THE JOURNAL OF WORLD WOMEN STUDIES| ISSN 2717-7211
Published Date: 18.12.2022 , Vol: 7, Issue: 1 | pp: 113-122 | Doi Number: http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7460936
NARRATIVE IDENTITIES OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN LIVING IN
TURKEY
TÜRKIYE'DE YAŞAYAN ULUSLARASRASI KADINLARI ANLATI KIMLIKLERI
Özlem AYDOGMUS ORDEM1,
1
Seyfi OZGUZEL1
Çukurova University, Communication Faculty, Communication Studies Department, Turkey
ABSTRACT
Studies on narrative identity have been on the rise in recent decades. This study aims to analyze
the narrative identities of international women living in Turkey. This study is qualitative and
descriptive in nature based on a phenomenographic design within the interpretivist paradigm. This
study involved five international women from different cultures that lived in Turkey for different
periods of time. The results of the study show that the narrative identities of the participants were
influenced by the aspects of the collectivist target culture. While hospitality, friendship, sincerity
and social settings had a positive impact on their identity as women, motherhood, the dominance
of a collectivist culture, the absence of an aesthetic urban design, the domination of manhood and
the judgment of the people were questioned. In addition, the participants interpreted that the
women in Turkey were expected to be confined to their homes, household chores and dealing with
the guests such as neighbors, relatives and friends. The international women reported to have been
largely disturbed by the violation of privacy. Temporality was also found to be another factor that
affected their orientation and adaptation process into the target culture. However, in general, the
participants reported that living in the Turkish culture had a favorable effect on their identity.
Keywords: Immigrants, Life Story, Narrative Identity, Phenomenography, Women.
ÖZET
Anlatı kimliği üzerine yapılan çalışmalar son yıllarda artış göstermektedir. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'de
yaşayan uluslararası kadınların anlatısal kimliklerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma
yorumlayıcı paradigma içinde fenomenografik bir tasarıma dayalı olarak doğası gereği nitel ve
betimseldir. Bu çalışma, farklı dönemlerde Türkiye'de yaşamış farklı kültürlerden beş uluslararası
kadını içermektedir. Araştırmanın sonuçları, katılımcıların anlatısal kimliklerinin toplumcu hedef
kültürün yönlerinden etkilendiğini göstermektedir. Misafirperverlik, dostluk, samimiyet ve sosyal
ortamlar kadın kimliklerini olumlu etkilerken, annelik, kolektivist bir kültürün hakimiyeti, estetik
bir kentsel tasarımın yokluğu, erkekliğin hakimiyeti ve insanların yargıları sorgulandı. Ayrıca
katılımcılar, Türkiye'de kadınların evlerine hapsedilmesinin, ev işleriyle, komşu, akraba, arkadaş
gibi misafirlerle ilgilenmesinin beklendiğini yorumlamışlardır. Uluslararası kadınların mahremiyet
ihlalinden büyük ölçüde rahatsız oldukları bildirildi. Geçiciliğin de hedef kültüre yönelim ve uyum
sürecini etkileyen bir başka faktör olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Ancak genel olarak katılımcılar Türk
kültürü içinde yaşamanın kimliklerini olumlu yönde etkilediğini belirtmişlerdir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Göçmenler, Yaşam Öyküsü, Anlatı kimliği, Fenomenografi, Kadın.
