanting . The induce
ments will not be those of a just retaliation . To sup
pose that immunity is to be purchased by peace - is
entirely to forget the history of the last thirty years.
If it is to shut the eye to the motives of aggression
and the fruits of victory . If attack followed only as
retaliation, then peace might be safety ; but if the
G
war be waged against liberty and its pleading ex
ample, then peace is the surest provocation . The
assumption that if we let them alone they will let us
alone is belied by the whole history of Europe in
this century . It vitiates the whole reasoning. It
was faith in this which cost Spain her constitution .
It was trust in that rotten reed which pierced Hun
gary through with many sorrows. It is this faith
which made every revolution of modern Europe

except that Great Deliverance which put faith only
in its sword- the grave of its authors . It is a blind
faith, involving deadly error-and utterly oblivious
of the events of our own day.
In no one instance in the nineteenth century has
the free movement been arrested by armed interven
tion as a penalty for its meddlesome aggression .
Moderation, abstinence from revolutionary excesses
at home, rigid refusal of armed propagation abroad ,
even the denial of all sympathy and countenance to
the revolutionary disturbances existing in neighboring
countries, have never in a single instance proved a

protection :-but that policy has always been the pre
cursor of ruin, the invitation to attack .
The coalition against revolutionary France was

formed before she had meddled with other nations :
and always under pretexts which left rational liberty

free play. Her propaganda was a retaliation- con
verted by her enemies into a crime , and elevated to
the chief dignity among the causes of their hostility.
Spain did not seek to propagate her liberal ideas :
yet her innocence was no protection . France exe
cuted a traitor who wore her crown ; and despots
yelled with madness at the sight . Spain left a viler
tyrant untouched : yet they rushed on and over

whelmed her. The coalition turned pale at the blood
Ab
of the reign of terror. Spain kept her hands un
spotted with blood : yet the Holy Allies imitated and
surpassed those cruel days in their triumph. The
constitution of Louis XVI . had been tolerated : the
Spanish Cortes therefore indulged the hope that

theirs would not be assailed- if they refrained from
exciting the revolutionary spirit by appeals, or dis
turbing their neighbor's peace by invasion, or imbru
ing their hands in blood at home . They did none of
these things, and they trusted in their purity for their
protection. But in the eyes of the Holy Allies they
were miserable sinners- rebels against the divine
right of despotism : and they paid the penalty of their
confidence . Naples trusted in a similar purity—
even more inoffensive : she refrained from appealing
to all Italy in the name of liberty, till it was too late :
and her infant freedom was set on and vilely done
to death. Hungary tried to wash her hands in

innocency-and met the fate of her predecessors.
Her constitution was of old-outdating the house of
her kings. Her reforms were the legal process of
this constitution , conceded by her sovereign freely
and without any sort of coercion , tumult, or clamor .
She dared to take arms to defend herself against his
usurpations, clear and confessed . She made no new
claims, she foolishly abstained from revolutionary

sympathies, she anxiously kept away from the tempt
ing and decisive field of Polish agitation . Yet she
was stricken down : for she had asserted a right in
the nation against the sovereign .
If we are to provide against a danger, we must
estimate its character, the law of its motion, the orbit
of its course , as well as its magnitude, and the spirit
of the power which presides over its activity . Its
professions are of no worth . Its acts are alone trust
worthy.
If the Holy Allies have hitherto not confined their
assaults to retaliation , it is a baseless assumption to
suppose they will do so in future . They have ,
always, whenever and wherever the right of the
people to control their own affairs has been asserted
as a practical principle, under all circumstances, under
every pretext, so far as their power has extended ,
armed for its overthrow. The object of their hos
tility is the source of their danger : -and that is—
not any particular form of liberty, not its origin in
revolutionary violence , not its active and armed
propagation, but-liberty simply in itself and for
itself- in its own inherent nature their enemy- a
propagandist principle by the necessity of its being

one that shines by its own light and spreads in spite
of laws and barriers and limits . Its existence is the
danger : its extinction is the only safety.

The sin and the danger therefore of this Republic
are-its freedom, the silent and powerful influence of
its example, that its name is the watchword , its light
It is not harm JOAN
the hope of the millions of Europe .
less because it is peaceful ; it is for that very reason
more potent in its influence . Its pure light would
be obscured by the clouds of war. Its peacefulness
makes it more worthy of extinction .
Mr. Clay glories in the power of the example ;

but he fails to draw the inference it involves.
He says " by the policy of Washington we have

done more for the cause of liberty in the world
than arms could effect : we have shown to other
nations the way to greatness and happiness. And if

we continue united as one people and persevere in
the policy which our experience has so clearly and
triumphantly vindicated we may in another quarter of
a* century furnish an example which the reason of
the world cannot resist. "
But if this policy have done more for the cause of

liberty than arms could effect, then to persevere in this
policy is the surest way to bring down on us the
enemies of the liberty it has promoted. If in a
quarter of a century our example , if unmolested , is to

triumph over the reason of the world- and that tri
umph involve the triumph of liberty over despotism

then the despotic powers will anticipate their destruc
tion by our ruin . They will not leave us that quarter
of a century of deadly example. They will- on Mr.

-
Clay's reasoning-at the expiration of that time , in
evitably fall victims to our example . They would be
pusillanimous if they sat down in despair rather
than try the fate of arms, when failure would only

impose the inevitable penalty of inactivity, while
success would relieve them forever of the evil-the
an
hateful unquiet spirit of liberty. If peaceful ex
ample be the most influential advocacy of liberty ,
it is therefore the surest way to invoke on our heads
the hatred and the hostilities of the enemies of
liberty. It were curious indeed to tolerate the greater

and only to war upon the less of the two dangers.
If our union as one people be so dangerous, the des
potic powers will avail themselves of every art of
fraud or force to dissolve that union . If the peaceful
example be more dangerous than arms, they will ob

scure it by clouds of war. If the reason of the
world cannot resist it, they will not wait for it to be
convinced , but will protect it from our influence by
the bayonet unreasoning and unconvincible . It is a
bitter mockery to show people the way to great
ness and happiness only that in the pursuit of it they

may find a grave. Men will curse the example
which lures them into rebellion , and looks idly on till
it be extinguished in blood . Kings, radiant with
triumph over the effects of our example, will eagerly
turn to rid themselves of the fruitful cause. When
order reigns in Europe, its restorers will not be wise

as serpents if they do not visit their wrath on the
cause of the disturbances . It is iniquitous - nay
more-it is a blunder to punish the deceived and

misled enthusiast, and leave the corrupter and the

instigator to go unscathed . To despots, liberty is
itself an evil example , fruitful in all political disorders :
they will persecute and punish it and root it out- as
they would any other contagion . The Republic of
America is the embodiment of that spirit in its most
deadly form . Its peaceful example is its deadliest
sin. Its demerit is its existence . Its only safety is
in arms ; and refusal to use them is no protection

against them. To stand still and see despots root out
freedom from Europe- is- not to avoid war, but—
only to wait till our allies fall that we may be an easy
prey. I do not greatly value the Ulyssean privilege
of being last devoured .
If therefore it be possible so to aid the cause of
European freedom that it may be crowned with
success and grasp the sceptre of rule-it is the
plainest dictate of sound policy, quite level to the
comprehension of common sense , to let no opportu
nity slip, effectually, earnestly, boldly, at whatever
expense of men or money, to secure its triumph
as the best and only safe defence of our security.
Though the stars and stripes float on a thousand
fields of Europe, we shall incur no more hate , no
more danger, no greater certainty of that " tremendous
combination ," than now hang over us as the inevitable
consequence of the final triumph of despotism in
Europe . The policy of indifference is the only fatal
one ; the leaving our own to stand on foreign ground
T
is merely meeting the invader at his own thresh
hold— and it is our only safety.—
Henry Clay declares this contrary to the policy

of President Washington-the hereditary national
policy ; and his voice is multiplied by echoes from
every quarter of heaven . But is this not putting in
the mouth of the illustrious statesman and warrior
principles which he never expressed , and which he

would be the first to repudiate and abandon ? —
I do not hesitate to assert, that no word of Wash
ington indicates any such policy as has been imputed
to him ; but on the contrary the policy here advocated
is the hereditary policy of this government applied
to every new practical case as it arose ; and that it is
in conflict neither with the letter nor with the spirit

of the advice of that sagacious statesman. That
policy is declared in the following passages of his

farewell Address . I adhere to every word of them.
"The great rule for us in regard to foreign nations
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connexion as possible. So

far as we have already formed engagements let them
be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop .
" Europe has a set of primary interests which to us
have none or a very remote relation . Hence she
must be engaged in frequent controversies , the causes
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.
Hence therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate
ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes
of her politics , or the ordinary combinations and col
lisions of her friendships or enmities.
" Our detached and distant situation invites and
enables us to pursue a different course . If we re

main one people under an efficient government, the
48
period is not far off when we may defy material in

jury from external annoyance ; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may
at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously re

spected ; when belligerent nations, under the impos
sibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly
hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may
choose peace or war as our interests guided by justice
shall counsel.
"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa

tion ? Why quit our own to stand on foreign ground ?
Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any
part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in
the toils of European ambition , rivalship, interest,
humor or caprice ?
" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent
alliances with any portion of the foreign world , so
far I mean as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let
me not be understood as capable of patronising infi
delity to existing engagements . I hold the maxim no
less applicable to public than to private affairs that

honesty is always the best policy. I repeat therefore
let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense . But in my opinion it is unnecessary and
would be unwise to extend them.
" Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable

establishments on a respectable defensive posture we
may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordi
nary emergencies. "
It is not a little difficult to trace the connection
between the text of Washington and the interpreta

tion of his commentators . The policy he recom
mends is that of a great man : it has been expounded

into the folly of children . The sagacity of the advice
is not more remarkable in its appreciation of the
WING
advantages of our peculiar position, than in the care
ful and precise limitations of the extent and nature
of those advantages .
When he warned us against " permanent alliances "

he was careful to assure us that we might safely trust
to "temporary alliances " for extraordinary emergen
cies. He felt the galling shackles of the French
treaty of 1778 which bound the United States for
ever to guarantee her American possessions, and

threatened daily to endanger our peaceful relations
with all the world by the restless caprices of her
ambition ; and he justly thought it unwise to multi
ply such entanglements .
But he felt no superstitious horror of alliances with
European powers for the declaration of principles
of commercial or political intercourse in which we
had an interest, and for their maintenance by arms
when assailed in the persons of either of the parties .
The mission of Mr. Jay to London was for the
purpose of procuring the recognition by England
of certain great principles of maritime law for the
protection of neutral commerce against the impartial
outrages of the parties to the furious war that then
desolated the world . But if England refused to stay
her robber hand , Washington had no scruples against
an alliance to compel her.
The armed neutrality of
1780 between Russia, Denmark, and Sweden em-
bodied the most essential of those principles, and
bound the parties with united forces to punish their
violation in the person of either . President Washing

ton contemplated acceding to it. His instructions to
Mr. Jay were " You will have no difficulty in
gaining access to the ministers of Russia, Denmark
and Sweden, at the court of London . The prin
ciples of the armed neutrality would abundantly
cover our neutral rights. If, therefore , the situation
of things with respect to Great Britain should dic
tate the necessity of taking the precaution of foreign

co-operation upon this head, if no prospect of accom
modation should be thwarted by the danger of such
a measure being known to the British cabinet, and
an entire view of all our political relations shall in
your judgment permit the step, you will sound those
ministers upon the probability of an alliance with their

nations to support those principles . "
Washington contemplated an alliance, not to re
dress past grievances, but to repel future encroach
ments, to maintain principles of intercourse new to
Europe, to compel their incorporation in her public
law. He thus directly contemplated pledging our
arms to European powers, to meet the " extraordi
nary emergencies" of his day, under stipulations
which would have required us to defend the com
merce of Russia against the aggression of France .
He did so , because we were interested in maintaining
the same principles which Russia , Sweden , and
Denmark had united to defend ; we could not defend
them alone and we could obtain their aid only by
tendering them our support.
This case suffices to rescue the statesmanship of
President Washington from the eulogies of his
commentators .
Our great rule has undoubtedly been , while extend

ing our commercial relations, to have " as little politi
cal connexion as possible" with other nations . But
Washington did not contemplate the possibility of
exemption from all political connexions. Nor are
we to suppose that by " as little as possible" he
meant us to judge of what was possible by any meta
physical measure of possibility. He designated no
Japanese policy of political isolation - for he knew it
to be impossible. He was not talking at random of
BAD
Utopian seclusion , nor advising either a selfish aban
donment of the duties , or the cowardly retreat from
the responsibilities of civilized nations . He was
careful to reduce his meaning to certainty--by point
ing to the object expressed by his language.
" Europe" he says-"has a set of primary inter
ests, which to us have none or a very remote relation .
Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies
the causes of which are essentially foreign to our
concerns."
From this he does not reason against our having

any interest in the controversies of European nations.
He does not hint that there may not arise combina
tions among them in which it may be important for
us to join. He is careful to guard against any such
folly. He only says, " Hence therefore, it must be
unwise in us— to implicate ourselves by artificial ties
in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordi
nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities . "
When these words were published to the world on

the 17th of September 1796 , George Washington
had for more than forty years been an actor of history

in no mean part. His country had been a colony of
a great European power, ambitious , active , and
grasping - mingling in every struggle—and dragging
her colonies with her into the vortex . In these wars
Washington developed his youthful genius . He was

not ignorant of their origin and causes. He knew
what had passed on the theatre of Europe within his
century, before he was in existence or called into
active life . With the result of these events he was
called to deal : and their relation to his country was
the point of view in which he was required to

regard them . On them his eye was turned when he
spoke of " primary interests" of European states
having only a remote relation to us, and of those
“ordinary vicissitudes of her politics," and " ordinary
combinations " of friendships and enmities, with
which he pronounced it unwise to implicate ourselves

by artificial ties. The eighteenth century from its
commencement to its close was one unbroken series
of those " ordinary combinations" relative to those

primary interests, in which we could not for the fu
ture have any sort of interest.
The great wars of opinion which sprung from the
reformation had burnt out before the middle of the
seventeenth century ; and the treaty of Westphalia

settled the balance of power and the public law of
Europe.
The eighteenth century opened with the war of
the Spanish succession- a fierce contest of high
ambition and high policy between Austria, France ,
and England , for the possession or partition of the

