Christopher Zambakari

The University of Queensland, Australia, School of Political Science and International Studies, Rotary Peace Fellow

MINHAJ UNIVERSITY, Executive Global MBA, Faculty Member

Cambridge Graduate University, College of Law, Policy & Global Studies, Faculty Member

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Dr. Christopher Zambakari has built a strong foundation as a visionary leader, scholar, international consultant, and speaker. He is a Professor in the College of Global Studies at Cambridge Graduate University International (CGUI) and Faculty in the Executive Global MBA Program at Minhaj University Lahore (MUL) in Pakistan. He received a Bachelor of Science degree in Psychology from Arizona State University (USA), MBA in International Finance from University of Buckingham (UK), a Master degree in International Studies with a specialization in Conflict Resolution from the University of Queensland (Australia), and a Doctorate in Law and Policy (LP.D) from Northeastern University (USA).He is member of the Board of Directors of The Sudan Studies Association (SSA) and Chairman of the Board of Directors for The Nile Institute for Peace and Development (NIPD). He has led and implemented programs throughout the world on important contemporary international issues. He has worked on cross-functional teams on collaborative projects with organizations in the United States America, Africa, Europe, Asia, and in the Middle East.In 2013, he received the prestigious Rotary International Peace Fellowship to study at the University of Queensland in Australia. He has prepared reports for the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), Berghof Foundation, consulted and contributed to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) commissioned reports on anti-corruption initiatives in East and Southern Africa as well as infrastructures for peace. His areas of research and expertise are in policy development that ensures political stability and socio-economic development, political federations and regional markets, transitional processes, the rule of law, postcolonial violence, and nation-building projects in Africa and in the Middle East. His work has been published in law, economic, and public policy journals.

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Josiah Heyman

University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP)

Saleem Ali

University of Delaware

Naim Kapucu

University of Central Florida

Edith Szanto

University of Alabama - Tuscaloosa

Benjamin Isakhan

Deakin University

Oludamini Ogunnaike

University of Virginia

Andrea Peto

Central European University

Richard Bellamy

University College London

Gennaro Gervasio

Università Roma Tre

Armando Marques-Guedes

UNL - New University of Lisbon

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Papers by Christopher Zambakari

13 - Report on an International Conference on South Sudan: Consequences of the Birth of Africa’s Newest State for the East and Horn of Africa Regions

Professor Michael Chege, Chairman of the Board of Africa Research and Resource Forum (ARRF), in h... more Professor Michael Chege, Chairman of the Board of Africa Research and Resource Forum (ARRF), in his welcome address thanked CODESRIA, UNECA, and ARRF for jointly organizing this conference. He pointed out that the conference was very important mainly because it demonstrated the importance that the organisers have attached to knowledge in the management of society. He explained that research is the centre piece of knowledge production and therefore in finding solutions to problems that plague Africa. It was in this context that he pointed out that the research community in Africa always values CODESRIA's work.

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The Struggle for Sudan's Soul: The Perils of a Turbulent Transition

Social Science Research Network, 2023

‘We Don’t Do Diplomacy Anymore’: An Interview with U.S. Ambassador Chas W. Freeman Jr

Social Science Research Network, 2023

Considered one of the "whiz kids" of the U.S. State Department when he entered the foreign servic... more Considered one of the "whiz kids" of the U.S. State Department when he entered the foreign service in 1965, Chas Freeman Jr. was for nearly 50 years involved in diplomatic service to his country including serving as U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia under President George W. Bush, assistant secretary of defense during the Clinton administration, and interpreter for President Richard Nixon during the path-breaking 1972 China visit. Below are other excerpts from the March interview with Ambassador Freeman.