Sorumlu Yazar / Corresponding Author: Özlem AYDOGMUS ORDEM, Associate Prof.Dr, Çukurova
University, Communication Faculty, Communication Studies and Sociology Department, Sarıçam, Turkey
E-mail:ozlemordem@gmail.com
Bu makaleye atıf yapmak için / Cite this article: Aydogmus Ordem O, & Ozguzel S. (2022). Narrative
Identities of International Women Living in Turkey. The Journal of World Women Studies, 7(1), 113-122.
http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7460936
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INTRODUCTION
Identity is an overwhelmingly complex structure that affects individuals at different levels. Social,
cultural and psychological identities are main identity types. Narrative identity is composed of life
stories ((Jasminnwald & Ochberg, 1996). The culture and society in which individuals live affect their
identities, and how individuals interpret social and cultural elements also affect their perception about
individuals, class, gender, groups, communities and societies (Bal, 1985; Schiffren, 1996; McAdams,
1993). Narratives help individuals understand interpret and shape their identities in a spatiotemporal
axis (Yoon & Park, 2012). Stories transform into themes, categories and personal histories. The self is
composed of both permanent and dynamic elements. Self is constantly exposed to new experiences in
social life. Narrative identity is also a plot that contains the connected and interlinked series of social
events. Narrating life stories also provide a coherent sense regarding what they do, how they deal with
and who they are (Yuen, 2008). Therefore, personal experience narrative is a powerful mechanism that
informs both narrators themselves and addressees about how they make meaning out of their
experiences, organize their identity, related event taking place around them to their self, create their
reflective practices, engage themselves in social practices and perceive themselves in a certain space
and time. These relations and actions in narrative identity are closely related to autobiographical
memories that help constitute narrative scripts which may contribute to the understanding of a
coherent self-identity and its relation with the wider society and social practices (Wilson & Ross,
2003). In addition, there is a close relationship between categorization of life experiences and special
contexts that they live in. De Fina (2003: 18) also emphasizes that ‘categories defining people’s
identity are seen as locally occasioned and made relevant through specific orientations displayed by
interactants in interactional contexts and negotiated with their interlocutors’.
Kazmierska (2006) expresses that the narrative identities of immigrants become more
fragile, dynamic and changeable. When individuals enter a new culture, their cultural and social
identity is affected on different levels (Shapiro & Atallah-Gutiérrez, 2020). In addition, they are
naturally tempted to question their identities, revise their autobiographical memories in their original
cultures, compare their present identity in the target culture with that in the source culture and strive to
find a common ground to feel safe (Kazmierska, 2006; Shapiro & Atallah-Gutiérrez, 2020). However,
inhabiting a target culture often results in multiple interpretations and may lead to some disturbances
in individuals that they cannot sometimes explain. Therefore, temporality becomes significant in that
individuals can comprehend life events in a coherent manner (Strauss, 2006). In addition, temporality
is one of the most important factors which can influence immigrants’ orientation and adaptation
process in the target culture. Another important issue is the gender of immigrants and the state of
women as immigrants in a collectivist culture where male dominance is prevalent. Strauss (1969)
emphasizes that identity is constantly exposed to changes by striving to retain a coherent sense of self.
Changes take place when there are turning points, peak and nadir experiences. These transformations
might be experienced more intensively in the target culture. Individuals may question their social,
cultural and personal identity to adjust self in a new context (Kazmierska, 2006). Strauss (1969) also
articulates that new possibilities of identity are explored and accommodated whereas the acculturation
process may take time for women immigrants to orient themselves to the new culture. For some
women, a new culture may mean new economic opportunities while for other women being in a
different culture may denote personal, sexual or educational freedom (Berr et al., 2019; Espin, 1995).
Immigrants often find themselves in different specific contexts and discourses which also shape their
identity in interaction with others. De Fina (2003) also articulates that situations and group affiliations
also bring some constraints as well as opportunities:
…immigrants attribute different implications to ethnic identity depending on the discourse
activity and the story world evoked, and that these implications are open to interactional
negotiation. As in the case of personal and group identity in general, specific discourse
occasions provide an arena for the construction and reflection of images about oneself and
others. The study of identification in narrative discourse affords the possibility to analyze the
way categories are used by specific groups in discourse and also to discern elements of these
representations that may have greater stability than others, together with points of conflict and
negotiation. In fact we have seen that in narratives where others were ethnically characterized,
certain patterns relating to roles, actions and identities were emerging. (p.184)
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These statements show that specific discourse occasions act as the main mechanisms that
shape identities of immigrants. How immigrant women represent themselves and are represented by
the individuals of the target culture influences both personal and group identity. Van Dijk (1993) notes
that identity is constituted through social meaning and shared representations in local contexts.