Spanish monarchy. It was important to England ,

that France should not be unduly aggrandised . It
was important for France to exclude the house of
Austria from the possessions of Spain . But to this

Republic, as an independent power, such interests
primary to France, Austria, and England - had
" none or a very remote relation . " No principle
was involved or asserted which would have extended
to us ; nor was there any imminent danger of the

absolute subjection of all Europe to any one power—
however inconvenient to England or Austria might
be the possession of the Spanish monarchy entire , by
a prince of France . The treaty of Utrecht of 1713
settled the territorial partition of Europe, and di
vided the spoils of Spain .
The second war of the eighteenth century, was that
of the Austrian succession-a heartless, spiritless , de
spicable attempt to wrest from a woman the inherit
ance of her father, secured by solemn treaties , and

guaranteed by every power which drew a sword in
the unholy contest. To the United States, it would
have been absolutely unimportant whether Maria
Theresa maintained the integrity of her dominions ,
or Charles, Elector of Bavaria stripped her of half her
dominions , or Frederick of Prussia robbed her of
Silesia, on lying pretexts. The flames of war spread
round the world , blazed fiercely on the confines of
Hindoostan, and lighted the forests and the lakes of
America ; but the issue was the integrity of the

Austrian dominions, invaded and depredated on by
crowned freebooters . This was a " primary interest”
to Prussia, to France, to Bavaria, to England, to
Austria ; but to this Republic it could bear no relation

or a very remote one only. The treaty of Aix la
Chapelle of 1748 interposed a truce and a breathing
spell between the war of the succession, and its
offspring-the war of the seven years.
Maria Theresa meditated revenge on the despoiler
of Silesia, and nursed her wrath till the day of

vengeance . She stirred up all Europe to arms in
her cause . The hate of Elizabeth and the hereditary
policy of Russia, Saxony, bought with promises of

rich spoils, France, inveigled by the arts of Pompa
dour from her ancient policy- all conspired to crush
the king, whose arms or tongue or pen had wounded
the vanity or humbled the pride of half the kings
and queens of Christendom . But, however important
to Europe, surely to us it could be of no moment
whether Silesia belonged to Frederick, or Maria
Theresa blotted his kingdom from the map of
Europe. It was one of the " ordinary combinations
and collisions of her friendships and enmities," in
which only the most artificial ties could possibly
implicate us.
Though it spread from Germany to India and
America, and the supremacy of English arms and
policy expanded her commercial empire to the ends
of the earth , it still remained a war about European
interests, and one foreign to our concerns . Americans
bled to plant the banner of England on Quebec and
to wipe out from her escutcheon the stain of Brad
dock's defeat- in a war for a German principality .
But at the date of the Address, all Europe was
wrapped in the smoke of a war of stupendous mag
nitude—and which history has shewn to have been

pregnant with consequences of vital moment to us.
At its outbreak, President Washington led the policy

of this country . In the midst of no small vituperation
and clamor he proclaimed and maintained our neutrali
ty. The advocates of peaceful indifference invoke this
proclamation as an exemplification of the principles of
the Address. They strenuously argue that it was the
war of despots against liberty-equally dangerous to
us as any since existing : and , therefore , the example
of Washington has declared that even the tremendous
combination of European despots against the freedom
of the world is no exception to his warning , against
intermeddling in European concerns. That is the

strongest statement the argument will bear .
It is unfortunate that it derives its plausibility from
considering the events of the war in 1796 in the light
of its future progress ; in giving a meaning to those
events which it took fifty years to develope, but
which they then did not import : and in utterly for

getting the condition of this country , and the reasons
for that neutrality which, even under those circum
stances, Washington declared to have been predomi
nant in causing its adoption .
We were then a people of only three millions—
sparsely scattered over the seaboard from Maine to
Georgia- with no army which could be felt in an
European contest- with no fleet adequate to protect

our neutral commerce from daily depredations by
both belligerents- and utterly powerless in a war
against the English fleets which swept those of
France and Spain from the ocean . Our armed in
49
tervention would then have been fruitless to our ally

ruinous to ourselves. Our commerce would have
been driven from the ocean and our seaports laid in
ashes-for the barren honor of proclaiming ourselves
the friends of liberty .
Our constitution of government was not seven
years old. The country still resounded with the
debate between its friends and opponents : and the
very question of peace or war took the line which
divided those constitutional combatants. To plunge
into the war must sharpen the hostility and embitter
the contest of these factions : and the recoil of our
own attack might have prostrated our own constitu

tion in the Quixotic effort to aid another people
more able to help themselves.
These motives pressed on President Washington :
and he declares in his address when referring to
his neutrality-" with me, a predominant motive has

been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle
and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress
without interruption to that degree of strength and
constancy which is necessary to give it, humanly
speaking, the command of its own fortune."
Has not this country reached that point now ?
These reasons would have sufficed to vindicate the
neutrality in the French revolutionary wars at the

-
time of his administration- even had the Holy Alli
ance then existed in full vigor, pursuing with high
handed audacity the extermination of liberty from
the world, and illustrating their principles by such
deeds as the Spanish, the Neapolitan , the Hungarian
assassinations.
AND THE LAST WAR OF FREEDOM . 387
But that was not either the avowed, the pretended ,

or the real cause of the war at the date of the Ad
dress . The right to dictate a constitution to France

was only like any other illegal outrage- it could be
repeated any where : but there was no reason for its
extension : and the pretexts and the real objects of

the war, the avowals and the acts of the parties up to
the date of the Address, developed no marked dis
tinction between this war and all those which had
filled the earlier part of the century . It did not
appear to be one which immediately or even re

motely threatened our security.
Louis XVI. had convoked the States General.
That body felt the wants of the times, and presented

a constitution to the King, which he sanctioned and
swore to observe. He was weak and insincere in
the presence of ambitious and desperate factions

which he could neither control nor conciliate . They
encroached on his constitutional prerogatives . He

was imbued with the monarchical idea of the nullity
of royal promises - and not unnaturally sought foreign
help . Austria and Prussia negotiated treaties for his
protection, and prescribed to the people of France
the terms of accommodation . Outraged at this in
solence, and eager to bring the matter to an issue,
the Assembly compelled the King to declare war
against the allies : and then justly suspicious of his
sincerity, and feeling the impossibility of his con
ducting with vigor a war waged by their enemies for
his liberation , they imprisoned , deposed , and finally

executed him. Up to this point the war had been
professedly for the liberty and safety of the King ,
and the restoration of a constitution more free and

liberal than that of England. It was doubtless a gross
insult to France to dictate her government. It was
a gross outrage on the law of nations to enforce the
dictation by arms. But it was a question of Euro
pean interest only.
The French retaliated the insolent demand by pro
claiming the rights of man at the head of her legions ,

and organizing revolutionary republics wherever she
pitched her camps . But this was not the object of the
war : it was merely one of the means and weapons for
waging it. The French republic became an armed
propagandist forcing liberty on reluctant millions as a
fitting reply to the effort to force on France a consti
tution she repudiated and a king she knew to be a
traitor. It remained a question of European politics.
The death of the king in 1793 was the occasion
for the accession of England and Russia to the coa
lition . They disavowed any intention of imposing
any government on France . They only deprecated
her aggressive policy, the rebellion she preached and
supported , the anarchy that she suffered and propa
gated. They professed their willingness to make
peace whenever any stable and responsible govern
ment should be installed . They renounced all ideas
of conquest. England , the only free constitutional
government was armed against France ; the war was
not therefore one directed against all free institutions .
All parties would gladly have acquiesced in the con
stitution sworn to by the king . The revolutionary
madness was the object of their terror, their hate ,
and their hostility. They considered it a temporary
madness . They did not aim at the freedom which

animated it—but the fanatical and cruel phrenzy
which deluged the world in blood in the holy name
of liberty. Such were the pretexts -justified by the
apparent facts- beneath which the allied powers dis
guised their ambitious projects.
Their real object was conquest. In less than a
month the proclamation of moderation was with
drawn- conquests made were claimed in France for
Austria- England detached her troops for the de
struction of Dunkirk- and while Austria strove to dis
member France , Russia did dismember Poland . The
crusade for the safety of kings and the suppression of
an ambitious faction was converted into an alliance to
plunder France of her territory. It had sunk to the

level of a war of aggression and conquest on the one
side, as it was charged to be on the other. France
waged a war with ideas as well as with arms ; but

they were the mere instruments for the conduct of
the war- not avowedly nor apparently its causes or

its objects .
People might well doubt if that were liberty
which in its name defiled itself with innocent blood ,
mocked at the religion of the world, and denied
the God of Heaven ; which Burke the friend of
America execrated , and England the only free

power of Europe could be prevailed on to attack.
It was liberty- but in its maddest and least amiable
mood, goaded to phrenzy by persecution , and wield

ing the maniac's might for defence . Washington
followed the struggle with his prayers . But he
feared its fiery contact quite as much as he depre

cated its fall before the arms of the coalition .
Nor was the balance of fortune so decided as to
leave open any very serious apprehensions of any

great change in the relative power of nations. The
campaign of 1793 terminated by the rout of France
at the camp of Cæsar. The campaign of 1794 saw
the allies driven over the Rhine .
The close of 1795 ,
Ca
after various changes of fortune, left the contend
ing armies marshalled on the Rhine- in balanced
power. Spain and Prussia had withdrawn from the
contest. England and Austria were no more than a
match for France . Russia was digesting her Polish
spoliations .
The campaign of 1796 opened brilliantly for the
Republic. Moreau and Jourdan carried terror into
the centre of Germany and threatened to form the
coveted connection with the army of Italy . But the

fate of war drove them to the Rhine while Napoleon
was crushing the successive armies which Austria
poured into Italy-that nothing might be wanting to

elevate his victories into miracles. Moreau and Jour
dan were beaten before the address was written ; and

Napoleon was yet between Lodi and Arcola when it
was published .
The war up to the day of the address was a war
about European interests. It was an outrage on the
independence of France-but she was more than
able to protect herself. It was waged under false
pretexts for ambitious ends- but the pretexts had
more of justification than those under which Fred
erick seized Silesia and Russia divided Poland .
AND THE LAST WAR OF FREEDOM . 391
The coalition was formidable-but incomparably infe

rior in relative powers and actual conduct to that
which in the seven years war menaced the existence
of Prussia .
The sovereigns of Europe felt a deep sympathy

for their cousin . They sought to quiet internal dis
contents or to prevent revolutionary agitations, by
extinguishing the portentous conflagration which
raged in France. They felt and treated it as a
temporary fury- dangerous if left unchained , but
not as necessarily connected with the idea or the
reality of constitutional liberty, nor inconsistent with
the forms of monarchical government. They were not
then aware of the ultimate and irreconcilable hostility
between liberty and despotism. The incompatibility
was not yet developed so as to sink into their minds
as a principle. They did not yet attack it on prin
ciple, from policy, in every phase, regardless of place
and time and origin and duration . They professed
to be the friends of reasonable, well balanced , consti
tutional liberty. It was the fashion of the age in
courts, in the salons, in the schools.
Its fortune was that of early christianity. It was a
novelty and that attracted . Its searching pene
trating exclusive power and pretensions were un

known or unheeded . It was hated by a few bigots .
It was admired by philosophic curiosity, or tolerated
by philosophic disdain . It was left to herd with the
superstitions that swarmed over the Empire. Its

purity and simplicity even attracted Imperial notice ;
and the statue of Christ shared with those of Abra
ham, Apollonius, and Orpheus, the imperial devotions.