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The Deferred African Renaissance: Intellectual Poverty and Knowledge Production

The Pandemic Puzzle: An Introduction

While 2020 was a challenging year, 2021 is set to be equally challenging with the emergence of mu... more While 2020 was a challenging year, 2021 is set to be equally challenging with the emergence of multiple variants of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), new SARS-CoV-2 variants 501Y.V1 (B.1.1.7) in the UK and 501Y.V2 (B.1.351) in South Africa. The arrival of vaccines and the advancements in therapeutic remedies have sparked a flickering light at the end of a dark tunnel. But the fact that the rapidly mutating variants evade immunity poses new threats that the world must confront. What are the different paths to end this pandemic? In our Fall 2021 Special Issue, we asked scholars, researchers, policymakers, advocates and business leaders to think about the relationship between public health and politics, public health and economics, and public health and society in light of the novel coronavirus. What are the economic implications of the coronavirus epidemic? What are the impacts and implications of the coronavirus on systems of governance, economies and society? What have we learned from the emergence of the novel coronavirus, the various interventions, and what are the different ways forward? What are the impacts of coronavirus on specific cities and neighborhoods? What are the impacts of “social distancing” and other interventions adopted to contain the transmission of the virus? How have different regions, countries and the international community responded to the coronavirus pandemic, and what lessons are we able to apply successfully to slow down and even end this stifling worldwide pandemic? As each of the contributors would agree, there is so much more work to be done to address and manage the Covid-19 challenge. Because it kills without prejudice, perhaps we can learn how to approach, treat and defeat this disease without prejudice of our own. Perhaps we can find a way – we must find a way – to provide equal levels of support to all our brothers and sisters around the world. Maybe we can learn that it is best when we share our research, share our discoveries and share the results; imagine working together as one for the betterment of all. What if Covid could bring us together to act responsibly and unselfishly? It is our hope that this special issue and the work done by our valued experts will provide you with a better understanding – as seen through the thoughts and perspectives of others – of the evolving health crisis, its economic impact and ways we can design an effective intervention to halt the spread of the virus while also working on an effective vaccine.

Africa and the Poverty in Knowledge Production

Spring Special Issue: The Future and Implementation of the R-ARCSS in South Sudan

Asian Powers and the New Scramble for the Continent: An Introduction

Moving Forward After Conflicts: Conceptualizing Reconciliation in Transitional Processes

Interrogating Liberal Theories of Rights: An Analysis of Rights in the African Context

The Two Sudans: Elusive Peace?

It is nine months since the Republic of South Sudan became independent. The Comprehensive Peace A... more It is nine months since the Republic of South Sudan became independent. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 brought an end to the brutal civil war (1955-1972; 1983-2005) that engulfed Sudan for extended periods after its independence in 1956. An estimated two-and-half million people died and more than five million were uprooted. At present, the forceful displacement of people due to conflict, and the mortality rate resulting from various clashes in the border states and within the South, are on the rise. The sustainability of peace in Sudan and South Sudan hinges on the resolution in, and stability of, Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, Eastern Sudan and Darfur. North and South Sudan will not find durable peace so long as the marginalised population in the border states continues to die. There must be stability in Abyei, the Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile, Eastern Sudan and Darfur.

COVID-19 and the Great Disruption: An Introduction

South Sudan in the East African Community: Prospects and Challenges for a Monetary Union and Political Federation

internally and to neighboring countries as refugees. 4 Prior to the outbreak of the ongoing confl... more internally and to neighboring countries as refugees. 4 Prior to the outbreak of the ongoing conflict in South Sudan, its leaders applied for admission into the East African Community (EAC), a regional intergovernmental organization whose mission is to promote regional peace, security, governance, socioeconomic development, and more effective integration in the global economy and society. 5 However, the application has been deferred on multiple occasions, first in April 2011 and then in November the same year. In early March 2016, the East African Legislative Assembly passed a Resolution approving the ascension of South Sudan, thereby making it the Sixth Partner State,

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The Great Disruption: COVID-19 and the Global Health Crisis (preprint)