However, identity is not restricted to only these specific and local discourses. Narrating identity and
narrative scripts also provide a platform where immigrants can address a wider society and place their
identity into this wider societal structure, which allows them to constitute a coherent sense of identity.
If women from individualistic cultures move into a collectivist culture, they may experience
difficulties and challenges that they may encounter (Kagitcibasi, 1996). However, these conflicts may
enhance the flexibility of their identity or hinder their identity capability (Yoon & Park, 2012).
Therefore, it is important to bear in mind that multifarious factors affect identities of immigrants.
This study aims to examine the views of international women living in Turkey on how they
see Turkish women, themselves and how they situate themselves in the context of Turkey. Therefore,
a life story protocol composed of 13 items was given to five international women who were asked to
share their experiences, autobiographical stories and perceptions of themselves, their construal,
personal constructs and Turkish women because womanhood plays a central role in this study.
METHOD
This study is qualitative and descriptive in nature based on phenomenographic design within the
interpretivist paradigm. This design and paradigm acknowledge that subjectivity is pivotal and central
in human understanding of the world, social events and experience. Phenomenography is not based on
dichotomic, binary and dualistic relations but on a continuum and contingencies (Marton, 1981).
Individuals’ experience is prioritized and emphasized. Therefore, different kinds of interviews are
selected as data collection tools. Description, interpretation and comparison of the data are taken into
consideration (Marton, 1986). Narrative analysis of identity also provides a tool to understand
phenomenographic perspectives of individuals in a certain context or culture (Riessman, 1993). This
study also interpreted the experiences of five different women from different countries. Three of them
were married to Turkish men. Four of them are still living in Turkey except that Jasmin is back to the
USA.
Table 1. Personal background of the participants
Participants
Origin of Country
Age
Jasmin
USA
65
Julia
Russia
32
Sara
Syria
25
Sandra
Netherlands
55
Olga
Kazakhstan
30
Duration
5 years
15 years
4 years
2 years
10 years
Marital status
Married
Married
Single
Married
Married
Reasons
Charity
Marriage
Student
Marriage
Marriage
Jasmine
Jasmine is an American who came to Turkey to help hearing-impaired children to learn Turkish sing
language and live in Turkey for more than five years. She, her husband and children produced several
projects about these children. She can speak Turkish at pre-intermediate level. She also taught English
to the Turkish students in the mid-south of Turkey. She lived with her family in an apartment building.
She has also been to different parts of Turkey.
Julia
Julia is a Russian woman who visited Turkey to work temporally. However, after she met a Turkish
man in the south of Turkey, they got married. Julia has been working in Turkey for more than 15
years. She can speak Turkish, English and French fluently. They have a daughter who is a bilingual of
Turkish and Russian.
Sara
Sara is a Syrian woman who had to settle into Turkey because of the war. Sara is single. She
completed her BA in communication sciences and is doing her MA now. She can speak Turkish and
English fluently.
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Sandra
Sandra is a Dutch woman married to a Turkish man. She can speak Turkish and English fluently.
Sandra lived in the southern parts of Turkey. She has been in Turkey for eight years. Sandra has BA
and MA in library science.
Olga
Olga is a Russian woman who visited Turkey to work temporally. However, after she met a Turkish
man in the south of Turkey, they got married. Olga has been working in Turkey for more than eight
years. Olga has BA in English and French studies. She can speak Turkish, English and French
fluently.