Its tenets were permitted to spread in obscurity and

almost without opposition . But when it shrank with
horror from the profane contact of idolatry, pro
claimed the purity of its principles as the imperative

rule of life , and anathematised as iniquity what the
law called religion- asserting exclusive empire where
it was only tolerated as an associate, and commanding
obedience to the curious and idle enquirer, whose
pleasant vices it denounced- it was then that Im-
perial despotism united with private bigotry, by fire

and sword, the wild beast and the torturing rack, to
exterminate a spirit whose existence was felt to be
incompatible with the " existing order " of the Roman
world.
So it was with modern despots and the spirit of

liberty . It took thirty years of war and rebellion,
of concession and of retraction, to impress the dullness
of royal minds with the incompatibility of popular
power and monarchical absolutism . They were long
in learning that popular power involved popular
sovereignty : and that there could not be two sove
reignties in the same state. They were then forced
to choose between the retention or the surrender of
their absolute power. Any recognition of popular

power involved by inevitable sequence their subordi
nation : they were driven , therefore, to deny all par
ticipation to the people in affairs of government, and
to war down every effort to obtain it. They then
saw that liberty worked by example, and was as
dangerous when peacefully operating in a neighbor

ing state as if it were in their own . They therefore
consistently associated themselves to extinguish it in
every place whence its light could shine into their

darkened realms . This was not the case at the date
of the address . It is a new thing in the world . It is

the peculiar product of the nineteenth century. It has
given a significance to the liberal cause and its con
test with despotism which it never had before- and
which takes it from the category of those " primary
interests" of Europe which have no relation to us.
The combination for the suppression of liberty is
not an ordinary combination of her politics, or an
ordinary combination of her friendships and enmities.
It is a novel, extraordinary , and dangerous conspiracy
to suppress liberty as dangerous to despotic power
and utterly incompatible with its quiet existence.
It requires no " artificial ties" to implicate ourselves
with the fate of the free nations of Europe . Our
fate is bound up with theirs. Their fall removes the
only hindrance to our fall. The principle of the
conspiracy, the consistency of the policy, the influence
of this Republic, the impossibility of quiet to despot
ism so long as it exists, all unite to compel the des
potic powers to elect between our ruin and their own .
To seize the first opportunity by suitable alliances to
meet and overthrow them, to divide their power, to
substitute free for despotic governments , to support by
money and arms nations which by our aid with that
of England can maintain themselves , is therefore the
plainest dictate of common sense. Washington would
have been the first to see and provide for the coming
storm . If he could not avoid it, he would have has
tened to dispel it ere it reached maturity . He would

not have been so simple as to call alliances for such a
50
purpose " leaving our own to stand on foreign

ground." He would rather have said , it is leaving
our own that we may meet and repel our foes from
the sacred home of our liberties. He would not
have called this the " entangling our peace in the
toils of European ambition , rivalship , interest, humor
or caprice." He meant those words for such wars
as filled the eighteenth century .
For emergencies such as the events of the last thirty

years have developed , he would have been the last
to recommend a temporising policy. The last day
of weakness would have been the last of inactivity.
He would have seen in the steady march of despotic
power from east to west in its unholy crusade against
liberty the foreshadowing of a terrible day which
procrastination might hasten, but could never shun .
He would have regarded the advent of 1848 and the
great crisis it developed as a blessed opportunity
which Providence might not repeat. He would
have considered the adjournment of our fate as a

deadly artifice, which secured easy success by a
little patience. He would have seen in the triumph
of the despotic powers all over Europe, and in the
S
events now there transpiring, one of those " ex
traordinary emergencies" which his knowledge of
human affairs led him to foresee must arise . " We
( 0)
may safely trust to temporary alliances for ex
traordinary emergencies" are the words which indicate
his policy in such contingencies. He would not let
a day pass without entering on negotiations with
England to meet and provide for events which are
on the wing- and which this generation may see
face to face, involving the integrity, the very existence

of the Republic .
The policy of Washington in the hands of its re

cent interpreters has come to mean a short-sighted
indifference to external events if they happen to
occur at a distance, blindly disregarding their char
acter and their necessary consequences . His policy
is made to mean- indifference to every thing occurG
ring beyond the American continent not inflicting

some direct and tangible injury on us .
That great man measured his policy by other rules .
Distance was only one element of his calculation .
The event, its meaning, and its consequences were
what he regarded . Whether near or remote, he was
ready to meet and ward off danger by any alliances
which would answer the purpose . He had no
horror of mingling in European contests : he merely

said the system of permanent alliances with any
power was an evil one, and that meddling in the
ordinary combinations of European politics relating
to interests primary to her but remotely related to
us, was unwise. But he never advised indiffer
ence to the machinations and the arms of a coalition
of European despots of great magnitude , permanence ,

and power- on a principle which involves our gov
ernment peculiarly-and hitherto so victorious that
all Europe is now subject to its will.
On the contrary , the first steps of that iniquitous

alliance mis-called the Holy attracted the attention ,
excited the fears, and elicited the most emphatic pro
test of President Monroe . His declaration has ever
been regarded as the basis of our foreign policy.

That declaration rests on the wisest principles of

statesmanship , which anticipates and meets danger in
the distance . It was never reputed a departure from
the policy of President Washington ; yet it is as far

removed as heaven and earth from the puerile
trifling put into the mouth of that great man by
his expounders.—
That declaration flowed from the independence of
the Spanish provinces-and the dangers which
threatened them.
Prior to the Spanish revolution , the Holy Allies

had offered Ferdinand " an amicable intervention to
restore for him - on solid bases- the authority of the

mother country. " The Neapolitan expedition was
the best exposition of their interpretation of amica
ble ; nor could they have expected that repub
lics in arms would yield to persuasion after having
Ja
repelled force . The " fatal example " of the revo
lution at home strengthened the hands of the revolted
colonies ; and the Allies postponed their reduction
till they had restored despotic power to the throne of
Spain.
But the independence of the colonies totally altered
our relations to them. We hastened to acknowledge
them, to form treaties of commerce with them, to
open the freest and most intimate intercourse with
them . We hailed the blessed vision of freedom and
peace which their success seemed to assure . We
rejoiced that our borders were freed from the dan

gerous contact with the vassal colonies of despotic
powers ; and we indulged few scruples as to the
measures we should take to prevent their reduction

by foreign force .
The triumphs of the Allies in Spain was the natural

precursor of the resumption of their postponed but
not abandoned interference in South America. It
was natural that Ferdinand , restored to half his em
pire, should invoke the Holy League to lay at his feet

the other half. The example of the rebellious colo
nies was equally pernicious- the outrage on his di
vine rights equally atrocious-and conciliation im-
possible but by the persuasion of the bayonet.

So plainly was this the next step in the drama—
that in October 1823 George Canning distinctly
warned the minister of France that any interference
by force or menace between Spain and the colonies
would be the signal for the acknowledgment of their
independence by England .
Their independence had been already recognized
by this Republic- which greeted with overflowing
heart and disinterested exultation the birth of her
sisters of the western world . But the impending
danger to their infant freedom from the blood -thirsty

tyrants of the Holy League called for something
more than acknowledgment by this Republic . The
first to shatter the chains of despotism, her only
title to existence was the right to defy the Lord's

anointed . To crush the southern republics because
they had not asked leave to be free was to impeach
our liberty, and by implication to affirm the right to
reduce us beneath the sceptre of England . President
Monroe felt the danger and met it in advance. His
declaration was based on the triumph of the allies in
Spain, and his conviction that it must be followed up

by an attack on the republics of America. His mes
sage of December 1823 pledged this Republic to repel
by force of arms any attempt on the part of the Holy
Allies to apply their system of compulsory reconcilia
tion to the South American republics . He did this
by way of anticipation ; and the event proved that
audacity was wisdom. The same month of De
cember 1823 which gave his message to the world
witnessed a formal demand by Spain on his Holy Re
storers to meet at Paris to devise measures for reinstat
(d )
ing his despotic power in America. The plan com
prehended only the restoration of the colonies in
America. Yet to subject them to Spain was no wrong
・ done to us.
We expressly and repeatedly declared
our neutrality between them and Spain . That was

to declare their existence must depend on their
ability to maintain themselves. If they fell before
the arms of Spain we might pity but would not aid
them . But had not Spain a right to invoke the aid
of other powers in the war ? And if so , was it not
inconsistent to make the exercise of that clear right
the criterion of peace or war with all Europe ? Was
not that within the policy of Washington according
to the new lights of modern commentators ? As
suredly it was no aggression on us to restore the
colonies of South America to their allegiance to
Spain . Why then did Monroe and the great men of

the Washingtonian era, his friends and disciples,
brought up at his feet and worshipping his memory,
so promptly declare their readiness in that contin
gency to fly in the face of what we now are taught

to believe was the very pith and substance of his

teaching ?
The reason was-that they knew a little more
about the policy of their master. It is plainly as
much in the teeth of the policy of the address to
mingle in controversies between European and
American nations having little or no relation to our
peculiar interests, as to intervene in struggles between
European powers having only the same degree of re
lation to us. When the address was written , all
America beyond our limits was colonial. No inde

pendent flag waved from the north pole to Cape Horn
but our own. The Viceroys of European monarchs
ruled at their will the whole continent beyond our
limits ; and those limits did not stretch across the
Mississippi , nor reach the Gulf of Mexico. Every
European war must therefore spread to this conti
nent and blaze all round our borders. If every such
contest was to form an exception to Washington's
rule of isolation , the rule itself would have no case
left to operate upon. It did not therefore draw the
line of distinction between European and American
affairs to which his commentators now delight to
refer. He did not contemplate our intermeddling in
all American contests, as European nations are apt to

do in contests touching the territory of Europe .
America was no exception to his rule : but it was
embraced in it—as dependent on Europe and fol
lowing the ordinary vicissitudes of its politics. He
had seen more than half of North America change
hands within his own day : and a reversal of the
event was no improbable contingency. Yet he made
no exception of such a case . He was not basing his

policy on the theatre of contest , but on its objects, its
principles, its relation near or remote to our safety
and independence . Whether the threatening cloud
arose in Europe or America was not the question :
but- was it likely to burst on us.
President Monroe took this view of the policy of
this country, and he acted on it. He had watched
with keen interest the struggle of Spain. He greeted
with joy her free constitution , and it consoled his
benevolent mind " to see the extraordinary modera
tion with which it has been conducted ." His mes
sage of December 1822 was filled with the fairest
anticipations ; and though the atmosphere of Europe

boded a storm which led him to advise instant pre
paration , nothing indicated the blow which followed .
Between that time and the message of December

1823 the Holy Alliance had developed their policy,
illustrated it by a terrible example , and stood ready
to follow it up in another hemisphere . They had
prostrated Spanish freedom : they prepared and
threatened to coerce the obedience of her rebellious
colonies . They professed no hostility to the United

States ; and their intervention was as the ally of
Spain, a principal party in a legitimate contest in
which we had formally declared and scrupulously
maintained our neutrality. But President Monroe

was no inexperienced political trifler-but a practical
statesman , bred in a great school, conversant with
affairs, versed in the logic of political sequences , and
perfectly conscious of what must follow the reduction
of the Spanish colonies. The pretexts were trans
parent : and he did not refuse to see through them ;

nor would he believe we were safe because the first
blow fell on our neighbors .
He saw for the first time the policy of the Holy
Allies assume a definite shape . Still affecting the
disguise of hostility to revolutionary violence and
excess, which had disgraced , discredited, and over
thrown the first French revolution, their assault on
the liberties of Naples and Spain revealed the real

purpose of the alliance, the real object of their
hostility. It was not the excesses of revolution , nor
the danger of an armed propaganda, but peaceful,
quiet, legal, constitutional liberty, guarded by armed
freemen against the encroachments of perfidious
despots- which they banded to overthrow. Presi
dent Monroe saw that this principle included our
Republic-as Henry Brougham saw it was applicable
to England— and that the subjection of the Spanish
colonies was only the preliminary step to intrigues,
intermeddlings, aggressions, and combinations against
us. He therefore met the distant threat by a timely
warning. Our strength was not great enough then to

be felt on the continent of Europe . Alone we could
there effect nothing, while France was the slave of the
Holy Allies, and England was paralyzed with terror
or halting between two opinions , disgusted with her
former allies , startled at the development of principles
she had sanctioned by her example , yet not resolved
to meet their pretensions in arms. He therefore
measured his declaration by our strength : and with
a boldness which still startles us when we regard
the disproportion of the parties and the enormous