The Zambakari Advisory is proud to present our Fall 2020 Special Issue: “The Great Disruption: CO... more The Zambakari Advisory is proud to present our Fall 2020 Special Issue: “The Great Disruption: COVID-19 and the Global Health Crisis.” To produce a quality perspective and shine a nuanced light on this health crisis, we invited prominent scholars, medical doctors, epidemiologist and social scientists to share with you the evolving pandemic as it is seen and experienced and battled around the world. Whereas much still remains unknown, untested and unpredictable, only by committing to an all-encompassing, all-inclusive, multidisciplinary approach can we begin to fight back successfully. While we encounter and try to understand new evolutions in the virus and our treatment of it, this is not the first time the world has been confronted with such a challenge. Our universality has provided the coronavirus with more rapid transmission opportunities than ever before, but we cannot turn our backs on the broad lessons we have learned from our fights against such vicious 20th-century killers as the Spanish (1918-20) and Asian (1957-58) flus, the HIV virus that causes AIDS (1981-present), the H1N1 swine flu (2009-10), the West Africa Ebola pandemic (2014-16) and the Zika virus in South and Central America (2015-present). This issue’s collection features seven articles contributed by such respected voices as Marc Lipsitch, John P. A. Ioannidis, Jonathan Fuller, Graham E. Fuller, Dirk Hansohm, Asha Abdel Rahim, Rose Jaji and Paul Gormley. In the first paper, a professor of epidemiology at Harvard University’s T. H. Chan School of Public Health, Marc Lipsitch, writes that we “should use every possible source of insight at our disposal to gain knowledge and inform decisions, which are always made under uncertainty — rarely more so than at present” when faced with the complexities of the COVID-19 pandemic. Next up, F. Rehnborg Professor in Disease Prevention in the School of Medicine, and a professor of epidemiology at Stanford University, John Ioannidis offers timely insight, noting that “failing to correct our ignorance and adapt our actions as quickly as possible is not good science. Nor is politicizing scientific disagreement or looking away from the undeniable harms of our well-intentioned actions.” The University of Pittsburgh’s Jonathan Fuller, assistant professor of history and the philosophy of science, takes his turn next, writing that epidemiology “must be split-brained, acting with one hand while collecting more information with the other. Only by borrowing from both ways of thinking will we have the right mind for a pandemic.” In the fourth paper, Graham E. Fuller, a former senior CIA official and former vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council at the CIA, contributes to our Fall Issue with a look at the COVID-19 pandemic and a warning that “It would be too bad if all we aspire to is only to return to business as usual once this particular virus has been beaten back.” Following Fuller’s thoughts, co-contributors Dirk Hansohm and Asha Abdel Rahim explore the ingredients necessary to combat COVID-19, including quality governance, interdisciplinary research, international cooperation, an EU offer of support to the countries of Africa and more. The authors admit that, at best, “the world in Europe and beyond will not return to the same state as it was before.” In the sixth paper, a senior lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the University of Zimbabwe, Rose Jaji writes, “It is time for Africa to be proactive and to actively participate in finding solutions for itself instead of waiting for richer nations to assist.” In her article, she looks at the challenges African countries face in battling the pandemic, especially in light of their limited resources. The final piece is penned by Paul Gormley, a professor of criminal justice administration and chair in social science at Lynn University in Boca Raton, Florida. Gormley contributes his thoughts on the COVD-19 pandemic and, specifically, how the correctional system and its actors are at risk. He concludes that, short of “herd immunity” or a vaccine, the system as it exists and operates today is in danger of being “crushed.”

