Keywords in Technical
and Professional
Communication
Edited by Han Yu and Jonathan Buehl
Foundations and Innovations in Technical
and Professional Communication
KEYWORDS IN TECHNICAL AND
PROFESSIONAL COMMUNICATION
Foundations and Innovations in Technical
and Professional Communication
Series Editor: Lisa Melonçon
Series Associate Editor: Sherena Huntsman
The Foundations and Innovations in Technical and Professional Communication series publishes work that is necessary as a base for the field of technical and professional communication (TPC), addresses areas of central importance within the field, and engages with innovative ideas and approaches to
TPC. The series focuses on presenting the intersection of theory and application/practice within TPC and is intended to include both monographs and
co-authored works, edited collections, digitally enhanced work, and innovative works that may not fit traditional formats (such as works that are longer
than a journal article but shorter than a book).
The WAC Clearinghouse and University Press of Colorado are collaborating
so that these books will be widely available through free digital distribution
and low-cost print editions. The publishers and the series editors are committed to the principle that knowledge should freely circulate and have embraced
the use of technology to support open access to scholarly work.
Other Books in the Series
Jason C. K. Tham (Ed.), Keywords in Design Thinking: A Lexical Primer for
Technical Communicators & Designers (2022)
Kate Crane and Kelli Cargile Cook (Eds.), User Experience as Innovative
Academic Practice (2022)
Joanna Schreiber and Lisa Melonçon (Eds.), Assembling Critical Components: A
Framework for Sustaining Technical and Professional Communication (2022)
Michael J. Klein (Ed.), Effective Teaching of Technical Communication: Theory,
Practice, and Application (2021).
KEYWORDS IN TECHNICAL AND
PROFESSIONAL COMMUNICATION
Edited by Han Yu and Jonathan Buehl
The WAC Clearinghouse
wac.colostate.edu
Fort Collins, Colorado
University Press of Colorado
upcolorado.com
Denver, Colorado
The WAC Clearinghouse, Fort Collins, Colorado 80523
University Press of Colorado, Denver, Colorado 80202
© 2023 by Han Yu and Jonathan Buehl. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International.
ISBN 978-1-64215-192-3 (PDF) | 978-1-64215-193-0 (ePub) | 978-1-64642-501-3 (pbk.)
DOI 10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923
Produced in the United States of America
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Designer: Mike Palmquist
Series Editor: Lisa Melonçon
Series Associate Editor: Sherena Huntsman
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Land Acknowledgment. The Colorado State University Land Acknowledgment can be found at
https://landacknowledgment.colostate.edu.
Contents
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Foreword: Technical and Professional Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Johndan Johnson-Eilola and Stuart A. Selber
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3
Han Yu and Jonathan Buehl
1. Accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27
Sushil K. Oswal
2. Actor/Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .35
Clay Spinuzzi
3. Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45
Norbert Elliot
4. Audience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53
Ann M. Blakeslee
5. Collaboration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61
Pam Estes Brewer
6. Content Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67
Tatiana Batova and Rebekka Andersen
7. Crisis Communication. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .75
Elizabeth L. Angeli
8. Data Visualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85
Charles Kostelnick
9. Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93
Miles A. Kimball
10. Documentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99
David Farkas
11. Editing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105
Angela Eaton
12. Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .111
Steven B. Katz
13. Feminisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119
Erin Clark Frost
14. Genre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129
Brent Henze
15. History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135
Edward A. Malone
v
vi Contents
16. Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145
William Hart-Davidson
17. International/Intercultural Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151
Huiling Ding
18. Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .161
Jason Swarts
19. Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .169
Kelli Cargile Cook
20. Medical/Health Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175
Christa Teston
21. Multimodality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185
Dirk Remley
22. Pedagogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .193
Tracy Bridgeford
23. Plain Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207
Russell Willerton
24. Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213
Gerald Savage
25. Project Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221
Benjamin Lauren
26. Proposal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .227
Richard Johnson-Sheehan
27. Public . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .233
Kristen R. Moore
28. Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .241
Chris Lam
29. Rhetoric . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247
James E. Porter
30. Risk Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .253
J. Blake Scott
31. Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .261
Kathryn Northcut
32. Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267
Natasha N. Jones and Rebecca Walton
33. Social Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .273
Liza Potts and Michael Trice
34. Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .281
Carlos Evia
Contents vii
35. Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .287
Jonathan Buehl
36. Technology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .297
Bernadette Longo
37. Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .303
Bruce Maylath
38. User Experience (UX) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311
Guiseppe Getto
39. Visual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319
Han Yu
Afterword: Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Through Citational Practice . . .327
Kristen R. Moore, Lauren E. Cagle, and Nicole Lowman
Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .335
Thematically Organized Contents
Theoretical Orientations in Technical and Professional Communication
2. Actor/Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .35
13. Feminisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119
14. Genre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .129
16. Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145
18. Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .161
19. Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .169
29. Rhetoric . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247
31. Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .261
Disciplinary Orientations in Technical and Professional Communication
12. Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .111
15. History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135
24. Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .213
27. Public . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .233
32. Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267
Types of Technical and Professional Communication
7. Crisis Communication. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .75
10. Documentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99
17. International/Intercultural Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151
viii Contents
20. Medical/Health Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175
23. Plain Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207
26. Proposal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .227
30. Risk Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .253
33. Social Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .273
Technical and Professional Communication Practices
3. Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45
5. Collaboration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61
6. Content Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .67
8. Data Visualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85
9. Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93
11. Editing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105
22. Pedagogy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .193
25. Project Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221
28. Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .241
37. Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .303
38. User Experience (UX) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311
Features of Technical and Professional Communication
1. Accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27
4. Audience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53
21. Multimodality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185
34. Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .281
35. Style . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .287
36. Technology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .297
39. Visual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319
Acknowledgments
The concept for this collection began in 2019 when Han was chatting with Phil
Nel—her colleague at Kansas State University, renowned children’s literature
scholar, and co-editor of Keywords for Children’s Literature. That day, Phil and
Han just happened to talk about the keywords essay genre and how the field of
technical and professional communication might benefit from having a keywords
collection. Thank you, Phil, for that catalyzing conversation!
After thinking about the scope and potential significance of the project, Han
was very interested but immediately knew that she needed at least one skilled
co-editor to make it happen. Thankfully, Jonathan said yes! It was an easy decision for Jonathan to make, for he often wished for a resource similar to Keywords
in Writing Studies when teaching graduate courses in technical and professional
communication. And from previous projects, he knew Han to be both an astute
editor and a great collaborator.
Still, this collection would have remained just an idea if not for the support
and work of our 44 fellow contributors. We thank you for your confidence in
this project and in us as editors, your willingness to work with guidelines that
challenged your typical writing processes, and the knowledge and insight you
brought to your individual contributions. Working with so many contributors—
and working through the COVID-19 pandemic—meant inevitable delays and
complications. We thank our contributors for their patience and perseverance
and for celebrating each milestone with us as the project slowly took shape.
We were delighted when Johndan Johnson-Eilola and Stuart Selber agreed
to write the foreword for this volume, and their reflective work provides a shrewd
opening frame for the collection. Likewise, we are indebted to Kristen Moore
and Lauren Cagle for suggesting the inclusive citation audit, which both greatly
informed the editorial process and served as the basis for their afterword written
with Nicole Lowman. Their analysis and suggestions to authors led to more inclusive references in the final draft and a better acknowledgement of our debt to
marginalized and underrepresented scholars.
We want to thank Lisa Melonçon, Series Editor of Foundations and Innovations in Technical and Professional Communication, for her enthusiasm for the
project and for arranging informative and critically constructive peer reviews. We
are also grateful for the work of the anonymous reviewers; their comments and
suggestions improved every chapter.
Our publisher Mike Palmquist and his colleagues at the WAC Clearinghouse
are superb professionals to work with. They made the production process of the
book as smooth for us as possible, and we are so grateful for their labor.
Finally, we’d like to acknowledge our students, past and present, whose questions, passions, needs, and interests inspired our work on this volume. We hope
x Acknowledgments
it helps you as you navigate the terminological complexity of technical and professional communication.
Foreword: Technical and
Professional Communication
Johndan Johnson-Eilola
Clarkson University
Stuart A. Selber
Pennsylvania State University
Every field of study is a moving target, challenging its members—researchers,
practitioners, teachers, and students—to find ways of taking stock of knowledge
claims and current practices in order to assess the state of play and imagine what
the future might hold for their work. For technical and professional communication, a field aligned historically with the arts and sciences of discourse, keywords
are an insightful location for development and analysis because we understand
language to be constitutive of our being in the world. Language isn’t the only
thing that helps construct reality—consider our increasing interest in material
matters—but articulating keywords helps us to take a useful snapshot in time of
the field’s ongoing development. Language is always open to interpretation and
reinterpretation, but this quality can be seen as a feature with positive effects. As
such, the keywords in this book are meant to invite discussion and debate, raise
questions, and aid both reflection and invention, not pin down some absolute
sense of central aspects of our professional domain.
This foreword itself functions as a keyword entry for technical and professional communication. We build on the entry for technical communication that
Carolyn Rude wrote in 2015 for Keywords in Writing Studies. Rude traced the
modern history of technical and professional communication, focusing mainly
on practice and theory since the 1970s. She considered developments in U.S.
culture that have moved the field in various new directions, new rhetorics for understanding what technical and professional communication is and does, growth
and expansion of our research agendas, challenges of professional legitimization,
expanded capabilities that new technologies have afforded to both technical and
professional communicators and users, and more. Understandably for a short
piece about an entire field, Rude pitched the discussion at the broadest possible
level, tracing general contours and outlining some of the main accents of technical and professional communication as an evolving area of study. We encourage
readers of this volume to read or revisit her keyword essay for another valuable
starting point, and to think of it as something of a companion piece to our own,
for we begin where she left off by considering the nature of change in our current
period.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.1.2
xi
xii Johnson-Eilola and Selber
The final paragraph of Rude’s essay raises the specter of a field collapsing on
itself by expanding outward repeatedly in ways that confound coherence: “But
because of considerable changes in practice and the term’s divergent meanings,
technical communication may become most interesting as an artifact of history”
(2015, p. 168). Rude is referencing several consequential realities here—among
them, technical and professional communication is a contested term with a wide
variety of different theories, models, and emphases; many people produce technical and professional communication, not just technical and professional communicators, including workers in a growing array of affiliated fields; technical and
professional communication content can be mutable and parasitic, living inside
products, larger systems, and networks that users can configure and reconfigure,
affecting the content; and the tools of technical and professional communication
can automate certain types of production tasks. Although these realities aren’t
exactly new, they’ve become amplified and intensified in recent years, further
complicating questions of boundaries, identities, and exclusions. We don’t believe
the field is in danger of becoming irrelevant or anachronistic, but we agree with
Rude that the future depends on articulating and delivering on comprehensible
research agendas. Our view is that those research agendas should attend to realities like those listed above. We consider them to be a key facet of the rhetorical
contexts for technical and professional communication today.
Context isn’t a separate keyword in this collection because discussions of context permeate rhetorical treatments in all of the chapters. But we want to focus
on context because many of the realities of our current period are either a product
of the growing complexity of sociotechnical structures and processes or a reflection of our growing awareness of complexity in consequential settings. We submit that seeing, understanding, and managing complexity in the contexts of our
professional domain should be a defining objective for the field and a (not the)
productive path forward for researchers, practitioners, teachers, and students. In
the complex contexts we’re imagining, it can prove difficult to pin down meaning,
determine cause and effect, assign agency, and gauge how power is exercised and
negotiated. In addition, such contexts are dynamic and fluid, changing over time,
and can produce unintended consequences that become preconditions for future
action. Complexity is a characteristic that is interwoven with the technical, the
professional, and the communicative, affecting the full spectrum of our concerns.
If disambiguating complex contexts is a complicated and confounding task,
the field must still find ways to make sense of them in order to work productively
and responsibly in seeking solutions to domain problems. For this keyword entry,
we want to offer one view of the field by characterizing the complex contexts that
promise to be particularly salient to the future of technical and professional communication. To reiterate, on some level the realities in these contexts have been
with us for some time now, but in recent years they’ve become more intensified
and more integrated into the settings of everyday practice, growing complexity
but also encouraging us to see complexity that was always there but not really
Foreword xiii
recognized adequately. Although the aspects we discuss are intertwined in various ways, we separate them for analytic purposes, constructing a set of themes
or topics for thinking about the complex contexts of technical and professional
communication. In these contexts, the technical, the professional, and the communicative are bound up in interdisciplinarity, ambiguity, mutability, intertextuality, and interconnectivity. The result is a dynamic scene for the production,
reception, and circulation of knowledge that’s as challenging, interesting, and
engaging as any problem-solving landscape.
In terms of interdisciplinarity, technical and professional communicators, by
definition and by their increasingly expanding roles in a variety of settings, invariably function at the nexus of multiple fields, and so we must thrive on and
even nurture any and all approaches that add value to integrative work. Technical
and professional communicators have long been responsible for learning the fundamentals of other disciplines, but our endeavors now require a much richer and
much more diverse set of practices and perspectives. Consider a single keyword
in this volume: Documentation by David Farkas (we will reference this hallmark
area throughout the rest of our foreword, but we could have selected any keyword
entry as an example, for all of them have evolved in complex ways with time). We
can trace the transformation of this term from an almost incidental offshoot of
the primary activity, computer programming, into the wide variety and range of
activities encompassed in the term today. Early UNIX documentation, both print
and online, was written primarily by two UNIX programmers in the late 1960s
at the direction of their manager. Today, documentation encompasses concerns
from genre, social media, intercultural communication, ethics, social justice, editing, and plain language, to name just some of the other relevant keywords. This
array of related areas, many disciplines in their own right, may seem daunting and
too much to contemplate or reasonably consider applying. But navigating these
areas, and bringing them to bear on specific problems in complex contexts, is a
strength and major contribution of our field. Our field is a connective tissue that
assembles aspects from many other disciplines into a coherent, working whole for
users of technical and professional communication.
A second reality that characterizes the state of contemporary technical and
professional communication is a growing appreciation for the complexity of the
concept of ambiguity. Historically, eliminating ambiguity in written language has
been discussed as one key strategy for achieving clarity, which often serves as a
measure of excellence for our information products. In writing documentation,
for example, we have encouraged technical and professional communicators to
prefer the active voice (“Attach part A to part B”) to passive voice (“Part A is
attached to part B”) because the active voice signals agency more directly and
clearly: The human or nonhuman entity performing or experiencing the action is
in the subject position of the sentence. In other words, in the passive version of
the sentence, is part B already attached to part A, or does the user need to attach
it? In many situations, preferring the active voice continues to be useful advice for
xiv Johnson-Eilola and Selber
helping to reduce ambiguity in technical and professional communication. However, the field has also come to understand that ambiguity is actually a property of
language (and of technology) that cannot be eliminated or controlled completely
on the production side of the equation. Consider a sentence we use with our
students to make this point in a basic way: “I decided on the boat.” Although the
grammatical pattern of this sentence is a very simple one—subject-verb-direct
object—there are at least two possible meanings one can draw from the very
same words in the very same sequence. In order for a technical or professional
communicator to encourage the appropriate interpretation in a specific situation,
they will need to craft additional content that guides meaning making in the
right direction. The point is that language always includes a surplus of meaning
and that we should invent and emphasize strategies for contending with this
surplus. We would add, also, that a benefit of the technology-as-text metaphor is
that it can attune us to ambiguity in the design of technical systems (researchers
in affiliated fields such as human-computer interaction account for such ambiguity in work in the area of “interpretive flexibility”). Because ambiguity is a
property of language and technology and not just a problem to be solved, we’re
left wondering if the field might come to think of it as a positive resource to be
leveraged in complex contexts. Exploring this topic could open a useful avenue
for future research.
In addition to the paradigmatic nature of ambiguity, mutability brings syntagmatic complexity to technical and professional communication. The poststructuralist turn in communication in general has moved beyond the simple
sender-receiver model towards a more textured and open-ended (albeit less stable) system in which meaning remains in constant flux. In one way of thinking,
technical and professional communication would not be possible without the
slippage of signification that allows a specific person to insert themselves, for example, into a sentence in a user manual or screenshot in online help to be translated into the working interface. Although research in areas such as contextual
theory and design thinking has shown that the meaning of a sentence in a piece
of documentation can shift around based on the complex, often messy contexts
in which particular users work, we’re beginning to see the mutability of content
itself as a consequential affordance in technical and professional communication
environments. Users of instructional videos on various streaming services can
rate a video and search by user ratings, recontextualize a video by embedding
its code in another website, add notes to help others interpret the instructions
and navigate the video, filter notes to see only those added by other users, leave
comments, add or suggest tags, post responses, see websites that link to a video, and flag inappropriate material. The ability to produce, use, and reinterpret
metadata contributes to the construction of meaning as an active, collaborative
process. This process is doubly collaborative in user-generated systems such as
Wikimedia, where online help is under constant revision, positioning users as authors and editors of crowd-sourced documentation. If technical and professional
Foreword xv
communication seems more fraught with uncertainty than it was in the past, that
recognition also tells us that meaning making was never really that simple in the
first place.
In a closely related shift, the texts that technical and professional communicators work with today enact intertextuality, not just philosophically but functionally. While texts have always gestured to, cited, quoted, and echoed other
texts, the introduction of hypertext links foreshadowed a fragmentation, circulation, and reassemblage of texts. We can also see precursors of this shift in technologies such as single-sourcing, which separated content from form, enabling
technical and professional communicators to produce, for example, online help,
reference sheets, and printed manuals from the same document database. Taking this practice to a new level, technical and professional communicators now
build texts from pre-existing parts. Like programmers, they work with code and
pattern libraries, templates, stock art, and other resources, transforming and combining them in novel ways. Although copy/paste has been with us for decades,
building a document with substantial amounts of text (verbal, visual, and aural)
from other sources is a relatively new practice. The production of a simple online
tutorial might be built on top of a content management system, use a third-party
cascading style sheet theme tweaked to conform to the technical or professional
communicator’s organizational style guide, be augmented with third-party plugins to offer features such as feedback forms, include edited and revised versions of
text descriptions from the original product specification, and be illustrated with
Creative Commons-licensed images of users at computers and icons licensed
from The Noun Project. As this example illustrates, the distance from text to text
today can easily collapse, no longer an intertextual pointer but now an adoption,
an inclusion, an assemblage. Because traditional approaches to plagiarism fail
to address this phenomenon in complex contexts, we’re really just beginning to
grapple with assessing and teaching intertextual practices.
Our final theme or topic, interconnectivity, reflects the reality that complex
contexts have many interconnected parts, which interact to produce relationships, dynamics, and effects. We already mentioned that technical and professional communicators work with a variety of interconnected fields and texts, and
that meaning making is interconnected with numerous aspects of interpretation, experience, and environment. In addition, however, the interconnections
themselves are enmeshed in larger webs of affiliation; these larger webs link the
technical, the professional, and the communicative in intricate and consequential
ways. The field now understands that our processes and products are not isolated from organizational, social, and political conditions and challenges. In fact,
technical and professional communication often finds itself at odds with its own
interconnected complexity: balancing expediency with responsibility. The organizational style guide that directs a documentation specialist to tweak their cascading style sheet will also account for industry standards and genre conventions. A
user constantly prompted to fix grammatical errors by their word processor may
xvi Johnson-Eilola and Selber
prioritize surface-level correctness over rhetorical effectiveness. Even “correctness” contains unseen assumptions about race, class, work, and more. Likewise,
the existence of online help is loaded with powerful issues ranging from intercultural communication (Are non-English speakers relegated to using English-only
online help or are localized versions available?) to agency (Are users empowered
to work effectively or just quickly?) to pedagogy (Does the online help integrate
or separate the why and the how?). Pulling at any strand within the complex
weave of technical and professional communication tugs at both macro-level and
micro-level concerns and realities.
The rest of the entries in this keyword volume continue to paint the complex
picture of technical and professional communication as we know and understand
it today. Some entries consider various aspects of interdisciplinarity, ambiguity,
mutability, intertextuality, and interconnectivity, at times using alternative terms
with a different set of connotations, while others employ additional terms to
characterize the growing complexity of sociotechnical structures and processes
or our growing awareness of complexity in consequential settings. In acknowledging and characterizing complexity rather than simply trying to solve it, we’re
advancing what we consider to be one useful stance for addressing future work in
technical and professional communication. To repeat ourselves, we submit that
seeing, understanding, and managing complexity should be a defining objective
and productive path forward for researchers, practitioners, teachers, and students.
This volume is a vital source of support and inspiration for this critical enterprise.
References
Rude, C. (2015). Technical communication. In P. Heilker & P. Vandenberg (Eds.),
Keywords in writing studies (pp. 165-168). Utah State University Press. https://doi.
org/10.7330/9780874219746.c033
KEYWORDS IN TECHNICAL AND
PROFESSIONAL COMMUNICATION
Introduction
Han Yu
Kansas State University
Jonathan Buehl
The Ohio State University
Even if any given terminology is a reflection of reality, by its very nature
as a terminology it must be a selection of reality; and to this extent it must
function also as a deflection of reality.
— Kenneth Burke, “Terministic Screens”
In 1966, the Society of Technical Writers and Publishers, Inc. (STWP) and the
Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh published An Annotated Bibliography on Technical
Writing, Editing, Graphics and Publishing: 1950 to 1965. This “aid to those with a
general interest in technical writing” and “guide to those seeking specific information” (Philler et al., 1966, p. i) provides a remarkable snapshot of technical
writing as a field in the middle of the 20th century. Its thousands of annotations,
representing hundreds of scholarly and trade publications, cover pieces on issues
unique to the period (e.g., “Soviet Scientific and Technical Propaganda”) as well
as issues we continue to grapple with today (e.g., “What is Technical Writing?”).
To organize their 2,000 annotations, the editors used the “aid of a computer” to create a permuted title index—an indexing strategy that sorts works by key
terms within their titles instead of purely alphabetically. The resulting list presents
scannable clusters of related works (see Figure 1). We introduce the example of this
bibliography and its information management strategies to highlight two points.
First, the key terms of the field we now call technical and professional communication (TPC) have a rich history that is worth both documenting and updating. The 1966 bibliography (covering 2,000 works published from 1950 to 1965)
and a 1983 sequel (Carlson et al., 1983), which covers 2,700 works published from
1966 to 1980, provide synoptic views of the terms that mattered to the profession
during this key thirty-year span. Genre types (e.g., manual, report, proposal) and
key contexts (e.g., business, engineering) are among the most frequently indexed
terms of both volumes. But even less frequent terms can tell us something about
the development of the field and its concepts. For example, forms of the word
rhetoric appear only five times in the 1966 bibliography but 45 times in the 1983
bibliography, which suggests the increasing importance of rhetoric as a framing
concept for the field. Keywords related to gender are almost nonexistent in the
1966 bibliography—just one indexed work recommending technical communication as a good career path for women chemistry majors. By 1980, instances of
terms indexing works on gender representation, equity, and discrimination (e.g.,
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.1.3
3
4 Yu and Buehl
sexism and phrases including women), though not abundant, were at least present
(e.g., the cluster of titles including women and women’s liberation in Figure 2).
Furthermore, considering the terms that these index pages do not include
is also instructive. For example, although we know from historical research that
people of diverse backgrounds worked as technical communicators during this
period (see Malone, this volume), that diversity is not reflected in the bibliographies’ key terms. Only one work in the 1980 bibliography (and no works in the
1966 volume) was sorted by a keyword related to race and technical communication—a 1975 presentation titled “Language Engineering for Black Managers.”
Thus, like all attempts to provide a synoptic view of a field, these indexes function
as what Kenneth Burke (1966) called “terministic screens.” They simultaneously
reflect some aspects of reality while deflecting others.
Although the rise of electronic bibliographic databases has made book-length
bibliographies largely obsolete, other synoptic works can serve as similar terminological markers for the field of TPC. For example, the contents and alternate
table of contents describing the works anthologized in Johndan Johnson-Eilola
and Stuart A. Selber’s (2004) Central Works in Technical Communication provide a
snapshot of terms central to the academic discipline of technical communication
as it flourished and evolved in the 1980s, 1990s, and early 2000s: history, theory, ethics, power, pedagogy, collaboration, genre, gender, visual, usability, etc. As we
approach the twenty-year anniversary of that important anthology, it is time to
revisit those central concepts and to consider other emergent terms.
Recent large-scale analyses of TPC publications have begun to do that work.
For example, Ryan Boettger and Erin Friess (2020) conducted a content analysis of
672 articles published in technical communication journals between 1996 and 2017
to identify content and authorship patterns. Most relevant for our work, they coded
each article with a “primary topic” content category. The fifteen core conceptual categories they identified—assessment, collaboration, communication strategies, comprehension, design, diversity, editing and style, genre, professionalization, knowledge
and information management, pedagogy, research design, rhetoric, technology, and
usability and user experience—overlap with many of the terms we identified as central concerns through our own content analysis of article abstracts and keywords.
More recently, Stephen Carradini’s (2021) corpus analysis of 1,593 TPC abstracts examined word frequencies to identify shifts in technical communication
research topics between 2000 and 2017. These include a shift in focus from print
communication to digital communication, expanding boundaries of the technical
communication field, and affirming its core identity. Key terms that emerged
from Carradini’s study included both well-established central concepts—such
as ethics and rhetoric—as well as more recently emergent but nonetheless central
TPC terms—such as content management, social justice, user experience, and social
media. Unsurprisingly, our analysis identified similar terms, but the goal of our
project is to move from identification of central terms (both old and new) to
documentation of their multiple, nuanced, and sometimes contested uses.
Introduction 5
Figure 1. The first page of the permuted title index in An Annotated
Bibliography on Technical Writing, Editing, Graphics and Publishing:
1950 to 1966. Frequently repeated terms on this page include forms
of the words abbreviations, abstracts, and administration.
6 Yu and Buehl
Figure 2. An index page from An Annotated Bibliography on Technical
Writing, Editing, Graphics and Publishing: 1965 to 1980 (Carlson et
al., 1983). Frequently repeated terms on this page include Wiswesser line
notation, women, and word processing. Incongruously, the same index page
listing works on serious issues faced by women in technical communication also
Introduction 7
includes an overtly sexist title about the potential adoption of the metric system
in the United States: “Will American Girls Wear Size 90 Bikinis in 1975?”
The second point we want to make by introducing examples from earlier
bibliographies is to highlight the practical and methodological problems of organizing and accessing the keywords of a field like TPC. As Figure 1 demonstrates,
the permuted title index is both helpful and problematic as an information management strategy. Through repetition, one gets a sense of some of the important
terms (e.g., abstracts, advertising). However, as the example shows, such indexes
can also be muddled by repeated terms that are not all that key. For example,
ABC is treated as a keyword when it is a mere stylistic flourish deployed in more
than one title. In other cases, the same term might be used in multiple ways; for
example, the permutations of program lists computer programs, organizational
initiatives, and academic programs interchangeably in the same section of the index. In still other cases, important terms might be represented but not necessarily
be “key” terms with broad appeal. For example, works on Wiswesser line notation
(one of the key terms in Figure 2) would have only been relevant for technical
writers working with technical chemistry texts. Finally, the permuted title index
(like any other term-based search strategy) is an insider’s tool that is most useful
when an information seeker knows which terms to search, whereas newcomers
to a discipline often need guidance for understanding both the concepts and the
complexities represented by key terms. Part of entering a field involves learning
which terms matter and how those terms are used.
This volume, Keywords in Technical and Professional Communication, attempts
to address both the need to document the evolving terminological complexity of
TPC and the needs of newcomers unfamiliar with its key terms, though we use a
different genre than the bibliography or anthology to do so—the keyword essay
collection. The remainder of this introductory chapter explains the history and
purpose of this genre, describes why we felt the 21st-century discipline of TPC
needed a keyword essay collection, and documents how we, as editors, selected
keywords and contributing authors for this volume.