51
power he engaged to meet, he laid down the line
beyond which the Holy Allies should not march

westward without crossing swords with the American
Republic.
President Monroe and his cabinet were not troubled
by many scruples about leaving " our own to stand on
foreign ground ," when they declared in the face of
the assembled and allied tyrants of Europe that an
attack on Chili was an attack on them . Alluding in
the message of December 1823 to the recent events
in Spain, the President said :
"It need scarcely be remarked that the result has
been far different from what was then anticipated .
Of events in that quarter of the globe with which we

have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and inter
ested spectators. The citizens of the United States
cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the
liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side
of the Atlantic . In the wars of European powers
in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken

any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to
do . It is only when our rights are invaded or seri
ously menaced, that we resent injuries or make pre
parations for our defence.With the movements in
-
this hemisphere we are of necessity more immedi
ately connected, and by causes which must be ob
vious to all enlightened and impartial observers . The
political system of the allied Powers is essentially dif
ferent in this respect from that of America. This dif
ference proceeds from that which exists in their re
spective governments. And to the defence of our
own which has been achieved by the loss of so much

blood and treasure and matured by the wisdom of
our most enlightened citizens, the whole nation is
devoted. We owe it therefore to candor and to the
amicable relations existing between the United States

and those powers, to declare that we should consider
any attempt on their part to extend their system to any
portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety. With the colonies or dependencies of
any European power we have not interfered and
shall not interfere. But with the governments who
have declared their independence and maintain it,
and whose independence we have on great consider
ations and on just principles acknowledged , we could
not view any interposition for the purpose ofoppressing
them or controlling in any other manner their destiny ,
by any European power, in any other light than as the
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the
United States.
"The late events in Spain and Portugal, show that

Europe is still unsettled . Of this important fact no
stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought proper, on a principle

satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force
in the internal concerns of Spain . To what extent
such interposition may be carried on the same principle
is a question in which all independent powers, whose
governments differ from theirs, are interested ; even
those most remote, and surely none more so THAN
THE UNITED STATES . Our policy in regard to
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the

wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the
globe , nevertheless , remains the same, which is, not

to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers, to consider the government de facto as the
legitimate government for us, & c. & c. But in re
gard to these continents, the circumstances are
eminently and conspicuously different. It is impos
sible that the Allied Powers should extend their
political system to any portion of either continent

without endangering our peace and happiness : nor can
any one believe that our southern brethren if left to
themselves would adopt it of their own accord. It is
equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold
such interposition in any form with indifference."
This declaration- if any thing but empty gasco
nade is the formal adoption of the policy it has
been my purpose to advocate . I desire to apply its
principle to a case clearly within the contemplation
of its author, but not then so developed as to justify
or require more active precautions .
It reiterates the policy of Washington , that " in
the wars of European powers in matters relating to
themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does
it comport with our policy to do so." But if our rights
be " invaded or seriously menaced,"-no matter how or
where , by what nation or combination of powers,-it
is our policy to prepare to repel aggression .
But by "seriously menaced" he does not mean
any formal declaration of hostile intents, nor any
actual movement directed against us. Any act
whose principle and whose tendency is to implicate

our peace and happiness with the system of the Holy
Allies he considers as a serious menace . “ Any
attempt to extend their system to any portion of this

hemisphere," he pronounces " dangerous to our peace
and safety." " Any interposition for the purpose of
oppressing" the South American governments , or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any
European power," he viewed as a manifestation of
an unfriendly disposition to us. 1 He did not wait for
a direct assault ; he treated the intermeddling with

any of the governments of this hemisphere as an act of
hostility. It was not the fact of the assault, but the
principle involved in it which woke his apprehen
sions . He did not mean to propose a partition of
the world with the European powers ; and yield-
ing to them the old world, engross to ourselves

the new. But he was ready to repel their assault on
the smallest and most distant republic of South
America- though vastly more distant than Europe
because "to what extent such interposition may be
carried on the same principle, is a question in which all

independent powers whose governments are different
from theirs are interested, and none more so than the
United States :" because "their system could not be
extended to any portion of either continent without
endangering our peace and happiness ;" because he
recognized the citizens of the most remote of the
American governments as " our southern brethren , "
and regarded any attack on them as only the prelude
to an attack on us. He did not make the inter
meddling a cause of war because it took place in

this hemisphere. We have no more rights in America
beyond our borders, than in Europe or Asia. But
he denounced war as the penalty of interference

because it was considered a manifestation of an un
friendly disposition towards us : because the princi

ple on which such interference would rest must
embrace our government, be as applicable to us as to
them, and directly involve the assertion of a right,
whenever the opportunity might invite , to deal with
us as they dealt with them. President Monroe ,
therefore, met the danger in the distance with ready

defiance . He did not measure our danger by
leagues. He regarded the significance of the acts.

The Rio de la Plata is farther from us than London
or Paris. Our trade and connexion with Brazil are
not near so great as with several European powers :

and Rio Janeiro is more distant from Washington
than Washington is from Madrid . The republics of

the western coast, Chili and Peru- by the ordinary
route of commercial intercourse- are vastly more
distant than any part of Europe ; and our own pos

sessions in Oregon, by the same route , more distant
still. It was not geographical relations therefore
which dictated the declaration . It was the principle

involved in the intervention, its applicability to ourK
selves, and the disposition such an intervention would
manifest on the part of the Allied Powers to make their
power the only limit of their hostile assaults on the liber
ties of nations. The principle of the intervention in

Spain might consistently justify like intervention
under similar pretexts for the suppression of free
institutions in any other country . President Monroe
saw the extent of the principle ; and declared no
nation more interested in its extension than the
United States . He watched for the spirit which was

to guide its application . The assertion of a right

was nothing till it assumed a practical shape . But
when an act was done involving a principle applicable
to us, he thought it the part of a wise statesman to
look out for the first indications of an intention so to
apply it.
The declarations of the allies in their Spanish ex
pedition did not distinctly declare their object to be
the destruction of all free institutions . They con
fined it to the particular case. They covered it up
under special pretexts which however unjustifiable did
not make it manifest that they intended to extend the
system beyond the particular circumstances. If it
rested there, we were not directly and materially
interested to fight against an example. Nor were we
able to war against combined Europe.
But whatever act indicated an intention of apply
ing the rule of intervention to the United States,
President Monroe considered ground of hostility . He
declared that any act against any American govern
ment, on any part of either of the American conti
nents, however remote, however insignificant- was

evidence shewing an intent to make the principle
involved in the Spanish expedition a practical one all
over the world, whenever power and opportunity
would permit. He therefore pronounced such an act
an aggression on us- incompatible with our peace
and happiness and just cause of war.
But was President Monroe so little of a practical
statesman as to make one act the only evidence of an
unfriendly disposition, and to exclude all other
evidence ? Did he mean to be guilty of the folly of

saying that an actual assault on some American gov

ernment is the only evidence he would regard as valid
of a disposition to assail liberty in its western home ?
Would no declarations, no preparations, no hate, no
open and avowed system of policy pursued for a series
of years over the ruins of independent governments ,
written in characters of blood on a thousand fields and
always pointing westward as its aim and goal , supply

the place of the one single act of overt hostility to
some insignificant American government ? Such
assuredly was not his view. He felt and avowed
that no nation was more interested than the United
States, in the question which the ambiguous and

oracular declaration of the allies had left doubtful
whether the principle was to be extended to all

cases within their power and its reach- or was to be
confined to the case of Spain and other cases in cir
cumstances alleged to distinguish it. If the allies
meant the principle of that case to be applied where
it could be done, to all governments, Monroe felt
that we were interested in opposing it every where—
especially should it be actually applied in America
but not less in Europe, if opportunity and ability
existed to settle the question ere it should reach our
shores. Had Monroe lived in 1848 and 1849, con
sistency and sound policy would have driven him to
urge on England an alliance to break the power
and humble the insolence of the allied despots .
Should God in his providence open such another
opportunity, on us and on our children will rest the
bloody consequences of neglecting it.

The same spirited and expanded policy inspired

another celebrated declaration of that immortal mes
sage-which the arrogant claims of Russia to the
north Pacific and north -western coast provoked and

justified. It was a part of the same policy which
proclaimed the readiness of the United States to
repel with arms any attempt to oppress any of their

American sisters, that closed the American continents
to European colonization- the source and the pretext

of political intrigue, and the ready cover for insidious
assaults where open hostility would be dangerous .
In the discussion of the pretensions of Russia ,
Add
President Monroe stated to Congress "the occasion
has been deemed proper for asserting as a principle
in which the rights and the interests of the United
States are involved , that the American continent, by
the free and independent condition which they have
-
assumed and maintain , are henceforth not to be con
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any
European powers. "—
That declaration breathes little of indifference to
affairs not immediately touching our own concerns.

It was not confined to the north-western coast then
in discussion, nor to any territory which we then

claimed , or to which we might in the future set up a
pretence. It did not rest at our confines and relate
only to territory on our borders, nor did it contem
plate the islands of the Gulf which lie across the

channel of our southern trade . It did not stay its
sweep within the range of territory peculiarly related
to the United States in any manner . It was as long
and as broad as the continents of America. It
52
covered them - every foot - with our arms . It
pledged this Government not merely to protest

against but to repel, as an aggression dangerously in
volving our rights and interests, any attempt at colo
nization within or without our territory on either
continent. From Greenland to Patagonia by that
declaration Europe stood excluded , or if she entered ,
it could only be over our prostrate arms or tarnished
honor.
But this is something very different from the Wash

ington policy of the new school . This declaration
was no tangling alliance - it was no needless political
connexion with any foreign power. It left us free
as before to fight or forbear as our interests or honor
might require. But it did pledge us to the world to
sustain by arms that declaration in its full and sub
stantial width whenever and wherever it was substan
tially violated. No body could demand our aid
against our will ; but our dignity was at stake if we
failed to make good our word.
This therefore, settled the policy of this country in
all foreign affairs . It forever repels and refutes the
foul aspersion that our foreign policy is selfish, un
social, narrow-minded, or short-sighted . To be in
different to affairs going on around us is no part of
our national policy or national character. This decla
ration is the embodiment of our far- sighted policy—
and of the fearless readiness of our statesmen to
proclaim candidly to the world what we consider as
dangerous to our interests or our security . It de
clared that we could recognize no newly ac
quired colonial rights- for we regarded all the ter

ritory of America now finally partitioned between

independent powers- however wild , uncultivated , or
remote might be its situation- however fairly the
subject of colonization before the recent elevation of
the Spanish colonies to the dignity of free nations.
It was as wide as the principle of the Holy Allies ,
which refuses to recognize any right to create a new
dynasty in Europe. It was more sweeping than the
treaties of 1815 settling the territorial partition of
Europe. It was not a treaty whose execution could
be exacted- but it was the formal and spontaneous
expression of the central principle of our own inde

pendent policy . It was based upon a wide esti
mate of the dangers which new colonial settlements
must entail on any of the new republics within
whose territories they might grow up- upon the in
conveniencies our commerce must sustain from the
vexatious regulations of powers inimical yet distant

and irresponsible-upon the deep interest we took
in the integrity, the peace, and the purity of our
southern sisters . Recent experience had taught
that colonization might be the cover or the pretext
for aggression ; and all the nation with one acclaim
exulted in that manly and open pledge of our influ
ence in the cause of liberty .
But if such a policy were fit to be pursued, it was
expedient that all interested in its maintenance
should concur in giving it effect. Permanent alliances
might be inexpedient, but consultations for common
purposes to be pursued by common methods, secur
ing unity of plan and binding closer the bonds of
sympathy by declarations of principles which should
rule the actions of the parties in designated contin

gencies-these were equally expedient and impor
tant. The community of interest and fate was a
better bond than the frail language of treaties which

ingenuity can always evade. Each party remained
.
at liberty to pursue her course free from any right
of another to implicate her in wars she might not
approve. Europe had her congresses of Vienna , of
Laybach, of Verona, to provide for her common
interests, and for the suppression of liberty : it was
fit that the free republics of America, threatened by
that hostile combination , should pledge themselves
by their solemn declarations not to tolerate its armed
intermeddling on this side the Atlantic. Having
many and grave common interests, commercial and
political, of primary moment to them, and having

little or no relation to the affairs of Europe, it was
fit that they should have their congress of Panama,
to consult and provide for the maintenance of their
rights, and the promotion of their peculiar interests.
At the instance of several of the South American
republics, the states of America were invited to meet

in diplomatic congress, at Panama ; and the repre
sentatives of Peru , Mexico , Central America and
Colombia, met on the 22d of June 1826 .
President Adams , inspired by the wise and manly

policy of his predecessor- shaped by himself as Sec
retary of State- now as President recommended the
appointment of ministers to that congress. Strong

opposition arose in the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives. The resources of Daniel Webster's states
manship were marshalled in defence of the wisdom
of the measure-in opposition to and to the confusion

of the let alone men of that day. The President, at
the call of Congress, explained the purposes contem
plated by the mission . After the most elaborate con
sideration, the Senate and the House approved that
policy. This is the most authoritative exposition
ever given of our foreign policy by all branches of
the government. It settles definitively that policy to
be not one of timid neutrality or of selfish and unso
cial isolation , or of mean pursuit of filthy lucre , while
the world is in arms struggling for the triumph of
truth . But it declared that in our sphere , and in
our day and according to our measure , and so far as
is compatible with our safety, we are on the side of
liberty, not merely in word , but in deed — not merely
in the cabinet, but in the field .
The message - affirmed by the votes of both
houses of congress- is the best exposition of the
policy it proposed , and they espoused .
1
The President first considered whether the course
proposed had any tendency to change the policy of

the country, which sedulously avoided " entangling
alliances ;" and " unnecessary political connexions . "
He came to the conclusion that time had changed the
condition of affairs , and introduced new elements
requiring consideration . Our situation was no longer