Procedure
An open-ended questionnaire was prepared by the researchers by adapting life story interview by
McAdams (1998). McAdams (1998) identified 19 items to reveal the life stories of individuals in
detail. This study adapted only 13 items in accordance with the content of life story interview. The
nature of the study was introduced to the participants who were given brief information about what
narrative identity was and what each item in the open-ended questionnaire meant. After each item was
explained in detail, they were told to write their experience within a four-week period. Before starting
to write their own experiences, they were given some examples about how to express their ideas and
what to focus on while writing their life stories. The participants were told that the emphasis should be
given to their identities. Therefore, the main elements of the narrative identity such as episodes,
imagery, settings, themes, turning points and temporality were explained to them.
Table 2. Key scenes and themes in accordance with McAdams’ life story protocol
No
Key scenes
Item identification
1.High point
Describe a scene that stands out as positive
2.Low point
Describe a scene that stands out as negative
3.Turning point
Identify certain key moments
4.Positive childhood memory
Describe childhood or your teen-aged years – that stands
out as especially positive in some way
5.Negative childhood memory
Describe childhood or your teen-aged years – that stands
out as especially negative in some way
6.Vivid childhood memory
Describe
adulthood years – that stands out as
especially vivid in some way
7.Wisdom event
Describe an event in your life in which you displayed
wisdom
8.Religious,
Spiritual,
Mystical Identify an episode or moment in which you felt
Experience
a sense of the transcendent or sacred, a sense of God or
some almighty or ultimate force, or a feeling of oneness with
nature, the world, or the universe.
9.The next chapter
Describe what you see to be the next chapter in your life
10.
Dreams, Hopes, and Plans for the Describe your plans, dreams, or hopes for the future
Future
11.
Life project
Describe a life project is something that you have been
working on and plan to work on in the future chapters of
your life story.
12.
Life challenge
Describe what you now consider to be the greatest single
challenge you have faced in your life.
Health
Describe a scene or period in your life, including the present
time, wherein you or a close family member confronted a
major health problem, challenge, or crisis
13.
Loss
Describe the greatest interpersonal loss you have
experienced.
14.
Failure or regret
Describe the greatest failure or regret you have experienced
15.
Religious/Ethical Values
Describe in a nutshell your religious beliefs and values,
16.
Political/Social Values
Describe a particular political/social point of view
17.
Change, Development of Religious Tell the story of how your religious, moral, and/or political
and Political Views
views and values have developed over time
18.
Single Value
Describe the most important value in human living?
19.
Life theme
Describe the major theme in your life story
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McAdam’s life story protocol is adapted and given to the participants. This protocol deals with
different events such as turning points, nadir experiences, various values, future projection, reflection
on the past, awareness of the present, questioning the identity, comparing the events from a temporal
perspective. In addition, social, political, religious, ethical and social values are narrated and
questioned. Childhood stories and memories are told by focusing on identity. In addition, negative and
positive perspectives are brought to the fore so that participants can better describe their identities.
Participants are also asked to prioritize one of the most important life themes and values, which enable
them to reflect upon on their identity. Although the main protocol contains 19 items, 13 of these items
were used in this present study. The adapted items are shown in Table 3.
Table 3. Key scenes and themes
No
Key scenes
1.
Typical day
2.
Peak experience
3.
Nadir experience
4.
Turning point
5.
First impressions
6.
Stereotypes
7.
Social expectations
8.
Cultural comparisons
9.
Challenges/solutions
10.
11.
Difficulties
Positive
12.
Experiences
13.
Other remarks
Item identification
Write a typical day in your life as a woman in Turkey
Write a peak experience that you had in Turkey
Write a nadir experience that you had in Turkey
Write one of the turning points in your life in Turkey
Describe your first impressions about in Turkey when
you first arrived (your earliest memory) and what has
changed later about your experiences
Write a stereotypical Turkish woman’s day based on
your observations
Describe Turkish society’s expectations from you
Compare them to your own home country expectations
What are some differences and similarities that you
observe about your culture and Turkish culture?
Describe a solution to a life challenge in Turkey.
Describe people’s assistance to you.