What Is a Keyword Essay Collection?
Why Does TPC Need One?
The keyword essay collection has emerged as a unique academic genre composed of short essays that discuss the multiple and sometimes conflicting uses
of words central to a discipline. Examples include Keywords for American Cultural Studies (Burgett & Hendler, 2014), Keywords in Writing Studies (Heilker
& Vandenberg, 2015), and Keywords for Latina/o Studies (Vargas et al., 2017).
These and other keyword collections owe their origin to Keywords: A Vocabulary
of Culture and Society, the first keyword collection, which was first published in
1976 by British cultural studies scholar Raymond Williams. In the introduction
8 Yu and Buehl
to that book, Williams recounts the personal motivation behind the book,
which is worth quoting at length:
In 1945, after the ending of the wars with Germany and Japan, I was
released from the Army to return to Cambridge. University term had
already begun, and many relationships and groups had been formed.
It was in any case strange to travel from an artillery regiment on the
Kiel Canal to a Cambridge college. I had been away only four and a
half years, but in the movements of war had lost touch with all my
university friends. Then, after many strange days, I met a man I had
worked with in the first year of the war, when the formations of the
1930s, though under pressure, were still active. He too had just come
out of the Army. We talked eagerly, but not about the past. We were
too much preoccupied with this new and strange world around us.
Then we both said, in effect simultaneously: ‘the fact is, they just
don’t speak the same language.’ (Williams, 1976/1983, p. 11)
After a mere four and a half years, people were no longer speaking the same
language, which frustrated and intrigued Williams. The word culture, for example,
took on shifting and nebulous meanings: Previously, it was used in teashops and
similar places to denote social superiority or in artistic circles to refer to writing
poems, working in theaters, and other expressive activities. Four years later, it
was used to describe both the formation of values in the study of literature and a
particular way of life, like “American culture” (Williams, 1976/1983). In an effort
to help himself (and others) grapple with these shifting vocabularies, Williams
started to collect what he later called keywords and to write short essays to document the genealogies of their usage. With each word, Williams covers centuries
of evolving, divergent, and sometimes contested meanings, replete with specific
examples and contexts. His approach has been replicated by numerous other authors and editors, and indeed a WorldCat search for “keywords in” and “keywords
for” returns dozens of titles published since 2000 alone. However, despite its disciplinary history and terminological traditions, our field of TPC does not have its
own keywords collection attending to its unique disciplinary context.
Williams’ Keywords and many of its contemporary successors are situated in the
disciplinary fields of literary and cultural studies. In fields more closely related to
TPC, two collections have been published by the same editors: Keywords in Composition Studies (Heilker & Vandenberg, 1996) and Keywords in Writing Studies (Heilker & Vandenberg, 2015). These are two excellent collections delineating issues related
to writing and composing, but they do not reflect the precise interests of TPC—a
field with links to academia and industry, to the sciences as well as the humanities.
Keywords in Composition Studies has its “focus on the academic text, the writing
student, and the classroom” (Heilker & Vandenberg, 2015, p. xii), a focus reflected
by keyword choices such as academic discourse, basic writing, and freshman English.
This focus diverges from TPC’s interests in the workplace and in non-academic
Introduction 9
communication contexts. Keywords in Writing Studies is Paul Heilker and Peter Vandenberg’s response to the changing nature of composition studies. As they acknowledged, the 1980s’ social turn and the late 1990s’ public turn forcefully demonstrated
that “writing in universities is only a small slice of writing that goes on elsewhere
in the world” (Bazerman, qtd. in Heilker & Vandenberg, 2015, p. xii). During these
changes, classroom writings interacted with social practices, linguistic and cultural
differences became central concerns, and methodological and theoretical approaches were increasingly plural (Heilker & Vandenberg, 2015). Keywords in Writing Studies captures these changes and shifts, as reflected in keyword choices such as citizen,
identity, and multilingual/ism. Most interesting to us among the new keyword essays
is “Technical Communication,” which was authored by Carolyn Rude (2015).
In her essay, Rude skillfully introduced technical communication’s history, major genres, key organizations, practices, curricular programs, and research domains.
Each of these is a shifting landscape of convergences and contentions, but in the
limited space of a single short essay, complexities had to be excluded, flattened, or
rapidly glossed over. As we reviewed this informative essay, we could not help but
think that the field of TPC needed not just one essay but its own keyword collection.
Now, it is not our intention here to define or redefine “TPC” vis-à-vis “writing
studies.” We merely hope to demonstrate that the field of TPC has considerable
depth, width, complexities, and nebulousness on/in its own terms. Given decades
of development and processes of professionalization, it has accumulated its own
share of thorny keywords that are well worth documenting and unpacking.
Like other keyword essays, the essays in this volume are studies of words that
“are ritually invoked or provocatively redefined,” words that “anchor course titles,
cue manuscript reviewers, situate curricula vitae, ping research-alert notifications,
and tag conference panels” (Dryer, 2019, p. 214). In pithy essays, the origins of
these words are examined, examples of usages are offered, and multiple and conflicting meanings are acknowledged.
It is also important to note that essays in this collection are not comparable to
dictionary entries. Dictionaries attempt to close down, to fix the meanings of words
and offer agreed-upon, clear, and consistent definitions. Keyword essays attempt to
open up the meanings of words, to emphasize that meanings are always in flux, and
to celebrate the different (but also overlapping) meanings of words as they are used
in varied social, cultural, and disciplinary circles. As Heilker and Vandenberg (1996)
put it, clear and consistent definitions are often “secured not by a sacred illumination, but through a process of forgetting, neglecting, denying” (p. 2). The alternative,
and more productive and promising, approach, is to “listen openly, generously, and
carefully” to a word’s “many, layered voices, echoes, and overtones, especially the
dissonant ones” (Heilker & Vandenberg, 2015, p. xvi). We are aware that the very
attempt to portray these varied voices runs the risks of valuing some voices and
devaluing others, but, as in any reflective attempt, we must start somewhere.
Like previous keyword books, our collection features an eclectic, carefully selected list of terms. In previous books, writers and editors often relied on their tacit
10 Yu and Buehl
knowledge of a discipline to arrive at their lists. Raymond Williams (1976/1983), for
example, selected words that, as he put it, virtually forced themselves on his attention
because the problems of their meaning were bound up with the problems they were
used to discuss (p. 15). Bruce Burgett and Glenn Hendler (2014), editors of Keywords
for American Cultural Studies, selected words whose meanings and debates are central to shaping the study of culture and society. Heilker and Vandenberg (2015) used
two overarching impressions to select words for Keywords in Writing Studies: words
that are part of their disciplinary parlance and words that are highly contested.
For our collection, we employed a more formalized, data-driven process to arrive
at our list—a process that seemed to us more in keeping with the rigorous but eclectic methods and methodologies of TPC. We began by conducting a corpus analysis
to identify words that are frequently used in field publications, and we followed
that analysis with a survey that crowdsourced input from field professionals (details
below in “Our Methods”). To borrow from Dylan Dryer (2019), doing so allows us
to combine the quantitative account of a discipline, something that is “broad and
flat,” with the impressionistic account, something that is “deep and narrow” (p. 215).
However, we do not pretend that our process is disinterested or impartial, as
we elaborate in “Our Methods.” Indeed, as we made sense of our data, we did not
proceed purely statistically but also interpretively, drawing upon our knowledge developed as members of the discipline. Some terms were relabeled, broadened, or narrowed. For example, the term markup language was replaced with structure—a term
that can cover issues related to markup languages as well as other issues related to
the material presentation of information across technologies. As we made decisions,
we also considered both the field’s history and emerging trends because we envision
a future-oriented collection, a collection that not only captures words that are and
have been frequently used in the discipline but also words that will be or should be.
Our ultimate decisions on what to include and exclude are fraught with problems (how can they not be given our necessarily localized and partial positionalities), and our readers may well disagree with those decisions. Indeed, the results of
our survey already hinted at diverse opinions, with some participants believing, for
example, that terms such as feminism are not unique/central to technical communication, while others applauded its inclusion and advocated for more counter-hegemonic terms.
Precisely because of these disagreements and partialities, we hope that this collection will be followed up with later efforts to document new keywords. Raymond
Williams (1976/1983) intentionally included blank pages in his keyword book to signify that “the inquiry remains open” and that he “will welcome all amendments, corrections and additions” (p. 26). While we do not have blank pages in this collection,
we share the same sentiment. Echoing Burgett and Hendler, editors of Keywords
for American Cultural Studies, we invite readers “to revise, reject, and respond to the
essays that do—and do not—appear in this publication, to create new clusters of
meaning among them, and to develop deeper and richer discussions of what a given
term does and can mean when used in specific local and global contexts” (2014, p. 5).
Introduction 11
Our Methods
We used a two-phase process to arrive at the keywords included in this collection.
In Phase 1, we conducted a corpus analysis of peer-reviewed journals in the field.
This phase included two sub-phases: In Phase 1.1, article abstracts were analyzed
using word clouds, which was itself a multi-step process; in Phase 1.2, journaland author-provided keywords were analyzed using Microsoft Excel. In Phase 2,
we surveyed TPC faculty, graduate students, and practitioners for their perspectives to help support and validate our Phase 1 findings. These phases and steps are
summarized in Figure 3 and detailed in the following sections.
Figure 3. An overview of our methods for selecting the keywords for this collection.
Phase 1.1. Use Word Clouds to Extract
Keywords from Article Abstracts
Word clouds, also known as text clouds or tag clouds, are visual representations of
textual data. Started as web-based visualizations of keywords (or “tags”) that categorize user-contributed online content, word clouds are now used as a general
tool to mine source texts (Steinbock et al., 2007). Using visual attributes such as
colors and font sizes, word clouds highlight terms that are most frequently used
in a source text, giving readers an immediate summary of the text’s topics and an
impression of its key concerns. Notably, Richard Selfe and Cynthia Selfe (2013)
advocated using word clouds as a heuristic to define technical communication’s
12 Yu and Buehl
boundaries, artifacts, and identities. Given word clouds’ ability to offer high-level,
word/phrase-based summaries of data, they are well suited for our purpose to
identify TPC keywords. Drawing upon Selfe and Selfe’s heuristic, we used a fivestep process to create word clouds.
Step 1. Identify rhetorical context
At this stage, we considered the purpose, audience, and content of our word
clouds. These considerations guided the subsequent steps, allowing us to focus
the word clouds for their intended use context. Our purpose in creating word
clouds is to find enduring and emerging keywords in TPC research, education,
and practice. The keywords that emerge from the word clouds will be examined in short essays, which are intended for all TPC scholars, educators, students, and practitioners. These essays may be especially valuable to newcomers
to TPC by orienting them to the focus of the field and by distilling complex
key concepts.
Step 2. Identify source data appropriate for the rhetorical context
Journal publications are an important indicator of the changing focuses and
concerns of a disciplinary field and, as such, represent promising source data.
Given our rhetorical contexts, we included in our corpus journals that have a
considerable publication history and influence and that, collectively, emphasize
all aspects of the field—from original research to pedagogical studies to industry practices. With these considerations, five journals were included; by alphabetic order, they are IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication, Journal
of Business and Technical Communication, Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, Technical Communication, and Technical Communication Quarterly.
Our journal choices coincided with those of recent field-mapping publications
(Boettger & Friess, 2020; Carradini, 2021), which we learned after finishing our
selection process.
Given our purpose, we needed to trace a historical trajectory of the field
but also focus on the more recent and emerging developments. Given these
considerations, we decided to include ten years of publications (2009-2019)
from the five journals. The full texts of all these publications, however, would
be a data set too unwieldy for word cloud generators and subsequent analyses.
Drawing upon Selfe and Selfe (2013), we narrowed the scope of our analysis
to the abstracts of the published articles—summaries meant to capture the
essence of the articles. With this decision, we then exported all available abstracts from the identified journals and publication range from the Scopus
database.1
1. At the time of our study, Technical Communication did not have its 2019 publications available in our subscribed databases, so for this journal, data from 2009-2018 were
included.
Introduction 13
We recognize that, besides journals, other possible corpora exist, notably,
technical communication job advertisements, which can illuminate the core
competencies required of industry technical communication practitioners (see,
e.g., Brumberger & Lauer, 2015). We decided not to use these source texts
for several reasons. First, our project does not have the narrower purpose of
preparing students for the workplace but the broader purpose of orienting
newcomers to the history, disciplinary concerns, and identity of TPC. Job advertisements are less capable of reaching this broader purpose. Second, while
practitioners are part of our intended audience, we do not envision them using
this work to assist their day-to-day, on-the-job practices. Rather, we envision
them encountering this work in an academic context as students, precisely
the spaces where academic approaches can illuminate the changes, tensions,
and issues underlying pragmatic industry practices. Finally, there already exists
a practitioner-oriented glossary book (The Language of Technical Communication, edited by Ray Gallon, 2016), which offers extended definitions of specific
terms such as eBook, HTML5, and XML processors, in addition to many of the
terms our authors cover, such as accessibility, user experience, and project management (see Figure 4).
Figure 4. Keywords as connections between theory and practice, academy and
industry. The left box lists categories used by Johnson-Eilola and Selber to
organize the academic essays in Central Works in Technical Communication,
with the categories from the “Alternative Contents” listed below the dashed
line. The right box includes the terms and section categories in Gallon’s The
Language of Technical Communication, an elaborated glossary for TPC
practitioners. The middle box lists our keywords as they are sorted in the
“Thematically Organized Contents.” We envision these terms as bridging
the concerns of TPC as an academic discipline and as a field of practice.
14 Yu and Buehl
It is worth noting that Gallon’s practitioner-focused terms cross-articulate with
the keywords of our collection in different ways. For example, Gallon’s authors engage concepts our authors cover (such as multimodality) through specific instances
or sub-terms (such as animation, audio, and video). At the same time, our collection
provides nuanced descriptions of concepts that Gallon’s collection takes for granted
(for example, audience and genre). These different granularities and premises reflect
the different purposes of the two projects. They also demonstrate the continuity
of theory and practice as well as the potential for our nuanced investigations of
keywords to enrich how practitioners think about practice. Indeed, as Figure 4 attempts to demonstrate, the keyword essays of our collection are situated to inform
conversations within and between the academic and pragmatic traditions of TPC.
Step 3. Decide on a word cloud generator and
identify rules for structuring terms
Given our purpose, we did not need to turn our source texts into aesthetically
pleasing visual representations, which is a focus of some word cloud generators (for
example, WordArt). Rather, we needed a set of terms where the frequently used
ones are highlighted visually and each term’s numerical frequency is given. Also,
we wanted to extract not only singular words but also phrases that may function as
keywords. With these needs in mind, we compared multiple word cloud generators
before choosing ToCloud. ToCloud is a free online generator available at tocloud.
com. It outputs terms in a simple list format and can use font sizes and/or colors to
visually denote frequency as well as specify numerical frequency in parentheses following the terms. Users can choose to list the terms alphabetically or by frequency;
they can extract not only singular words but also phrases. ToCloud automatically
filters out words such as a, the, and that; a user can specify additional words to be
filtered out. Figure 5 shows a sample ToCloud mapping result.
Figure 5. An example of a ToCloud word cloud.
Introduction 15
Following Selfe and Selfe (2013), we manually manipulated our source text
before submitting it to ToCloud. We removed proper nouns, such as Sage Publications, and boilerplate terms, such as the standardized abstract headings purpose
and literature review, that may be mistaken for high-frequency keywords.
Steps 4 and 5. Adjust granularity and interpret/compare word clouds
Even though we narrowed our source text to abstracts, the dataset is still quite
large, containing more than 153,000 words, many of which appear less than five
times. To make the resultant cloud more manageable, we applied ToCloud’s
threshold functionality and mapped only those terms with a minimum of 20
appearances. With this adjustment, the resulting cloud contained a total of 948
unique terms.
As Selfe and Selfe (2013) reminded us, word clouding cannot be treated as a
wholly computerized process; active reading and authorial interpretation is needed to make sense of the results. Given our purpose, in our interpretation, we
tried to identify terms that are frequently used and thus quantitatively significant.
Equally importantly, we tried to identify terms that, based on our knowledge of
the field, are qualitatively significant and the focal points of disciplinary efforts
and debates. In addition, we needed to identify terms that share a common root
(e.g., user, usability, and usability testing) to ensure we do not miss key interests
shared by these otherwise different terms.
To facilitate our reading and interpretation, we generated two versions of
the cloud. One lists the terms by frequency so we can more easily compare use
frequency; the other lists the terms alphabetically so we can more easily identify
related terms that share a common root. Comparisons between the two clouds
allowed us to balance our needs. Notably, we found that the most frequently
used terms do not necessarily serve our purpose. In our word clouds, the most
frequently used term is communication, which appeared a total of 1,361 times.
Although communication is essential to our discipline, this term is too broad for
useful description—indeed, this entire project is conceived to identify keywords
that unpack technical and professional communication. Similarly frequent and
broad terms include writing (430 times), data (286 times), and English (148 times).
On the other hand, terms that appear less often can represent emerging concepts important to the field’s development, for example, social justice (24 times).
Through such constant comparisons, we arrived at a short list of 123 terms, which
we then cross-examined in other phases of our methods.
Phase 1.2. Use Excel to Analyze Journal Keywords
Similar to abstracts, keywords—both those submitted by article authors and
those indexed by journals—are signposts of the foci and concerns of journal publications. Because these source texts already exist in a “keyword” format, Microsoft Excel offered a more expedient way to analyze them. As with Phase 1.1, we
16 Yu and Buehl
exported from Scopus all author keywords and indexed keywords from our identified journals and publication range. Using Excel formatting tools, including
“Text to Columns,” we created flat lists of all key terms (one term per cell) and
then counted the frequency of each unique term in those lists using the function
COUNTIF(A:A, An).
Within author-submitted keywords were a total of 2,551 unique terms. The
vast majority of them, over 2,000, appeared only once, and less than 50 terms
appeared eight or more times. Journal-indexed keywords have a similar trend:
Among a total of 2,383 unique terms, over 1,800 appeared only once, and just over
70 terms appeared eight or more times. Between the two lists, the most frequent
term is again the broad communication, which appeared 166 times, followed by
similarly broad terms such as technical communication, teaching, and technical writing. After about ten such terms, we started to see specific terms such as usability
(55 times) and rhetoric (46 times).
We next compared these results with Phase 1.1 results for a combined analysis,
again balancing the needs for quantitative and qualitative significance. At this
point, we also took practical factors into consideration. Other keyword collections we reviewed typically contain essays on 30 to 50 terms to allow a substantial
coverage but also sufficient elaboration on each term, and thus we aimed for a
number in that range. The result of this phase was a total of 43 unique terms,
including slash-bound terms. For example, although international technical communication and intercultural technical communication both appeared in the corpus,
these terms have affinities and contrasts that—in our view—would be best examined in a single essay; hence, we combined them into international/intercultural
communication.
Phase 2. Survey
To supplement and check the interpretive perspectives the two of us brought to
the process described above, we created a survey and distributed it via the Association of Teachers of Technical Writing listserv and the Council for Programs in
Technical and Scientific Communication listserv. The survey invited participants
1. to submit what they believe are terms significant for the field and in need
of explanation to newcomers,
2. to evaluate the terms we identified in Phase 1, and
3. to suggest names of contributors well suited to write about the keywords.
Toward the end of the survey, participants were invited to share their disciplinary backgrounds. Depending on participants’ answers on which role they
primarily identify with in the field of TPC (faculty, graduate student, industry
practitioner, or other), they were then taken to different background questions.
A total of 43 participants completed the survey, though not all participants
answered all questions. Most participants reported having either six to ten years
Introduction 17
or 20+ years of experience in the field, with the majority being technical communication faculty at four-year universities in ranks ranging from instructor to full
professor. Many of these participants direct technical communication programs,
including certificates, major and minor programs, service course programs, master’s programs, and Ph.D. programs. Six participants identified themselves as
graduate students or industry practitioners, and two identified themselves as
performing more than one role, for example, faculty member and industry practitioner. Participants who are industry practitioners work in areas ranging from
web content strategy and program management to social media.
We recognize that 43 participants is not a large sample and that, in particular,
there were a limited number of participants who self-identified as industry practitioners. Despite the relatively small number of responses, we still obtained rich
data informative for our purpose. In addition, we were not so much relying on the
survey to generate data as using it to help refine and support our interpretation of
Phase 1 data. Specifically, we used participant responses to identify key terms we
might have missed in Phase 1 and to gather additional perspectives on the terms
we already identified.
To limit biasing participant responses, we asked open-ended questions first
before inviting participants to evaluate our Phase 1 keywords. In the open-ended
questions, participants were asked to identify the five most important topics in
technical communication today as well as the five terms they think newcomers to
the field struggle with the most.
The key terms suggested by survey participants were analyzed using the same
methods outlined in Phase 1.2. A total of 147 unique terms were suggested. Of
these, 101 terms appeared only once, and 21 terms appeared more than four times.
The most frequently mentioned term is rhetoric (26 times), followed by usability
(19 times), though if usability is combined with related terms (user experience and
user-centered), it becomes the most frequently mentioned concept. The terms that
participants identified as important and/or difficult included themes not covered
by our Phase 1 results; they are, notably, accessibility, audience, particularly challenging genres (grants and documentation), social media practices, specific standards and markup languages (e.g., DITA and XML), and structured authoring.
Participant evaluations of the 43 terms we generated in Phase 1 confirmed the
importance of those terms. All 43 terms received at least some votes of “very important,” though many also received votes of “not important.” Table 1 summarizes
these evaluations. In addition to rating the terms, participants could offer qualitative comments, though no consistent patterns emerged from these comments. For
example, as mentioned earlier, some championed the inclusion of terms such as
feminism, while others questioned their centrality to the field. Some applauded the
coverage of the 43 terms, while others wondered if some of the terms are already
common knowledge for the field. Some participants also questioned if some terms,
such as service, are too general. Such comments aided us in refining the list of terms;
for example, we ultimately decided to cut service from the list of essays.
18 Yu and Buehl
Final Analysis and Interpretation
In our final analysis, we cross-examined and synthesized Phase 1 and Phase 2 results,
again balancing quantitative and qualitative considerations. With Phase 1 terms that
participants questioned as being too general, we reconsidered their relevance. Many
of those with the lowest importance ratings were cut, some terms were conceptually broadened (e.g., digital technology became technology), and others were combined
under a single term that could encompass several themes (e.g., user experience now
covers multiple user-related terms). In some cases, we returned to the journal data
to find modifiers to limit the terms or create notes for future essay writers to specify
the terms in their writing. For example, with the term design, we recorded that it is
associated with terms such as document design, participatory design, and web design.
Table 1. Ratings of Phase 1 Keywords by Survey Participants
Term
Very
Important
Somewhat
Important
Not
Important
Importance
Score*
Rank**
%
N
%
N
%
N
Actor/activity
38.9%
14
44.4%
16
16.7%
Content analysis
41.7%
15
50.0%
18
8.3%
6
0.56
9
3
0.58
7
Content
management
72.2%
26
25.0%
9
2.8%
1
0.63
3
Crisis
communication
45.7%
16
48.6%
17
5.7%
2
0.59
7
Data visualization
83.8%
31
Design
81.6%
31
16.2%
6
0.0%
0
0.65
1
18.4%
7
0.0%
0
0.64
2
Digital technology
64.9%
Discourse analysis
27.8%
24
32.4%
12
2.7%
1
0.62
4
10
61.1%
22
11.1%
4
0.54
10
Distance education
22.2%
8
44.4%
16
33.3%
12
0.45
13
Entrepreneurship
16.7%
6
47.2%
17
36.1%
13
0.41
14
Environment
41.7%
15
47.2%
17
11.1%
4
0.57
8
Ethics
88.9%
32
11.1%
4
0.0%
0
0.65
1
Feminism
44.4%
16
41.7%
15
13.9%
5
0.58
7
Genre
58.3%
21
36.1%
13
5.6%
2
0.61
5
Globalization
64.9%
24
35.1%
13
0.0%
0
0.62
4
Information
63.9%
23
30.6%
11
5.6%
2
0.62
4
International
/ intercultural
communication
88.9%
32
11.1%
4
0.0%
0
0.65
1
Knowledge
41.7%
15
44.4%
16
13.9%
5
0.57
8
Literacy
58.3%
21
33.3%
12
8.3%
3
0.61
5
Introduction 19
Term
Very
Important
Somewhat
Important
Not
Important
Importance
Score*
Rank**
%
N
%
N
%
N
Localization
62.2%
23
32.4%
12
5.4%
Medical/health
communication
63.9%
23
33.3%
12
2.8%
2
0.62
4
1
0.62
4
Multimodality
59.5%
22
32.4%
12
Narrative/
storytelling
33.3%
12
55.6%
20
8.1%
3
0.61
5
11.1%
4
0.56
9
Organizational
culture
33.3%
12
63.9%
23
2.8%
1
0.57
8
Plain language
55.6%
20
38.9%
14
5.6%
2
0.60
6
Professionalization
33.3%
Programmatic
research
29.7%
12
55.6%
20
11.1%
4
0.56
9
11
43.2%
16
27.0%
10
0.51
12
Project
management
58.3%
21
38.9%
14
2.8%
1
0.61
5
Public engagement
63.9%
23
27.8%
10
8.3%
3
0.62
4
Research methods
66.7%
24
30.6%
11
2.8%
1
0.62
4
Rhetoric
83.3%
30
8.3%
3
8.3%
3
0.65
1
Risk
communication
61.1%
22
33.3%
12
5.6%
2
0.61
5
Science
58.3%
21
33.3%
12
8.3%
3
0.61
5
Service
28.6%
10
51.4%
18
20.0%
7
0.53
11
Social justice
47.2%
17
30.6%
11
22.2%
8
0.57
8
Style
41.7%
15
47.2%
17
11.1%
4
0.57
8
Technical editing
61.1%
22
36.1%
13
2.8%
1
0.62
4
Technical
translation
52.8%
19
44.4%
16
2.8%
1
0.60
6
Usability
89.2%
33
10.8%
4
0.0%
0
0.65
1
User experience
(UX)
84.2%
32
15.8%
6
0.0%
0
0.65
1
User interface (UI)
70.3%
26
29.7%
11
0.0%
0
0.63
3
Virtual
collaboration
35.1%
13
54.1%
20
10.8%
4
0.56
9
Visual rhetoric
80.6%
29
13.9%
5
5.6%
2
0.64
2
*The “importance score” is a weighted average of each term’s rating that assigns 2 points for every
“Very Important” rating, 1 point for every “Somewhat Important” rating, and -1 for every “Not
Important” rating.
**Several terms had the same score; thus, there are only 14 ranks to account for tied scores.
20 Yu and Buehl
Figure 6. Summary of the development of our roster of
keywords. Terms in bold were included in the final list.
With additional terms that were suggested by multiple participants, we examined the journal data to assess their quantitative frequency. We also solicited
feedback from several trusted colleagues who edit or have edited major journals,
which resulted in additional keywords. Through several iterations of this process,
we arrived at our final list of the 39 keywords examined in this volume. Figure 6
summarizes our changing roster of keywords.
To frame the collection, we also solicited two additional essays. We invited
Johndan Johnson-Eilola and Stuart A. Selber to write a keyword foreword
(“Technical and Professional Communication”), which provides reflections
on both this collection and the current state of the field. We also asked Kristen Moore, Lauren Cagle and Nicole Lowman to write an afterword (“Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion through Citational Practice”) to document their
process and findings for the inclusive citation audit they conducted on earlier
drafts of the contributed essays. This audit is described in more detail after
the following description of how we selected our contributors.