"detached and distant ;" but we were the central ,
the oldest, the most powerful and experienced

member of a new system of independent republics.
This system had interests primary to its members
and only remotely related to the nations of Europe.
Their change from colonial vassalage to independence
multiplied our relations with them as well of interest

as of sympathy . As colonies, they were a sealed
book. As free nations, we delighted to read in them
the transcript and impress of our own glorious insti
tutions working by example. With them, we not
only then had, but must necessarily continue to
have- whether we wished it or not- numerous and
complex political relations , which must increase with
their growth. He affirmed that the time foretold by

Washington, when our augmented strength would
enable us " to defy material injury from external an
noyance and with reference to belligerent nations we
might choose peace or war, as our interests guided
by justice should counsel" -had arrived . He de
clared , that “America had a set of primary interests,
(
which have none or a very remote relation to Eu
rope : that the interference of Europe, therefore,
in those concerns, should be spontaneously with
held by her upon the same principles that we have
never interfered with hers : and that if she should
interfere , as she may, by measures which may have

a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselves, we
might be called in defence of our altars and firesides,
to take an attitude which would cause our neutrality
to be respected, and choose peace or war as our
interest, guided by justice shall counsel. The ac
ceptance of this invitation , therefore, far from con
flicting with the counsel or the policy ofWashington,
is directly deducible from and conformable to it."
To what contingencies these words related he
proceeds to shew, by invoking the authority of his
predecessor, and incorporating in his message the

celebrated declaration of defiance flung by him in the

face of the banded tyrants and peacemakers
of
S
Europe. They both held the same policy , and con
curred in regarding it as the just development of the
counsels of the father of his country addressed to the
manhood of his offspring .
To the suggestion that such consultations might

prove distasteful to the Holy League or to Spain, he
loftily replied
"Our attendance at Panama can give no just cause
of umbrage or offence to either ; and that the United
States will stipulate nothing there which can give

any such cause. Here the right of inquiry into our
purposes and measures must stop . The Holy League

of Europe itself was formed without inquiring of the
United States whether it would or would not give
umbrage to them. The fear of giving umbrage to
the Holy League of Europe was urged as a motive for
denying to the American nations the acknowledg
ment of their independence. That it would be viewed
by Spain as hostility to her was not only urged but
directly declared by herself. The Congress and
Administration of that day consulted their rights and
duties , and not their fears. Fully determined to give

no needless displeasure to any foreign power, the
United States can estimate the probability of their

giving it only by the right which any foreign state
could have to take it from their measures. Neither
the representation of the United States at Panama,

nor any measure to which their assent may be yielded
there, will give to the Holy League or any of its
members, nor to Spain, the right to take offence : for
the rest, the United States must still as heretofore

take counsel from their duties rather than their fears."
There were several objects of that Congress at Pa
nama. It was benevolently hoped that private war
might be banished from the ocean, and piracy cease to

be the ally of civilized nations- that neutral property
covered by the flag and protected by the bottom
might sail unscorched through the flames of war
that our counsels and experience might aid our
younger and less tried sisters in treading the thorny
path of political life. But these were not all, nor its
chief objects. The main purpose of that congress ,
in the view of President Adams, was to arrange a
common plan to protect by arms, if protests proved

vain, the rights of republican America from the
armed pacificators of Europe . Whether in the shape
of a treaty, or a declaration of common purpose , or
an understanding, tacit, but clear, was matter of
secondary consideration. The time, the mode, the
extent of aid , were to be defined . The field of
action was not necessarily to be confined to this

continent. The purpose was the protection of the
liberty and independence of this western world ,
whether questioned on the Amazon , the Atlantic ,
or the Rhine.
Mr. Adams expressly declared the purpose of that

congress to be- to give effect to Monroe's declara
tions that these continents were not the subjects of
European colonization . He declared that " most of

the American nations have declared their entire
assent to them ; and they now propose among the

subjects of consultation at Panama, to take into con
sideration the means of making effectual the assertion

of this principle, as well as the means of resisting
interference from abroad with the domestic concerns of
the American governments . "
At that very time there lay in the Russian archives
the records of a consultation held on the importance
of reducing the South American republics under
the dominion of Spain. It formed a part of that
scheme that the United States should be subjugated.
The memoir containing this startling proposal ema
nated in the year 1817 from the pen of Pozzo de
Borgo- one of the most eminent of the remarkable
corps of diplomatists by whom Russia prepares the

march of her armies. They do not impertinently
volunteer their advice unasked upon their govern
ment. That memoir was therefore on a subject then
under consideration by the Russian Government, and
its language gives the confirmation of history to the

logic of this work—which deduced from the prin
ciples of the Holy Alliance the necessity of their
attempting to overthrow this Republic as their crown
ing labor. Pozzo de Borgo rests his opinion on that
very incompatibility between our institutions and
those of the allies and the effect of our example,

which it has been my purpose to develope. He
said
" Founded on the sovereignty of the people, the re
public of the United States of America was a fire, of
which the daily contact with Europe threatened the
latter with conflagration ; that as an asylum for all
innovators, it gave them the means of disseminating
at a distance, by their writings and by the authority of
53
their example, a poison of which the communication

could not be questioned, as it was well known that the
French revolution had its origin in the United States ;
that already troublesome effects were felt from the
presence of the French refugees in the United
States." He then proceeded to argue that our
reduction would be an easy enterprise , while our aug
menting power made us objects of fear to European

monarchical governments .
Russia therefore had been meditating our subjuga
tion— as matter of sound policy-on the principle of

the inherent incompatibility of our system and hers—
prior to the Spanish and Neapolitan revolutions, and
before the congresses of Laybach and Verona had pro
claimed her principles to the world or elicited the
warning protest of President Monroe . This fact
gives the confirmation of history to the prophetic

penetration of Monroe and Adams, and properly ap
preciated , it flings a terrible light on the path we
have been trying to explore. *
In the face of this peril we are proud to reflect
that President Adams in his message did not confine
himself to our own domestic concerns . He did not
contemplate a selfish repose amid the troubles of our
neighbors , nor the resting secure in our own strength
for our own protection . He did not contemplate
turning a deaf ear to the cry of the feeble for help
against the mighty, nor leaving them to perish so
* For this important document, I am indebted to the profound and statesman

like speech of Senator Soule- which was not delivered till after these pages were
written, and which I was so unfortunate as not to see until they were in the
printer's hands. Otherwise , I should have been most happy to extend my
obligations to its comprehensive researches. 7 July, 1852 .
that we only might be safe . But heartily concurring

in Monroe's two declarations of principle, feeling
that we were aimed at by the Holy Conspiracy of

Europe, confident that division , inaction , and timidity
would only hasten the inevitable day, he resolved to
organize a plan of united resistance to any encroach
ments near or remote by the allied sovereigns.
The congress of Panama was therefore intended
as a counterpoise to the congress of Verona . Its
purpose was to elevate the protest of the United
States to the dignity of the universal policy of re

publican America. It aspired to unite in one un
broken front the republics of these continents for
the conservation of liberty in this its last asylum
against those who , having strangled its infant energies

in Europe, were hasting to follow with bloody hands
its flourishing offspring beyond the ocean .
On this ground it was placed by the message , and
defended in congress ; and while much opposition
was there felt and expressed against any entangling
alliances, yet the voting the appropriation by the
House of Representatives , and the approval by the
Senate of the mission and the ministers, after this
message and a full discussion of its principles, can be
considered in no other light than the deliberate affir
mation by all departments of the government that the
policy of the message was the policy of the country .

We stand, therefore , committed to the principle of
united opposition to any development of the princi
ples of the Holy Alliance threatening the cause of
free government in this western world . No man is
entitled to say, it is our policy to be patient and in

active while our allies and natural friends are falling

around us so long as we are untouched . The
fathers of the Republic did not deem so meanly of its

destiny and power. They feared ambitions and
entangling alliances, they deprecated needless politi

cal connexions, they repudiated the folly of national
attachments or antipathies, of hereditary devotion or
hostility. They felt that their first duty was to their
nation ; but their second duty was to liberty and
humanity. They would not sacrifice the former to
the latter ; but they were quick to see that the one
was closely allied to the other, and our safety was
wrapped up in the freedom of our neighbors . They
were prudent not to draw the sword till it might be
felt- nor then till it was required : but they fear
lessly proclaimed to the world the limits of patience ,
the principle of peace or war : and they left to the
future and the hereditary spirit of their children to
redeem the gage of their plighted honor. They
did not condemn this mighty Republic to silence
in the great debate of nations . They did not
place the sword in the hands of the President as

an idle bauble , or to be drawn only in the cause of
Mammon ; nor did they ever dream that this people,
silent and inactive amid the clang of arms where the
destiny of nations was being decided , should play
sutler to the camp and fatten on the blood of the
martyrs of freedom- pursuing like the jackall with
creeping and stealthy pace the low hunt for prey
over the field of the weltering dead-but stained by
no blood of theirs.
They would have recoiled with disgust at the

picture of their descendants playing the Jew among
the nations- in the world but not of it- with no
voice in its affairs and no weight in its destinies

careful only of gain and ready to fight only for gold
holding the sacrilegious love of lucre the only re
ligion elevating the spirit to martyrdom, and liberty
valueless save as its security. Had such been their
spirit, we had been no nation. Had such been their
legacy of dishonor to us, their children , we might

have started on the humiliating mission- but we
should have caught inspiration at the sight of arms.
We might have gone, like the son of Jesse , to the
field of battle laden with parched corn and cheeses
for our elder and heroic brethren : but he mistakes
the spirit of this Republic who supposes that her

children could calmly listen to the Goliath of despots
defying the hosts of liberty without taking up that
challenge and testing in arms the might of that uncir
cumcised Philistine.
Much rather, when I contemplate their youthful

daring and matured might, do I recognise the linea
ments of the offspring in Milton's painting of our
English ancestors
" Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant
nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep,
and shaking her invincible locks : Methinks I see
her as an Eagle muing her mighty youth, and
kindling her undazl'd eyes at the full midday beam ;
purging and unscaling her long abused sight at the
fountain itself of heav'nly radiance ; while the whole
noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those also
t
that love the twilight, flutter about, amaz'd at what

she means, and in their envious gabble would prog
nosticat a year of sects and schisms . "
So stood the Republic of that day- lofty and

defying.
But we owe our escape from a collision with the
despotic powers to other terrors than our protests .

Thrice have the European revolutionists diverted
the lightning from our heads to their own .
In 1815, the wars of the giants closed . Napoleon
was chained to the rock of St. Helena ; and the
European system was reconstructed at Vienna.
Allowing themselves small breathing space, in

1817 the allied despots prepared to restore to the
crown of Spain the sceptre ofthe American Indies,
and audaciously debated our subjugation as a disturber
of the public peace of the world .
The explosion in Spain and Naples diverted their
arms and their thoughts from conquest to defence
from 1819 to the end of 1823 .
Restored to his absolute throne , Ferdinand in

December 1823 urged on his allies the resumption
of the American expedition .
Our protest may have had some weight. But just

then the smouldering fires blazed up in Greece, and
the Ottoman empire seemed crumbling to pieces.
The Czar eagerly turned from the certain perils
and doubtful fruits of a western crusade ; and the day
of Navarino and the passage of the Balkan employed
in the rich and tempting field of Turkish conquest
till 1829, the arms we otherwise might have felt.