Non-Revolutionary Violence: Culture Talk and the ‘Clash of Civilization’

Over the past fifty years of independence in Africa and in the Middle East, no event has captured... more Over the past fifty years of independence in Africa and in the Middle East, no event has captured the minds and imaginations of activists, scholars, policymakers, and challenged the conscience of the global community like violence and its related outcomes, including poverty. The 20th century was a period in human history replete with violence on a never-before seen scale. Violence continue to dominate coverage on political events unfolding in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. A survey of events on the African continent likewise shows political upheavals, civil wars, and revolutionary movements competing for state power in South Sudan, Sudan, Nigeria, Central Africa Republic, Cameroun, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Egypt, Libya. Alongside inter-state violence, one increasingly find intra-state violence that takes the form of civil war, and trans-regional conflicts where multiple actors including state, regional, international and non-state actors are all major stakeholders competing for power. With inter-state conflict greatly reduced, intra-state conflict, trans-regional conflicts, and conflict that pits non-state actors against state actors are on the rise in both Africa and the Middle East. In this article I analyze the “Culture Talk” or the “culturalist approach” framework as a way of making sense of non-revolutionary and non-traditional violence and its implications. In this article I attempt to think through existing debates on violence, focusing on postcolonial violence. In the first section I discuss the mainstream approach to making sense of violence by relying on culture as a marker and tool for determining one’s politics. This is an intellectual approach that argues that culture is the most reliable clue to people's politics and therefore interprets political violence as a product of a people’s culture. In the second section, I analyze violence and discuss the main proponents of culturalist approach to the study of violence: Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis and their contribution to Cultural Talk. In the third section, I analyze the application of Culture Talk to postcolonial violence.

Whose Peace, Which Justice?

The Trump-Kim Summit and Liberal Delusions

The Role of State in Economic Development: Infant Industry Production in South Sudan

It has been eight years since the Republic of South Sudan became an independent state, following ... more It has been eight years since the Republic of South Sudan became an independent state, following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) , signed on January 9th, 2005, between the National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). To fulfil the mandate of the CPA, a referendum on self-determination was conducted in January 2011, and 98.83 % of South Sudanese effectively voted to secede from North Sudan. South Sudan thus joined the community of nations as the 193rd member of the United Nations on July 14th, 2011. Less than three years later, in December 2013, South Sudan descended into a civil war. The war and accompanying political crisis has exacerbated a delicate balance in the country, delayed the process of reconciliation, and cast a shadow over South Sudan’s viability as a state. Since December 2013, thousands of civilians have been killed and more than 4.2 million people have been displaced both internally and to neighboring countries as refugees. Prior to the outbreak of the ongoing conflict in South Sudan, its leaders applied for admission into the East African Community (EAC), a regional intergovernmental organization whose mission is to promote regional peace, security, governance, socio-economic development, and more effective integration in the global economy and society. However, the application has been deferred on multiple occasions, first in April 2011 and then in November the same year. In early March 2016, the East African Legislative Assembly passed a Resolution approving the ascension of South Sudan, thereby making it the Sixth Partner State, alongside Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi. In this article I focus on economic development based on the theory of infant industry promotion. Infant industry promotion is a term that refers to a state policy that for a period of time shields domestic industries in order to prepare them for competition with more established firms. Infant industry promotion as a state policy is credited to Alexander Hamilton, U.S. first treasury secretary. The concept was picked up by two other nineteenth century economists: Daniel Raymond in the United States and Friedrich List, the 19th century German political economist, who saw the state as the main instrument for economic progress. Recently two other economists, Ha-Joon Chang and Erik S. Reinert, have popularized the term and developed the term further. Infant industry promotion is characterized by a series of policies designed to nurture domestic industry until those industries develop “productive powers” and are able to compete with counterpart, established industries in other countries. As a new country, one of the big questions that the government of South Sudan faces is how to build a functioning developing state that is equipped to spearhead economic development for the benefit of the South Sudanese people. This paper presents the case for infant industry promotion in South Sudan and calls for an active role by the new Republic in economic development. South Sudan needs to prioritize certain industries and selective economic activities and develop the productive powers of those industries while protecting the infant industries from external competition. It further recommends that South Sudan make a distinction between rent that is the product of constant flow in innovation (increasing return) and rent that is extracted by firms that focus on diminishing return activities.