Our Contributors
As mentioned previously, our survey invited participants to suggest contributors
well suited to write essays on our identified keywords. Among our final list
of 39 keywords, all but eight keywords received at least one and often multiple contributor suggestions. Some of the suggested contributors are clearly
situated in the field of TPC; that is, they work in TPC programs and publish
in TPC journals. Other suggested contributors are situated more closely in
Introduction 21
related fields such as cultural studies or composition and rhetoric. Given our
purpose for this project, in selecting contributors, we focused on those clearly
situated in the field of TPC. In addition, when multiple survey participants
suggested the same contributor for a keyword, we also favored that contributor.
For each keyword, we also performed literature searches (using that particular
keyword) in technical communication publications to identify potential contributors who have published on that keyword. The publications we searched included the journals used in our keyword data mining but also other TPC journals and
book publications. We focused on authors whose work exhibits extensive knowledge of a keyword, for example, people who have published multiple articles on
the topic or who have written or edited books on the topic.
Through these processes, we were able to decide on potential contributors for
all 39 keywords. In some cases, we identified two contributors for a single keyword because they frequently co-author on the topic. We then contacted potential contributors and invited them to participate in our project. In almost all cases,
they agreed to participate. In a few cases where they couldn’t (usually because of
time constraints), we repeated the above process to identify another contributor.
As the above description shows, the process we used to identify contributors is
not a science. There is no denying the potential biases that we, as well as our survey
participants, brought into the process. Most importantly, by focusing on (consciously or unconsciously) experts who have published extensively on a topic, our selection
favors those more established in the field and is biased against emerging scholars.
Potentially, then, the resulting keyword essays may be more backward-looking than
forward-looking. We tried to address this limitation in our guidelines to contributors (more about this below). In addition, our process may be biased against marginalized scholars who are systemically underrepresented in citations, publications, and
the field’s collective memory. However, eight of our 42 keyword essay contributors
self-identify as multiply marginalized or underrepresented (MMU) scholars on the
“MMU Scholar List” maintained by Cana Itchuaqiyaq (2022). Overall, our contributors represent a wide range of disciplinary perspectives, from the most seasoned
teacher-scholar-practitioners to mid-career scholars expanding the boundaries of
the field. We have been delighted and honored to work with this group of experts
who collectively have cultivated centuries of expertise in TPC.
Guidelines for Contributors
To create a certain level of consistency between our keyword chapters—without
prescribing a rigid structure or pattern—we established several guidelines for our
contributors. These guidelines are taken from and modified based on the contributor guidelines for Keywords for Children’s Literature, generously shared by one of
the editors, Phil Nel.
Contributors were asked to start their essays with a paragraph summarizing
the history of their keywords in English and (if appropriate) in other languages.
22 Yu and Buehl
For English etymology, we recommended that the contributors use The Oxford
English Dictionary. Alternatively, for keywords that may not benefit from an
etymological opening, we suggested an initial paragraph that summarizes the
changing contemporary and disciplinary contexts where a keyword has been
used. As the essays took shape, some introductions were revised to emphasize a
term’s significance for TPC praxis before discussing its history.
Beyond the first paragraph, we asked contributors to structure their essays around
the significant debates surrounding their keywords. We use the word “debate” loosely. It can include particular problems that emerge in the use of the keyword in the
research, teaching, and practice of TPC. It can refer to the ways that multiple theoretical perspectives have been used to interpret the keyword in TPC. It can include
the critical projects/perspectives that the keyword enables or hinders in TPC.
For the ending of their essays, contributors were asked to create a forward-looking paragraph, discussing how their keywords could be used in the
future and/or whether they need to be rethought in our current environment.
Our foreword authors were similarly asked to take both a historical view of the
importance of the keywords in this volume and to look forward to how these
keywords could evolve in the future.
Finally, we also shared with our contributors the entire list of our keywords
and asked that they identify cross-reference potentials. That is, when their chapters mention another keyword included in the volume, they should bold that
other term upon its first use to signal cross-references. These cross-references, we
hope, will allow readers to form multi-dimensional understandings of the field.
Indeed, as the 442 lines representing them in Figure 7 suggest, the links between
keywords form a complex network of connections.
Inclusive Citation Audit
As this project got underway, Kristen Moore (author of the essay on public in this
volume) offered to conduct an inclusive citation audit for the volume, which she
completed with Lauren Cagle and Nicole Lowman. An inclusive citation audit
helps to ensure that a collection actively cites underrepresented and marginalized
scholars, recognizes their scholarly contributions, and includes them in a critical
reflection of the field. Doing so is important in all our work but essential in a
keywords collection where authors claim to identify key topics, discussions, and
debates. After Kristen proposed the idea, we immediately agreed that an inclusive citation audit, conducted by scholars other than us, could help to modulate
subjectivity and bias across the collection.
The audit was performed on early drafts of the chapters. Moore, Cagle, and
Lowman provided contributors with chapter-specific feedback, suggesting possible
angles to relate their writing to issues of inclusion and social justice as well as citations of work by underrepresented scholars that can inform any discussions of the
term. More details about this audit can be found in the afterword of the volume.
Introduction 23
Figure 7. Chart mapping cross-references between keywords.
Each arced line represents a cross-reference.
We also want to point out that, prior to this citation audit, many of our contributors already explicitly engaged with issues of diversity, equity, power, and
inclusion in their early drafts. These include not only chapters that, given their
keywords, have an explicit focus on social justice and non-hegemonic theoretical
frames (such as chapters on social justice or feminisms) but many other chapters,
for example, those on profession, history, and literacy, to name just a few.
Ways to Use This Collection
We envision two ways that readers may use this collection. First, we believe it can
function as a useful scholarly source. By tracing the genealogy of terms central
to TPC and revealing their evolving, divergent, and contested meanings, these
essays can help researchers to critically engage related studies. This use may take
24 Yu and Buehl
the forms of researchers acknowledging conflicting viewpoints, adopting different theoretical lenses, or strengthening their original arguments. We also hope,
as mentioned earlier, that researchers will actively interact with this collection,
whether by updating the essays contained here, by critiquing or responding
to them, or by creating new essays. Doing so will allow all of us to continue
questioning and enriching our understanding of the field’s keywords and their
interconnections.
Another important way we envision this collection being used is as a pedagogical tool. Essays in this collection, with their focused intent, short length,
ambitious goals, and rich examples, are well suited for orienting students into the
field. The entire collection, or selected essays, might be assigned to students to
provide background information related to course topics. Alternatively, students
may be charged to revise or expand select essays using information gained in a
course or through additional research. More ambitious assignments might ask
students to write new keyword essays, either individually or collaboratively, using
terms that are central in the context of a given course.
For instructors interested in such an assignment, Burgett and Hendler (2014)
suggested a two-step process. In step one, students create a repository of use examples of a particular keyword. Depending on the nature of a course, students can
use as source materials their assigned readings, additional readings, or multimedia materials such as “images and sound, conversations overheard on the street, or
exchanges on a bus” (Burgett & Hendler, 2014, p. 10). In step two, students write
about the usages they curated. This two-step process can help students develop
a range of relevant skills, from close reading and observation to multimodal data
gathering and organization to synthesis and collaboration.
The above represents just a small list of possibilities for using the essays collected here. We look forward to learning from our readers about how they use,
respond to, and interact with this collection.
Conclusion
It has been a pleasure and privilege—and a long journey—to work on this project.
We hope our readers find this collection helpful as they enter the field of TPC,
navigate its terminological complexities, expand understandings of established
concepts, and develop the new terms that will move the field forward.
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Introduction 25
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1. Accessibility
Sushil K. Oswal
University of Washington
The terms access and accessibility have been in circulation for at least a century,
and their usage generally connotes availability and physical accessibility for a
certain population (Guy, 1983). The word access in English originated from Latin,
meaning “accession” (Hoad, 1996). In contemporary policy discourse in English,
however, access is defined as making information and communication technologies (ICTs) widely available to all citizens (Wise, 1997). Echoing this meaning
of access, the Oxford English Dictionary defines accessibility as “the quality or
condition of being accessible (in various senses)” (Oxford University Press, n.d.).
It further defines accessible as “capable of being conveniently used or accessed by
people with disabilities; of or designating goods, services, or facilities designed
to meet the needs of the disabled.” To discuss accessibility, understanding how
access, accessibility, and accessible design have become common terms (with fluid definitions) in technical communication today is important. This essay will
unpack these terms by considering both historical definitions and contemporary
perspectives.
Not only do the terms access and accessibility have different meanings, but
researchers also differ in how they relate the terms and establish their connection
to disability. These differing views represent the perspectives of technical standards organizations, digital rhetoricians, disability activists, and disability studies-centered design scholars. The International Organization for Standardization
(2014) defines accessibility as the “extent to which products, systems, services,
environments and facilities can be used by people from a population with the
widest range of characteristics and capabilities to achieve a specified goal in a
specified context of use” (n.p.). James Porter, a digital rhetoric scholar, makes a
distinction between access and accessibility. “Access,” Porter explains, “is the more
general term related to whether a person has the necessary hardware, software,
and network connectivity in order to use the Internet—and to whether certain
groups of persons have a disadvantaged level of access due to their race, ethnicity,
socioeconomic status, gender, age, or other factors” (2009, p. 216). Accessibility,
on the other hand, “refers to the level of connectedness of one particular group
of persons—those with disabilities” (Porter, 2009, p. 216). Porter also adds that
“the reason to write/design for accessibility is not only to allow people with disabilities to consume information, but to help them produce it” (p. 216). Activists
in the disability field do not always make Porter’s distinction. For example, the
University of Leeds’ Centre for Disability Studies employs access as the search
term for all accessibility-related entries on its website. Speaking from a disability
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.01
27
28 Oswal
studies-centered design perspective, Sushil Oswal (2013) describes accessibility
more broadly as “the ability to use, enjoy, perform, work on, avail of, and participate in a resource, technology, activity, opportunity, or product at an equal or
comparable level with others” (n.p.).
As these varying definitions from different disciplines suggest, accessibility is
shaped by a number of factors—which can change from context to context and are
both spatial and temporal in nature: physical distance from resources and opportunities, the availability of technology and means to overcome that distance, and
the infrastructural and legal resources to overcome barriers to workplace entry. For
example, for full integration into society, a disabled person not only needs a job to
support themself and their family but also laws to protect them from discrimination by employers and providers of services, consistent access to adaptive technology and special training for holding on to a job, accessible opportunities to participate in recreational activities, and of course, availability of inclusively designed
consumer goods for living a comfortable life (Wilson & Lewiecki-Wilson, 2001).
Since technical communication is preoccupied with design and communication of information, and since information is imbedded everywhere in human
environments, the field’s scope extends into the accessibility of both the brickand-mortar and digital spaces (Whitehouse, 1999). Accessibility in the former
can consist of signage, directories, and spatial maps—digital and otherwise—
whereas accessibility in the latter refers to a range of ICTs, including “computer hardware and software, digital broadcast technologies, telecommunications
technologies such as mobile phones, as well as electronic information resources
such as the world wide web” (Selwyn, 2004, pp. 346-347). The World Wide Web
Consortium’s (W3C) web content accessibility guidelines (2.1) break down accessibility into four elements in terms of the interactivity of the web for the disabled
user: perceivable, operable, understandable, and robust (Web Accessibility Initiative, 2019). Though W3C’s intent for these guidelines is to assist developers in
designing accessible websites from the bottom up, more often, these are used for
checking the accessibility of already built websites for the purpose of retrofitting
them with accessibility (Wentz et al., 2011).
In technical communication practice, teaching, and research, accessibility has
been advocated by the community members dedicated to the needs of disabled
users. It is not often included in user experience design discussions, although it
should be (Oswal, 2019; Zdenek, 2019). This exclusion might result from when and
how accessibility is included in the design process—it is often an afterthought, or
comes up as a result of a quality check at the tail end of the design cycle. In either
of these situations, accessibility gets retrofitted to an already developed product
and rarely results in an equitable user experience. Another problematic reason
could be that the designers forgot to include disabled consumers among their
imagined users. Such omissions are more common in professional practice than
one would expect after all of the accessibility activism of the last three decades
(Charlton, 1998; Finkelstein, 1993).
Accessibility 29
The growth of the World Wide Web in the last three decades has not only
resulted in an information explosion, but it has also introduced new questions
about access to any informational content for disabled users. Considering the
central place of the web in technical communication work, the accessibility in
this area can be broken down into several subcategories: web interfaces for assistive technology, such as screen readers and voice browsers; accessible data input,
navigation, and content; intuitive page layout and design; and accessible web authoring and development tools. Another important area of concern is the design
of human-computer interactions. While the World Wide Web code in itself is
not inaccessible, the interactions it enables can erect access barriers, unless these
interactions have been conceptualized with disabled users in mind. For example,
screen readers can process both text and links on a webpage without a problem.
Web code also permits alternative text descriptions for images, which can be read
by a screen reader. However, when a designer attributes an interactive element
to an image, such as a link, that interaction becomes inaccessible to the screen
reader. Designers and developers often forget that screen readers are text readers
and lack the ability to read and interpret images.
In conceptualizing different aspects of access and accessibility, it is important
to pay attention to how the relating terms are operationalized. Thus far, design
fields, including technical communication, have often operationalized definitions
of information, place, cyberspace, and accessibility that exclude disabled users, or
have left them open-ended and matter of situational interpretations in different
social and technical domains ( Janelle & Hodge, 2013, p. 3). The debate surrounding the definitions of accessibility is murky, and the disabled users are often left
out of this discussion. Instead of a focus on how different users access and interact with spaces—virtual or not—researchers are more interested in studying the
changes in these technologies.
It is also important to note that accessibility is different from universal design (UD). On the surface, the design practice based on UD suggests access for
all, hence the nomenclature “universal design.” However, when put to practice
loosely for divergent purposes, it can easily be reduced to a checklist for legal
compliance, lead to tokenism, and water down the original intent of UD principles (Connell et al., 1997; Mace, 1985; Oswal & Melonçon, 2017; Sandhu, 2011).
Take, for example, the accessibility for wheelchair users: The ramp designs and
locations are seldom conceptualized according to the convenience of their users,
and are rarely integrated into the original design of buildings in a way that doesn’t
stigmatize, or separate, this user population. Even the signs for these problematically located ramps are often hidden, or are hard to read from the position of
the wheelchair rider. A good example of the pervasive tokenism toward blind and
visually impaired users in contemporary architectural design is the use of braille
and large print even though spatial access is affected far more by layout, acoustics,
and ambient lighting. Most buildings have only one design feature that relates to
this group—braille signs, which are often mounted upside down, might display
30 Oswal
inaccurate information, or are placed so far from the intuitive locations that blind
users might fail to find the sign by touch. Tactile maps are rare, even in university
and public buildings serving thousands of people and constructed at the expense
of tens of millions of dollars. Seldom are indoor and outdoor public spaces designed for users with a range of common mental, visual, and hearing disabilities,
and they often give unending grief to these users due to their confusing layouts,
odd features (four steps up and then three steps down, requiring unnecessary
exertion), and unexpected location of specific amenities such as restrooms, elevators, and information desks.
In the context of learning spaces, curricular, and pedagogies, the universal
design debate has another accessibility dimension. This debate has its origins in
the universal design for learning (UDL) movement, which built on the universal
design principles for built environments (Gronseth & Dalton, 2019; Rose, 2000).
While the UD principles were directly rooted in the accessibility of built environments for disabled users, UDL was developed to meet the legal mandate to
provide secondary education to all children (Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, 1997). Consequently, the developers of UDL focused on the learning
environment rather than the individual needs of disabled students. They did not
see accessibility as a part of design, as is obvious from the following claim: “accessibility is a function of compliance with regulations or criteria that establish
a minimum level of design necessary to accommodate people with disabilities”
(Salmen, 2011, p. 6.1). While there are exceptions, many researchers in this group
strongly differentiate between universal design and accessibility because their focus is on the technology of universal design rather than its users. For example,
during the COVID-19 pandemic, UDL has been inserted in many discussions
about remote teaching in higher education without a regard for accessibility
(Dickinson & Gronseth, 2020).
UD argues for simple and intuitive use requiring no special technological knowledge, language proficiency, or mental concentration. Though it makes
claims of equitable use that doesn’t isolate, stigmatize, or disadvantage a particular group, it often sacrifices the accessibility needs of users with severe disabilities to accommodate all other constituencies on this omnibus version of universal design. It seems to accommodate everyone, but due to the watered-down
affordances of such design, more often it only succeeds in serving the needs of
users with less severe disabilities. Universal design has so many other ambitions—“improved design standards, better information, and new products and
lower costs” (Greer, 1987, p. 58)—that distract it from the purposes of accessibility and accessible design for disabled users. The universal design advocates
critique design approaches that compensate disabled people’s functional limitations (Connell & Sandford, 1999; Salmen & Ostroff, 1997; Weisman, 1999).
Despite their assertions about not stigmatizing disability and accessibility, universal designers reflect similar attitudes by pushing disability under the rug
(Steinfeld, 1994). These universal designers forget that many disabled people
Accessibility 31
see their disability not only as a bodily or mental limitation, but also a mark
of identity and pride (Brown, 2003; Charlton, 1998; Fleischer & Zames, 2011;
Johnson, 1987).
As the emerging literature on sensory architecture has begun to inform us,
blindness is not necessarily an absence (Pallasmaa, 2012). Architecture as seen
from the combination of other senses—sound, touch, smell, and taste—can be
luxurious. But in spite of all the developments in phenomenological sciences about
the multisensory aspects of human perception, neither the designers of the physical, nor of web structures, have a standard practice of engaging disabled users in
early phases of project development (Oswal, 2014; Pallasmaa, 2012). The participatory design movement has been with us for half a century (Ehn, 1989, 2017),
but designers and developers of built environments, technologies, and websites
have seldom made a concerted effort to involve disabled users as co-designers
and knowledge partners (Chandrashekar et al., 2006; Krantz, 2013; Lewthwaite
et al., 2018; Oswal, 2014; Sahib et al., 2013). Architects could learn a great deal
through participatory design with disabled users drawing on their experiential
and embodied knowledge about spaces.
Stressing the fact that prevalent designs fail users with severe sensory disabilities such as blindness and deafness sounds redundant. However, without attention to their particular accessibility needs, no design can be assumed inclusive,
accessible, and complete. On the other hand, meaningful accessible designs that
don’t depend on the ocular and aural experiences alone can open new paths for
blind and deaf users to enjoy fuller embodied experiences both in virtual and
physical spaces. The opportunity to access fulfilling experiences of this nature can
result in blind and deaf users creating a centerspace for themselves as designers
and creators to share their multisensory perspectives to build interiors, public
spaces, and digital sites with the design community, thus altering the current
one-way traffic between designers and users into an enriching exchange of ideas
(Butler, 2016; Doiphode, 2019; Oswal, 2019).
The technical and professional communication field can not only expand its
footprint into accessible web design practice by preparing students in this area, it
can also command a leadership role through laboratory and field design collaborations with disabled users, designers, and industry practitioners to standardize
methods for accessible web development, conceptualize accessible digital interfaces within physical spaces with architects and interior designers, and partner
with urban planners to imagine disabled-friendly open spaces employing ubiquitous technologies.
Acknowledgments
My sincere thanks go to my son, Hitender Oswal, for his assistance in researching for the readings for this project. I also want to thank Han Yu for her feedback
on the multiple drafts of this keyword essay.
32 Oswal
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2. Actor/Activity
Clay Spinuzzi
University of Texas at Austin
The Oxford English Dictionary provides definitions for actor and activity that are
relevant to their current use in technical and professional communication. Actor
is defined in part as “A person who performs or takes part in any action; a doer,”
while activity is defined in part as “Things that a person, animal, or group chooses
to do” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). Both of these—agents and the things that
they do—have been central to technical and professional communication (TPC)
theory and research since the late 1980s and early 1990s, when TPC researchers
began applying theories and methodologies from the social sciences to better understand technical and professional communication in practice. This turn to the
social sciences entailed naming and describing social phenomena, among which
are actor and activity.
The term actor has been used in several related senses to denote a social agent,
which (as we’ll see below) may or may not be an individual human being working
with intentionality. Most generically, researchers have referred to individual writers and readers as “social agents” (Schryer 1993, 2000). But actor has been used
in more specific ways grounded in particular theoretical stances. For instance, in
sociocognitive approaches such as activity theory, situated cognition, and community of practice theory, the agent has been understood as an individual human
being exercising individual agency within a specific sociocultural milieu. In posthumanist approaches such as actor-network theory, distributed cognition, the extended mind hypothesis, and new materialist theory, the agent can be human or
nonhuman, and its agency is understood as networked or relational, i.e., emerging
from the relationships among actors.
In activity theory (Kaptelinin & Nardi, 2006), an actor is specifically understood as a human being engaged in collective labor. Activity theory is essentially
a sociocultural theory of human development within the context of cyclical, collective labor activity, and thus the term actor always refers to an individual human
being who is engaged in that collective labor process. For instance, in their investigation of texts in a primary care clinic, Dawn Opel and William Hart-Davidson
(2019, p.363) define the actors as human beings, including “providers in that same
clinic, other providers such as specialists, pharmacists, home health aides, family
members, and the patient herself.” These actors are understood as separate from
nonhumans such as tools, instruments, and infrastructure. Similarly, Kathleen
Gygi and Mark Zachry (2010) studied how “a small group of industry professionals from a transnational corporation and academic researchers (the authors of
this article) exchanged ideas about a project” (p.359). In this case, the actors were
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.02
35
36 Spinuzzi
identified as human beings, specifically human beings who interacted in order to
develop the project’s object (“a communication workshop for engineers,” p.359).
(For other examples, see Artemeva & Freedman, 2001; Bazerman et al., 2003;
Haas, 1999; Hart-Davidson et al., 2008; McNely, 2009, 2019; Russell, 1997a; Sun,
2006.) Similarly, other sociocognitive approaches such as situated cognition and
community of practice theory treat the agent as an individual human, although
one who is thoroughly socialized (and not coincidentally, these approaches were
lumped in with activity theory in the early to mid-2000s; see Artemeva, 2005;
Tardy, 2003; Wegner, 2004).
In contrast, in actor-network theory (ANT), an actor is not necessarily a
human being: Any human or nonhuman entity can be understood as exerting
agency. ANT rejects classic sociological explanations that presume human agency and social structures and use them as ready-made explanations for observed
phenomena (Latour, 1996, pp. 199-200), instead positing that human and nonhuman actors should be treated alike when considering how controversies are
settled (Latour, 1987, p. 144). In this approach, actors are considered network effects rather than pre-existing entities (Law, 1994, pp. 33-34); they interdefine each
other (Callon, 1986). Technical and professional communicators working in this
vein have examined how actors emerge and exert agency. In Jason Swarts’ (2010)
study of recycled writing, for instance, he argues that when writers reuse writing,
they rhetorically mobilize a range of actors that include people, policies, and style
guides, aligning these actors to tap into the combined agency of the assemblage.
(For other examples, see Dush, 2015; Fraiberg, 2017; Graham & Herndl, 2013;
Potts, 2009, 2010; Potts & Jones, 2011; Read, 2016; Read & Swarts, 2015; and Jeff
Rice, 2012.) Similarly, posthumanists or new materialists also use actor to refer to
humans and nonhumans as they work in assemblages (Boyle, 2016; Gries, 2015;
Mara & Hawk, 2010; Jenny Rice, 2012; see McNely et al., 2015 for an overview),
as do those working with distributed cognition (e.g., Angeli, 2015; Spinuzzi, 2001;
Swarts, 2006; Winsor, 2001).
Thus, in technical and professional communication, the term actor can be
used in at least two senses: as an individual human working in a community to
get something done (for instance, when writing a technical manual that tells an
individual how to solve a bounded problem) or as a constructed bundle of agency emerging from the relationships of humans and nonhumans (for instance,
when writing a handbook for an organization or workgroup, describing collective
norms, tools, and infrastructure). These two senses are not necessarily exclusive.
The term activity has largely been used in technical and professional communication in reference to activity theory. This theory developed in the Marxist-Leninist milieu of the Soviet Union, and consequently understands organized human activity within the frame of labor. The term references the German
“Tätigkeit (which has the synonyms work, job, function, business, trade, and doing) and distinguishes it from Aktivität” (Roth & Lee, 2007, p. 201), which is
activity in a broader sense. Based on this distinction, activity theory’s originators
Actor/Activity 37
used the Russian term “predmetnaya deyatel’nost’, usually translated as ‘object-oriented activity’” (Bakhurst, 2009, p. 202). In activity theory, an activity is a bounded, relatively durable instance of labor in which a subject (or actor) transforms a
material object with the help of mediating instruments (Engeström, 1987). Activity theory entered technical and professional communication discussions in the
mid-1990s when it was picked up by writing studies researchers such as Charles
Bazerman, Carolyn Berkenkotter, Christina Haas, and David R. Russell by way
of Yrjo Engeström (1987).
Since it described organized labor activity with definite boundaries, and since
it encouraged focus on mediating instruments such as texts, this concept of activity was a strong fit for analyzing the qualitative case studies that began to fill
technical and professional communication journals in the 1990s and 2000s. In
such studies (Artemeva & Freedman, 2001; Bazerman et al., 2003; Berkenkotter
& Huckin, 1995; Bracewell & Witte, 2003; Freedman & Smart, 1997; Haas &
Witte, 2001; Kain & Wardle, 2005; Spafford et al., 2006; Walker, 2004; see Russell, 1997b for a review up to 1997), activity—often portrayed as an activity system
with subjects or actors, mediating instruments or tools, an object or object(ive),
rules, community, and division of labor—provided an analytical language suitable
for dissecting context: bounding a case or a rhetorical situation via productive
consensual orientation of a community to an object(ive). This notion of activity
has given technical and professional communication practitioners a grounded
framework for understanding and describing context in cases such as designing new content management systems (McCarthy et al., 2011), understanding
user-generated documentation (Sherlock, 2009), identifying how texts support
different functions in an organization ( Jones, 2016), or developing engineering
communication workshops (Gygi & Zachry, 2010).
With this background, we can understand some key debates around the terms
as well as some key limitations.
For actor, the key debate is what counts as an actor. In earlier technical and
professional communication research, the term typically represented an individual.
In later research, the term came to additionally represent organizational roles; in
some research, it also represents nonhuman or posthuman agents (e.g., Sackey et
al., 2019). These different meanings of actor—as an individual agent vs. a networked
agent defined through its relations—require different theoretical and methodological apparati as well as different understandings of how agency relates to intentionality. In technical and professional communication, we have come to generally
recognize agency as distributed, but we have not yet come to agreement on how it
is distributed or how it relates to intentionality. For instance, we may recognize that
as individuals learn a genre, they learn to participate in an ongoing activity. But in
this case, do we consider the genre to be the residue of human agency, or should the
genre itself be considered an agent (cf. McNely, 2019)?
The tension between the two senses of actor (as individual vs. networked
agent), then, can cause occlusion or obstruction, especially as the term becomes
38 Spinuzzi
more deeply sedimented in technical and professional communication. The senses are difficult to reconcile, and sometimes readers must check citations to determine which meaning is operant in a given source.
For activity, one key debate is how to bound an activity. When activity theory
was introduced to technical and professional communication in the 1990s, the
notion of activity provided a more structured, developmental, and objective-oriented alternative to vague terms such as “context,” performance-oriented frameworks such as Burke’s pentad, or concepts for describing social clusters such as
“discourse communities.” Specifically, it provided a way to bound qualitative case
studies, one that goes beyond spatial, demographic, and organizational groupings
to identify how people work together over time. (However, commentators have
questioned how well this bounding works in practice, with some alleging that
the activity system functions as both phenomenon and analysis; see Bracewell
& Witte, 2003; Witte, 2005.) Yet activity theorists have steadily expanded the
notion of activity, both spatially and temporally, resulting in case studies with
larger bounds and arguably less precision (see Spinuzzi, 2011). In technical and
professional communication, this expansion has sometimes resulted in “activity”
being used vaguely and generically, essentially as a substitute for “context.”