The shock of 1830 followed swiftly on the treaty

of Adrianople : the army of the Balkan was recalled
to the plains of Poland : and France having once

more broken prison fixed the eye and roused the
fears and the hate of the Czar. Europe for eighteen
years continued too unsettled to allow the thought of
western conquests. The despotic powers were busy
with the work of compression- ignorantly preparing
from afar the era of 1848.
Prostrate for a moment by that explosion , they
regained their feet ; and now the liberal cause lies

crushed beneath the ruins of its shattered fortress :
while Russia, confidently grasping the dictatorship

of Europe, is ready for any enterprise to expand or
consolidate her empire.
The cycle of time has brought us back to the

circumstances, and in face of the dangers which
occasioned the declarations of President Monroe , and
the wise precautions of President Adams. The in
solence of an Austrian Minister has provoked Secre
tary Webster's indignant rebuke . In language such
as this government has not held since the lofty
message of President Adams, he reminded the Impe
rial despots that this Republic had a voice and might
take a hand in the affairs of the world . The time is
not far distant when we shall be called on to redeem
those pledges , or stand recreant before the world .

It is now time that we consider of our course ere we
be required to take it.

The American Republic in the face of every
danger will adhere to her ancient, wise, and liberal
policy -varying her measures to meet the shifting of
events—but holding fast to the unity of the principle

amid the variety of the means by which she pursues it.
Her policy is that of the Father of his Country—
applied to circumstances within his foresight and
covered by his words.
It is still her " policy to steer clear of permanent
alliances with any portion of the foreign world ;"—
but it is also still her policy - now in the face of a
great crisis " to trust to temporary alliances for ex
traordinary emergencies. "
The country has now progressed " to that degree
of strength and constancy, which is necessary to give
it, humanely speaking, the command of its own
fortune ."
The time has come " when we may choose peace
or war, as our interests guided by justice shall

counsel ."
" Our detached and distant situation," has ceased

to be a fact by the creation of the Spanish American
republics on our borders . We form the centre of a
new and peculiar system-at war with the principles

which are being enforced on Europe , and which can
only triumph finally by our overthrow.
This change enabled and compelled Mr. Monroe

S
to deduce from the policy of Washington his decla
ration to the Holy Allies, " that we should consider
any attempt on their part to extend their system to
any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our
peace and safety. "
He meant by those words that in such event " our
interest guided by justice" would counsel us to
choose war .
The impending danger of the extension of the

-
system of the Holy League to American affairs in
duced Mr. Adams to send ministers to Panama " to
take into consideration the means of making effectual
the assertion of that principle, as well as the means of
resisting interference from abroad with the domestic
concerns of the American governments . "
It is now matter not of conjecture but of history,
that the object of our fears was no phantom. We
know that the allied despots stood prepared to apply
their system of armed intervention on this side the
Atlantic ; that our subjugation was within the range
of their views ; that the assault on our southern
neighbors which must have implicated us was turned
aside by European revolutions ; and that they who
made them are now there prostrate and disarmed .
We know that the same necessity of policy requires
our subjugation for the peace of European despots :

and the plan which once existed we do not know to
have been abandoned .
Recent events have renewed and increased the
dangers which President Adams sought to obviate at

the congress of Panama . The triumph of Russia in
1848 has left her free to pursue the principle of her
policy consistently to its most distant results. The
Holy Alliance, reduced to a unit by the dictatorship of

the Czar, scornfully repudiates the political events of
thirty years, and refuses to recognize a crown of
France save on the head of a legitimate Bourbon . It
turns its scowl of open hate on the popular freedom of
England and America, and denounces war on the
very foundations of their constitutions- as organized
54
disturbers of the peace of the world , whose overthrow

only abides the fullness of time . Steam has added
wings to its might, exempted naval war from the
vicissitudes of the winds and the waves, and leaves
New York more exposed to Nicholas than was Lon
don to Napoleon .
If therefore the congress of Panama were a fit
precaution against that of Verona-a congress of
London speaking the will of England and America
will be a fit response to the diplomatic notes of
Vienna .
Confiding in the assurance of Washington that
"we may safely trust to temporary alliances for ex
traordinary emergencies ," I point to the " extraor
dinary emergencies " impending over us ; and insist
that now as " heretofore , taking counsel from our
duties rather than from our fears," we should construct
such " temporary alliances" as may be requisite to
enable us to surmount them.
This policy which I propose is no wild crusade to

force freedom on reluctant nations . It is no propa
gandist policy made available for self- defence . It
does not propose to enforce liberty by the bayonet
or to preach it from the camp. It is no proclamation
of the rights of man to people in contented or in dis
contented slavery. No institutions accepted or ac
quiesced in are proposed to be overthrown- still
less is any hostility felt or avowed or recommended
against kings and monarchical government . The
principle is defensive, not propagandist . The history

of forty years is its justification . The safety of our
own freedom is its object. We are threatened with
the success of a scheme of policy which has consist

ently pursued its course through thirty years of
triumph- which now is on the point of being crowned
as the arbiter of Europe - and which we have
reason to know can and will make itself felt on this
side of the Atlantic. We would defend ourselves
by aiding those who are our natural allies ; who with
our aid may be victorious : who without it run great
risk of failure : for if they fail our only hope is—in
a successful contest single handed with the power
before which they fell.
Neither is it recommended that the Republic
declare itself the guarantor of the independence of
nations. The power of this Republic is not equal
to such a declaration : and its settled policy disclaims
it. We have the right to aid any nation unjustly
assailed . It is our duty to regard our own interests

in the exercise of that right . To conquer San Ma
rino or to occupy Cracow are acts of outrage equal
to the partition of Poland or the conquest of Hun
gary : yet to defy Russia and Austria in the cause of
the former would be senseless ; while self-preser
vation might under some circumstances require us to

espouse the cause of the latter . The right is the
same in each case : the reasons of policy must
decide on the exercise or the forbearance of our
right.
Many outrages may even now be committed in
Europe in the name and in the cause of despotic
power which nevertheless we should be foolish to
resent. Nothing is more possible than the occupa
tion of Switzerland by France and Austria ; but if
no other power interpose to aid Switzerland , if no

revolutionary outbreak shake the continent-our in
tervention would be equally impolitic and nugatory .
But if England be assailed with deadly hostility by
the combined despots of Europe , aiming to extinguish
the glories of her arts and commerce , the light of
her example and her liberty , the mighty refuge of
hunted freedom , then- in spite of her monarchical
head and aristocratic decorations- I see the vile
attempt of despots to crush the spirit of liberty which

alone renders her powerful, terrible and hated : and
in my judgment, the time would have come when
the sword of the republic should be drawn to defend
in the person of England the rights of freedom and
our own independence .
If God shall put it again in the hearts of the people
to rise with simultaneous resolution against their
oppressors as in 1848, and shall bless their efforts
by again placing their rulers at their mercy and

liberty within their grasp , then this Republic should
not stand still and see them overborne by combinations
of foreign arms and domestic treachery. She should
not hesitate to improve the precious opportunity
which Providence affords. She should display the
banner of freedom in aid of our struggling brethren ,
and fling her sword into the trembling scale which

weighs the destiny of the world .
We must be ready to make costly sacrifices of
blood and treasure. Despotism will deliver terrible
battle ere it loose its gripe on the neck of man : and
the next battle will be the final and decisive one .
It will be no passing cloud ; but neither sun nor stars

shall appear for many days after its fury bursts over
the world : and they who love fair weather and smooth
seas should pray that that day be put far from them.
But our contribution will be of our abundance to
the necessities of the weak and destitute . Their
wants will determine the shape of our aid . We

shall be called on for no army for the invasion of
Europe . The cause of liberty now numbers her
soldiers by the million ; it can command more men
than it can arm , support, or officer. The spirit of
liberty-like that of religion- makes her abode in
the hearts and homes of the poor and the powerless.
Their blood is the only libation they can pour on her
altars— but that is ever ready at her call. We shall

be called on for liberal and unceasing supplies of
provisions for the hand that wields the musket
must abandon the plough. Our coffers must stand

open- that men willing to contribute their life to the
cause may not become a fruitless sacrifice . Arms
must be placed in the outstretched hands of her
devotees for despotism has been careful to leave
them defenceless . The military monarchies of Eu
rope will yield to no arguments but steel and lead ,
and they must be made to feel the bayonets they are
so ready to inflict. Military science may be needed
to marshal the willing but ill-instructed recruits,-and
our youths at West Point and her splendid alumni
eagerly expect their country's call to the field of
glory. Our fleet-augmented so as to be less scan
dalously unequal to the resources and the wants of
the country -combined with that of England can
sweep our enemies from the face of the ocean
and its high duty will be to pour in the supplies we

furnish through every seaport of the continent,
while it vigilantly intercepts all assaults on our do
mestic peace. From invasion by European armies
we have nothing to fear ; they will be employed at
home, or if they venture the rash experiment, the
luckless force which lands will melt away before the
flood of armed men our teeming population will
enable us to pour around it. Our only danger is
from our southern neighbors , and they can only be
driven into the arms of the despots by our selfish ,
grasping, unsocial policy.

Hungary fell- not for lack of men or heroism or
science, but because destitute of arms for the hands
of her sons and of food for their mouths . She had
no friendly flag, no La Fayette and Kosciusko , no

French money, arms , or hearts . No French fleet
poured its stores into her ports or kept them free to

neutral commerce . But for such aid vain had been
the devotion of Washington. He would have been

buried in a month beneath the masses of disciplined
soldiers whose march trampled out Hungarian free
dom . His name would have been branded as that of
a traitor or enrolled among the martyrs of liberty

leaving no offspring to bless him with the name of
father.
The principle therefore of our aid must be-to

G
supply the deficiencies of the liberal men of Eu
rope-to place them on even terms with their foes
and then trust to their courage and devotion to win
for themselves what no one can give them- the
priceless blessings of deserved and appreciated liberty.
THE LAST WAR OF FREEDOM .. 431
The grievous fault of 1848 should not be repeated

by England and America. They then threw away
by sloth and indifference, by timidity and selfishness ,
the greatest opportunity ever afforded to settle the
war between freedom and slavery . France is equally

to blame ; but she has paid the penalty of her folly
by bitter humiliation beneath the heel of her tyrant .
She has her own salvation to work out, and not till
that is done can her glorious legions be counted
amid the hosts of freedom . In the presence of her
great agony let the tongue of censure be silent-yet

let not the eye which provides for the future fail to
mark the costly errors of the past.
Things would be very different in Europe now,
had France and England and America acted with
unity, energy, and devotion .
The men of the Provisional government reversed
the precedents of the great revolution in order to
rescue the cause of the republic from the stain of
blood and the imputation of ambition. They pro
claimed peace as their policy and refused to mingle
in the strife of neighboring people lest they should
bring on their cause the charge of propagandism.
History looking on the event pronounces that policy
a blunder. It could be right only on condition that
all other powers acted on it also . The northern
powers had been canting of peace for thirty years

yet never failed to make war under pretext of its
preservation. It was contrary to experience to anti
cipate any change of their policy or of their conduct.
It was a blunder to act on so baseless a supposition .
It should have been assumed that their moderation
was only a calm policy waiting the time to strike ; that

their only restraint is coercion that the first blow
might decide the combat ; that no faith could bind
the enemies of freedom ; and that disability to do
harm was the only assurance of safety.
Had France and England acted on this theory
treated the cause of the people as theirs, wherever it
was contested , and manfully afforded it the support of
their name and their arms- Europe would now be
free and at peace, and the dictatorship of Russia a
thin shadow of the past.
Had France crossed the Alps and supported the
cause of Charles Albert, an inconsiderable force
would have driven Austria, distracted and enfeebled
by an universal revolt, from Lombardy -put to flight
the incubus which oppressed the breathing of Italy
and secured its entire independence.
Had England remembered her greatest moment
when Ferdinand anxious to repay his debt to des
potism , prepared to crush the Portuguese constitu
tion whose freedom he hated and whose contact he
feared, and George Canning electrified Parliament
by the memorable words—

"The precise information on which alone we could
act arrived only on Friday last. On Saturday the
decision of the government was taken . On Sunday
we obtained the sanction of his majesty. On Monday
we came down to Parliament. -And at this very
S
hour while I have now the honor of addressing this
House-British troops are on their way to Por
tugal " —and had she acted in that spirit-Europe
would not now be at the feet of the Czar .
Had Palmerston the liberal breathed the free
spirit of Canning the tory- and when Russia crossed

the Carpathians , sent British troops to Hungary-as
Canning did to Portugal- Hungary had now been
free .
Had he firmly supported the struggling nations of

Italy whose revolts he countenanced and encouraged
only to desert, English statesmen would not now be
estimating her power to wage single-handed a war
against the spiritual and temporal despots of com
bined Europe .
Had England met the menace of Russian interven

tion in the affairs of Hungary with her armed pro
test, it probably would never have taken place—and

Hungary was master of her own destiny so long as
she had to deal with Austria alone . If Russia dis
regarded that protest and England had given effect

to her declaration by such support of Hungary as
she bestowed on Spain against Napoleon , there can
be no sort of question of the result. She would
have been aiding a martial and heroic people, so
absolutely united in their cause that the enemy
could not buy spies, so devoted that thousands were
turned away in tears because there were not arms to
put in their hands, with a government resting on the
affections of the people and wielded by the only man
equal to the crisis of 1848. She need have sent no
army to rally a people animated , united , and in arms.
All they needed was her countenance, her commerce ,
her supplies of arms , her fleet to sweep the seas .
With no other aid Hungary could have turned the
tide of Russian invasion and set the very heart of
55
the empire in a flame by an appeal to the fiery Pole.