Describe the impact of this challenge on you
Describe some difficulties of being a woman in Turkey
Describe some positive things about being a woman in
Turkey
Describe the experiences in Turkey that affect your
identity?
Describe any other life stories in Turkey you desire to.
RESULTS
The overall findings of the study show that the participants expressed that living in Turkey was
satisfying and had a positive impact on their identity and compared their values with those of Turkey.
Therefore, the participants criticized some cultural aspects in Turkey. The elements that differed from
their original ones were that Turkey prioritized motherhood, womanhood at home, collective identity
and food culture. In addition, the absence of aesthetic structures, the paucity of art galleries,
exhibitions, museums and book shops were articulated to emphasize that Turkish culture lacked these
elements. Hospitality of the Turkish people was brought to the fore and affected their identity and
orientation positively.
Findings related to typical day
All of the participants had different typical day experiences. Jasmin stated that she was very busy all
day long because she was teaching English to make her living and to support a non-governmental
organization that she and her family members founded. Sandra said that she lost her job after a fiveyear business life at a university and was a full homemaker. Olga stated that she was very busy
studying French language teaching and teaching English to make her living. Sara said that she was
majoring in communication sciences to find a job in the future. Julia remarked that she had a regular
and repetitive life practice since she has a daughter now.
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Findings related to experience and turning points
Each participant in the study had different experiences and turning points that affected their identity on
different levels. They interpreted these peak and nadir events in a different manner. One of the
participants, Sandra, encountered a difficult event, which was the loss of her job. This peak, nadir and
turning point had a negative impact on her identity in Turkey. Since her close family members,
relatives and friends were far away from her, she failed to overcome this loss, which influenced her
identity. Another participant, Sara, also led an unhappy for a while since she could not find a job.
However, she was able to get into a university program in Turkey. The other three participants had
positive experiences since they were not confronted with enormous losses.
Sandra : One of the, definitely nadir experiences in my life story, was my working experience
at the Akdeniz University, and finally the loss of my job. Unfortunately, I experienced several
mobbing events and after five years my manager (a German Turk) did not undertake any
serious measures concerning the prolongation of my annual contract. I informed him that
some administrative procedures had to be completed, but he did not respond. Deep down I
knew he preferred the son of a German friend for my job. Finally, he texted (!) me that my
contract was not renewed and did not even make the effort to thank me for my five years’
serious and proven successful work.
Sara: I was rejected by many people at the beginning and could not find a job at all. I did not
have enough Turkish. Therefore, I could not get my ideas across.
Olga: I was very lucky. I found a job very easily and studied in a French program at a Turkish
university.
Jasmine : I was always busy as an American. I taught English for years. I found a teaching job
very easily.
Julia: I came to Turkey to work temporarily. I found a job in a hotel easily and have continued
to live here for 15 years.
Findings related to first impressions and stereotypes
The participants’ first impressions differed from each other since their purposes were varied. Two of
the participants, Sandra and Jasmine, were surprised by what they encountered in Turkey. However,
the other three participants expressed that Turkey appealed to them greatly. The first impressions were
about the design of the city and people’s behaviors towards them. All of the participants stated that the
design of the city was disorganized and lacked art-centric facilities. However, in terms of social
relationships, they were satisfied with how Turkish people treated them. Therefore, they reported that
their identity was positively affected by this friendly approach and hospitality. For all the participants,
a stereotype of a Turkish woman is a person who does household chores, is in the center of a family
and caring for her husband and children. In addition, the participants reported that motherhood is a
core quality and is highly respected.
Sandra: I first arrived in Turkey, more specifically in Adana, in 1998. My first impression did
not at all meet my expectations. Being used to Italian, Spanish and French Mediterranean
country sides and cities, I was quite surprised by chaotic city, the lack of architectural esthetics
and the (in my opinion) absence of beauty in general
Sara : Adana looked like my city in Syria. Therefore, I did not experience any problem. My
first impressions were positive. However, the city and public transportation were a little
disorganized.