Another key debate is the question of the applicability of activity. As mentioned, the notion of activity is grounded in labor activity, which (in accordance
with the Soviet outlook) was taken to be the very thing that makes us human
(Engels, 1971; Leontyev, 2009) and thus was understood as universally applicable—that is, all human activity is rooted in labor activity. But this claim is not
universally accepted: It is grounded in the Soviet outlook, which was modernist
and instrumentalist. Thus, we should not be surprised that the concept of activity
has sharp limits when applied to aspects of life beyond recurrent, bounded, collective efforts that are mediated by instruments. Specifically, associative and less
structured forms of interaction are not well addressed by the term activity. For instance, although activity theory can clearly bound cases of collaborative work on
a Wikipedia page (Slattery, 2009; Walsh, 2010), the Wikipedia community has less
certain boundaries ( Jones, 2008; Swarts, 2009; cf. Jemielniak, 2015); in such cases
of social and peer production, the boundaries appear to fade away (Engeström,
2009). Similarly, phenomena that are not well defined by local object-oriented
activity, such as public argumentation and structural racism, are not well modeled
by activity theory. Finally, due to its instrumental labor focus, activity theory has
trouble modeling and analyzing non-instrumental relations (see Miller, 2007 for
a critique and Spinuzzi, 2008 for an extended discussion), and it “lacks a political
edge” or critical analysis of politics suitable for cultural studies (Sun, 2020, p. 50).
The term activity, then, is becoming occluded due to tensions between its origination in an instrumentalist, work-oriented branch of Soviet psychology and its
application to cases that do not necessarily fit this description, particularly in a
field that must take non-instrumentalist relationships into account and that must
analyze more associative, less structured phenomena. As technical and professional
Actor/Activity 39
communication examines cultural and cross-cultural artifacts and practices (e.g.,
Fraiberg, 2017; Sackey et al., 2019; Sun, 2020; Walton, 2013) and social justice issues
(Cox, 2019; Jones, 2017; Potts et al., 2019; Rose, 2016; Sackey, 2020), we can expect
this term to be reexamined and rethought—or juxtaposed with different terms
attached to theories that are better able to address such concerns.
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3. Assessment
Norbert Elliot
New Jersey Institute of Technology
Since its appearance in 1956, the term assessment has been straightforward in definition and contested in use (Oxford University Press, n.d.). Harold Loukes of Oxford
University first used the noun in his 1956 study of British education, Secondary
Modern, in which the Quaker educationist was trying to understand how well a selection system was serving students. In England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, the
Ministry of Education established secondary modern schools in 1944 for students
between 11 and 15 years old who failed to earn high marks on the 11-plus examination. As a contemporary of Loukes saw it, these were schools whose “job it was to
cope with all the nation’s dull children” (Dent, 1958, p. 31). For Loukes (1956), a way
out of this caste system was to find “a new means of assessment” (p. 112), one that
would allow secondary modern schools to “find their own place” (1959, p. 139), as he
later put it, especially in terms of the value for vocational education.
And so we discover, in the very first use of the term, an enduring tension between the definition of assessment (as “a systematic process to measure or evaluate the characteristics or performance of individuals, programs, or other entities”)
and complexities surrounding its use (“for the purpose of drawing inferences”)
(American Educational Research Association [AERA], American Psychological Association [APA], and National Council on Measurement in Education
[NCME], 2014, p. 216). Administrative leadership can readily identify a systematic process that will yield findings about students and instructional programs. It
is another matter to draw inferences from the findings and have them accepted
by stakeholders embedded in complex rhetorical situations in which cultural and
linguistic diversity are of paramount importance (Gonzales & Baca, 2017).
When we talk about assessment in technical and professional communication
(TPC), we carry forward this 60-year-old genealogy of complexity. In their foreword to Assessment in Technical Communication (2010), the first and only edited
collection on the topic, Margaret N. Hundleby and Jo Allen observe that assessment in our field has suffered from irregular attention, uncertainty about authentic strategies, and muddled identification of aims. Recently, Geoffrey Clegg and
colleagues (2020) argued that the field of TPC is only now buttressing programmatic student learning outcomes—the objectives upon which an assessment is
based—with field-wide data from undergraduate degree programs across the US.
An enduring tension—rising in the gap between the straightforward definition
of assessment and the complexity of inferences drawn from it—remains.
Today, TPC researchers acknowledge this tension, view it productively,
and use it as a means to create innovative assessment programs (St.Amant &
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.03
45
46 Elliot
Nahrwold, 2007), equip researchers for socially just work through transformative
paradigms (Phelps, 2020), and introduce interstitial pedagogical practices that
engage diversity (Lane, 2021). Researchers acknowledge that assessment is a situated rhetorical activity that exists on a continuum of rhetorically situated aims.
As a situated rhetorical activity, the TPC assessment exists in a sociocultural and
sociocognitive environment. Here, John M. Swales’ (2017) sociocultural concept
of discourse communities as centers of professional identity resonates well with
Robert J. Mislevy’s (2019) depiction of sociocognition as community discourse
practices revealed in linguistic, cultural, and substantive language patterns. Once
the deeply situated nature of language is acknowledged, it is then easier to get to
the harder realization: that our inferences from assessment are also rhetorically
situated and, as such, filled with values both apparent and tacit.
Following acknowledgement of situated language use, assessment stakeholders often adopt two productive strategies for TPC assessment. Each has
come into consideration in the 21st century. While one has demonstrated the
ability to inform critical research, the other is best considered as a needed
reconceptualization.
The first strategy involves reconceptualizing evidence. In 2006, Michael T.
Kane proposed that traditional evidence categories of validity (evidence used to
support a given interpretation) and reliability (evidence used to support consistency) be understood in terms of interpretation and use. Arguments about
interpretation and use, he proposed, allow us to draw inferences and make claims
about a given assessment. Gone were totalizing statements (“a given assessment
is valid”); present were precise claims supported with evidence (“a given assessment demonstrates evidence of construct validity”). As part of the process of
validation, construct validity—evidence that the characteristic the assessment
was designed to measure is sufficiently present—was central to a given validity
argument. As Kane wrote, “It is the plausibility of the proposed interpretations
and uses that is to be evaluated” (p. 23). By 2013, he shifted his terminology to
emphasize the interpretation/use argument (IUA)—“the network of inferences
and assumptions inherent in the proposed interpretation and use” (p. 2).
This shift was profound and signaled a new era for TPC assessment. As Julia
M. Williams (2010) recognized in her explication of the RosEvaluation assessment system, first used at Rose-Hulman Institute of Technology in 1998, identification of outcomes shifted institutional focus from identifying resource inputs
to defining goals for student learning. With outcomes established, in this case by
Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology (ABET, 2016), evidence
of student learning could then be systematically collected (For current criteria,
see ABET, 2022.). In turn, this information could be used to advance opportunity to learn (Moss et al., 2008). As Williams (2021) observed in reflecting on
the over-two-decade-old RosEvaluation assessment system, one of its notable
achievements has been dissemination of communication pedagogy among technical faculty members to inform the way they use the language of rhetoric in
Assessment 47
their technical courses. Through discussions of curricular objectives, faculty express willingness to reinforce and extend students’ communication development
in their classes. Because instruction and assessment are reliably extended across
the curriculum, stakeholders see these activities as complementary.
Evidence-based approaches have been accompanied by attention to a category of evidence techniques for the TPC assessment. In 2015, Edward M. White
and colleagues designed the first assessment system specifically designed for
writing studies. Using the federal Classification of Instructional Programs (CIP)
for rhetoric and composition/writing studies, White and his colleagues designed
a system in which programs in technical and business writing (CIP 23.1303) and
programs in rhetoric and composition (CIP 23.1304) could equally benefit by a
unified evidential approach: Design for Assessment (DFA). DFA invited assessment designers to focus on traditional evidential forms of validity and reliability
while adding other categories of evidence: consequence (unintended and intended positive and negative impact), theorization (development of ideas concerning a given construct), standpoint (situated perspectives), research (foundational
knowledge), documentation (evidence gathering), accountability (demonstrated
responsibility), sustainability (mission-related resource allocation), process (actions related to program success), and communication (providing information
to stakeholders). In a survey approach, these evidence centers have been used
by Nancy Coppola and colleagues (2016) to examine TPC program outcomes
(Ilyasova & Bridgeford, 2014) and plan evidence-based revision of them. Coppola concludes that evidence models including IUAs provide stakeholders with
a principled way to undertake programmatic research. An alternative evidence
model for continuous curricular improvement—dedicated to making visible “all
of the interrelated work and perspectives” of TPC to ensure that instructional programs continue to “grow and address stakeholder needs in a sustainable
way”—has been proposed by Joanna Schreiber and Lisa Melonçon (2019, p. 275).
In this model, evidence was collected beyond the program objectives and interpreted by perspectives beyond those of the program administrators.
The second strategy for TPC assessment involves reconceptualized assessment
aims. While we have seen research related to evidence-based approaches become
significant, we are late to reexamine assessment aims and have yet to witness assessment strategies in our field that are centered on fairness. While no detailed
history of assessment in the field of TPC has been written, Elliot (2010) proposed
a conceptual history in which modernism (assessment as an artifact of scientific
objectivity) receded as postmodernism (assessment as a contextualized activity)
advanced. In general, these phases parallel pedagogical developments in TPC in
which instruction dominated by an emphasis on style and correctness was replaced
by social constructivist perspectives on writing (Rude, 2015). Accompanying the
move from language objectivity to contextualism, educational measurement researchers have begun to attend to fairness as a category of evidence equal to validity and reliability (AERA, APA, NCME, 2014). To establish evidence of fairness,
48 Elliot
researchers collect and interpret information in these areas: fairness during the
assessment process in areas such as accessibility for all learners through universal
design; measurement bias toward student subgroups in terms of gender assignment and identity, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic characteristics, and other
relevant categories and their combination; and access to the constructs being measured through educational opportunity (AERA, APA, & NCME, 2014). In TPC,
calls for evidence of fairness have been accompanied by attention to social justice
research—a collective and active effort to “reveal, reject, and replace” oppression
(Walton et al., 2019, p. 50; see also Agboka & Dorpenyo, 2022, Inoue, 2015; Jones,
2016; Poe et al., 2018; Walton & Agboka, 2021). As Mya Poe (2023) and her colleagues have suggested, even the Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing, while necessary, may be insufficient to achieve social justice.
This shift towards reconceptualization of assessment aims must now be accompanied by a fairness approach for TPC assessment. In her guide to mapping institutional values to the technical writing curriculum in order to contextualize assessment, Allen (2010) reminded researchers to consider “the heritage [emphasis added]
that inspires the institution’s traditions,” such as that of historically Black colleges
and universities and the founders’ motivations and vision for women’s colleges (p.
41). Advancing this idea of contextualization, Michelle F. Eble (2020) has called
for “de-colonial and critical race theory, feminist and queer, and other community
participatory approaches” to instruction in technical communication” (p. 40).
In transferring theory into TPC assessment practice, however, researchers have
not yet realized the gains associated with evidence of fairness. Here we realize the
truth of Miriam F. Williams, our field’s first Black Association of Teachers of Technical Writing Fellow, that there is little research that addresses “the unique ways
that historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups within the U.S. created or
responded to technical communication” (Williams, 2013, p. 86). Put straightforwardly, the consequences of our TPC assessments are unknown in terms of their
intersectional impact (Crenshaw, 1991). If assessment is to be a meaningful keyword
in our field, then stakeholders will have to use theoretical concepts of diversity such
as Black Feminist Theory to generate sources of evidence related to fairness (Collins, 2000). Following Loukes, we need a new means of assessment—an innovation
focusing on fairness and consequences as sources of evidence—if we are to advance
opportunity to learn and achieve universal justice for all our students.
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4. Audience
Ann M. Blakeslee
Eastern Michigan University
Audience has always been at the core of technical communication, both as a
defining concept and as a cornerstone of the field’s identity.1 Two of the most
commonly taught principles are “know your audience” and “write for your audience,” which students begin hearing in their very first courses—and continue
hearing throughout their studies and careers. Historically, the notion of audience
and its importance are rooted in classical rhetoric, dating back to at least the fifth
century BC. Aristotle’s (1926) definition of rhetoric as the “faculty of observing
in any given case the available means of persuasion” establishes the importance
of those whom a rhetor seeks to persuade. The Oxford English Dictionary defined
audience initially in relation to judicial hearings and courts of law (Oxford University Press, n.d.). These definitions date back to the 12th century and are rooted
in oral traditions. Hearing, being given a hearing, being heard, attention to what is
being spoken, performance, listeners, and similar terms and statements are prevalent
across the Oxford English Dictionary definitions of audience. Less prevalent are
the terms reading, readership, publication, and writer, which appear in the 18th
century, after printed texts had become more commonplace.
Technical communication gained prominence as a professional field after
World War II. Early scholars often considered audience as they defined technical
communication or described what technical communicators do. Charles Stratton
(1979), for example, said a technical writer in “a particular art, science, discipline,
or trade . . . helps audiences approach subjects” (p. 10). Another early scholar, W.
Earl Britton (1975), implies an audience, albeit a passive one, when he says, “The
primary, though certainly not sole, characteristic of technical and scientific writing lies in the effort of the author to convey one meaning and only one meaning
in what he says” (p. 11). A few years later, David Dobrin (1983), in “What’s Technical About Technical Writing?,” suggested as a new definition: “Technical writing
is writing that accommodates technology to the user” (p. 242). Dobrin explained
that he focused on “user” rather than “reader,” “because technology is meant to be
used” (p. 243). As the field has matured, one constant has been the value placed
on understanding and writing effectively for audiences in the workplace, and, in
1. Ideas in this chapter, especially those expressed at the end about future directions
for audience research and about the fluid roles of writers and readers, were influenced by
research and conversations carried out in collaboration with Rachel Spilka, formerly of
the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. These conversations occurred between 2010 and
2015, and these ideas are connected to concepts that Dr. Spilka and the author developed
together.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.04
53
54 Blakeslee
the classroom, on teaching students how to write for audiences. Additionally,
audience became what distinguished technical communicators: It is often their
knowledge and skill in addressing audiences that is recognized as “adding value”
in the workplace; technical communicators are those best positioned to function
as audience or user advocates.
As fields, both technical communication and rhetoric and composition have
long and conflicted histories of stressing the importance of audience. Audience
figures prominently in Chaïm Perelman and Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca’s (1969) The
New Rhetoric. They define audience, consonant with Aristotle, “as the ensemble of
those whom the speaker wishes to influence by his argumentation” (p. 19). They also
put forward an idea that has been carried forward in numerous considerations of
audience—that knowing an audience with certainty is impossible.
In their germinal 1984 article, Lisa Ede and Andrea Lunsford presented two
notions that continue to guide both our scholarship and pedagogy: “audience
addressed” and “audience invoked.” While the former refers to the “concrete reality of the writer’s audience” (p. 156), the latter depicts the audience of “written
discourse” as “a construction of the writer” (p. 160). With regard to the latter, they
said,
The central task of the writer, then, is not to analyze an audience
and adapt discourse to meet its needs. Rather, the writer uses the
semantic and syntactic resources of language to provide cues for
the reader—cues which help to define the role or roles the writer
wishes the reader to adopt in responding to the text. (p. 160)
There also is a distinction for Ede and Lunsford—and others—between
speakers and writers, with speakers, as Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca also acknowledge, having the ability to know their audiences with greater certainty. Ede
and Lunsford also acknowledge the work of Herbert Simons, who presents “a
continuum of audiences based on opportunities for interaction” (Simons, 1976,
as cited in Ede & Lunsford, 1984, p. 162). The importance of interactions with
audience members has grown over time as research and theory have placed great
emphasis on the roles and responses of readers.
In their efforts to explain audience, many scholars, early on, developed visual renderings or models, which typically depicted a stable and usually one-directional movement of information from writers to readers (e.g., Corbett, 1982;
Kinneavy, 1971). James Porter (1992) describes such models as misleading (p. xi).
He also calls attention to the uneven distribution of power they tended to depict:
“Such a conception isolates rhetor from audience, thereby creating a political
division that privileges the rhetor with access to knowledge (and hence, truth
and power) and that places the audience in a non-participatory subordinate role”
(Porter, 1992, p. xi).
A few of the early models were more sophisticated and ahead of their time.
J.C. Mathes and Dwight Stevenson (1976), for example, portrayed different
Audience 55
“players” (not just writers) interacting in intertextual, interactive contexts while
planning, designing, evaluating, and finalizing documents. Their “Interactive Audience Chart” was criticized for being too complex; however, they were innovators
in portraying the “range of possibilities” (Porter, 1992) and in acknowledging the
importance of relationships and interactions between writers and audience members. This is something numerous scholars eventually have also addressed (e.g.,
Albers, 2003; Beaufort, 2008; Blakeslee, 1993, 2001; Johnson, 1997, 1998; Kitalong,
2004; Long, 1980, 1990; Mirel, 1992, 1998, 2002, 2004; Mirel & Spilka, 2002; Rafoth, 1989; Rosenbaum & Walters, 1986; Roth, 1987; Spilka, 1988a, 1988b, 1990).
As scholars in both composition and technical communication began paying
greater attention to concepts like genre, document design, and discourse communities, conceptions of audience evolved (Berkenkotter & Huckin, 1995; Faber &
Johnson-Eilola, 2002, 2003; Flower, 1979; Flower & Hayes, 1981; Johnson-Eilola,
1996; Mirel, 2002; Porter, 1992; Schriver, 1997; Spinuzzi, 2003; Swales, 1990). Various theoretical turns have also influenced the field’s approaches to audience. For
example, reader response theory prompted the field to focus more on how readers respond to writing. Poststructuralism shifted the field’s focus to even more
fluid and dynamic conceptions of audience, foregrounding interactions between
readers and writers and the contributions of readers to developing and evolving texts (Porter, 1992). Over time, the field has shifted from a view of writing
as mostly style- and writer-focused to more complex views that attend to how
writing actually occurs and to how readers respond to writing. These views also
consider how writers might anticipate readers’ responses as they plan and design
documents, and how writers and readers, through different kinds of interactions
and relationships, may even co-construct texts. These shifts have been supported
by the field’s greater attention to collaboration and social constructionism, social
epistemic perspectives, and, more recently, usability and user experience research.
In addition to Porter’s scholarship, work by scholars such as Ann Blakeslee
(1993, 2001), Robert Johnson (1997, 1998), Barbara Mirel (1992, 1998, 2002, 2004),
Karla Kitalong (2004), and Rachel Spilka (1988a, 1988b, 1990), among others, also
supported these more collaborative and participatory conceptions of audience—
with power distributed across an array of “players” as opposed to being situated
exclusively in the writer. Kitalong (2004) addresses traditional audience analysis
categories, contending that with the proliferation of technology comes a “proliferation of users, who are now more fully diversified than ever before in terms of the
traditional audience-analysis categories of educational background, profession,
age, gender, race, and economic status” (p. 171). Blakeslee’s (2010) workplace case
studies of digital writing suggest a more contextualized approach to analyzing
audiences rooted in problem solving. Her findings counter Porter’s argument for a
universal digital audience. Other workplace researchers also make important contributions to the field’s understanding of audience (e.g., Beaufort, 2008; Johnson,
1997; Spilka, 1988a, 1988b, 1990; Spinuzzi, 2003; Winsor, 2003). Although not all
of these researchers focused directly on audience, their findings shed light on its
56 Blakeslee
complexity. Dorothy Winsor (2003), in Writing Power, provides a perspective on
the complexity of audiences in the workplace, and Clay Spinuzzi (2003) critiques
our field’s paternalistic assumption that readers in the workplace are helpless without our support. His critique, however, does not offer suggestions for resolving
this. In fact, much that we understand about audience in technical communication
comes from works, like these, that address it as an aspect of some other focus.
Because of this, they fall short of helping the field develop and test successful,
evidence-based conceptions of and approaches to considering audience.
Other important sources for understanding the field’s approach to and perspectives on audience are its textbooks. Generally, technical communication textbooks
reveal that we continue to rely, even after decades of stressing the importance of
audience analysis, on universally applicable and abstract principles in considering
audience. Most textbooks still depict audience analysis as a linear, one-way process
of identifying, analyzing, and then writing to or accommodating the audience. This
process is also still generally portrayed as being controlled by the writer. For example, students often are told to describe their readers using demographic categories,
and textbooks also often emphasize using tools such as profiles or late usability
tests. However, without access to firsthand information about their audiences, students may mis-categorize and/or simply guess, make up, or overlook important
aspects of their readers’ experiences and identities (e.g., their ableness, languages, backgrounds, cultures). Our increased and much-needed attention in our field
to critical topics like disability, social justice, and anti-racism point to the importance of much more detailed and nuanced considerations of audience that eschew
profiling, generalizing, and categorizing in ways that perpetuate the violence and
oppression of perspectives like ableism, racism, white supremacy, and xenophobia (Browning & Cagle, 2017; Cedillo, 2018; Colton & Walton, 2015; Condon &
Young, 2016; Haas, 2012; Melonçon, 2013; Mutnik, 2015; Oswal, 2013; Palmeri, 2006;
Yu, 2012; Zdenek, 2020). Training writers in how best to analyze an audience in a
way that is limited to activities of identifying and categorizing them precludes a
strong research-backed and inclusive focus on types of analysis that can and must
go deeper. In short, students often are taught to cobble together information about
audiences from varied sources and to work from more generalized instead of particular, more specific, accurate, and representative conceptions. Few textbooks, for
example, advise writers to interact with or research readers directly, which more
recent scholarship suggests has value (e.g., Blakeslee, 2001; 2010).
In general, scholarship on audience in technical communication—and rhetoric and composition—has focused mainly on early invention activities—identifying, thinking about, and analyzing audience, generally viewed as a collective.
Later stages, including accommodating and influencing audience(s), are still less
well understood. There is benefit—and a need—to call into question the status
quo around audience and to strive, through empirical research and re-theorizing,
to arrive at more expansive and encompassing conceptions. Porter addressed this
need in his 1992 work, and it still exists—and is even more urgent, particularly as
Audience 57
we interrogate our professional practices for those aspects of them that ultimately
are biased, exclusionary, and unjust. Revitalizing and expanding both scholars’
and practitioners’ understandings of the rhetorical dynamics and complexity of
audiences, especially in contemporary contexts, is vital. We must explore and advocate for ways to understand and honor the multiple identities, backgrounds,
and lived experiences of our readers.
This is also true in relation to recent and ongoing transformations in how individuals write and work. For example, advancements in technology and in ways
we communicate have increasingly blurred the roles of and relationships between
writers and readers. In social media (see, for example, Breuch, 2017, and Potts,
2009, 2014) and other realms, we see how the audience can become writers at
any time, and how the principal roles of some writers can be to read and respond
to audience input. This points to conceptions of audience that are increasingly
relational, discursive, and participatory. Technical communicators need to understand that regardless of the extent of their experience and familiarity with an audience, they must research, continuously, both recurring and new audiences (and
this may well necessitate engaging, firsthand, with those audiences). This will
assist them with deciding how best to negotiate the ever-changing rhetorical and
social contexts of each writing task. Rather than “writing to or for an audience,”
we should be thinking instead about “writing with an audience” or “writing as
part of an audience.”2 Audience, moving forward, must be addressed in the context of 21st century writing, technology, workplace contexts, social consciousness,
and cultural responsiveness. Rather than privileging writers in relation to readers
and end users, and as is often the case only certain readers and end users, technical communication scholars can strive to develop new theories and practices that
align more closely with current trends in digital literacy, participatory rhetoric,
anti-racist pedagogy, social justice, disability studies, and user engagement.
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5. Collaboration
Pam Estes Brewer
Mercer University
Collaboration is an important tool for technical communicators and has been
since the early days of the discipline; it will become even more significant in
the future as global markets expand. Thus, the topic of collaboration is featured
in the articles, books, conferences, and workplaces of the discipline—always in
the background and often in the foreground. One could say that collaboration is
part of the foundation of the practice and study of technical communication. However,
practitioners and educators must consider collaboration in ways that they did not
several decades or even several years ago. This essay briefly addresses the history
of collaboration in the discipline, shares some common definitions of the term,
and then examines several of the most important perspectives on collaboration
today, including types of collaboration, technology’s impact on collaboration, and
information development with collaboration.
The history of collaboration in technical communication can be seen in its
evolving definitions. The origins of the word are from the Latin collaborare, meaning to labor together. Examples in the Oxford English Dictionary show collaboration used interchangeably with cooperation (Oxford University Press, n.d.). Some
early technical communication scholarship on collaboration focuses on collaboration as social construction; this scholarship claims that “knowledge, reality,
and even facts are community generated . . . with knowledge being composed by
collaboration” (Hedden, 1992, p. 27).
As collaborators began to increase their use of technology, scholarship on
collaboration began to incorporate computer-based collaboration and suggested
that it provided a more egalitarian setting (Selfe, 1992). We began to see technology changing the very nature of collaboration, enabling collaborators to question
and negotiate meaning more freely (Selfe, 1992). In educational settings, students
who may have been marginalized and less inclined to speak in face-to-face collaboration could find a voice in computer-based collaboration (Trimbur, 1983).
Increasingly today, educators and employers seek ways to prepare students and
employees to take advantage of remote collaboration (Brewer, 2015; Brewer et al.,
2015; Mitchell, 2012; Mitchell et al., 2010; Wojahn et al., 2010). They also study the
effects of trust and psychological safety on performance (Robinson et al., 2016).
In the workplace, collaboration is an intellectual endeavor that produces intellectual property. Purely theoretical definitions of the term are of limited use.
In industry settings, “collaboration may more resemble cooperation in that the
team’s responsibilities include ensuring coverage, avoiding duplication, creating links, and ensuring consistency of organization” (Hewett et al., 2010, p. 4).
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Workplace definitions of collaboration are based on products and productivity;
collaboration is transactional in nature. It is viewed as a tool that helps people
conduct business. In her editorial on the professionalization of technical communication, Nancy Coppola (2011) notes that managers expect collaboration
among subject-matter experts and coworkers. In fact, the boundaries between
terms like group, team, collaboration, and cooperation become blurry in current
workplace use. Nevertheless, we can find useful definitions of collaboration that
are specific to technical communication and writing. Beth L. Hewett and colleagues (2010) write that collaboration “involves strategic and generative interactivity among individuals seeking to achieve a common goal, such as problem
solving, knowledge sharing, and advancing discovery” (p. 9). Rebecca Burnett et
al. (2013) define collaboration as “an intentional, sustained interaction toward a
common goal” (p. 454). Peter S. England and Pam Estes Brewer (2018) write that
“true collaboration results in outputs better than what could have been achieved
by a single person” (p. 161).
Because the definitions of collaboration are nuanced, there is some debate
about what constitutes effective collaboration within technical communication
and when it should take place in the information-development process. There is
no shortage of stories about collaboration gone wrong (e.g., Brewer, 2015; Mamishev & Williams, 2010). Barriers to effective collaboration in virtual writing
include training and technology, an organization’s ability to create a culture for
effective collaboration, personality characteristics, and team composition (Carney, 2010). To be effective, collaboration in technical communication today requires
common goals, a focus on the whole rather than the individual, effective use of technology, and sustained communication. In addition, the types of collaboration must meet
the needs of the project.
Technical communicators can choose the best type(s) of collaboration for the
context in which they are working. Most types of collaboration can be described
based on two characteristics: power structure and synchronicity. Power structure
refers to whether the relationships among collaborators are largely horizontal
(where all collaborators have a relatively equal voice) or vertical (where one or
several of the collaborators have more authority over the collaboration). Synchronicity refers to whether or not collaborators are present together in time.