This Republic could have aided in this cause : alone
she could have turned the scale : with England it
would have been an easy game . They were both
blind and indifferent : and with the fall of Hungary
all the precious blood of the revolutions of 1848

sunk fruitless into the earth .
Should the fires of revolution again blaze up—
should any such combination of propitious events
again occur—it is the true policy as it is the bounden
duty of the two only free and powerful governments
of the world , with united arms , to dare the worst in
the great cause of freedom- unswayed by any preju
dices about forms of government, socialist theories,
the rights of rival classes—but firmly holding to the
conviction that the people of every nation , when
freed from the oppression and terror of external
domination, will wisely, calmly, and peacefully settle
their own affairs on a basis satisfactory to themselves.
No temporary excesses of the outraged people should
chill their ardor or relax their efforts ; for every
battle is with confusion and garments rolled in blood :

and liberty is worth the costly excesses which ac
company the conflict. We should lay aside the
arrogant boast that however the genus human being
may prevail in Europe the species man flourishes
only in America . We leave to despots as the only

defence of their iniquities the humbling suggestion of
the unfitness of the people of Europe for the blessings
and securities of liberty . It would be well to seek
in the wisdom and moderation of their legislative
proceedings the proofs of their capacity ; and to
look for the causes of their overthrow in the com

bination of external violence and internal treachery.
It might moderate our scorn for the humiliation of

France by Louis Napoleon to reflect what would
have been our fate had Washington accepted the
crown his officers pressed him to assume ; and how
far the necessity of a standing army of three hundred
thousand men would place our institutions at the
mercy of our President. It may be worth while to
reflect how long our revolutionary fathers could have
stood before such armies as invaded Hungary ; and
that we achieved our independence with three thou

sand miles of ocean rolling between us and our foes
only by the gold and arms of France without which
we must have failed . It will throw light on the
question to remember that a standing army of ten
thousand men would have saved Charles I. his head,
and secured England for the cause of legitimate
monarchy. We join in the scandal of our enemies
when we thus confound the capacity to govern
with the ability to repel overwhelming violence or to

insure exemption from internal treachery. We should
rather stand amazed at the stupendous successes of
the friends of liberty in the face of such obstacles
than scandalized at their overthrow. Their heroism
is worthy of our sympathy not of our scorn ; and if

they fell we are guilty of their blood which flowed
because we failed to repay the aid we received .
When the people of Europe are relieved from the
fears of external and despotic violence those great
armies so dangerous to free institutions-will melt
away from the face of the earth ; and with security

and freedom will come peace, moderation , and re
pose . We hold fast to the faith -that the wildest
theorist, the most licentious socialist, the fiercest
jacobin is less dangerous, less deadly, less bloody and
proscriptive , than is the soft tongued and treacherous
hearted, the crowned and anointed , the legalized and
legitimate pirate against human freedom ; and turning
from the red republic to the redder despotism, we
remember that one is a passing fury, the other a
perpetual scourge breathing poison and dealing death ,
and dwelling in darkness which is rendered doubly
terrible by the blacker demons of spiritual despotism
which flit around its throne the obsequious ministers
of its will.
The contest is not between republicanism and

monarchy: but between freedom and slavery : the
power ofthe despot and the power of the people. It is
matter of serious doubt whether a hereditary head—
if one can be found with an honest heart- be not the
safest for the present necessities of some parts of

-
Europe. Whether best or worst, it is entirely com
patible with free institutions : and its adoption or
rejection should not be permitted for a moment to
divide the friends of freedom in the face of their
common and deadly foe- who can be conciliated by

no form of government where popular power is
honestly recognized . It is folly for the friends of the
people to insure their common ruin , because they

cannot agree on the form in which they will enjoy
the liberty they have not yet acquired.The strongest
Add
freest best government of the world- after our own
is the popular monarchy of England . The crowned
head of Victoria is infinitely dearer to us than the

crownless despot who mocks the world with the
nickname of Prince President of the French Repub
lic . It is true that royalty ancient and modern has
defiled every word which man has invented to desig
nate it. Despot, tyrant, king- what of iniquity do
not the very words import? Yet it is the use alone
which has soiled them. In their origin they were
simple and honest names for high offices—as respecta

ble as that of president : and that venerable title will
contract similar contamination if worn much longer
by the despot of France . There is something cold
and heartless, selfish and inhuman, at the very core
of royal natures . Lifted-like lofty mountains
far into the regions of the air , their approach to the
heavens makes them only colder than their fellows of
the earth . The light of the sun pours without its
warmth on their heads - illuminating the distant
paths of ambition , but not softening the heart so that
it can relent in its inexorable purposes . Human
sympathies perish in the eternal snows which wrap

them round . They embody and represent the cold
malignity of Satan , treacherous , cunning, and cruel,
unmoved in their purposes by any soft emotion ,
wise in the light of reason to pursue their deeds of
iniquity, and infinitely removed from the reach of
pity or remorse for the blood that they shed or the
hearts that they break. Such is the curse with
which despotic power blights its possessor : and its
blackest traits have been exemplified on the thrones
of Europe in the middle of the nineteenth century.
Still a hereditary crown , surrounded and limited by

the people from whom it emanates and to whom it is
responsible, may comport with freedom of no mean
grade : and they who unite in that great cause must
tolerate the prejudices , the weaknesses , the necessi
ties, the waywardness and perversity of each .
The existing repose of Europe is transitory . What
shall be the next scene of that drama there is no
prophet to tell ; but whatever be the shape events

may take, we know the chief actors and the parts
they will play. We know that the Czar will lead
the crusade of despotism : and that he will be opposed
by the hosts of freedom- but who shall be their
leader, or who their allies, or when that day shall
come, it is not given us to know. It may be at the
threshhold —or half a generation off. It may be that
France will shake off the domination of Louis Napo
leon and Russia may march in the cause of kings

under the name of the Bourbons. It may be that
Louis Napoleon may acquiesce in her dictation , con
sent to rule on her terms and by her aid , and post
pone till his death the decisive conflict . It may be
that he will appeal to the pride of France, and array
her against the northern league in the name of
national sovereignty , for the benefit of his personal
ambition : or that allied with his masters he may
purchase his peace by services against freedom .

Germany may once again draw the sword and clutch
it with a firmer and more resolute grasp .
Some
•
unknown and unanticipated event may open the flood
gates of revolutionary war. But however and when
ever the general peace is disturbed the parties to the

contest will be the servants of light and of darknesspppp K
and the latter will be led by the Czar of Russia.
The problem we have to solve is- by what arms
he may best be met and overthrown .
Europe is quiet on the surface - but boiling be
neath. It is a crust covering molten lava- which
any day may stir into the resistless fury of the earthA
quake, engulfing every throne in its fiery chasms.
Russia is the only power of Europe seated on
ground not undermined by the volcanic fires of revo
lution-the sole and the last refuge of despotism. She
is powerful to protect ; but she is not invulnerable.
In wars of ordinary ambition she can be assailed in
no vital part. She can repel invasion and retaliate
it with impunity. Experience has shewn that with
her on their side the monarchs of Europe are too strong
for their subjects. But to the fires of revolution she

is obnoxious . Her Polish provinces are exposed so
that she cannot protect them. Their indomitable
spirit supported from abroad will roll back the tide
of Russian invasion , dam up the resources of the
princes of western Europe, and deliver them naked
and defenceless to the fiery indignation of their
outraged people. Thus only can Russia be assailed .
Thus only can the cause of freedom be emancipated

from her deadly power .
This is the only possible mode-but it is sure and

effectual. Every foot of territory gained by freedom
is the frontier of a new campaign of advance . Its
light now shines over all Poland- where the whole
people worship its beams. Its grey dawn spreads

even beyond the limits of her provinces, foretelling

the approach of the light still below the horizon . If
Germany be free, and the Polish provinces of Prussia
and Austria, speaking the same language and having
the same national traditions with those of Russia ,
once obtain national institutions, the whole power of
Russia cannot keep their brethren in darkness or in
sleep. An imaginary line of posts and sentinels
alone marks the division . The frontier seems
movable and unsettled . Russia has hopes of a west

ward march. It seems as if Providence prepared the
eastward spread of liberty and light.With Prussian
-
and Austrian Poland free , it would be a war of ex
termination alone which could suppress the Poles
whom Russia holds enslaved . It is the certainty of
this consequence which causes Russia so anxiously to
watch and to ward off a danger she sees to be
fatal if once fastened on her. The problem of the
age is to establish a free government on the Russian
frontier and maintain it there. To prevent it Russia
has hitherto lavished her blood and treasure- and she
is ready to lavish more. The evil would not be so

deadly if it could be stayed at the inner boundary of
the Polish provinces. But once securely seated in
Poland, even though she continued faithful to the
Russian crown, its despotic power must fade away
before it. Its example would gradually wake the

idea, the desire, the resolution of obtaining free in
stitutions . The progress of cultivation , the habits of
forethought, the examples of Polish debates, the
impossibility of excluding Polish newspapers, would
force the imperial government to a change of policy
under penalty of being swept away in case of obsti

nate refusal. The idea of equality , the central idea
of justice and the very foundation of the democratic
theory, would render it impossible for Russia long to
continue the mild , legal, public, and constitutional
rule of a popular government in Poland- side by side
with the iron despotism however paternal which now
reigns in Russia. The people of the central pro
vinces now are quiet, devoted , and loyal subjects :
but they are so because they do not desire political
privileges. If that desire be at all diffused it breeds
opposition to the despotic power of the Emperor,

discontent, murmurs, conspiracies, and rebellions ;
and these necessarily engender military law, bloody
executions, jealous inquisitions, and judicial murders.
-
The despotic power is at once converted into a ty
ranny , and civil discord consumes the resources of the
land till despotism or liberty sit on an unquestioned
throne . It was to prevent this evil that Russia abro
gated the Polish constitution after the rebellion of
1831 , and invaded Hungary in 1849 .
But failure in either of those struggles would have
permanently settled the triumph of free principles .
The same danger revives at every resurrection of
the revolutionary spirit— and it must always be met
by Russia in the same manner, promptly, energeti
cally, and successfully. The despotic power of her
Autocrats is at issue in every revolutionary struggle in
any part of Germany.
If therefore Russia can be made to abstain from
interference—or if her power can be balanced by the

56
counteracting influence of free governments-the

success of the liberal cause seems certain .
We know the utmost power we have to meet—

even in the absence of a Polish propaganda and a
Polish revolt. Russia with all her vast military re
sources for defence against military aggression is by
no means more powerful in foreign war than several
other governments of Europe . Her military power

is not greater for foreign invasion than that of France.
All Germany united under a federal constitution
such as ours would have nothing to fear from her
utmost might. Her population of sixty millions is
sparsely scattered over an immense territory , in a
low state of civilization , and of little intelligence ; her
pecuniary resources are limited like those of all
merely agricultural and pastoral states ; and the single

campaign of Hungary drove her to solicit loans in the
S
English market. The compact territory, the intel
ligence, the military aptitudes, the central position of
Germany, if united under one government, fully com
pensate for the excess of the heterogeneous popula
tion of Russia in a direct contest of military power.
Russia has never been able to send half of her nom
inal army of European operation across her frontiers .