Why Trump Does Not Need the Popular Vote to Retain the White House in 2020

It has been said that all politics is local. Nowhere is this more so than with presidential elect... more It has been said that all politics is local. Nowhere is this more so than with presidential elections in the United States. The 2020 presidential election is (already) in full swing, and a record number of Democrats are running to unseat President Donald Trump. Trump’s opponents — those who are appalled by his policies, rhetoric and polarizing campaigns, in Washington, in the media, and in academia — find it inconceivable that Trump could win a second term. As columnist Sonali Kolhatkar notes, we ignore Trump’s “proximity to victory at our peril,” and recently, Nate Cohn noted that Trump’s Electoral College margin could be even larger than it was in 2016. Trump does not need the popular vote to retain control of the White House. Moreover, Trump appears better prepared and a far more formidable candidate than in 2016 — notably when compared to many of his current rivals. The reason behind Trump’s Electoral College chances in 2020 is found in the structure and make-up of the U.S. Electoral College, politics at the national level and the impact of local elections on the general presidential election. All Trump needs to win a second term is to carry the Electoral College votes, which is a function of local politics seen at the national level. The House of Representatives will likely remain in the hands of the Democrats while the Senate and U.S. Supreme Court remain in Republican control. That leaves Trump with a political advantage.

Somalia in the Age of the War on Terror: An Analysis of Violent Events and International Intervention between 2007 and 2017

This study sought to investigate the geographic location and frequency distribution of three even... more This study sought to investigate the geographic location and frequency distribution of three event types – namely violent events, nonviolent events, and events characterized by riots and protests – and the distribution of political and military events and death rates by region. We provided an assessment of various international interventions in Somalia between 2007 and 2017. Our results showed that violent events (N = 17,539, 86.9%) were by far the most common event type, followed by nonviolent events (N = 1,372, 6.8%), with riots and protests accounting for just N = 1,278 or 6.3% of total events. We found that almost one half (48.7%) of the events involved political or ethnic militias, and over 42.95% of events involved rebel forces, with slightly less than this accounted for by the government (40.2% of events) and 29.4% of the events involved civilians. The northern and central regions of Somalia registered the lowest number of events and fatalities, with most violent events and fatalities occurring in the southern regions. There was a burst of fatalities in 2010, and a steady increase in death rate from 2011 until 2017. This violence has not been halted by external intervention, which has led to internal division in Somalia by subverting power dynamics, encouraging political polarization and radicalizing the insurgency and distribution of power, while lacking the resources and political will to sustain the preferred winning faction.

13 - Report on an International Conference on South Sudan: Consequences of the Birth of Africa’s Newest State for the East and Horn of Africa Regions

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The Struggle for Sudan's Soul: The Perils of a Turbulent Transition

Social Science Research Network, 2023

‘We Don’t Do Diplomacy Anymore’: An Interview with U.S. Ambassador Chas W. Freeman Jr

Social Science Research Network, 2023

Download

The Deferred African Renaissance: Intellectual Poverty and Knowledge Production

The Pandemic Puzzle: An Introduction

Africa and the Poverty in Knowledge Production

Spring Special Issue: The Future and Implementation of the R-ARCSS in South Sudan

Asian Powers and the New Scramble for the Continent: An Introduction

Moving Forward After Conflicts: Conceptualizing Reconciliation in Transitional Processes

Interrogating Liberal Theories of Rights: An Analysis of Rights in the African Context

The Two Sudans: Elusive Peace?

COVID-19 and the Great Disruption: An Introduction

South Sudan in the East African Community: Prospects and Challenges for a Monetary Union and Political Federation

Download

The Great Disruption: COVID-19 and the Global Health Crisis (preprint)

Non-Revolutionary Violence: Culture Talk and the ‘Clash of Civilization’

Whose Peace, Which Justice?