Alternatively, Hewett et al. (2010) provide a useful schema with three types of
collaboration: serial, parallel, and collective. These types are identified in the context of virtual collaborative writing, but they represent well the types of collaboration common in technical communication. Briefly, serial collaborators work
one after the other, while parallel collaborators work on different pieces of a project at the same time. Collective collaborators use both serial and parallel collaboration while working on the project as a whole (Hewett et al., 2010). For example,
the composition program at Texas Tech University used decentralized grading
groups (Carney, 2010) wherein graduate instructors collaborated collectively to
improve assessment skills and in parallel to grade student projects. Similar to the
Collaboration 63
collective model of collaboration identified by Hewett et al. (2010) is the interlaced model of collaboration advocated by Robinson et al. (2016): “[Interlaced
collaborative writing] is a distributed practice, predicated on psychological safety
that promotes iterative CCK [co-construction of knowledge] by allowing for
both parallel and synchronous discussion and production of texts with intense
periods of simultaneous production.”
In comparison, Scott L. Jones (2007) identifies three primary classifications
of collaboration based on a survey of 1,790 members of the Society for Technical
Communication: contextual collaboration (using templates, genres, and existing
documentation); hierarchical collaboration (“carefully, and often rigidly, structured, driven by highly specific goals, and carried out by people playing clearly
defined and delimited roles” [Ede & Lunsford, 1990, p. 133]); and group collaboration (“involv[ing] a collection of people who largely plan, draft, and revise
together” [ Jones, 2005, p. 454]). Note that Jones (2007) adds a category called
“contextual collaboration” wherein communicators collaborate with artifacts produced by others rather than with people directly. In this type of collaboration,
communicators work with existing artifacts, such as documentation. Jones’ classifications move from what he calls less overt to more overt communication, with
contextual collaboration representing the least overt.
Quickly evolving technologies have enabled more and more diverse forms of
collaboration than ever before, and the speed of change shows no signs of slowing. Software tools that support collaboration include information communication technologies (ICTs) like web conferencing and email; content, learning, and
project management systems; virtual worlds (e.g., Bosch-Sijtsema & Sivunen,
2013; Brewer et al., 2015); development software; and some social media. Suites
of tools support collaboration by enabling conversation, storage, scheduling, and
more. With these tools, collaboration today is inter/intraorganizational, inter/
intradisciplinary, inter/intranational, and inter/intra-market sector in ways that
it was not prior to advances in technology. Technical communicators and their
organizations can be attentive to these opportunities or ignore them at the risk of
surrendering the benefits to competitors.
In order to develop these collaborative opportunities, one must fit the technologies to the task just as one fits type of collaboration to the task. One of
the best ways to do so is to consider the affordances of technologies. The technologies themselves may change, but the affordances that collaborators need
remain relatively stable. Hewett et al. (2010) developed a list of four affordances of technology that can be helpful in evaluating technology choices for
collaboration:
• Presence awareness is “the degree to which individuals in virtual
settings know that others are present or available to communicate.”
• Synchronicity is “the length of time it takes for individuals to interact using virtual collaborative technology.”
64 Brewer
• Hybridity is “the use of tools that combine different elements of
communication, such as speech and written language.”
• Interactivity is “the extent to which individuals can maintain a dynamic flow of communication across virtual space and interactions
made when a tool seems to diminish spatial distance.” (p. 12)
For example, when a technical communicator wishes to have a dialog with
a colleague, they can choose technology that offers rich or lean communication.
Rich media support multiple cues (similar to face-to-face communication). The
closer a medium is to face-to-face communication, the richer it is. For example,
video conferencing is a rich medium as it offers audio and visual cues in real time;
it offers high levels of presence awareness, synchronicity, hybridity, and interactivity. The more ambiguous or complex a task, the more richness is needed for the
communication. Lean media support fewer cues—for example, email is a lean
medium, as it offers only text with some delay. Lean media can be very effective
for communicating concrete information because they decrease unnecessary cues.
Technical communicators might use such a list of affordances to guide them in
choosing the technology to support the collaboration for a given project.
Technology has not only changed the way that technical communicators collaborate to create content, it has changed their roles and required them to collaborate in higher order tasks, such as information architecture ( Jones, 2005), in order to manage the technologies, collaborations, and products. Within the field of
technical communication, the primary goal of collaboration is information development. Because information development has become far more complex than it
was several decades ago, the collaboration that supports it has also become more
complex. As predicted by Brad Mehlenbacher (2013), “Future technical communicators will serve as knowledgeable team members, learning, researching, organizing, and synthesizing the many support materials that are required to mediate
between communication design, humans, and complex technological processes
and products” (p. 205). Instead of collaboration taking place face-to-face, it often
takes place remotely. Instead of products being released as stand-alone versions
on individual platforms, they are often released in small updates and for multiple platforms. And an increased collaboration between producers and their users
significantly affects design. For reasons like these, information products are most
often developed via collaboration of many people, and projects require new roles
for technical communicators as information coordinators.
Collaboration in technical communication today is complex, facilitated by
many choices in both structure and technology. Effective collaboration requires
thought and planning, whether that collaboration takes place face to face or at
a distance. As a world market, we will need the many types and tools of collaboration to meet such challenges as protecting the environment (Nidumolu et
al., 2014); creating networks among science, education, and business (Basov &
Minina, 2018); and addressing global health crises. In fact, the future of technical
Collaboration 65
communication likely depends on effective collaboration to enable technical
communicators to function as a part of the development and innovation process
(Giammona, 2004) and to create professional presence in a global market.
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6. Content Management
Tatiana Batova
University of Virginia
Rebekka Andersen
University of California, Davis
Content management (CM) refers to the methodologies, processes, standards,
and technologies that allow communicators to create and manage information
as modular units for the purpose of reuse and multi-channel publishing. Having
first emerged as an interdisciplinary area of practice in the mid-1990s, content
management has redefined what it means to be a communicator and conduct
technical communication (TC) work. For technical communicators, the practice
has introduced new approaches to writing, new processes for managing and publishing content, new roles such as information architects and content strategists,
and new competencies such as structured authoring and business analysis.
CM allows for writing content once and reusing it by different people at different times and in different contexts to create any number of information products. These products can be published through various delivery channels (e.g.,
websites, mobile applications, and ebooks) and accessed from various devices. In
CM literature, the term content is typically described as “any text, image, video,
decoration, or user-consumable elements” that help people understand “an organization’s products or services, stories, and brand” (Abel, 2014, p. 12). It is what we
produce (Abel, 2014) but also “how we produce and update” (Hart, 2013, p. 30). In
technical terms, content is the meaning that is held within and transported by a
container (Abel, 2014)—a set of standard markup tags that contain the content
and allow for automated processing of content. For example, a single content unit
might be a “medication description” that can be simultaneously published to a
PDF of an informed consent, an online Q&A, and a medication insert. Content
units can also be building blocks, allowing customers to generate a user guide
on demand based on the product features that are relevant for them and for the
device they are using.
In the field of TC, CM has often been used to refer to both web content
management (WCM) and component content management (CCM). Whereas WCM has focused on approaches and technologies for creating, presenting,
and maintaining content on websites (Clark, 2008) and for managing the web
user experience (Gollner, 2015), CCM has focused on approaches for creating and
managing content as small units of information rather than as entire documents.
However, these distinctions in approaches are increasingly blurring because organizations now must produce content that can be rendered in different outputs for
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different delivery channels, a process that necessarily relies on principles of reuse,
granularity, and structure.
Reusable content has to have the potential to become various types of information (Gollner, 2013). Content thus must be freed from the confines of presentation so that it can be manipulated in multiple ways; markup tags that describe
the content enable this manipulation. Content as potential information possesses
the following qualities: it is dynamic (able to stay fresh and be subject to ongoing
revision), customizable (able to change based on audiences’ needs and preferences), linked and distributed (able to be reused), granular (able to communicate
meaning at a micro-level), and interactive (able to provide users the support they
need when they need it; Hart-Davidson, 2005, p. 29).
Granular content is the smallest unit of usable information (Sapienza, 2007),
e.g., a warning statement or the procedure for accomplishing a particular task. In
contrast, content at the document level is that of complete information products,
e.g., user guides, training modules, technical bulletins. It is important to note
that the relationship between the two levels is dynamic: what we consider a complete information product can in some cases also be the smallest usable unit, e.g.,
a mission statement. While several terms have been used to describe granular
content, the term topic grew to be the most commonly and extensively defined.
Topic derives from Darwin Information Typing Architecture (DITA), the open
content standard that defines a common structure for content. In DITA, the term
topic describes the content type and structure allowed for that content type.
Structured content enables reuse and multi-channel publishing, key goals of
CM, through its use of “semantic rules that allow machine processing to meet
specific business requirements” (Day, 2014, p. 62). Its mobile affordances give it the
potential to automatically adjust to specific user requests and device capabilities
such as screen size and orientation. Such content has been described as “adaptive”
(Cooper, 2014; McGrane, 2012), “future-ready” (Wachter-Boettcher, 2012), “intelligent” (Gollner, 2010, 2014; Rockley & Cooper, 2012), “nimble” (Lovinger, 2010),
“portable” (Bailie, 2009), and “smart” (Bock et al., 2010).
CM has a rich history in TC and has been a prominent practice since the
mid-1990s. At that time, the need to keep pace with shorter product development
cycles, to improve content quality and consistency, to expand product documentation into additional languages—and to do it all with smaller budgets—led some
early adopter TC work groups to replace the desktop publishing approach to
technical information with the CM approach. Early on, CM was most commonly centered on product documentation because the main purpose of the approach
was to efficiently and effectively reuse information between similar products or
versions of the same product.
Towards and into the early and mid-2000s, definitions and descriptions of
CM as a new approach to technical publishing began to appear in the literature.
These definitions and descriptions primarily focused on the separation of form
and content and the shift from the craftsperson (one author crafting a complete
Content Management 69
text) to the industrial (assembly-line texts created from parts written by multiple
authors) approach to writing. During this time, the term single-sourcing was
most commonly applied to describe CM (see, e.g., Albers, 2003; Ament, 2003;
Rockley, 2001). Single-sourcing refers to a method for writing small content units
once, storing them in a single information source, and reusing them in multiple contexts for multiple purposes (Ament, 2003; O’Keefe, 2009; Rockley et al.,
2010). Whereas trade publications led the way in defining single-sourcing and its
best practices, scholarly publications offered more critical perspectives, such as
questioning the readily-accepted fact that separation of content and form is good
(Clark, 2008) or theorizing single-sourcing as a rhetorical act (see, e.g., Albers,
2000; Hart-Davidson, 2005; Sapienza, 2007).
From the mid-2000s into the early 2010s, concerns shifted towards the many
problematic and sometimes failed implementations of CM (see, e.g., Andersen, 2011; Bailie, 2007; Schumate, 2011), particularly content management systems (CMSs), which are packages of integrated technologies (XML authoring
tools, schemas or document type definitions, database platforms, and publishing
engines) used to collect, manage, and publish large quantities of content components (Andersen & Batova, 2015). Given these concerns, authors of scholarly
publications sought to better understand CMS adoption challenges and contributed research-based heuristics and theoretical frameworks for studying CMS
adoption (see, e.g., Andersen, 2014; Batova & Clark, 2015; Dayton, 2006) as well
as theoretical frameworks for understanding content reuse and knowledge work
in CM contexts (Hart-Davidson, 2009; Swarts, 2010, 2011).
During this period, translation and localization practices also received increased attention, because CM promised significant return on investment (ROI)
in these areas. Trade publications typically focused on the “why” (making a business case for CM) and “how” of multilingual CM (e.g., indexing DITA topics
for translation, adapting XML for localization purposes, publishing multilingual
content with a CMS, and integrating translation memory with a CMS; e.g.,
Cowan, 2010; Freeman, 2006; Hackos, 2008, 2010; Swisher, 2014).
Potential issues of using CM for translation and localization were also points
of discussion. These issues, among others, included micro levels of segmentation
leading to ungrammatical translation for highly inflected languages, lack of training for translators who are traditionally freelancers, and problematic implications for job satisfaction and motivation (Batova, 2018b; Byrne, 2013; Gattis, 2008;
Swisher, 2011). The issues surrounding translation and localization continued into
the 2010s, with academic authors calling for more collaborative, user-focused,
highly contextualized strategies for translation and localization quality assurance
(Batova, 2014, 2018a, 2019; Batova & Clark, 2015).
The rate at which industry was adopting CM in the 2010s incited many academic authors to research and develop approaches to teaching CM and the competencies and skills needed to perform CM work. Authors published teaching
cases (e.g., Duin & Tham, 2018; Evia et al., 2015; Robidoux, 2008) and reviews
70 Batova and Andersen
of the CCM teaching landscape (e.g., Batova & Andersen, 2017; McDaniel &
Steward, 2011); they contributed to edited collections focused on competency
and curriculum development (Bridgeford, 2020; Getto et al., 2019) and created
practical strategies for teaching structured content (Evia, 2018).
What is more, during the 2010s, maturing technologies, such as CMSs, highspeed networks, artificial intelligence, and XML-based languages and standards,
combined with the explosion of smart devices and conversational interfaces, created the need for “intelligent content” (see, e.g., Gollner, 2010, 2014; Rockley &
Cooper, 2012). Intelligent content is “content that can be managed efficiently
and dynamically delivered to an unlimited range of targets using high-precision
automation” (Gollner, 2011). In other words, it is content that is well-structured
and semantically rich, as well as both human- and machine-readable. This content could now be “designed and engineered to interact with chatbots, voice
assistants, and intelligent machines and to populate PDFs, online help, mobile,
video, and other content delivery channels” (Evia & Andersen, 2020, p. 216). The
process of creating, managing, and publishing content that could achieve these
goals became immensely more complex, requiring an organization-wide content
strategy and engineering approach, particularly as CM outgrew the realms of
TC departments.
In the early 2020s, given this complexity, terms such as content strategy, content
engineering, and content operations have gained prominence as content management no longer sufficiently describes the various disciplines of content (see Evia
& Andersen, 2020).
Content strategy moves beyond the management paradigm of CM to include
the entire content lifecycle, or the phases of development through which content
moves. While definitions of content strategy, just as with CM, come primarily
from industry sources and vary based on consultants who produce these definitions, the common themes in the descriptions of content strategy are that it is a
systematic plan that defines the vision for how content will be created, managed,
and delivered and that grows out of business goals and needs as well as customer
goals and needs (see, e.g., Bailie & Urbina, 2013; O’Keefe & Pringle, 2012; Rockley & Gollner, 2011).
Not surprisingly, the relevance of CM has grown for all areas of content
production in organizations (e.g., marketing, training, product support, technical documentation), as it offers a way for teams to share and reuse content and
to publish content to a multitude of devices and platforms (Leibtag, 2014; McGrane, 2012; Wachter-Boettcher, 2012), including web portals where customers
access pre- and post-sales content. Key to enabling this larger organizational
adoption of CM is an integrated content strategy that serves as a unifying vision
and action plan for producing, governing, and publishing content across the organization (Rockley & Cooper, 2012).
Whereas the discipline of content strategy focuses on the strategic vision and
plan for content (the “what”), the discipline of content engineering focuses on
Content Management 71
the technical aspects of publishing workflows (the “how”). Content engineering
is concerned with defining “the content structure, metadata, content reuse planning, taxonomy and other content relationships” (Saunders, 2015, p. 17). It focuses
on how content is created, manipulated, and processed to achieve business goals;
content engineers do not write the content but rather create the tools and processes that allow content to be created more efficiently and with less variability
(Baker, 2013). The emergence of the disciplines of content has allowed for a more
precise and narrow definition of CM, now more commonly described as the discipline focused on managing content after it has been created (Saunders, 2015).
Most recently, the term content operations has gained traction for its focus on
how the disciplines of content relate and interact (see Barker, 2016; Jones, 2019;
Saunders, 2015). Content operations has been defined as effective management
of content that happens behind the scenes and that encompasses people, process,
and technology ( Jones, 2019); it accounts for everything between content strategy
and content management.
As this brief history shows, the disciplines of content will become increasingly important knowledge and skill areas for technical communicators who want to
contribute to content activities in meaningful ways.
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article/future-ready-content
7. Crisis Communication
Elizabeth L. Angeli
Marquette University
Understanding crisis communication requires a clear definition of the word crisis.
However, crises can be challenging to define because definitions risk slipping into
tautologies. Quite often, crises are labeled in hindsight after events unfold that are
characteristic of a crisis event. Adding to this complexity, the various definitions
and uses of “crisis” are as varied as crisis situations themselves, as the definitions
outlined by the Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford University Press, n.d.) suggest:
• Pathology. The point in the progress of a disease when an important
development or change takes place which is decisive of recovery or
death; the turning-point of a disease for better or worse; also applied to any marked or sudden variation occurring in the progress
of a disease and to the phenomena accompanying it.
• Astrology. Said of a conjunction of the planets which determines
the issue of a disease or critical point in the course of events.
• Transferred and figurative. A vitally important or decisive stage in
the progress of anything; a turning-point; also, a state of affairs in
which a decisive change for better or worse is imminent; now applied esp. to times of difficulty, insecurity, and suspense in politics
or commerce.
However varied, these definitions share a few characteristics, including
change, transition, and turning points. As such, any situation can become a crisis
if the conditions are just right, and a crisis manifests when risk, fear, uncertainty, anticipation, and consequence converge, threaten upheaval, and overwhelm
stakeholders involved. These stakeholders are not limited to human stakeholders
but include organizations, technologies, the environment, ecologies, and economies that are impacted by crisis events.
Perhaps best defined as “a risk manifested” (Heath & O’Hair, 2009, p. 9),
crisis is deeply embedded with risk because without risk, there often is no crisis
(Palenchar, 2010; Venette, 2008). Consider skydiving: It involves a great deal of
risk due to uncertainty and consequences if the jump isn’t successful. If the jump
is successful, there is, typically, no crisis. If the jump is unsuccessful, crises may
follow, including potential life-threatening, irreversible injuries or even death.
Each of these outcomes has their own affiliated crisis, from high-risk medical
decisions to financial consequences.
In technical and professional communication, scholars have tended more
fully to risk communication instead of crisis communication. Our contributions
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.07
75
76 Angeli
to crisis communication subsume “crisis” under “risk” or are labeled as “crisis
rhetoric,” and work under the latter key term falls under rhetorical theory
rather than technical communication (Cherwitz & Zagacki, 1986; Dow, 1989;
Hart & Tindall, 2009). Given the symbiotic relationship between risk and
crisis, this meshing is understandable and perhaps best captured in Dorothy
Winsor’s work with the Challenger disaster, which is arguably the first instance of crisis work in technical and professional communication scholarship
(1988, 1990). Although Winsor’s publications are not labeled under “crisis,”
her work identifies how communication failures in high-risk situations, like a
space flight launch, can lead to a crisis. In turn, she illustrates how technical
and professional communicators with our rhetorical expertise can influence,
and perhaps prevent, crises.
Crisis-related studies in technical and professional communication are
grounded in rhetorical theories, draw on various research methods, and speak
to a variety of crisis-related disciplines. Scholars have turned to ancient rhetorical theories, such as stasis theory (DeVasto et al., 2016) and topoi (Ding, 2018;
Nielsen, 2017), assessment metrics (Applen, 2020), and visualization (Richards,
2015), as frameworks to make sense of the many facets of crises. At crisis communications’ core, though, is message creation, dissemination, and implications for
multiple audiences, including the public, students (Schlachte, 2019), researchers,
and practitioners. For example, M. M. Brown’s (2019) research on handwashing
campaigns captures the affordances rhetoric and technical and professional communication bring to crisis research. Brown’s purpose is not “to question hand hygiene’s efficacy as a form of infection control,” which is traditionally the purview
of communication studies and public health research (Brown, 2019, p. 221). Instead, Brown’s rhetorically driven research highlights the “broader implication[s]”
of hand hygiene promotion in that it “moralizes the spread of infection” and raises questions about who profits from “the negative emotions often highlighted” in
such campaigns (Brown, 2019, p. 221).
Due to its interdisciplinary nature, technical and professional communication
crisis-related research interfaces with many related rhetorical fields of study, including public rhetorics, environmental rhetoric, rhetoric of health and medicine,
medical/health communication, medical humanities, digital rhetorics, intercultural communications and rhetorics, rhetoric of risk, and user experience studies.
Within these fields, and although they are not tagged as such, much technical
communication scholarship covers crisis-related topics. These topics usually are
categorized under the keyword risk and include
epidemics, pandemics, and healthcare (Angeli, 2012; Angeli & Norwood,
2017, 2019; Bloom-Pojar & DeVasto, 2019; Ding, 2014; Ding & Zhang,
2010; Keränen, 2019),
intercultural and organizational communication (Dong, 2020; Hopton &
Walton, 2019),
Crisis Communication 77
emergency management (Amidon, 2014; Angeli, 2015, 2019; Richards,
2018; Seawright, 2017; Yu & Monas, 2020),
engineering and hazardous environments (Amidon, 2020; Amidon et al.,
2018; Sauer, 2003; Winsor, 1988, 1990),
natural and international disasters (Baniya, 2019; DeVasto et al., 2016;
Frost, 2013; Simmons, 2007),
climate change and the environment (Cagle & Tillery, 2015; Ross, 2017;
Walker, 2016), and
social and mass media (Potts, 2014; Roundtree et al., 2011).
Although risk is a component of these topics, some of this scholarship speaks
more to crisis communication than risk communication in part because technical
and professional communication has not yet parsed through the symbiotic relationship of risk and crisis.
Adjacent to technical and professional communication, the field of communication studies has refined and applied “crisis” in myriad contexts (Coombs,
2009). This scholarship approaches crisis communication from a few angles: how
people and institutions communicate about a crisis (Stephens et al., 2005), during
a crisis (Heath, 2006), and in the backstage of a crisis (Cole & Fellows, 2008).
Work in this field focuses on public-facing communication, exploring how communicators develop messaging about a crisis and analyze its effectiveness and
impact (Borden & Zhang, 2019; Wang, 2016; Zhao, 2013; Zheng et al., 2018; Zhu
et al., 2017). Ultimately, communication studies approaches crisis communication
as a “strategic [process] designed to respond to various rhetorical problems in
ways that can be evaluated by standards of empirical success, values, and ethics”
(Heath & O’Hair, 2009, pp. 17-18).
But when understood through a rhetorical lens, this “strategic process” is
murky. At its foundation, crisis communication is rhetorical, rooted in a specific
situation with various, targeted exigencies, audiences, and purposes. Technical
and professional communicators use rhetorical strategies to study risk and related
crises, and in turn, our approaches to crises explore implications of the language
that is used—and not used—about an event. These implications often are best
understood by looking at the ecologies of events surrounding a crisis, particularly
how risk, fear, uncertainty, and authority impact such events. For example, Huiling Ding’s (2014, 2018; Ding & Zhang, 2010) work on epidemics points to how
communities and organizations navigate complex networks of power and media,
and, in turn, her work highlights how these and other factors impact policy and
messaging. Likewise, Esben Bjerggaard Nielsen’s (2017) work on environmental
crisis reimagines the topoi of time and place to be “discursive organizing tool[s]”
that create a stronger identification with a “global and far-removed audience” (p.
102). As such, technical and professional communicators look beyond crisis communication as only a strategic process and pursue lines of inquiry that tease out
nuances and tensions involved in communication. These lines of inquiry include:
78 Angeli
Who defines, creates, deploys, assesses, and upholds “standards of empirical success, values, and ethics” (Heath & O’Hair, 2009, pp. 17-18)?
Who determines what is “worth” being feared and risked, and whether the
threatened consequences are dire enough to call an event a crisis?
How are all the terms surrounding “crisis” defined?
When does a situation actually become a crisis?
In short, the answer to that last question is, “It depends on who you ask.”
Because risk and fear, in part, determine when a crisis manifests, the actual
work of defining a crisis is subjective (Heath & O’Hair, 2009; Sandman, 2006;
Stephens et al., 2005). In turn, whether events are called a crisis and responded
to as such depends on who has power to define terms. Adding to subjectivities,
mindsets of “it won’t happen to me” or “that doesn’t affect me” pervade much
thinking and leadership, particularly in the United States, and prevent people
in power from seeing crises as crises. The subjectivities associated with crises
can be captured in many large-scale events, including the terrorist attacks of
9/11 and subsequent formation of the Transportation Security Administration
(TSA), Hurricane Katrina, the Flint water crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Before September 11, 2001, people generally did not fear terrorist attacks
on airplanes in the United States, and airport security measures were limited
compared to today’s standards. That all changed within two months of 9/11.
The fear and perceived risk of subsequent attacks was so high among United
States leadership that in November 2001, the federal government created the
TSA, and current airport screening procedures, such as taking off shoes, exist
because mass fear and perceived risk motivated the United States government
to prevent potential terrorist risks.
However, some crisis events and their aftermath go on for much longer than
two months, and despite widespread, prolonged devastation and trauma, people
in power do not define them as crises; responses are then delayed, ineffective, or
non-existent. In these instances, hardest hit are communities of color, and Hurricane Katrina, the Flint water crisis, and, most recently, COVID-19 illustrate
the relationship among power, privilege, perceived risk, and race (Atherton, 2021;
Cole & Fellows, 2008; Dave, 2015; Henkel et al., 2006; Pauli, 2020). In these
crises, racial inequities were often ignored, leaving communities to face trauma
without resources. Like other crises, these events had and continue to have pervasive, life-threatening, large-scale impact on numerous stakeholders—environmental, economic, structural, technological—and on communities’ and individuals’ physical, emotional, mental, spiritual, and psychological well-being. Despite
these consequences, systemic, timely changes were not implemented because the
entities and individuals who could enact change and provide resources did not
perceive the fear, threat, and risks to be at a tipping point. Consequently, inaction,
delayed action, and ineffective action oppress and disempower racial minorities,
leaving communities of color hit hardest by crises out of the very systems that are
Crisis Communication 79
set up to address them. Identifying, plumbing, and responding to that power and
those systems is where technical and professional communicators excel.
In technical and professional communication, our field has defined COVID-19
and racism as crises that demand responses, and these responses model how technical and professional communicators can engage in crisis communication practice, research, and teaching. In response to COVID-19, scholars have initiated public-facing outlets, such as “Communicating about COVID-19” (St.Amant, 2020),
and when our larger organizations, like the Association for Teachers of Technical
Writing, cancelled annual conferences, leadership engaged best practices of crisis
communication to mitigate fear, to demonstrate organizational leadership, and to
commit to members’ safety. In response to racism, scholars have issued statements
about zero tolerance policies and calls to action, drawing on feminist rhetorical
theories that urge scholars to use “critical imagination” (N. Jones & M. Williams,
personal communication, June 10, 2020), “an inquiring tool, a mechanism for seeing
the noticed and the unnoticed, rethinking what is there and not there, and speculating about what could be there instead” (Royster & Kirsch, 2012, p. 20).
Because of our focus on language, action, and power, technical and professional communicators are well positioned to examine, understand, and respond
to the complexities and layers involved in crisis events, which cross disciplinary
boundaries. In kind, crisis communication work is interdisciplinary because the
various rhetorical problems associated with crisis events are created through interrelated mechanisms, such as health, politics, environments, technologies, and
economies. The complexity of these events demands contextualization and nuance, in turn, aligning with the interdisciplinary scope of technical and professional communication.
Crises are complex, often unpredictable events that involve much rhetorical work to anticipate, manage, and resolve. Despite the negative connotations
of crises, they can also present opportunities, and this aspect is worth studying,
especially how stakeholders leverage crisis-related artifacts, decisions, and consequences to create new policies, structures, or programs. Technical and professional communicators are well positioned to participate in this area of study given our
expertise in the rhetorical nuances of communication.