Olga: The first impression was that city was “low”. There isn’t any skyscraper or any high
building . Some streets were really narrow and Turkish people drive like crazy. Many people
live in detached houses not in an apartment buildings . There is no central heating and hot
water. Fruit and vegetables are really cheap. My first impression about locals was positive.
They are really hospitable and friendly people.
Jasmine: I came to Istanbul from Indonesia, so some of my first impressions were that women
wore jeans to work (Indonesian dress is skirt and blouse), Istanbul had much less traffic than
Jakarta, and I felt like I was surrounded by “foreigners”—ie. Europeans, white people—
because I was used to seeing mostly Asians around me and I looked upon
European/Americans as “bulays” which means foreigner. What changed? I got used to
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wearing jeans everywhere, traffic in Istanbul became much worse, and I got used to seeing
Turkish/Caucasian people instead of Asians.
Julia : I loved Turkey and Antalya very much. My first impressions were great. I thought that I
could live in Turkey forever. Antalya was my first city. Therefore, it looked very international
for me.
Findings related to social expectations and cultural comparisons
The participants’ expectations from the target country produced different interpretations. Three of the
participants were aware that they would work and study in Turkey. Therefore, their social expectations
were, to a great extent, fulfilled. The other two participants did not expect to live in Turkey for a long
time and had to live in Turkey for several reasons. Therefore, they reported that they felt frustrated and
disappointed. However, in time, as they learned Turkish, they reported that they got accustomed to
Turkish social life. All of the participants compared their cultures to Turkish culture. Only one of the
participants was less satisfied than the other women since she believed that her culture had more
opportunities for her on a social and psychological level. The fact that the three women found a job
and studied at a Turkish university enabled them to have a positive self of their identity. However, one
of the participants were able to develop her Turkish language at an intermediate level and said that she
had some problems finding a job and expressing herself to the Turkish community.
Sandra: My expectations about how I should live my life are more or less based on the
stereotypes I described above. Of course I realize these are stereotypes but stereotypes more or
less contain a certain amount of truth. What I observed is that women marry at a rather young
age, often before they even completed their (university) education
Sara: My social expectations were that I could be a part of a Turkish social group. They also
expect me to behave like them. I am Syrian. Therefore, they expect similar behaviors.
Olga: Since I have been married for 6 years Turkish society expect me to have kids and to take
care of the house more. Some of the women that I talk to get surprise that I don’t cook or clean
the house every day, that usually me or together with my husband we go out in the evening.
Our lifestyle can hardly be called as typical marriage couple. But majority get really proud that
I work and I’m financially independent from my husband. Compare to my home country I
cannot see any difference because a woman is usually expected to have a family or at least to
be married.
Jasmine: The big difference I observe is that Turkish women generally keep their houses really
clean, either doing it themselves or hiring someone to clean. If my house is not immaculate, it
will reflect on me, no matter who made the mess or how busy I am. In America, it doesn’t
matter that much. Also there are times where you are expected to dress more formally, like
visiting a government office. Some places in America are like that, but in southern California,
people wear shorts and flip flops for almost everything if they want to. Besides that, I can do
whatever I want in Turkey.
Julia: Turkish society expects me to marry a Turkish man and have a child as soon possible.
Since I am a Russian woman, they do not expect me to behave like a Russian woman.
However, as a woman, I show my reactions to make them feel that I am from a different
culture.
Findings related to challenges and solutions
The challenges that each participant encountered in the target country were solved in different ways.
Since three of the participants were married to Turkish men, they managed to solve their problems
more easily. However, one of the participants married to a Turkish man was dismissed from the job,
which influenced her identity adversely for a long time. She reported that her husband supported her
psychologically. However, on a social level she was unable to receive the desired support because her
close friends and family members were in the source country. Thus, one of the participants constantly
questioned her identity. The other two participants coped with the challenges. Since they were not
affiliated with a Turkish family, they had to make greater efforts to find solutions to the problems that
they met. Both of them expressed that Turkish people’s desire to help the women influenced their
identity positively.