The Trump-Kim Summit and Liberal Delusions

The Role of State in Economic Development: Infant Industry Production in South Sudan

Why Trump Does Not Need the Popular Vote to Retain the White House in 2020

Somalia in the Age of the War on Terror: An Analysis of Violent Events and International Intervention between 2007 and 2017

South Sudan and the East African Community: Common Market, Citizenship, and Political Federation

This article analyzes South Sudan's political and economic challenges as it seeks to become membe... more This article analyzes South Sudan's political and economic challenges as it seeks to become member of the East African Community. The first section presents a brief profile of South Sudan, its development challenges, the land tenure system, and legal framework governing access to and disposal of land. The second section presents an exposition on the challenges facing the EAC as it seeks to build a monetary union and a political federation. The paper critically examines the EAC protocol regarding the monetary union, political federation, land tenure system in East Africa and its plan for a common citizenship. It reviews and analyzes EAC policies such as the elimination of trade barriers such as tariff, non-tariff and other technical barriers, harmonization of labor policies, programs, legislation, and social services across members’ states. The paper concludes that the biggest challenge facing the EAC is how to protect social democracy, while balancing rights with social justice, market fundamentalism with social equity and offers preliminary recommendations.

South Sudan and the Nation-Building Project: Lessons and Challenges

The signing of the CPA in 2005 was the beginning of a long march to peace. Now that political ind... more The signing of the CPA in 2005 was the beginning of a long march to peace. Now that political independence has been achieved, it is necessary to reflect on the nation-building project that lies ahead. This chapter is divided into three sections. Section 1 provides an overview of Sudan’s history, the institutional legacy of colonialism that animates the violence in Sudan, and reflection on one way to reform the colonial state in Sudan. I argue in this section that the current rise in ethnic violence across South Sudan and the Border Regions is due to the failure to reform the colonial state inherited from Great Britain in the late twentieth century. The section also explores subsequent failure to reform the state by all the regimes in Northern Sudan that have ruled Sudan since 1956. Section 2 focuses on issues driving political violence and grievances of the marginalized areas. The problem is illustrated by looking at the surge in political violence in the Border Regions as reflective of the dilemma that faces both North and South Sudan in a post referendum era. Lastly, I argue that the way out of the current predicament in the Border Regions, and the way to build a more inclusive political community in the North and South that respects unity in diversity, is contained in the conceptual framework known as the New Sudan, as articulated by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). I further argue that a successful nation-building project will depend on how the GOSS and the Government of Sudan (GOS) manage to build states that are more inclusive and address the citizenship question.

Post-referendum South Sudan: Political drivers of violence and the challenge of democratic nation-building

This study challenges simplistic explanations for violence between Sudan and South Sudan – as wel... more This study challenges simplistic explanations for violence between Sudan and South Sudan – as well as violence within South Sudan – by empirically investigating and analyzing factors that account for violent incidents over the period from 2009 to 2011. There are currently no studies that have analyzed in a comprehensive manner, the determinants of violence, quantified its scale, and provided empirical evidence showing factors that account for violent incidents in South Sudan. Most studies are focused on few states at a time but none have quantitatively analyzed the key factors accounting for and driving violence between 2009 and 2011 in the whole country. This study fills the gap in literature on South Sudan regarding the determinants of violence. The objective of this essay is to analyze the problem of violence in South Sudan in the period leading up to and after the 2011 referendum. It provides an analysis of the problem of violence, measured by the number of persons killed, in all ten states in South Sudan during the period between 2009 and 2011. Then the article looks into two major drivers of violence: grievances because of underdevelopment, and political power struggles leading to a continuous fragmentation of the administration along ethnic dividing lines. The conclusion highlights the subsequent risks for the new nation.

The Nation-Building Project and Its Challenges

This essay is divided into three sections: Sudanese colonial state, political violence, and polit... more This essay is divided into three sections: Sudanese colonial state, political violence, and political reform. In the first section, the chapter focuses on the institutional legacy of Indirect Rule in South Sudan. In the second section, attention turns to issues driving political violence and grievances of the marginalised areas. The dilemma will be illustrated by looking at the surge in political violence in the Disputed Regions as reflective of the dilemma that faces both North and South Sudan in a post referendum era. In the last section of the essay, I will argue that the way out of the current predicament in the Disputed Areas, which lies in building a more inclusive political community in the North and South that respects unity in diversity, is contained in the conceptual framework known as the New Sudan, as articulated by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). I will further argue that a successful nation-building project will depend on how the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and the Government of Sudan (GoS) manage to build a more inclusive state, which addresses the citizenship question.