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8. Data Visualization
Charles Kostelnick
Iowa State University
Data visualization is generally defined as the graphical representation of quantitative data related to virtually any subject or discipline—from business, engineering, and science to medicine, social science, mathematics, and statistics. Data
displays appear in a wide range of communications: technical reports, journal
articles, PowerPoint presentations, feasibility studies, annual reports, newsletters,
and popular media, as well as in everyday documents like energy bills, investments statements, dashboards, and health and fitness records.
Data design can be classified into three basic plotting systems: rectilinear
grids (bar charts, line graphs, scatterplots), circular configurations (pie charts, polar charts), and maps (Yau, 2013, pp. 104-107), though other classification systems
have been proposed (Desnoyers, 2011). Robert Harris (1996) provided a detailed
compendium of the hundreds of display genres used in the late 20th century,
and since then, with the emergence of digital and interactive designs, many new
and hybrid forms have begun to appear. However, traditional genres such as bar
charts, line graphs, pie charts, maps, and scatterplots continue to be among the
most popular forms of data design. Several of the genres commonly used today
appear in online compendia (Eppler & Muntwiler, 2022; Ferdio ApS, 2021; Ribecca, 2023).
The history of data design has unfolded primarily in the past 300-400 years.
Although rare earlier examples exist, graphical displays emerged in the 17th and
18th centuries as a means to chart weather and other scientific data and eventually to visualize engineering data. In the late 18th century, William Playfair
(1801) applied graphical techniques to chart economic data, and during the socalled “golden age” of data design (Friendly, 2008; Funkhouser, 1937, p. 330) in
the second half of the 19th century, visualizing data about population, health,
and other human subjects developed rapidly, along with new forms, techniques,
and genres. These developments coalesced with the creation of national atlases,
most notably in the US and France, that visualized statistical data about nation
states (see Kostelnick, 2004). Figure 8.1 shows a series of charts (mosaics) from
the first Statistical Atlas of the United States (Walker & U.S. Census Office, 1874)
that use rectilinear areas to show the relative populations of states and territories,
arranged from smallest to largest.
With the emergence of modernism in the early 20th century, charts and graphs
were simplified to create stronger visual impact and to appeal to larger public audiences (see Sloane & U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1914). At the same time, as data
design began to establish a global presence, many additional discipline-specific
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.08
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86 Kostelnick
forms began to appear to show scientific, engineering, business, and medical data.
In the later 20th century, digital tools enabled the rapid proliferation of data
design, allowing anyone with the basic software to generate charts and graphs.
For most of data design’s history, charts and graphs have appeared in static
paper form, whereby audiences interpret one fixed and immovable version. However, with the advent of interactive digital design, charts displaying quantitative
data began to give users greater control by enabling them to choose which data
to visualize, to modify the graphical display (genre, color), and to mouse over
data points for additional details. This kind of display radically differs from static
designs by giving users greater agency (Rawlins & Wilson, 2014).
The history of the early development of data design has been documented
by H. Gray Funkhouser (1937), and the key graphical inventions and the pioneer
designers who created them have been charted by Michael Friendly and Daniel
Denis (2001-2018) in their website Milestones in the History of Thematic Cartography, Statistical Graphics, and Data Visualization. In addition, historical studies
of genre, science, statistics, and mapping appear in Visible Numbers: Essays on the
History of Statistical Graphics (Kimball & Kostelnick, 2016).
Figure 8.1. Mosaic charts from the Statistical Atlas of the United
States showing the composition of the population of states and
territories (Walker & U.S. Census Office, 1874, Plate XX). Courtesy
of the Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division.
Data Visualization 87
Data visualization has many contested areas, beginning with defining the
kinds of images that actually fall within its realm, which can vary from one theorist or practitioner to another. Because data visualization can include virtually any image that represents “data” about some phenomenon, defining what fits
within its boundaries can be a bit murky. Some visuals like pictures are usually
not considered within the realm of data visualization because they typically don’t
represent quantitative data, though even pictures can be used for this purpose, especially when aligned in a series for comparison. Also typically outside the realm
of data visualization are textual displays like diagrams, infographics, and organizational charts, though tables sometimes appear adjacent to graphical displays to
provide precise numerical values. However, data visualization primarily refers to
the graphical display of quantitative data.
Another area of debate concerns whether data visualization should be guided
by perceptual principles or rhetorical factors. Many theorists and practitioners
focus on perceptual efficiency: what forms audiences (or users) can most easily and efficiently process. For example, perceptual issues include the benefits
and drawbacks of certain forms of graphical coding (lines, angles, areas, volume,
gradients), which have been measured empirically (Cleveland & McGill, 1984;
Heer & Bostock, 2010; see also Cochran et al., 1989; Macdonald-Ross, 1977).
Other perceptual issues include “preattentive processing” (what users see in an
instant), color recognition, and Gestalt principles (Few, 2012, pp. 66-68, 75-86).
In the realm of digital media, perceptual issues include the effects of interactivity
and animation (Fisher, 2010) on users’ visual processing.
From a rhetorical perspective, these perceptual elements affect clarity, which
is critical to any effective display; however, other aspects of audiences’ interpretations also matter rhetorically: genres and their ability to meet audience expectations (Kostelnick, 2016a), ethical issues created by distortions or by lack of
empathy (Dragga & Voss, 2001), emotional responses aroused by color or other
graphical cues (Kostelnick, 2016b), agency afforded by interactivity (Rawlins &
Wilson, 2014), and cultural and ideological influences on designers and on their
audiences’ interpretations (Barton & Barton, 1993a; Battle-Baptiste & Rusert,
2018; Brasseur, 2003; Li, 2020).
The perceptual and rhetorical approaches, however, need not be viewed as
conflicting with each other. Indeed, they can complement each other as well,
with the perceptual approach providing universal guidelines that guide functional communication and the rhetorical approach enabling designers to adapt their
displays to specific audiences and situations.
Another distinction is often made between presentation charts, which are
intended to inform or persuade audiences, and analytical charts, which are used
as discovery tools to find hidden patterns in the data (see Fisher, 2010, pp. 338339). Presentation charts are simpler and more explicit, while analytical charts
are more complex, creative, and provisional. This dichotomy makes an important
distinction about the data designer’s processes and intentions: On the one hand,
88 Kostelnick
the designer carefully controls the data and the graphical elements in the display
to ensure a good fit with audience and purpose, and on the other, the designer
tries to model data with whatever tools and technology are available, with mixed
and unpredictable results.
However, distinguishing between these two types of data design can be problematic, given the variations among audiences. A presentation chart that might
be direct and compelling to one audience might be elementary or redundant to
another; conversely, an analytical chart that’s confusing and incomprehensible to
one audience might be transparent and engaging to another. Nonetheless, the differences between these two modes of design are conceptually and operationally
valid, with one emphasizing communication and the other emphasizing discovery.
Data designers often differ in their views about embellishing charts and
graphs. Overly embellished charts, labeled “chartjunk” by Edward Tufte (1983,
pp. 107-121), can impede clarity, and many data designers advise against excessive ornament. Modernist aesthetics also reinforced the minimalist approach to
design, epitomized in the abstract pictographic system of Otto Neurath (1939).
However, charts designed for popular media (e.g., those of Nigel Holmes, 1984)
often contain illustrations and other embellishments to signal the subject of
a given display and reveal its primary message. Moreover, with the advent of
digital design, the uses of color and other non-data graphical elements have
increased. So on the one hand, the purists prefer lean charts that reveal plentiful data as transparently as possible, while the artists see chart design as a way
of engaging audiences, often those unmotivated to explore data. Both of these
approaches have their place in data visualization, and the creativity of contemporary interactive design often bridges the two.
Ethical issues have long pervaded data design, though theorists and practitioners have defined them from several perspectives. Data design in popular
media has been especially scrutinized because of deceptive practices, some of
which Tufte (1983) demonstrates with his “Lie Factor,” whereby perspective, volume, and area are misused (pp. 53-77; see also Brinton, 1914, pp. 20-27). Other
examples of what are considered flawed (and potentially unethical) practices
include starting the Y-axis scale above zero, stretching the plot frame vertically
or horizontally to emphasize (or de-emphasize) trends or relationships, and using a double scale on the left and right sides of the plot frame. However, these
methods might also be used ethically depending on the audience and situational
context for a given display.
Data design can be evaluated according to general ethical principles (Kienzler,
1997), in relation to power and gender (D’Ignazio & Klein, 2020), as well as on its
ability to project empathy and emotion (Dragga & Voss, 2001). However, the intentions of designers rarely matter, as designers are held accountable for displays
that mislead their audiences. Still, ethical standards for data design vary, even for
communications like annual reports, financial statements, and risk assessments,
where charts and graphs might influence the audience’s decision-making.
Data Visualization 89
Data displays enable audiences to perceive the big patterns as well as explore
the details, to see both the forest and the trees. Tufte (1990, pp. 37-51) described
these two viewpoints as the “macro” and “micro” levels, and Ben Barton and Marthalee Barton (1993b) analyzed the differences between the “synoptic” and “analytic” ways of viewing. The macro-level (synoptic) view allows audiences to see
the data patterns at a glance. As Playfair (1801) claimed early on in his pioneering
work, charts and graphs enable us to perceive data “under one simple impression
of vision,” which makes them superior to tabular displays of data (p. x). Along
similar lines, Jacques Bertin (1981) demonstrates the perceptual power and immediacy of our ability to “SEE” data graphically as opposed to interpreting data
piecemeal (pp. 178-179).
Although the macro-level, big-picture view has always been touted as the
most beneficial in visualizing data, ideally a chart should also allow users to
explore data in detail and with precision at a more deliberate pace. Balancing
these two levels of viewing creates challenges for designers, especially those
working in print: gridlines, data labels, and more minute graphical coding can
compromise macro-level processing, and space limitations can curb micro-level
viewing. Interactive charts can address these problems by providing access to
both levels through multiple viewing options. Because interactive charts afford
user control over which data to display, they typically allow for both macro- and
micro-level viewing.
Figure 8.2 shows an interactive animated scatterplot that uses both the
macro- and micro-levels to visualize the relationship between life expectancy
and income in countries around the world (Rosling et al., 2021). Users can see
the big picture by viewing the animation of all countries over a span of over 200
years, or they can explore the details by stopping at a given year or by selecting
a specific country from the menu on the right. Although creating interactive
displays has heretofore been confined to a relatively small number of designers,
software programs like Tableau (2023) are making interactive data visualization
increasingly accessible.
The sprawling domain of data visualization is rapidly evolving and expanding
as it shifts from print to digital forms, integrating the old and the new, generating
hybrid forms, and sometimes reviving past forms. Currently, these developments
are reshaping audiences’ interactions with charts and graphs. In the future, digital
design will likely generate novel and creative forms that will enable audiences to
explore large data sets in stimulating and productive ways. At the same time, these
new and inventive forms will challenge audiences perceptually and rhetorically, as
audiences may have to experience a learning curve as they try to interpret them.
However, audiences will be richly rewarded for their patience and interpretive
flexibility. Digital design will also become increasingly dynamic in the future, as
fluid data sets will be constantly replenished, giving audiences continuous visual
access to the numbers. The data sets underlying these visualizations may be raw
and unfiltered, but they will also be supple and timely.
90 Kostelnick
Figure 8.2. Gapminder animated scatterplot showing the relationship
between life expectancy and income for people in countries around the
world over the last two centuries (Rosling et al., 2021). Free material
from www.gapminder.org. CC BY GAPMINDER.ORG.
Overall, then, by visualizing patterns, trends, and outliers, data design enables
contemporary audiences to perceive quantitative aspects of the world around
them in highly accessible forms. Data visualization is especially valuable in the
field of technical communication, where facts and data must be communicated
clearly and efficiently to both professional and lay audiences.
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9. Design
Miles A. Kimball
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
Definitions of design are many—the Oxford English Dictionary, for example, provides 13 for the verb to design and another seven for the noun (Oxford University
Press, n.d.). But for our purposes, let’s start with these for the verb:
• “To point out or represent by some distinctive sign, mark or token”
(1a)
• “To intend (a thing) to be or do something; to mean to serve some
purpose or fulfill some plan” (9)
• “To plan and execute (a structure, work of art, etc.); to fashion with
artistic skill; to furnish or adorn with a design” (14)
Together, these definitions create a terrain for us to understand what design
is for the technical communicator: It is the skilled (even artistic) use of signs or
marks to convey a message, one that may work on multiple levels. This composite
definition offers the technical communicator a particular kind of open-ended
methodology. Design in technical communication requires us to articulate our
intentions and purposes; to develop and then demonstrate our plan to stakeholders through the use of prototypes; and to apply their feedback to subsequent
sketches, delineations, and iterations.
Understanding this complex term requires looking briefly at its history. Before the 18th century, making new things was generally the result of craft (“cræft,”
in Anglo-Saxon; Langlands, 2018). To learn a craft, you would apprentice with
a master craftsman, learning how to make useful things by rote, and eventually
graduating to more complex products of your own design.
But as design historian Adrian Forty (1986) pointed out, designing things
began to separate from making things in the 18th century. A key figure in this
separation was Josiah Wedgwood (1730–1795), a wildly successful English pottery manufacturer whose products were mostly neoclassical-themed pots with
bas-relief images of Greek or Roman figures. In the 1770s, Wedgwood printed
a detailed catalog, accompanied by samples of shapes and glazings available—
an early exemplar of technical specifications. This led to a conflict between
his craftsmen, who typically included variation to show their skill in the cræft
of pottery-making, and Wedgwood’s purchasers, who wanted exact replicas of
what they had ordered. Separating design from craft, Wedgwood hired London artists to create new designs and limited the craftsmen to mechanical
application (literally, of appliques). Thus, the catalog—an illustrated technical
document, complete with engravings of plate outlines, product numbers, and
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evocative names—coordinated the expectations of buyers with the products of
manufacturers.
This separation of design from production has allowed technical communication to flourish as a way to share information consistently for specific purposes,
situations, and audiences. A small number of designers could then provide designs to a manufactory level of production.
Yet this focus encourages novices in technical writing, in particular, to think
of design as a series of questions tied to decoration that they approach with trepidation. Should this typeface be serif or sans serif ? Should the menu’s background
color “match” other elements on the page, or contrast with them? How big should
the leading be between lines of type? Certainly, these elements play a useful role
in creating a design. But they approach design at a single level. These designers,
like Wedgewood’s factory hands, have gradually lost confidence in making such
decisions. Even if we bring these symbolic/visual issues to digital media, we are
still dealing with the same issues—just through Cascading Style Sheets (CSS)
and the quick succession of rather straightforward and even automated animations, such as the hover/on/off state of a typical link on a website, which is mostly
managed by the browser, rather than by anything special done by the designer.
But does this mean technical document designers are limited to two-dimensional design and simple issues of style and format attendant on typographic
issues of height and width? Not at all. In fact, as J. J. Gibson’s well-known concept
of ecological perception suggests, we do not experience any object as a silent,
planar tableau. Instead, we see a document as a three-dimensional object that we
explore naturally, as we do any other object we encounter. It involves a physicality
that encourages us to seek new angles of view. We pick it up and feel its weight
in our hands; we look at the front and the back, of course, but also the spine and
the foredge. In this regard, technical documents are just like any other designed
object that users interact with in multiple dimensions. And technical communicators are particularly good at integrating language and rhetoric with product
design, if our employers let us do so.
Moreover, Richard Buchanan (1992) has argued that design extends to four
levels of productive output, of which visual and symbolic communication is only
the first:
1.
2.
3.
4.
The design of symbolic and visual communication (as described above)
The design of material objects
The design of activities and organized services
The design of complex systems or environments for living
Technical communicators have contributions to make in all four levels, in that
they all rely on the use of symbolic and visual communication (Buchanan’s level 1).
With the second level, the design of material objects, a well-designed chair
is designed to look like something you can sit on. These communicative qualities
of a material object are what Don Norman (2013) has called “affordances,” or that
Design 95
quality of a thing that tells you how it is to be used or appreciated. This concept
applies readily to technical communication, but extends beyond the two-dimensional space. As Buchanan argues, this is essentially an approach that involves
using the elements of design rhetorically, in other words, to convince us of the
object’s affordances. And if we want to discourage sitting in a particular chair or
using a chair inappropriately, such as standing on the chair seat, a warning label
can readily be designed as part of the object. It’s not by chance that technical
communicators have developed a special expertise in risk management through
the design of cautions, warnings, and dangerous situations.
At Buchanan’s third level, design of activities and organized services, technical communicators might think about enterprise-level problems, rather than just
documents or material objects. Consider, for example, a help-desk website. While
the typeface might be important, the information the website makes available is
likely more important. In other words, the activities and services of the help desk
are a primary decision, while the appearance of the site itself (while not unimportant) is secondary.
Finally, at the fourth level, design extends to the largest of built structures,
such as homes, office buildings, parks, and schools. A good example is the design
of zoos, which tend to be organized either by the animals’ place in the Linnean
system (the great apes; the two-toed ungulates) or by ecosystem (the veldt; the
polar regions; the altiplano). No matter what system the designers choose, it is
bound to carry consequences, whether you are a lion or an antelope. The entire
zoo rests on a visual/rhetorical design that conveys not only what things are, but
what we must do about them.
And therein lies a problem—one that must be addressed before we start looking for solutions. Don Norman (2013) has long observed that most of us go off
chasing solutions before we even begin to understand the problem at hand. The
process he and others proposed was to do design research first, especially focusing
upon iterative, participatory design: participatory, which asks members of the
public to participate in the design team, and iterative, which involves developing
a series of prototypes to address sequential issues. This approach brings focus to
identifying what the problem is, so that design develops from superficiality to the
foundations of human experience.
Our composite definition of design—the skilled (even artistic) use of signs
or marks to convey a message, one that may work on multiple levels—combined
with Buchanan’s levels of design offers some implicit features that are important
for technical communication:
Design assumes intention on the part of the designer. The intention may
be borrowed or operating by proxy, but nonetheless, design assumes adherence to a larger plan.
Design includes typography and other meaningful signifiers, a visual
medium depending upon distinctive signs, marks, and tokens. Consider,
96 Kimball
for example, the ubiquitous media player controls whose
meanings are profoundly dependent upon technology.
Design assumes a distant relationship between design and production,
and therefore between designers and consumers/users.
In other words, design is a process or an approach that helps people to solve
problems intentionally. It is not necessarily about art, shapes, colors, or any other
symbolic forms of communication, though it often makes use of them. It takes
the form of creating or changing something sensible in your range of perception.
This latter distinction is important enough that it has acquired a more detailed
and specific moniker: “design thinking.”
Design thinking, as defined by Don Norman (2018), requires thinking systematically: “stepping back from the immediate issue and taking a broader look .
. . [and] realizing that any problem is part of a larger whole, and that the solution
is likely to require understanding the entire system.” Shelley Goldman and Zaza
Kabayadondo (2017) concur, defining design thinking in terms of its DIY (do-ityourself ) roots:
Design thinking is a method of problem-solving that relies on
a complex set of skills, processes, and mindsets that help people
generate novel solutions to problems. . . . Once design thinking
has been mastered anyone can go about redesigning the systems,
infrastructures, and organizations that shape our lives (p. 3).
Design thinking then leads to other design approaches. User-centered design
focuses on how people, usually customers, will use the objects and documents we
design. Participatory design likewise makes community members actual participants in the design research and development, and human-centered design considers issues of accessibility and general human welfare. Such is design thinking,
in a nutshell: a process of finding communicative approaches to design problems,
based on the people who are going to be using that document.
But how does this all fit with technical communication? To answer that, we
must look at the way that technical communication developed as a field and enterprise. Technical communication began as a profession between World War I and
II, somewhere around 1920. Every military product had both a part number and
an instruction manual tied to a system of documentation. By the beginning of the
Cold War, practitioners could craft documentation quickly for the use of hundreds
of thousands of soldiers, bureaucrats and service-people. Sadly, this proliferation of
documentation led to abuse. In 1963, Malden Grange Bishop in Billions for Confusion claimed that, in the boom years of the Cold War, con men made fraudulent
fortunes by cutting pages out of old military equipment manuals and pasting them
into new manuals. This kind of rough surgery succeeded because neither the contracting officers nor the other writers knew enough about typography to tell the
difference between the pasted-in pages. Clearly, the government and manufacturers
Design 97
spent time and money creating documentation nobody read. Communication from
this period tended toward what might better be called design thoughtlessness.
Prior to the invention of the graphic user interfaces, including the use of color, image, and animation on screens of various resolutions and sizes, a technical
writer dealt with words almost exclusively, or at most with their arrangement into
sections or subsections in what became known as an “information architecture.”
The strategic aspect of documentation was left to management or engineers, including the visual and tactile aspects of a document, such as the size and weight
of the paper, the binding, and data tables; a graphic designer managed the scientific illustrations, charts, and graphs. If the production values were low enough
or if the institution’s standard style sheet was specific enough, a document might
skip the art department and go directly to a printer or publisher. The technical
writer had no need for skills or technologies beyond those for basic writing and
an ability to adhere to institutional style sheets.
With the advent of computers, technical communicators had role of designer thrust upon them: Within a decade, technical writers had to transition from
typewriters to websites. Today’s technical communication includes not just words
and editing, but other modes of communication variably called design, information design, communication design, interface design, and, most broadly, user experience
design—titles that cover the various levels of design described above. This makes
technical communication, by whatever title, a field that requires constant retraining.
A variety of design theorists and historians of design have charted the history of design as it relates to production and consumption of texts. The most
significant design scholars tend to be polymaths, as interested in the liberal arts
(such as history) as they are in the social sciences. They are as familiar with good
design culture as they are with design practices and research methodologies. For
example, Saul Carliner (2003) proposed that designers must consider the affective, the physical, and the cognitive aspects of information design; John Gage
(1999), an art historian, offered an exhaustive discussion of the social and cultural
value of color; Karen Schriver (1997), one of the best-known document designers,
conducted robust original research in establishing those features most valued by
practitioners; and Elizabeth Tebeaux, a historian of technical communication,
has pointed out that even early technical documents had features that we associate with technical documents today, including the use of white space, lists, tables,
and graphic illustrations.
While this is only a handful of scholars on design, the subject continues to
grow in interest and impact. We would do well to build our design skills and see
design as an integral part of technical communication.
References
Bishop, M. G. (1963). Billions for confusion. McNally and Laughlin.
Buchanan, R. (1992). Wicked problems in design thinking. Design Issues, 8(2), 5-21.
98 Kimball
Carliner, S. (2003). Physical, cognitive, and affective: A three-part framework for
information design. In M. J. Albert & B. Mazur (Eds.), Content and complexity:
Information design in technical communication (pp. 39-58). Lawrence Erlbaum.
Forty, A. (1986). Objects of desire: Design and society since 1750. Thames and Hudson.
Gage, J. (1999). Color and meaning: Art, science, and symbolism. University of California
Press.
Goldman, S., & Kabayadondo, Z. (2017). Introduction. In S. Goldman & Z.
Kabayadondo (Eds.), Taking design thinking to school: How the technology of design
can transform teachers, learners, and classrooms (pp. 3-19). Routledge. https://doi.
org/10.4324/9781317327585
Kimball, M., & Hawkins, A. (2008). Document design: A guide for technical communicators.
Bedford-St. Martin’s.
Kostelnick, C. (1994). From pen to print: The new visual landscape of professional
communication. Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 8(1), 91-117. https://
doi.org/10.1177/1050651994008001004
Kostelnick, C., & Roberts, D. (1998). Designing visual language. Allyn & Bacon.
Langlands, A. (2018). Cræft: An inquiry into the origins and true meaning of traditional
crafts. W. W. Norton.
Lupton, E. (2004). Thinking with type: A critical guide for designers, writers, editors, and
students. Princeton Architectural Press.
Norman, D. (2013). The design of everyday things. Basic Books.
Norman, D. (2018). Design thinking: A useful myth. https://jnd.org/design_thinking_a_
useful_myth/
Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Design. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved August
9, 2021, from www.oed.com
Salen, K. (2000). Surrogate multiplicities: In search of the visual voice-over. In G.
Swanson (Ed.), Graphic design and reading (pp. 77-90). Allworth.
Schriver, K. (1997). Dynamics in document design: Creating texts for readers. John Wiley.
Tebeaux, E. (2008). Technical writing in English Renaissance shipwrightery: Breaching
the shoals of orality. Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, 38(1), 3-25.
https://doi.org/10.2190/TW.38.1.b
Warde, B. (1999). The crystal goblet, or printing should be invisible. In S. Heller & R.
Poyner (Eds.), Looking closer 3: Classic writings on graphic design (pp. 56-59). Allworth.
Wilson, S., & Zamberlan, L. (2015, Spring). Design for an unknown future: Amplified
roles for collaboration, new design knowledge, and creativity. Design Issues, 31(2), 3-15.
https://doi.org/10.1162/DESI_a_00318
10. Documentation
David Farkas
University of Washington
Within the field of technical communication, the term documentation generally
refers to writing that describes the features and functions of complex systems.
Since the 1960s, it has been most widely used in the computer industry or, more
broadly, the industries called “information and computer technology,” or ICT.
Within ICT, the term documentation and the role of technical communication
have in large measure evolved together. This evolution can be examined through
influential books such as those by Thomas F. Walton (1968), Edmund H. Weiss
(1985), and William K. Horton (1990), and, more systematically, through the serial publications of the Society for Technical Communication (1953–present).
However, for certain historical projects, such as this chapter, this evolution can be
advantageously traced through the direct report by someone whose adult life has
been co-extensive with the transformation of our culture by ICT and who was
closely tied to the field of technical communication.
In 1964, the new high school that opened for my senior year in Clifton, New
Jersey, included an administrative computing room with multiple refrigerator-sized
units sporting big tape drives. We were surprised to receive report cards with grades
that were printed out by the computer, not hand written in ink by our teachers.
The computer also “powered” our language lab. About a decade later, as a graduate
student, I learned that some folks were keyboarding their dissertations, not with a
typewriter, but using WYLBUR, a mainframe-based text editor. Then, during my
academic career in technical communication, I became closely tied to the world of
computer documentation (aka “software user assistance”) and interacted in various
ways with high-tech companies, small and large, including IBM and Microsoft and,
later, Amazon and Facebook (now Meta). Because this historical review of the term
documentation is primarily a personal history, I have cross-checked my recollections
with ICT veterans Saul Carliner, Lori Fisher, Jo Ann Hackos, and Joe Welinske.
Outside of technical communication, documentation has generally referred
to a text (or set of texts) that “furnishes evidence and information” (Oxford University Press, n.d.), often within a legal or regulatory context. If you wish to export a work of art from a nation, their customs officials will require appropriate
documentation. To meet ISO 9001 standards for quality control in manufacturing, you must be able to provide documentation that verifies how your manufacturing processes are carried out. Documentation is now a contested concept due
to resistance from transgender people and undocumented immigrants to dominant cultural narratives and governmental policies (Caminero-Santangelo, 2016;
National Center for Transgender Equality, 2023).
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100 Farkas
Etymologically, the Latin root of documentation is docere, meaning to teach.
However, documentation as a synonym for teaching is obsolete (Oxford University Press, n.d.). So, for example, no one now says, “She documented her students
in mathematics.” But the idea that documentation provides instruction is inherent to the modern use of the term.
In ICT, the term documentation is deeply intertwined with the term manual. Manual, much like its sibling term handbook, originally connoted a relatively
small, easily handled volume that directly supports some kind of specific use. Another close relative is guide, when used in the context of such publications as The
Complete Guide to a Successful and Secure Retirement (Swedroe & Grogan, 2021).