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Sandra: After my job loss, I felt very sad, not only because of the lack of recognition for my
qualities but also due to the loss of my economic independency. I lost my confidence in the
system and had to diverge my focus from a professional life to, with the support of my
husband, a life full-time at home.
Sara : Some Turkish people asked me why I came to Turkey and could not reply to them in
Turkish because I did not have sufficient Turkish. As I learned Turkish in time, I managed to
deal with this problem.
Olga: I always have my family by my side who are willing to help me in any difficult
situations. Honestly , it depends on the situation. If it’s a daily problem like paying or receiving
some order than nowadays I try to solve myself. Before when my Turkish was really weak my
husband helped me with almost everything. I worried about nothing. I also gain a bunch of
friends who are also ready to give me a hand. Moreover, Turkish people are altruistic people
and I know that I can ask any stranger on the street and without any hesitation he can help him.
Jasmine: There were a lot of challenges in Turkey, especially back in the 90’s when I arrived
and before shopping malls were common, it was a challenge just to figure out where to buy
something like a sleeping bag, or even sewing materials. It was a challenge to figure out visas
and legal business. Learning the language was a challenge. All of these challenges made me a
stronger person, and taught me how to solve problems. Whereas if I had only lived in the US as
a US citizen, everything is organized and easy, you don’t have to think.
Julia: I came to Turkey to work for a while. I did not encounter big challenges. Turkish friends
helped me to solve my problems.
Findings related to positive events and experiences
All of the participants expressed that they generally had positive experiences due to Turkish people’s
inclusive attitudes and behaviors. Language barrier, the loss of jobs, the violation of privacy, the
design of the city and some Turkish individuals’ intervention in the immigrant women’s lives were
among the negative memories and nadir experiences that they had. However, the socialization process
for the participants was facilitated in the collectivist Turkish culture. Therefore, it can be interpreted
that social relations and social dialogue were pivotal and central factors that had a positive impact on
their identity. The participants expressed that the women in Turkey were respected and valued. As
international women, they reported that they received more respect from the Turkish people in social
settings. They also stated that they were invited and entertained by some Turkish families, which
helped them to feel safe and secure in the Turkish society.
Sandra: Compared with the society of my home country I over all did not notice more positive
things about being a woman in Turkey but I noticed more respect for mothers and motherhood.
These aspects in a woman’s life are more underestimated in my home country.Perhaps it is for
foreign women easier to have social contacts in Turkey when they are married with a Turkish
man and consequently have Turkish relatives. With the collective culture in mind and the large
number of relatives, family can be very supportive (and I appreciate that!) but their
involvement can also be a corset.
Sara : I could not find a job. I could not communicate with people. However, in time I got
accustomed to this culture. I made very good friends. My teachers and friends helped me a lot.
Olga: A Turkish woman knows her value . She craves not only for attention, but also for some
stable life. It’s really rare case that a Turkish woman would marry a guy without money or at
least with bright future. In Russia for example money is not the main criteria of getting
married. But here family will not give their daughter unless their sure about the financial status
of her future life. Another positive point is those women don’t get involved into the problems
out of the family. Money, broken car, bills doesn’t bother her. All she needs to worry is inside
of the house. Indeed it eases her life in a certain way.
Jasmine: Maybe finance is not always easy, but everything else is good! We also love being
able to honk the horn when driving, without being offensive (like in USA). That’s why I love
Turkey—all those things.
Julia : After Russia where I experienced a lot of problems, Turkey is my heaven. I really adore
Turkey. I do not want to leave this country.