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Keynote Address: Leading in the Storm

Distinguished faculty, staff, friends and families, and members of the graduating class of 2016. ... more Distinguished faculty, staff, friends and families, and members of the graduating class of 2016. I want to start by thanking the ASU Alumni Association for inviting me to be part of this celebration. In the next few minutes I would like to share with you something about myself, the work I do, and some implications for you. In 2001 I was resettled in Phoenix along with thousands of other refugees from Sudan. Growing up as a refugee, seeking refuge over a decade on the run, I witnessed the atrocities of one of Africa’s most horrendous conflicts that had cost the lives of 2.5 million people and forcefully displaced millions more. The problems of intra-state conflict shaped my early childhood and informed my choice of study in later years. I attended ASU and graduated in 2006. My focus was always on finding sustainable solutions to complex world problems.

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Fall 2021 SPECIAL ISSUE: Living in an Era of Emerging Pandemics

The Advisory’s Fall 2021 Issue, 2021

While 2020 was a challenging year, 2021 is set to be equally challenging with the emergence of mu... more While 2020 was a challenging year, 2021 is set to be equally challenging with the emergence of multiple variants of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), new SARS-CoV-2 variants 501Y.V1 (B.1.1.7) in the UK and 501Y.V2 (B.1.351) in South Africa. The arrival of vaccines and the advancements in therapeutic remedies have sparked a flickering light at the end of a dark tunnel. But the fact that the rapidly mutating variants evade immunity poses new threats that the world must confront. What are the different paths to end this pandemic?

In our Fall 2021 Special Issue, we asked scholars, researchers, policymakers, advocates and business leaders to think about the relationship between public health and politics, public health and economics, and public health and society in light of the novel coronavirus. What are the economic implications of the coronavirus epidemic? What are the impacts and implications of the coronavirus on systems of governance, economies and society? What have we learned from the emergence of the novel coronavirus, the various interventions, and what are the different ways forward? What are the impacts of coronavirus on specific cities and neighborhoods? What are the impacts of “social distancing” and other interventions adopted to contain the transmission of the virus? How have different regions, countries and the international community responded to the coronavirus pandemic, and what lessons are we able to apply successfully to slow down and even end this stifling worldwide pandemic?

As each of the contributors would agree, there is so much more work to be done to address and manage the Covid-19 challenge. Because it kills without prejudice, perhaps we can learn how to approach, treat and defeat this disease without prejudice of our own. Perhaps we can find a way – we must find a way – to provide equal levels of support to all our brothers and sisters around the world. Maybe we can learn that it is best when we share our research, share our discoveries and share the results; imagine working together as one for the betterment of all. What if Covid could bring us together to act responsibly and unselfishly?

It is our hope that this special issue and the work done by our valued experts will provide you with a better understanding – as seen through the thoughts and perspectives of others – of the evolving health crisis, its economic impact and ways we can design an effective intervention to halt the spread of the virus while also working on an effective vaccine.

Download

Call for Papers: The Eurasian Landmass and Great Power Competition

Call for Papers: The Eurasian Landmass and Great Power Competition, 2022

The Zambakari Advisory seeks your unique perspective. As a leading voice in your field, the views... more The Zambakari Advisory seeks your unique perspective. As a leading voice in your field, the views you have shaped, the ideas you have, and the frame of reference you can share with an international audience of like-minded luminaries is important. We would be proud to include your thoughts in our Spring 2023 Special Issue, “The Eurasian Landmass and Great Power Competition.”

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Zambakari Advisory Call for papers Spring 2023

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