In past centuries, manuals were often devotional. They guided you through
the process of prayer. One of the most popular works of the renowned Renaissance Humanist Desiderius Erasmus is Enchiridion Militis Christiani. This guide
to moral improvement was known to English speakers as The Manual of a Christian Knight (Tyndale’s 1533 translation). Later, the term manual became more
centered on physical tasks—for example, Hans Busk’s (1858) Rifleman’s Manual:
Or Rifles and How to Use Them. While a true manual in the modern sense, Busk’s
procedural (how to) content is phrased with indicative paragraphs rather than
the numbered steps and imperative sentences that are used now.
With growing industrialization, the general public became familiar with various kinds of manuals, including automobile maintenance manuals, which evolved
greatly from their early origins (Ford Motor Company, 1919, as cited in Crabbe,
2012). The instructions that come with consumer products of all kinds are, except
for their narrower scope and brevity, very similar to manuals (Crabbe, 2012; Leitz,
1937, as cited in Crabbe, 2012). World War II saw the production of a great many
military manuals and a dramatic growth in the number of individuals engaged in
technical communication (O’Hara, 2001). The rapid expansion of consumer culture
after World War II resulted in a great proliferation of instruction booklets for the
assembly and use of all kinds of products, technical and non-technical. It also led
to the development of technical manuals for the professional servicing of such
consumer products as television sets (Early Television Museum, 2023; Sams, 1958).
The core form of the manual, in ICT and elsewhere, is a hierarchy of task-oriented procedures sequenced in some approximation of likely use. So, for example,
the manual’s introduction is the top node of the hierarchy, and chapters such
as those explaining how to create, format, save, and print documents are at the
second level. These chapters have sections, and perhaps subsections, that contain
the individual procedures. Such manuals are very often termed “user’s guides.”
Computer documentation in the early days of the computer industry existed
primarily in print and was a broad umbrella term for myriad texts related to the
design, installation, operation, and repair of a (mainframe) computer system. In
the 1960s and 1970s, computer use expanded from research facilities to the corporate world and, finally, with the advent of the microcomputer, to hobbyists, small
business owners, and everyone else. However, the computer documentation of
Documentation 101
this era, which was often prepared by developers rather than technical communicators, paid only inconsistent attention to the needs of computer users (meaning end users—those who simply wanted to get work done). Often, users were
carelessly assumed to have sufficient expertise to make good use of a reference
manual that did no more than define commands. They might or might not get a
true user’s guide and/or a tutorial (a set of lessons that impart basic conceptual
knowledge, provide instructions for fundamental tasks, and promote retention).
At times, user manuals were merely modified design documents consisting in
large part of nearly useless product specifications (Waite, 1984).
Gradually, however, the computer manual and manual set—for both hardware
and software— evolved to meet the needs of a broad range of users. Furthermore,
documentation increasingly became the purview of technical communication
professionals. The contrasting terms task oriented and systems oriented (or product
oriented) would appear to usefully distinguish between documentation written to
support the work that users needed to do vs. documentation that focused on the
system itself. Robert G. Waite (1984), an IBM information developer, identified
the introduction of the System 36 midrange computer, in 1983, as the beginning
of IBM’s commitment to task-oriented documentation.
Apple Writer II was the most important software application of the hugely
successful Apple II Plus microcomputer (sold 1979–1982). The Apple Writer II
“operating manual” (Apple Computer, 1981), despite its rudimentary formatting,
is an instance of competent, user-friendly software documentation. Most of the
manual is a hybrid of tutorial documentation and a user’s guide (with procedures
formatted as numbered steps). The manual also includes a reference section.
Some of the best early end-user documentation took the form of article-length
tutorials written by technical journalists in computer magazines published for the
owners of particular microcomputers. A magazine for owners of the Tandy TRS 80
might feature an article such as “Chaining Short Texts with Scripsit,” because the
standard-issue documentation was especially inadequate in explaining this feature.
Largely under the influence of Microsoft, the standard print documentation
set for a wide range of software products came into being in the 1980s. The primary components were three thick volumes: an extensive tutorial (sometimes with
a supplementary floppy disk); a fully comprehensive, task-oriented user’s guide;
and the (less often used) command reference. There were also many third-party
computer books that followed the tutorial or user’s guide model.
Even when documentation existed primarily in print, online documentation
had a significant role. Online documentation goes back as far as the “man page”
command reference that was part of the early releases of the ubiquitous UNIX
operating system in the early 1970s (“Man page,” 2023; McIlroy, 1987). Man pages were essentially pages of a large manual with simple formatting. They could
therefore be displayed on a character-based computer terminal (monitor).
Online documentation has inherent advantages over print. Users do not need
to reach for a physical manual, and there are sophisticated means of integrating
102 Farkas
the online content into the software’s user interface. Even when online documentation offered nothing more than the digital equivalents of the print table of
contents and index, access to content was usually faster (Kearsley, 1988).
Online documentation evolved throughout the 1980s in a diverse manner.
Pop-up annotations, often referred to as “field-level help,” displayed brief explanations and instructions on specific elements of the user interface, especially
where users needed to input text to complete online forms. Many software companies developed high-quality online tutorials that guided users through the core
features of the product or in some cases were comprehensive.
Microsoft’s Windows operating system, replacing DOS, was very widely adopted starting in 1990 with the release of Windows 3.0. With this release came
the WinHelp (.hlp) help development platform (1990–1995). WinHelp offered
technical communicators many implementation options, including a multi-level
hyperlinked table of contents, an online index, search, a Back button to return to
previously visited topics, a “browse sequence” enabling users to follow a pathway
of help topics chosen by the help author, and hyperlinking from one help topic to
another. Most important, WinHelp enforced uniformity across the help systems
of the many software products that ran in Windows. Now, Windows users who
opened a help system already knew how it worked because they had seen something similar in other products. WinHelp, however, was not well suited to tutorial
documentation and had little impact on tutorials.
The central component of most WinHelp help systems was a hierarchy of
task-oriented procedures with “overview topics”—not so different from the print
user’s guide where paragraphs of overview information would typically precede
and introduce a cluster of procedures. There was also a command reference which,
if context sensitivity was implemented, allowed users to display relevant topics
directly from the user interface (Boggan et al., 1996).
Little by little, online help eclipsed the print user’s guide in large parts of
the computer world. Software companies began to favor thin “Getting Started”
manuals that explained only core features of the product. Users were expected to
transition to help as they made greater use of the product.
In addition, online tutorials eclipsed print tutorials during the 1980s. A
problem that plagued print tutorials was that one mistake could throw the user
out of synch with the next step in the tutorial, often making it impossible for
the user to advance further. Online tutorials largely prevented this problem. If a
user made an error, the tutorial would block the error, emit a “ding” sound, and
in many instances indicate the correct action. Not only was online documentation, both help and tutorial, more functional than the various forms of print
documentation, but adding one or two more floppy disks was vastly cheaper
than printing and shipping thick books. Even so, the very considerable development effort required for online tutorials led to their gradual decline. Today’s
YouTube tutorials are relatively easy to develop but, like print tutorials, are not
integrated with the software.
Documentation 103
Newer forms of user assistance emerged that looked and behaved still less like
print than did WinHelp (Boggan et al., 1996; Knabe, 1995). Wizards sidestepped
the product’s primary user interface and instead walked the user panel by panel
through a limited number of tasks. Apple Guide and Microsoft Coaches/Cue
Cards dramatically superimposed a series of prompts on the regular user interface as the user worked through a task. Certain Microsoft help topics actually
operated the user interface—as some do today. These newer forms of user assistance were collectively termed “performance support,” because reading and acting
were closely tied and because the focus was on enabling users to get work done,
with less concern for promoting full understanding and retention (Farkas, 1998).
While essentially just a new generation of the old “field-level” pop-up annotations, Apple’s Balloon Help and Microsoft’s Tool Tips—both embraced by
computer users—were more capable and looked and felt like something new,
something we would not so readily term documentation.
Increasingly, the term documentation, with its roots in print, seemed to apply
less well to user-facing online content. While the phrase “online documentation”
remained—and still remains—in wide use, it is an older and even tired-sounding
term. Technical communicators in the computer industry are likely to describe
their work function as “user assistance” and “user support.” One will likely hear
“I write online help and other kinds of user assistance” (or “other kinds of user
content”) rather than “I write online help and other kinds of documentation.”
Responding to this change in the industry, I changed the name of my course
“Computer Documentation” to “Software User Assistance” in 2005.
A further shift in the history of documentation/user assistance has been the
rapid growth of community support in ICT. Increasingly, software vendors leave
it to users to answer each other’s questions, although forum moderators and
community managers often write FAQ and other documentation for the forum
and point forum visitors to the relevant content that exists outside of the forum
(Frith, 2014).
One area within ICT where the term documentation remains strong is software development. To pick just one example, Amazon Web Services, which primarily produces content for developers, identifies this content as documentation
(https://docs.aws.amazon.com). The Agile software project management process
calls for less extensive documentation than traditional processes (e.g., waterfall),
but it is documentation just the same (Nispel, 2018; Rüping, 2003). On the other
hand, in 2016, the Committee for Software and System Engineering of ISO, the
International Organization for Standards, replaced the term documentation with
information for users (ISO, 2023). So the full story of the term documentation in the
world of ICT has yet to be written.
References
Apple Computer. (1981). Apple Writer II operating manual.
104 Farkas
Boggan, S., Farkas, D. K., & Welinske, J. (1996). Developing online help for Windows 95.
International Thompson Computer Press.
Busk, H. (1858). The rifleman’s manual: Or rifles and how to use them. (2nd ed.). Charles Noble.
Caminero-Santangelo, M. (2016). Documenting the undocumented: Latino/a narratives and
social justice in the era of Operation Gatekeeper. University Press of Florida. https://doi.
org/10.5744/florida/9780813062594.001.0001
Crabbe, S. (2012). Constructing a contextual history of English language technical
writing. trans-kom, 5(1), 40-59. http://www.trans-kom.eu/bd05nr01/transkom_05_01_03_Crabbe_Technical_Writing.20120614.pdf
Early Television Museum. (2023). Postwar American television: Television technical data—postwar
black and white. https://www.earlytelevision.org/postwar_tv_schematic_diagrams.html
Erasmus, D. (1533). Enchiridion militis Christiani and in English The manual of a Christian
knight, replenished with the most wholesome precepts . . . (1905 reprint). Methuen & Co.
Farkas, D. K. (1998). Layering as a “safety net” for minimalist documentation. In J. M.
Carroll (Ed.), Minimalism beyond the Nurnberg Funnel (pp. 247-274). MIT Press.
Ford Motor Company. (1919). Ford manual for owners and operators of Ford cars and trucks.
Frith, J. (2014). Forum moderation as technical communication: The social web and employment opportunities for technical communicators. Technical Communication, 61(3), 173-184.
Horton, W. K. (1990). Designing and writing online documentation: Help files to hypertext. Wiley.
ISO International Standards Organization. (2023). Technical Committees ISO/IEC JTC 1,
Information technology. https://www.iso.org/committee/45020.html
Kearsley, G. (1988). Online help systems: Design and implementation. Ablex.
Knabe, K. (1995, May 5-11). Apple Guide: A case study in user-aided design of online
help. In Proceedings of ACM CHI’95 Conference on Human Factors in Computing
Systems (Vol.2, pp. 286-287). https://doi.org/10.1145/223355.223677
Leitz, E. (1937). Leitz directions Leica Camera. Ernst Leitz GmbH.
Man page. (2023). In Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Man_
page&oldid=969638945
McIlroy, M. D. (1987). A research Unix reader: Annotated excerpts from the programmer’s
manual, 1971–1986. (Computer science technical report 139). Bell Laboratories.
https://www.cs.dartmouth.edu/~doug/reader.pdf
National Center for Transgender Equality. (2023). https://transequality.org
Nispel, M. (2018). Creating documentation in an Agile scrum environment. Nispel; Amazon.
O’Hara, F. M. (2001). A brief history of technical communication. In Proceedings of 48th
Annual Conference of the Society for Technical Communication (pp. 500-504).
Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Documentation. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved
April 8, 2021, from www.oed.com
Rüping, A. (2003). Agile documentation: A pattern guide to producing lightweight documents
for software projects. Wiley.
Sams. (1958). Photofact folder 4 (schematic repair manual) for the Zenith A2221Y. https://
www.earlytelevision.org/pdf/zenith_a2221_sams_393-4.pdf
Swedroe, L. E., & Grogan, K. (2021). (2nd ed.). The complete guide to a successful and secure
retirement. Harriman House.
Waite, R. G. (1984). Organizing computer manuals on the basis of user tasks. In Proceedings
of the 31st International Technical Communication Conference (pp. WE-38-WE-40).
Walton, T. F. (1968). Technical manual writing and administration. McGraw-Hill.
Weiss, E. H. (1985). How to write a usable user manual. ISI Press.
11. Editing
Angela Eaton
Angela Eaton & Associates
Within the field of technical communication, editing is quite a common term.
Almost 20 years ago, three quarters of responding members from the Society
for Technical Communication indicated that editing others was an important
job function (Dayton, 2004, pp. 86-87). Today, most undergraduate and graduate
programs in technical communication have a technical editing course. Editing
is represented in our professional societies, such as the International Society of
Managing and Technical Editors; the Society for Technical Communication has
the Technical Editing Special Interest Group.
The Oxford English Dictionary states that edit’s etymology is partially a
back-formation from editor and partially from the Latin ēditus, “to bring forth,
to produce, to utter, to tell, relate, to declare, to publish (writings), to display,
show” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). The Oxford English Dictionary defines edit:
“To prepare an edition of written work by (an author) for publication, by selecting and arranging the contents, adding commentary, etc” (Oxford University
Press, n.d., Definition 1.a.). The first example of this definition in use was in 1699.
Edit quickly evolved to mean more generally “to prepare (a piece of writing,
copy for a newspaper or magazine, etc.) for publication or use by correcting, condensing, or otherwise modifying it” (Oxford University Press, n.d., Definition
1.b.). The first example of this definition in use was in 1867.
Editing, however, became even more complicated over the last 100 years.
Sub-definitions were added to show what new discoveries could be edited: a
television or radio program (1913), computer code (1958), a digital image (1971),
and genes (1969). This extension of the term editing to multiple fields and careers
is its first problem: It causes problems with search terms, complicating searches
for jobs, educational programs, and research literature.
To distinguish technical communication’s editing from all the other types, we
typically use the term technical editing. Technical editing “does not have a well-established definition” (Flanagan, 2019, p. 15); definitions have been grouped into
technology-based, rhetoric-based, actor- or activity-based, discipline-based, and
levels-based definitions (Flanagan, 2019). One of the best definitions of technical
editing is “the planning, analysis, restructuring, and language changes made to
other people’s technological or scientific documents in order to make them more
useful and accurate for their intended audiences” (Murphy, 2010, p. 1).
As there are so many types of editors, technical editing job searches typically have a few inappropriate ads mixed in with relevant ones. An indeed.com
search for “technical editor” in Dallas, Texas on February 26, 2021 provided mixed
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.11
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106 Eaton
opportunities. Of the first 15 ads, less than half were technical writing and/or
editing of written documents, five were editing other media (such as film), and
three were not even close—two 9-1-1 operators and a “labor editor” whose job
appeared to be keeping timecards. For a Monster.com search for “editor” in Dallas, TX, three of the first five ads were for technical editors, along with one video
editor and, somehow, a principal engineer with no documentation responsibilities.
While these two searches on the two largest job-finding websites are hardly exhaustive, they indicate that any search for a technical editing position involves
time eliminating extraneous job listings. This isn’t news—in their 2011 technical
editing textbook, Nicole Amare et al. note that every workplace has its own nomenclature for job titles.
The widely applied term also makes it difficult to find educational programs
and publications on technical editing. The University of Chicago has an Editing
Certificate, but it has to do with the publishing industry, preparing students for
positions as acquisitions editors and managing editors.
Searching the research databases using the term editing presents similar problems to the job search. A Google Scholar search of the term on March 23, 2021
returned 5.74 million results. Of these, the top four articles pertained to film editing, image editing, editing software, and surface editing. When technical editing
was specified, the number of results dropped to 24,700.
Is this issue with the term edit being applied to multiple fields likely to
change? Frankly, no. It’s simply too entrenched in our culture. We will just have
to wade through extraneous job listings, educational searches, and research literature databases.
The second issue with the term edit comes from within technical editing. The
field agrees fairly well on what the editing process accomplishes. Editing the text
means “making it complete, accurate, correct, comprehensible, usable, and appropriate for the readers” (Rude & Eaton, 2010, p. 8).
However, where the field really disagrees is with how we envision the editing
process. We have dozens of models that have been created over the last 45 years,
models created from the authors’ professional experiences and workplace.
Robert Van Buren and Mary Fran Buehler’s (1980) The Levels of Edit is often
cited as the first modern editing process. At the Jet Propulsion Lab, they created
the levels to better describe what edits were available, along with time to complete
and cost, so that their program managers could better plan. They first grouped all
of the editorial tasks they could think of into separate categories, ending up with
nine, such as editing for format, mechanical style, policy (checks whether the new
document contradicts any existing policies), and integrity (making sure the document is consistent). The levels then indicate how many of those listed edits will be
conducted. The lightest level is Level 5, with only two of the nine types of editing
performed. The most intense editing happens in a Level 1 edit, which contains all
nine categories. In addition to providing a better understanding of the services
available, showing clearly to editors and authors what edits to expect, and serving
Editing 107
as a tool for budgeting, the levels of edit also serve as scaffolding for new editors
and assist professional editors with planning schedules (Tarutz, 1992, p. 162).
There are, however, different ways to categorize levels of edits, and not even
the textbooks agree on one process. The textbook Technical Editing defines three
levels of edit: proofreading, copyediting, and comprehensive editing (Rude & Eaton, 2010). Proofreading is simply checking for errors introduced when a document moves from manuscript or draft form to printed form; it looks for the mistakes introduced by the graphic designer when laying the document out in design
software. Proofreading was a more important stage when old-fashioned printing
presses were used, which used humans to lay out the actual letters in a frame. As a
human-based process, printing made a lot of opportunity for introduction of errors.
Now that most graphic designers are taking computer text and cutting and pasting
it into a different software program, there is less of an opportunity for introduced
errors, but proofreading is still a necessary editing step. At the next level, copyediting “check[s] for correct spelling, punctuation, and grammar; for consistency
in mechanics, such as capitalization, from one part of the document to the next,
and for document accuracy and completeness” (Rude & Eaton, 2010, p. 9). Last,
comprehensive editing “evaluates how well the content, organization, visual design,
and style of the document support comprehension” (Rude & Eaton, 2010, p. 203).
The Amare et al. textbook (2011) also uses three levels of edit: editing for correctness, visual readability, and effectiveness (p. 12). Those levels, however, don’t
correspond to the levels of proofreading, copyediting, and comprehensive editing
used in the Technical Editing textbook (Rude & Eaton, 2010). The correctness edit
involves fixing grammatical and mechanical errors (similar to proofreading and
copyediting), while the effectiveness edit deals with all rhetorical issues, and is
defined as “substantive editing for content issues such as organization, sentence,
structure, style, logic, and meaning” (similar to comprehensive editing; Amare et
al., 2011, p. 12). The middle level of edit, the edit for visual readability, however, is
completely different, entirely about formatting and page design, including color
issues, white space, bulleting, and all graphics.
Other texts categorize for both types of edits and levels of edits. For example,
Judith A. Tarutz’s textbook (1992) describes four major types of edits—developmental, preliminary, copy and literary, and production. She adds a chapter on the
levels of edit, providing her own levels: what is found by turning pages, skimming,
skimming and comparing, reading, analyzing, and testing and using (p. 165). Similarly, Donald H. Cunningham and colleagues (2020) use both approaches, types
and levels, to classify editing practices, but they also introduce a third, scope. For
them, the types are substantive editing and copyediting. Substantive editing covers editing for organization, navigation, completeness, accuracy, and style as well
as effective visuals and page design. Copyediting usually focuses on correcting
errors in grammar, mechanics, typography, alignment, and punctuation; correcting formatting inconsistencies in headings, tables of contents, etc.; and ensuring
adherence to style sheets and style manuals. Proofreading, which they fold into
108 Eaton
copyediting, is a late-stage check for errors—especially those introduced during
the editing process. Cunningham et al.’s levels of editing reflect the amount of
time, attention, and effort entailed during substantive editing (minimal, moderate, extensive) or copyediting (light, standard, heavy). Finally, the scope of the
editing can be global (throughout the document) or local (in one part of it).
Even a study which surveyed authors who had been edited by professional editors still turned up baffling definitions and levels of editing (Eaton et al.,
2008). Of the more than 400 respondents, only 26 percent defined editing in
terms of all three types of editing (proofreading, copyediting, and comprehensive). Only 50 percent of respondents’ definitions included comprehensive editing
at all. In other words, not even those who have been edited define the process as
an editor would.
What are the negative outcomes of not having consistent terms to describe
editing? For potential clients, not knowing about the editorial process, particularly that comprehensive editing exists, really limits their ability to envision how an
editor might help them. It limits the editor’s ability to sell their services.
For practitioners, this means having to explain to every new client what model
of editing they are following. Skipping the explanation can result in mismatched
expectations and conflict. Practitioners will also need to learn the editorial process at each workplace. For teachers, having so many models, we have to use what
mirrors our experience the best, what we find most helpful. For researchers, these
different models negatively affect planning studies: we don’t have large groups of
students who have been trained using the same techniques.
Are these problems with the term editing very serious? The use of “editing”
to describe multiple professional activities is inconvenient for people who must
take more time to find job opportunities or relevant articles, but ultimately not
serious. But editing having multiple processes is the larger issue. I predict that
no matter how well the field defines its editing process, we will always have to
explain the editorial process every time we work with a new client.
References
Amare, N., Nowlin, B., & J. H. Weber. (2011). Technical editing in the 21st century.
Prentice Hall.
Cunningham, D. H, Malone, E. A., & Rothschild, J. M. (2020). Technical editing: An
introduction to editing in the workplace. Oxford University Press.
Dayton, D. (2004). Electronic editing in technical communication: The compelling
logics of local contexts. Technical Communication, 51, 86-101.
Eaton, A., Brewer, P. E., Portewig, T. C., & Davidson, C. R. (2008). Examining editing
in the workplace from the author’s point of view: Results of an online survey.
Technical Communication, 55(2), 111-139.
Flanagan, S. (2019). The current state of technical editing research and the open
questions. In S. Flanagan & M. J. Albers (Eds.), Editing in the modern classroom (pp.
15-46). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351132756-2
Editing 109
Murphy, A. J. (Ed.). (2010). New perspectives in technical editing. Baywood.
Oxford University Press (n.d.). Edit. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved February
27, 2021, from https://www.oed.com/
Rude, C. D., & Eaton, A. (2010). Technical editing (5th ed.). Pearson.
Tarutz, J. A. (1992). Technical editing: The practical guide for editors and writers. Hewlett
Packard.
University of Chicago. (n.d.). Non-credit certificate program in editing. https://
grahamschool.uchicago.edu/academic-programs/professional-development/editing
Van Buren, R., & Buehler, M. F. (1980). The levels of edit (2nd ed.). Jet Propulsion
Laboratory California Institutes of Technology.
12. Ethics
Steven B. Katz
Clemson University
To newcomers in the field of technical communication, the term ethics, and the
phrase “ethics in technical communication,” may seem superfluous if not oxymoronic. The phrase may seem superfluous because technical communication is by
definition technical, and many people believe that technology does not have ethics
(think of how many times people have argued that “guns don’t kill people, people
do.”). Therefore, technical communication has nothing to do but simply communicate technical “facts,” “truth.” And if technology has ethics and values, they’re those
of the manufacturer or company or culture. The phrase “ethics in technical communication” may seem an oxymoron because the idea of allowing space in technical
communication for considerations of human morals may appear both contradictory and a waste of time. In all cases, ethics themselves usually remain unarticulated.
In fact, ethical questions in rhetoric are as old as Plato and Aristotle, and as
young as the field of technical communication (begun as a field of study in 1953
[Whitburn, 2009]). In technical communication, ethics entails different sets of
moral concepts and values and associated practices. In its short history, ethics in
technical communication continue to evolve, with important keywords and concepts determining the direction of the field—in theory if not always practice.
Whether acknowledged, these different concepts of ethics, like technical communication itself, are deeply rooted in epistemology, the study of knowledge. One thing
that these keywords and concepts have in common is that they ultimately devolve
to one question: What is the relationship between language and reality? For example,
is language a transparent window onto some objective reality? Or do authors to
varying degrees use language to construct reality, co-construct it with readers?
The relationship between language and “reality” in a given context can have
implications for the kind of ethical roles played by technical communicators. If
authors are viewed as shaping reality to some extent through technical communication, their ethics become increasingly important. But if language does not matter
in the perception and communication of what are regarded as “facts,” then writers
have little or no ethical responsibility for what they say (Katz & Linvill, 2017).
Reductively speaking, this latter view was held by Plato (1956), who believed
that “Truth” existed not only outside language but outside the material world,
in a transcendental realm of Ideal Forms. Plato’s pupil Aristotle, who differed
from his teacher in believing in observable empirical facts located in the physical
world, was a little more forgiving. But Aristotle (1984) wished that language—in
particular, style—was unnecessary, “owing to a defect in our hearers” (emotions);
he wished that facts could be communicated without style.
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This position also was held by the inventors of modern science, and by extension technical communication (Longo, 2000). Francis Bacon (1902, LI-LXII; 2000,
XVIII), often called the father of modern scientific method, mistrusted the human
senses and thus called for repeatable experiments and the verifiable replication of
results, which rhetoric could be used to report “systematically.” Thomas Sprat (1667)
vehemently opposed the “flourish” and “digression” of rhetoric in science and urged
the Royal Society to develop and practice a “plain style” of writing that would lead
to a “faithful Records, of all the Works of Nature” (p. 61). Underlying this idea of the
“plain” communication of facts, articulated a little later by John Locke (1975), was
the notion of language as a “pipeline.” In this view, the morality of the author is not
as important as scientific method and facts plainly reported via “a conduit.”
In this view, the author is invisible, and thus “ethically” the objectivity and accuracy of transmission are all that count. Although perhaps an ideal rarely achieved
in science and technology given the multiple meanings of words, and even mathematics when considered as arguments, this ideal is the standard, default ethical
position in traditional scientific and technical writing (Slack et al., 2006). In this
standard view of technical communication, any consideration of author morality is
minimized: Language and authors are just passive receivers and transmitters of information—the so-called “information model of communication” (Katz & Miller,
1996; Waddell, 1996).
This view of language as a transmission line, a conduit for information gleaned
objectively, placed on naïve senses, and printed directly upon the mind, reappears in
several contemporary schools of ethics in technical communication, perhaps most
notably “instrumentalism,” which holds that technical communication is not rhetorical (Moore, 1996). The purpose of technical communication is not to persuade,
but rather to simply convey information that serves corporations and society. One
might be tempted to say that instrumentalism has no ethics at all, but this would be
wrong on two accounts: 1) Any statement or position— any human endeavor (including this one)—uses language to persuade; 2) Instrumentalism itself, as its proponents argue, is ethical in its ideological commitment to capitalism (Moore, 2005).
In this utilitarian philosophy of ethics in technical communication, the moral role
of the author is present, but diminished. Perhaps one manifestation of this philosophy in technical communication is what Bradley Dilger (2006) calls “extreme
usability,” which “reduces user engagement, forbids considering the wider scope of
culture, and limits the ends of usability to achievement of expediency” (p. 47).