The Journal of World Women Studies 2022; 7(1):113-122
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Aydogmus Ordem and Ozguzel
Narrative Identities of International Women Living in Turkey
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Anderson (1993) mentions that imagined communities are created in the minds of individuals through
discourses that affect people’s lives. This understanding can be applied to individuals that come from
collectivist and individualistic cultures (Kağıtcıbasi, 1996). This study shows that Turkey as an
imagined community by the participants but one of them was a place where they could lead their lives
happily. Thus, a positive identity was re-formed, re-invented and regulated by the four individuals.
This study mainly aimed to examine the narrative identity of five international women living in
Turkey. Four of the participants emphasized the importance of individualistic culture that they came
from and the difficulty of living in a collectivistic culture (Kağıtcıbasi, 1996; Luke, 1973). However,
they also mentioned that collectivistic culture contains important aspects that could influence women’s
identity positively. These elements were comprised of hospitality, friendship, sincerity, altruistic
behaviors, inviting attitudes, a good health system and rich cuisine culture. However, they developed a
critical perspective towards Turkish people’s intrusion into their privacy, the dominance of men, the
repression of women, the burdens that women have to bear, the absence of aesthetic urban design, the
paucity of art galleries and books shops. Four of the participants shared the fact that they could live in
Turkey until the end of their life since they managed to establish a good social relationship with others
around them. However, one of the participants expressed that she had better social relationship in her
own country. Thus, this study shows that social relations are one of the important factors that affect
their identity. Their narrative scripts showed that their lives were facilitated due to Turkish people’s
helping hands and generosity and that their identity was sometimes adversely influenced owing to the
violation of the women’s privacy. Since the participants often found themselves in friendly social
dialogues, they found the opportunity of adjusting their identity through interaction (Berry, 1993).
De Fina (2003: 185) also mentions that ‘group identity can be exclusively reduced to or
equated with shared representations since identity is a process constructed within social practices and
subject to continuous evolutions and modifications’ and adds that ‘identities are not merely mental
concepts, but the processes of construction and negotiation of identities certainly draw from and
contribute to mental representations’. This study also shows that group identity is a significant factor
in the formation of a positive re-adjusted identity. As long as social relations ranging from education
to business life are enhanced and positively reinforced, then immigrants develop a favorable sense of
identity (Berry, 1993; Bruner, 1991). Since one of the participants was dismissed from the job, she
reported that she had to question her identity in Turkey for a long time. In addition, another participant
in the study mentioned that she was often hindered from entering social groups at the beginning and
was judged about her state in Turkey. The women immigrants in this study were interrogated doubted
and judged by the Turkish social communities about why they were in Turkey. After these first
shocks, it was found that they developed quicker adaptation strategies. These narrative scripts give us
the clue that conflicting discourses in a social context regulate, transform and change identities
(Jasminnwald & Ochberg, 1996).
This study shows that when identities are narrated, individuals are confronted with social
dialogues that shape their identities (Holmes, 1997; Kroskrity, 2000; Linde, 1993). Social relations,
interaction and dialogue facilitate or harden women’s identities. Immigrant women may experience
serious difficulties in a collectivist culture since their privacy might be violated or their personal lives
may be controlled or supervised by others. In the context of Turkey, the issue of privacy had to be
suppressed by the participants. The fact that womanhood and motherhood were prioritized and
dominant in Turkey was questioned by the participants since the heavy burdens of the women were
overwhelming for them.
Immigrant women are also expected to show Turkish women’s behaviors and acculturate
themselves by taking Turkish women as the main criteria. Immigrant women may be said to
experience challenges and difficulties in a culture where men are dominant and act as decision-makers.
Future studies can compare immigrant women from individualistic and collectivist cultures in order to
understand how their identities are affected. Another issue that needs to be investigated is that how
identities of immigrant men, women and LGBTQs from different backgrounds can be shaped and
affected. How immigrant women affect the wider society of the target culture can be also researched to
see whether diversity is positively reinforced through the inclusion of international women from
different cultures.
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Aydogmus Ordem and Ozguzel
Narrative Identities of International Women Living in Turkey
Conflict of interest
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest
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