She could contribute only one hundred and twenty
thousand men in 1814 to march beyond her limits ;
and the hundred and eighty thousand who entered
Hungary were not only much the largest force ever
sent beyond her frontier, but that body taxed to the
utmost her military resources and was all she could
spare for foreign aggression . Her power lies not in
its preponderance, but in its unity, its promptness,
and the unhesitating resolution with which it is put

in motion when the time for action has arrived . If
therefore the spirit of the revolution once again
awake all Germany, and her people put not their
faith in princes but seize the moment of success to
consolidate their power in the shape of formal gov
ernments, taking the sword from hands interested to
abuse it and placing it in hands honest and able,

Germany would be mistress of her own fate . If
Russia offer to interfere, the free governments of the
world should draw the sword in her defence, and

proclaim at the head of their armies the restoration
of Poland among the nations of the world .
We condescend to debate no question of interna
tional law with Russia on this point. She has long
since made her sword the measure of her rights, and
we are content to accept the rule .
If she may intervene at the call of despots in the
cause of the existing social order, we may do so at
the cry of suffering liberty in the cause of human
rights.
We rely on the " modern instances " of the Rus
sian chancery for our right to rebuild what she
has destroyed .
If Russian impudence plead the right of nations
freely and unmolested to dispose of their internal
affairs we concur in the assertion of the principle—
and seeking her interpretation of it on the plains of
Poland and Hungary, in the divan of the Turk, and
among the principalities of the Danube, we turn to
the shattered walls of the Polish fortress and to the
broken columns of the Hungarian temple, and claim

with restoring zeal to raise in renewed glory those

ancient structures .
To the murmurs of Russian diplomacy we deign

no other reply than the scornful interrogatory, " Quis
tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes ?"
But watchman- what of the night ? What of hope
is there that light shall break from the darkness of
Europe, that the murky calm of triumphant despotism
is the harbinger of the bursting storm of revolution ?
Shall the waters stagnate into green and loathsome
corruption, fertile in slimy reptiles which the sun
shine of despotism breeds ; or will the breath of the
tempest waking them into life , restore them to
sparkling purity and freedom ?
The extremity of the despair of Europe is the

surest trust that the day of her redemption draws
nigh . Assuredly her condition has never been
worse ; her people are in that lowest deep below
which there is no lower : and that is the best assur
ance that they will venture a contest which can

change their fate only for the better. Flight is now
no refuge for the persecuted children of liberty in
Europe. All the despots unite in menacing their
last retreats . Switzerland and England alone remain
above the flood whereon their feet can rest : and
even there the long arm of despotism is stretched out

after them. Russia has remonstrated with England
on her hospitality-Austria has grumbled at the re

ception of Kossuth . France has united with her in
threatening Switzerland with the consequences of
indiscreet hospitality : and both would delight in an
opportunity of dividing her mountain barriers as an
K
indemnity and security against the emigrant machi
nations which disturb their repose- like the whispers
of an evil conscience . The miserable find no refuge
in Europe ; their sole safety is beneath the ægis of
this Republic . Already the Austrian minister has.
muttered his master's anathemas at the free spirit of

our people who rose up as one man before the per
secuted exile whom the nation delighted to honor :
and no man can say how long it will be ere imperial
blood hounds will hunt the fugitives to our shores.
Since the empire of Nero and Caligula sunk before
the northern barbarians Europe has felt no such
night as that which now wraps her. No incubus
in her darkest night has pressed so heavily on
her breast. Her Kings are the jailors or the mad

house keepers -her people are convicts or maniacs,
chained to the oar, or cramped in the straight
jacket, watched with the jealous eye of suspicious

tyranny, and chastised by the lash of inexorable
power. Genius, virtue, patriotism , are crimes : the
only virtues are obsequious submission , or active

and zealous oppression . Gladstone has removed the
rags from the running and loathsome sores that
afflict Italian justice-and Europe has groaned aloud

at the horrible recital. The days of Robespierre
grow mild in comparison . Seem justified as a

passing phrenzy in the presence of these cold
blooded , refined , and endless persecutions of the
virtuous and the patriotic . The sharp madness of
the revolutionary tribunal is virtue beside the cunning,

cool, and deliberate villainy of the Neapolitan judges.
The guillotine is mercy compared to the rotting
away of life and limb piecemeal in the damp and

filthy dungeons of Naples. Incivism is more a crime
and more a pretext for judicial murder than honest
devotion to liberty and the confessed constitution
of the land. The twenty thousand prisoners for
political offences in the small Kingdom of Naples

throw into the shade the blackest excesses of the
iniquitous leaders of the revolution . The murderous

revenge of Austria on prostrate Hungary has filled
the world with execration : and the very draymen
of London constituted themselves the avengers of
innocence on the vile Haynau. Martial law has

superceded the criminal tribunals of Germany ; and
political sins are judged before courts constituted for
the extermination of liberty in the persons of its
friends. The voice of public discussion is hushed in

her legislative bodies and the public press is silent
in its great appeal. Sharp scrutiny scans the traveller
for traces of his country : and the American or the
Briton gets scanty courtesy and grudging leave to

cross the prison bars of the Austrian frontier- lest
his national costume and tongue might awaken the
memory of a happier land. Light hearted France
sighs beneath a despotism such as she has never

known. Her protector has sharpened his sword
against her, annihilated her constitution, scattered

or imprisoned her legislative assembly, exiled her
most illustrious citizens, banished to deadly climes
her honorable men- marching them in long lines of
thousands like felons to the gallows. He has placed
vile creatures tools of his perfidious ambition in the
dignities of the government, and murdered by the
hundred, in open day, in the streets of Paris , by

French soldiers, their fellow- citizens who dared prefer
to him the constitution he had sworn to protect yet
ventured to destroy . He has seized the press and

stifled the voice of public complaint. By a mock
election he has added fraud to his violence-and
caused the tongue -tied press to speak lies for his

justification . The heart of France will burst- or
she will fling off the perjured usurper who apes
Napoleon's tyranny and suppresses his greatest
crimes without his immortal services which indem-
nified France for her sufferings : and then, as her

legions arm for the rescue of the liberty she loved ,
her voice will be- as the shout of Achilles from the
rampart.
The simultaneous agitations of 1848 were the
breath of the angel troubling the waters : but the

people had none to carry them to their healing
touch. -If God shall once more send his angel to
trouble those waters now so stagnant : if he shall in

spire the people of Europe to rise in this great cause :
if he shall endue them with wisdom , moderation , and
union : if he shall raise up to lead them men who
will fling to the winds all hopes of favor, all fear of

death , all thoughts of compromise , strong to wrest
the sword from their rulers and powerful to smite
with it in the cause of liberty , who quail on no path
however bloody , and once seated at the summit of
power look undazzled from their height to the still
higher cause- honest in their triumph as in their
obscurity, and adjourning till the common foes of
mankind are humbled the question how they will
secure the trophies and fruits of victory- then the

day of final judgment is at hand . These things will
cry aloud to the free of all the earth to be up and
doing. It will be the voice of God declaring the
work his inspiration- and calling on those he has
made free to prove themselves worthy of the blessing.
But when shall these things be , and what is the
sign of their coming-say they who will fear no
storm on the morrow because the sky is bright to
day.
God vouchsafes no prophecy to man in these
days -but the prophecy of history.

Shall the Muse of history ever stand-a prophetic
Cassandra, pale with the vigils of the past but glow
ing with the light of the future and her eye glitter
ing with prescience of that which shall be-in vain
warning the nations on their march to ruin, with
her finger pointing to the open gulf before and the
power pressing them into it from behind ? Shall no
voice ever attest her truth save the cry of despair

or the groan of the lost ?
God does not mark the future on the face of the
heavens or of the earth . The sun will not be veiled
in blackness nor will the moon be turned to blood
that we may be warned of the coming desolation .

The day of our death is in no wise different from
the day of our birth . The heavens do not frown
when the earth is stained with crime, nor are they
illumined with unusual splendor when liberty and

virtue are triumphant. The flood rushed over an
astonished world invading the nuptial couch and the
festive board. The amphitheatre resounded with the
gladiator's groan and the wild beasts yell while the

Lord of Peace lay meekly in the manger. The
great convulsion of modern times broke-like the

trump of the final day- on the ear of the thoughtless
revellers : and the earthquake which lately covered
Europe with ruins came unheralded save by the pre
ternatural calm .One moment the waters were as
glass -the next all foam and fury, kings' hearts failing
them for fear, and the fountains of the great deep
broken up to overwhelm them.
No man can say what a day may bring forth . No
man is a safe counsellor in the affairs of this Republic
who is willing to trust its fate to the treacherous
and shifting chances of the morrow. Let us be as

they who watch for the morning.
Whenever the trumpet shall sound for that judg
ment day, I look to see the stars and stripes of the
Republic-the tri -color of the west- streaming in
matchless splendor over the banners of freedom.
Her youthful maturity has waxed strong by the
blessings of freedom- till now her power surpasses
that of France when she followed Napoleon to Mos
cow . Her children bless with grateful voices the
God of their fathers who gave them liberty to enjoy,
to protect, to transmit, and to spread .
They hail the
GW
day which summons them to the field , and cheer
fully recognize the duty they owe to the world they
have roused. By their example has Europe been
waked out of sleep ; at their voice have her sons
grasped the sword and died the death of the free ;
on them has God conferred the precious guardian
ship of the sacred fire ; and on them as on the priests
57
450 THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC .
of a holy religion rests the high duty of its propagaW
tion. They have lured mån from the quiet and safe
repose in patriarchal despotism to the knowledge of
his high destiny, and inspired him with the resolu
tion to enjoy its precious fruits. On them rests the
great privilege of succoring their offspring in the day
of its need ; of adding the power of arms to the re
sistless power of their example : of proving that the
magnanimous spirit of liberty is equal to its pacific
blessings ; of maintaining in the face of fiercest des
pots the rights of mankind . Rather let the pillars
of the Republic shake to their foundations, and her
lofty battlements be overwhelmed bearing with them
the last hope of Liberty on earth , than that she
should falter in the terrible hour, or swerve from the
bloodiest path she may be called to tread . Let her
sun set- if it so please God- not the pale shadow of
its early splendor, dimly shining through a long and
languid twilight, accompanied to its rest by the re
quiem of the night birds that succeed to its realm
not thus be thy fall , Oh my Country ! —but rather let
her sun shining in meridian splendor, blazing at the
zenith in its high calling, suddenly, in the twinkling
of an eye-when the world may no more be free
plunge in midday to endless night.
So shall men remembering thy greatness say that
thy fall was worthy of thy glory !
THE END .
ERRAT A.
READ,
Page 305, line 9 , defying, for defiant .

Page 432 , line 2, coercion ; that, for coercion that.
Page 445, line 26, comparison- seem, for comparison . Seem .

Page 447, line 10, surpasses, for suppresses .

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ORMUZD AND AHRIMAN

HENRY WINTER DAVIS .

Litora litoribus contraria, fluctibus undas

JAMES S. WATERS , 244 BALTIMORE ST.

JOHN D. TOY , PRINTER .

THE American People have passed the season

of youth when withdrawn from the eye of the

world their pleasures might blamelessly be their

In the maturity of years and strength they are

amenable to mankind for the conformity of their

conduct to the higher motives of policy and duty.

They cannot if they would be silent and neutral

in that great controversy of the age which they

opened on the field of battle .

It concerns their safety that the part they play

be adopted in full view of all the dangers that

It concerns their dignity that their part be worthy

of their origin and pursued with manly fortitude

I have endeavored to develope some of the con—

siderations which throw light on the path of safety

On this great theme I invoke the judgment of

the American People .

HENRY WINTER DAVIS .

II. THE CONSPIRACY OF LAYBACH AND VERONA, 65

III. THE REVOLT OF FRANCE AND POLAND AGAINST

IV . THE REVOLT OF EUROPE IN 1848 AGAINST THE

V. THE REVOLT OF EUROPE IN 1848 AGAINST THE

VI. THE DICTATORSHIP OF RUSSIA IN EUROPE, 273

VII . THE RELATIONS OF AMERICAN AND ENGLISH

VIII. THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC AND THE LAST WAR

Δημοσθήνους περι των ευ Χερρονησμο

THE HOLY ALLIANCE .

WITHIN the four score years of the life of man

They occupy opposite continents. They are actu

spirits, pure , absolute, unchecked , uncontrolled, un

Those two spirits are Liberty and Despotism-the

There are other despotisms beside that of Russia . But

the impersonations of the antagonist spirits. England

gressing conflict. The dormant power of the people

and by the feeling of the vast majority of her people ;

The people of both are alive with hostile hopes and

It is only in the Republic of America that the peo

ate devotion of the people. They worship in his

On the spirit and character of the government the

in the one case exert no more disturbing influence ,

in the other. The despotism and the republicanism

content. They are both sources of possible danger

character or the spirit of the government : neither is

At the date of our Revolution, Russia was just

At the opening of the eighteenth century the Musco

from civilized Europe by the colossal republic of

and his ambition inspired the hope and provided the

pulous ambition have consolidated a colossal Empire

advancing with rapid flight on the wings of fortune,

the Crimea : but was compelled to relinquish them .

Catharine renewed the contest : and conquered the

of Turkey, and so effectually secured the future