Contrary to these conventional scientific or instrumental philosophies of language focused on communicating facts objectively for economic ends, there are several schools of contemporary ethics of technical communication that are rhetorically
based. In these schools of technical writing, ethics, and thus authors, figure more
prominently. The study of rhetorical ethics in technical communication can be said
to have begun with Carolyn Miller’s (1979) foundational work “A Humanistic Rationale for Technical Writing.” In this essay, the question of the relation of praxis,
or practice, to phronesis, wisdom or prudence, is the primary consideration. That is,
Ethics 113
the basis of ethical reasoning is not only the morality of the means (praxis) but also
reasoning about ends (phronesis). Miller’s essay rooted technical communication in
the ancient and reviving discipline of classical rhetoric, finding there its humanistic as opposed to simply technical rationale. Miller’s essay spawned many essays
central to understanding ethics in technical communication, including the dangers
of what Katz (1992) labels “the ethic of expediency,” in which technological means
becomes its own moral end.
Katz, in both the 1992 essay which explores one translation of a technical memo
(Ward, 2014) about improving gassing vans prior to the Final Solution of death
camps in WWII, and a follow-up essay on Hitler’s Mein Kampf (Katz, 1993), discovered phronesis itself operating on an ideology of utility in extremis. This ideology
is not limited to genocidal atrocities, and Katz points to a number of technical
decisions in the 20th century that share not the political ideology of Nazism but
the technological ideology of expediency. Paul Dombrowski (2000) applies Katz’s
concept of the ethic of expediency to a number of classic examples in technical
communication, including the Three Mile Island communication disaster and the
Challenger shuttle explosion. Later, Sam Dragga and Dan Voss (2001) employed
the ethic of expediency, among other considerations, to question the “humanity” of
the newly burgeoning study of graphics in technical communication.
Perhaps it is in the relation of praxis and phronesis that we find moral space
for the introduction of other ethical concerns in technical communication. For
example, the Society for Technical Communication (STC), the largest technical
communication practitioner organization in the US, broadened the scope of its
Code of Ethics to include professional principles beyond “objectivity,” “accuracy,”
and “clarity.” They include legality, honesty, confidentiality, fairness, professionalism, creativity, obligations to clients and employees, proper attribution, and use of
employer time and equipment (STC, 1998).
Growing out of feminist critiques of gender bias in scientific and technical
communication, “the ethics of care” rejects “ethics based on impersonal, abstract
principles” (Dombrowski, 2000, p. 63). The ethics of care acknowledges and implements “women’s ways of thinking” and emphasizes empathy and compassion in
technical writing for the welfare of the people, which already was shifting theory,
practice, and teaching away from being exclusively male-dominated “technological
reasoning” (Brasseur, 1993; Lay, 1991; Sauer, 1993). Ecological ethics too, with their
focus on environmental issues in the Anthropocene (Zylinska, 2014), also are a
central focus in technical communication as rhetorical (Pilsch, 2017; Propen, 2018).
In a discussion of ethics and expertise that would include all of these, Ashley Rose
Mehlenbacher (2022) critiques Aristotle’s concept of phronesis itself (pp. 7-19).
Echoing Rebecca Walton et al. (2019), in the “social justice turn” and beyond,
technical communication itself is seen as an important form of advocacy, addressing structural oppression, making ethics and social change the primary concern of technical communication (Colton et al., 2017; Colton & Holmes, 2018a).
Ethics in technical communication pay new attention to equality for people
114 Katz
“otherized” on the basis of race and ethnicity (Williams & Pimentel, 2012), queer
and transgender identity (Edenfield et al., 2019; Fancher, 2018; Ramler, 2020), and
incarceration (Stephens, 2018).
If readers were expecting this brief survey of ethics in technical communication
not to return to concepts and practices like truth, accuracy, and objectivity, they will
be disappointed. For there is a new school of ethics in technical communication,
as in society at large, that is powerful because it is both pervasive and invisible. In
it, accuracy, objectivity, and truth have been reborn in another keyword that has
become what Kenneth Burke (1969) calls a “god-term”—one that organizes and
dominates a way of seeing and thinking and behaving. That word is transparency.
Not only in technical communication, but globally, transparency “is a buzzword
. . . applied freely by government agencies, scientists, the media, and the public”;
it mythically “assumes an ideal, objective unvarnished coding and decoding of
information,” constitutes “a metaphor for access and ‘clarity’ of communication,”
and “conceals the operations of rhetoric” (Hartzog & Katz, 2014). Transparency
is a “happy vision” of communication and society (Han 2015).
In visual communication, Jay David Bolter and Diane Gromala (2005) demonstrate that transparency is “the myth of the windowpane.” That myth is built on the
metaphor of perception “as a clear glass.” The myth and metaphor of transparency
is found not only in graphic design but technical communication as a whole. One
easy example is the computer screen. The screen seems transparent, a window that
creates the illusion that the writer has direct and unfettered access to and control
of the data, words, and meaning. But “phantom” hardware/software intervene: Not
only do they necessarily underlie and co-construct meaning, but also, in emails for
instance, they encode social status (.edu, .net, .com, etc.) and other data that belie
the ostensible freedom (including privacy) that users believe; other values such as
speed, productivity, and efficiency are ideologically embedded in the technology
itself (Moses & Katz, 2006). Jared Colton and Steve Holmes (2018b) examine the
assumed morality of “networked collaboration” in the face of proprietary rights,
cookies, privacy, etc., and argue for rhetorical “virtue ethics” (equality, care, generosity, patience) in designing and programming new forms of digital communication.
The content of transparency in language is also created by and hidden in writing style; the best way of making transparency visible is to render it “opaque”
through style analysis (Lanham, 2003). For example, in biotechnology communication with the public, where transparency is hailed as a panacea, style analysis
reveals contradictory motives in the language, including an unintended and unfortunate metaphor after the Titanic of biotechnology as “the tip of the iceberg”!
(Katz, 2001). Style is like a “black box” where the “real content” of language might
be revealed (Latour, 2007; Simon, 1999). For instance, a style analysis of the diction from the guidance document of the National Society of Genetic Counselors
exposes a deep rift in that field concerning empathetic vs. objective communication with patients (Mebust & Katz, 2007)—a conflict partially resolved by
rhetorical flexibility (Flach, 2019).
Ethics 115
As a metaphor of a clear windowpane, transparency seems to reflect democratic
values, and thus grounds for good governance. Transparency presents itself as a
neutral medium or tool for communication. But there is no deliberation, no consideration of praxis and phronesis in transparency, only the myth of direct and open
access, shiny diaphanous surfaces. Transparency is a contemporary word for “truth.”
This is the case in two technical reports prepared by the Canadian Biotechnology
Advisory Committee that, based on the information model of communication, “argue .
. . for transparency” in their discussion with the public about labeling GMO foods.
But at the level of style, these reports are studded with two contradictory sets of
words in the same description: “objective” visual and spatial imagery vs. “affective”
appeals to social beliefs and subjective emotions (Katz, 2009).
Transparency also may cloak the profit motive, as seems to be evident in a
debate between the British biotechnology firm Oxitec and scientists at the Max
Planck Institute (MPI) in Plön, Germany, concerning the release of genetically
modified mosquitoes on unwitting populations. Guy Reeves (2012) of MPI argued
for transparency “not for its own sake” but as part of an “engagement approach” that
“seeks to involve the public, stakeholders and local inhabitants of release areas . . .
by making all scientific content available”; Camilla Beech (2012) of Oxitec, on the
other hand, argued that transparency is letting the public “see” only the “relevant”
(and nonproprietary) “information”—ironically what Molly Hartzog and Steven
Katz (2014) call “selective transparency.” Thus, transparency can conceal data in support of any other economic, political, scientific, or technical end, “frame” discussion (Heidegger, 1977; Katz & Rhodes, 2010), and so become what Kenneth Burke
(1966) calls “terministic screens” that not only “reflect” but also “select,” and thus
“deflect” as much as reveal (p.45). Like conspiracy theories, claims of transparency
can obviate the need for more, good evidence (Rice, 2020); transparency can be
weaponized against opponents (see Ridolfo & Hart-Davidson, 2019). And like “the
ethic of expediency” (Katz, 1992), transparency can become an ethical end in itself.
Technical communication began (at least for some) as an instrumental discipline. Turns to rhetoric, feminism, care, social justice, and racial and ethnic equality
have reframed the discussion of ethics in technical communication. Yet in the wider
sphere in which technical communication operates, the old values of objectivity,
accuracy, and open access have been reinstantiated in transparency as the communication ethic. As such, “the ethic of transparency” (re)presents 1) the same epistemological problems of Truth, and validity of empirical knowledge, found in Platonic
philosophy and traditional science; 2) rhetorical ambiguity regarding phronesis and
the moral contribution of practicing technical writers; and 3) an ongoing ethical
challenge to the field of technical communication, and society as a whole.
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Bolter, J. D., & Gromala, D. (2005). Windows and mirrors: Interaction design, digital art,
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Brasseur, L. (1993). Contesting the objectivist paradigm: Gender issues in the technical
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Burke, K. (1966). Language as symbolic action: Essays on life, literature, and method.
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Burke, K. (1969). A grammar of motives. University of California Press. https://doi.
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Colton, J. S., & Holmes, S. (2018a). A social justice theory of active equality for technical
communication. Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, 48(1), 4-30. https://
doi.org/10.1177/0047281616647803
Colton, J. S., & Holmes, S. (2018b). Rhetoric, technology, and the virtues. Utah State
University Press.
Colton, J. S., Holmes, S., & Walwema, J. (2017). From NoobGuides to #OpKKK: Ethics of anonymous’ tactical technical communication. Technical Communication Quarterly, 26(1), 59-75.
Dilger, B. (2006). Extreme usability and technical communication. In J. B. Scott, B.
Longo, & K. V. Willis (Eds.), Critical power tools: Technical communication and cultural
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Dombrowski, P. (2000). Ethics in technical communication. Allyn and Bacon.
Dragga, S., & Voss, D. (2001, July). Cruel pies: The inhumanity of technical illustrations.
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Edenfield, A. C., Colton, J. S., & Holmes, S. (2019). Always already geopolitical: Trans
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Fancher, P. (2018). Embodying Turing’s Machine: Queer, embodied rhetorics in the
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Flach, M. (2019). Exploring patient perceptions and misconceptions: Beliefs regarding
hereditary cancer. (Unpublished master thesis). University of South Carolina.
Han, B. C. (2015). The transparency society (Erik Butler, Trans.). Stanford University Press.
Hartzog, M., & Katz, S. B. (2014, May 28). The appeal to transparency in the regulation of
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Heidegger, M. (1977). The question concerning technology and other essays (W. Lovitt,
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13. Feminisms
Erin Clark Frost
East Carolina University
Feminist approaches to technical and professional communication (TPC) can
lead to more ethical engagements with users, communities, and other stakeholders—engagements that disrupt traditional understandings of gender, power, and
discourse to the benefit of all involved. To appreciate the possibilities of feminist
approaches, one must first understand the history of feminism (really feminisms)
in the field of TPC.
Mary Lay’s (1989) “Interpersonal Conflict in Collaborative Writing: What
We Can Learn from Gender Studies” is widely regarded as the first explicit engagement of technical communication with gender studies. In this piece, Lay
transfers gender studies knowledge of the ways gender perceptions affect relationships to the domain of technical writing and offers strategies for helping
technical communication students to see the limitations of gender roles and better collaborate. However, her work was not initially taken up, as the field was still
grappling with terminology and entry points for the sorts of critical studies that
include feminisms.
A bit later, feminisms gained a foothold in technical communication through
special issues, including a Journal of Business and Technical Communication (JBTC)
special issue (5.4) in 1991, an IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication
(IEEE TPC) special issue (35.4) in 1992, and special issues of Technical Communication Quarterly (TCQ) in 1994 (3.3) and 1997 (6.3). These special issues were critical
to the advancement of feminist technical communication. As Isabelle Thompson
(1999) noted in her qualitative content analysis spanning 1989 to 1997, “most journal articles about women and feminism in technical communication appeared in
special issues devoted to those topics” (p. 155). Further, these special issues did not
appear out of nowhere; Thompson argues that “The journals publishing the most
articles about women and feminism are currently edited by women” (p. 163), and she
shows that JBTC and TCQ outpaced the other journals in her corpus (IEEE TPC,
Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, and Technical Communication) in
terms of percentage of articles published about women and feminism. For more
information about how Lay’s 1989 article came about prior to the publication of
these special issues, its author offers a history that also includes related information
about women in the field of technical communication (Schuster, 2015).
Special issues devoted to feminisms and related topics have mostly disappeared since 1997, and by some measures, “interest in feminism and women’s
issues has declined over the past 15 years” (Thompson & Smith, 2006). However, feminist technical communicators now persist in doing feminist work in the
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.13
119
120 Frost
absence of discipline-sponsored forums, through individual articles and chapters
(e.g., Hallenbeck, 2012; Jones, 2016; Koerber, 2002; Ledbetter, 2018; Mallette, 2017;
Malone, 2010; Petersen, 2014, 2019; Raign, 2019; Rauch, 2012; Rohrer-Vanzo et al.,
2016; Sullivan & Moore, 2013). The past five to seven years have also seen some
book projects that engage feminisms, sex, or gender and technical communication as significant themes (e.g., Agboka & Matveeva, 2018; Koerber, 2013, 2018;
Owens, 2015). All of the above and more contribute to some common themes
in feminist approaches to technical communication, including 1) feminist historiographical work, 2) interventions into misogynist practices, and 3) attention to
plurality, intersectionality, and interdisciplinarity. This last theme points toward
the fact that increasingly intersectional approaches mean that feminist work is
happening in a variety of contexts and may not always be apparent in keyword
searches of titles and abstracts; it also represents perhaps the most important
trajectory for advancement of feminist (including womanist, Black feminist, and
queer feminist) work in the field.
Feminist historiographical work is paradoxically connected with professionalization, which can serve as a code word for unmarked maleness, and it is a common
topic among technical writers (Coppola, 2012; Davis, 2001; Faber & Johnson-Eilola, 2002; Kynell-Hunt & Savage, 2003; Savage, 1996, 1999, 2004, 2010). Some would
say “technical writing finally became a genuine profession as wartime technologies
were translated into peacetime uses” and “the demand for [technical writing] courses rose dramatically as the colleges were deluged with returning veterans after 1945”
(Connors, 1982, p. 12). If this history is to be believed, then technical communication was growing up as a field just before the time when mainstream second-wave
feminism was gaining power. The second wave, often said to have begun with the
1963 publication of Betty Frieden’s The Feminine Mystique and certainly associated
with the Civil Rights movement, shifted attention from suffrage to identity and
gender roles. Many women (particularly but not only white women) began to question the notion that being a wife and mother was their only path to success. The
second wave gave rise to various kinds of feminisms that were sometimes in conflict
with one another; for example, cultural feminists’ belief in valuing traditionally female roles could sometimes clash with liberal feminists’ injunctions to respond to
stereotyping with resistance. And it is at what is typically considered the end of the
second wave that explicitly feminist interventions into formal technical communication literature began.
The reflective bent of the second wave shows up in technical communication
through field historiographies. The 1992 special issue of IEEE TPC investigated
the effects of gendered assumptions on understandings of rationality. In this issue, Elizabeth Tebeaux and Lay (1992) engage in a historiographical recovery of
English Renaissance-era technical writing for women; Kathryn A. Neeley explicates a history of women mediators in the 18th and 19th centuries. Later, in the
1997 TCQ special issue, authors worked to recover histories of women technical
communicators and question the absence of such histories. Indeed, Katherine T.
Feminisms 121
Durack (1997) begins by suggesting that women’s work in technical communication has been overlooked because the field has been seen as the domain of men
and because historians have tended to internalize this belief. Elizabeth Flynn
(1997) and John F. Flynn (1997), among others, begin to remedy this situation by
paying attention to the mapping of feminisms in technical communication and
by engaging in the recovery of domestic sciences and technologies—like grocery
shopping, cooking, and bread-making—as technical communication practices.
More recently, Marie E. Moeller and I (2016) additionally point to uncritical
recoveries as potential feminist problems in our analysis of liberation vis-a-vis
cookbook rhetorics and connected critique of field narratives. That is, we suggest that feminist approaches to technical communication artifacts should be attentive to context and should avoid hailing entire genres—particularly domestic
genres—as necessarily liberatory.
The 1992 special issue of IEEE TPC has perhaps offered the largest trove of
scholarship that directly addresses feminist interventions to misogynist practices.
In that issue, Beverly Sauer (1992) argues that gendered assumptions about male
ways of thinking have affected mine safety management. L. J. Rifkind and L. F.
Harper (1992) assert a paradox between sexual harassment policies and the necessity of interpersonal relationships in the workplace, and S. Dell (1992) draws on
communication theory in a rhetorical analysis of the “glass ceiling.” Stephen A.
Bernhardt (1992) and Deborah S. Bosley (1992) separately engage issues of gender
in visual design. Beyond this issue, M. Z. Corbett (1990), Dell (1990), and Jeanette
Vaughn (1989) all provide examples of ways to address sexist language in technical documentation. Others interrogate the intersections of gender and technologies
(Aschauer, 1999; Brasseur, 1993; Lay,1993). Notably, Angela M. Haas et al. (2002)
complicate constructions of women’s and girls’ relationships with technology and
technical communication, arguing that it is dangerous to “presume that ‘going online’ somehow alleviates gender inequity and power imbalance” (p. 247).
Defining intervention work as rhetorical means that almost any feminist technical communication work could be thought of as an intervention. An important
entry into this body of work, then, is scholarship that addresses the language of the
field. It is no accident that some of this intervention work looks inward, as does
Sauer (1992) when she uses literature published by the Mine Safety and Health
Administration to demonstrate the importance of training technical writers to
understand how gendered assumptions about male rationality can influence the
epistemological underpinnings of technical documentation. Likewise, the 1994
issue of TCQ showcased work—especially the articles by Jo Allen (1994), Bosley
(1994), and Susan Mallon Ross (1994)—that continues a conversation about the
unmarked maleness of the field. Allen and Bosley point to ways of challenging
and making apparent otherwise implicit misogyny. I (2016) recommend apparency as a specific approach to intervening in technical rhetorics (including those
within the field) that privilege unmarked maleness through efficiency rhetorics;
apparent feminism advocates putting a face on feminisms, hailing non-feminist
122 Frost
allies, and doing the rhetorical work to show how efficiency (and other terms like
it) are often used to quell diverse approaches and perspectives.
Interest in paying attention to a greater plurality of feminisms, and especially
to addressing issues of intersectionality, has become increasingly important to
feminist technical communicators and apparent in their work. In particular, these
concerns have overlapped with social justice movements. Much of this work has
been made possible by Haas’ (2012) argument for intersectional approaches to
race, rhetoric, and technology. Since then, a number of works have been published that engage with feminisms and gender studies approaches to technical
communication as part of a larger decolonial agenda to incorporate cultural studies and social justice into the field (De Hertogh, 2018; Jones et al., 2016; Moeller
& Frost, 2016; Novotny & Hutchinson, 2019; Petersen & Moeller, 2016; Petersen
& Walton, 2018; Smith, 2014). Notably, feminist technical communication scholars who embrace plurality and intersectionality increasingly combat the isolation
and potential of myopic viewpoints of individual scholarship by co-authoring
and engaging in other forms of scholarly collaboration—often without institutional support for such endeavors.
While recent work has been able to explicitly name intersectional feminisms
as both goals and approaches, a number of scholars laid the groundwork for this
with important research on the subjectivities of technical communication and
the importance of feminist methods (Coletta, 1992; Dragga, 1993; Sauer, 1993;
Tebeaux, 1993). As just some examples, Gail Lippincott (2003) examines Ellen
Swallow Richards’ rhetorical development of ethos, Lee Brasseur (2005) shines
a light on Florence Nightingale’s persuasive use of rose diagrams, and Jeffrey T.
Grabill (2007) focuses on the penetration of information technologies into everyday lives as he encourages emancipatory action. E. P. Boyer and T. G. Webb
(1992) and M. de Armas Ladd and M. Tangum (1992) look to diversity and difference as guiding principles in feminist thought in technical communication.
The special issues described above were especially important in laying the
groundwork for plurality, intersectionality, and interdisciplinarity. TCQ issue 3.3
expanded upon feminist approaches to technical communication with an issue
that “explores gender as a social force that shapes and is shaped by professional communication practices and readerships” (LaDuc & Goldrick-Jones, 1994,
p. 246). In this special issue, Linda LaDuc and Amanda Goldrick Jones (1994)
invoke the power of feminism’s ability to take on multiple theoretical and political positions, “forsaking the comfort of even a single feminist method or ‘truth
stance’” (p. 249). Laura J. Gurak and Nancy L. Bayer (1994) and Sauer (1994)
describe a variety of feminist methodological approaches (and resulting implications) to their subjects rather than limiting their investigations to a single methodological approach. This variety of methodological approaches opens the door to
rich interdisciplinarity in feminisms’ contributions to technical communication.
The 1991 special issue of JBTC promotes a cultural turn in technical communication, providing foundations for work in feminisms and cultural studies
Feminisms 123
and addressing the relationship between these two. (This cultural turn was not
initially taken up, as suggested by the later return to the idea by J. Blake Scott
et al. [2006].) In the 1991 JBTC special issue, Lay (1991) suggests a redefinition
of technical communication that considers cultural issues, most notably issues
of gender. Lay relies on technical communicators’ understandings of social constructionism to combat and make visible scientific positivism in technical communication artifacts. Diane D. Brunner (1991) encourages recognizing that “we
and our students operate within a culture in which domination/subordination
is produced and reproduced” (p. 409) and that, embodied as we are, this creates
ideologies in which some people are affirmed and others are cast out. Others in
the issue advocate revision to static conceptions of female cultures and resistance
to auto-colonization (Carrell, 1991; Flynn et al., 1991) and explicitly advocate for
interdisciplinary work to support feminisms (Flynn et al., 1991).
Finally, in the 1994 special issue of TCQ, Ross looks to sources outside
the discipline for insight, pushing for intercultural studies such as her own
on the interactions between a Mohawk community and the Environmental
Protection Agency. She provides an example of how feminist concern with
other injustices—namely, racism and environmental oppressions—can inform
broader understandings of the applicability of feminisms to a field like technical communication.
Feminisms and social justice agendas, in other words, are symbiotic—and they
allow for the inclusion of queer, race-based, and (dis)ability studies approaches
to technical communication. Through plural, intersectional, and interdisciplinary
lenses, feminisms address structural oppressions—and more—that exist in technical communication scholarship and practice. For example, Cecilia D. Shelton
(2019) emphasizes the confluence of Black feminisms and social justice work.
Her dissertation offers a Techné of Marginality that emphasizes the value of
Black subjectivities and experiences and employs digital activism as a medium to
help technical communicators to “recognize the ways in which Black communities, and particularly Black women, have always, already done the unpaid labor
that builds the communication infrastructures for equity, inclusion, and freedom”
(p. 1). Temptaous T. Mckoy (2019) offers amplification rhetorics as a theoretical
framework describing Black discursive and communicative practices that technical communicators can model their work on in order to center the lived experiences and epistemologies of Black people and other historically marginalized
groups. Indeed, you can see feminist collaborative work that decenters positions
of power in action by reading the Afterword of this keyword collection, in which
Kristen R. Moore, Lauren E. Cagle and Nicole Lowman describe the process of
a citation check intended to help the collection be as inclusive, accessible, and
intersectional as possible.
The future of feminisms in technical communication is both plural and clear:
Feminist technical communicators are devoted to decentering traditional centers
of power in favor of radical, inclusive, and diverse feminist praxes.
124 Frost
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14. Genre
Brent Henze
East Carolina University
The word genre comes from the French, meaning “kind.” Genre was used as
early as 1770 to name “a particular style or category of works of art; esp. a type
of literary work characterized by a particular form, style, or purpose” (Oxford
University Press, n.d.).
Just as the related term genus names a broad category or “kind” into which
more specific members can be grouped (for example, horses and zebras are two
species in the equine genus), a genre is a categorization: Diverse specimens sharing
some quality are part of a genre defined by that quality.
You may be familiar with genre as a term that describes recognizable, repeated forms of literary expression (e.g., sonnets, or Elizabethan sonnets; mystery
novels, or young adult detective serials). Technical communicators and educators
often use genre similarly to identify common types of technical writing, such
as proposals, instruction manuals, and sales letters. This familiar usage helps us
name and group individual texts, and conversely, it signals characteristics that
audiences expect to find in a text. But as helpful as it is for classifying regularities
of already-written texts, this usage is less helpful for guiding or explaining the
composition of new messages.
To better tackle these matters, technical communication turns to 20th century
rhetorical theory. Building on earlier work that related genres to types of rhetorical situation (Bitzer, 1968), Carolyn Miller (1984) famously described genres as
“typified rhetorical actions based in recurrent situations” (p. 159). This insight gave
rise to the rhetorical genre studies (RGS) model that dominates genre scholarship in technical communication today. At root, genres are particular kinds of
communication, expressed in recurring contexts, used to accomplish particular
purposes shared by writers and their audiences.
RGS scholarship has undergone numerous shifts since the 1970s, and several good summaries are available (e.g., Artemeva, 2006; Bawarshi & Reiff, 2010;
Henze with Miller & Carradini, 2016; Kain, 2005). RGS helps us to understand
what’s happening when writers and readers communicate through the mediation
of various kinds of text. In the RGS model, a genre is a way of understanding
characteristic activities that happen in a particular context. Although a genre may
in fact have a characteristic form or style, these emerge as a result of “genred” activity—the repeated responses of actual writers in routine or repeating practical
contexts. What’s important is the activity, not the form.
Genres may be regular, recognizable, authoritative, and even apparently stable, but they are also generative, creative, mutable, open-ended, dynamic, and
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130 Henze
efficient. Catherine Schryer (2000) defines genres as “constellations of regulated,
improvisational strategies” (p. 450): They’re “regulated” because it’s not just the
author but the relevant social context that determines whether a communication will be legible, yet “improvisational” since context gives authors an indefinite
range of choices. Writers learn to work within a set of genres that community
members have validated through repeated use. These genres not only help the
writer to identify situationally appropriate types of rhetorical response, but also
create a rhetorical space for invention.
This notion of genres in dynamic tension is important because it helps to
explain why even the most apparently stable genres still change over time and
permit variations. Experienced writers, after all, don’t simply follow templates;
they respond to exigencies (circumstances that provoke an action), they account
for context (the variables of circumstance, timing, and relationship that surround
a communication), and they create content that has meaning in particular cultures
(including institutional and professional cultures).
Technical communication often occurs in complex institutional settings, and
in technical contexts, social dynamics include the many ways institutions act as
agents in discourse. For example, technical communicators often do not “author”
their own texts: Instead, they’re parts of a larger system of content generation,
repurposing, editing, production, and distribution. In this system, the individual writer might be little aware of the ultimate rhetorical purposes of a text
they create. The locus of rhetorical activity is just as likely to be an institution, a
user-responsive system (e.g., context-sensitive help), or some other actor.
Just as the complexity of rhetorical contexts has altered the priorities of genre
work in technical communication, so too does genre look different in the heavily
mediated contexts of technical communication. After all, even an individually
authored text is the product of editors, publishers, and other intermediaries, not
just its “author.” But in many technical communication contexts, the extent of this
mediation is even more profound. For example, the technical writers who create
a context-sensitive help system for a computer program may compose discrete
chunks of text that appear on users’ screens. But the appearance, order, and timing of those texts are governed by user behavior (such as clicking a “help” button
or entering an erroneous command). The text is also mediated by programming
that neither writer nor user created. The “document” is not a fixed product; it’s an
emergent experience produced in response to user input, using content prepared
by a technical writer, and mediated by programming.
Since the recognizable conventions of genres result from accumulated rhetorical performances, genres can evolve over time and vary across contexts. Genres
might seem “stabilized-for-now,” as Schryer (1993, p. 204) puts it, but over time
they adopt some of the variations introduced by writers responding to their exigencies. For example, Charles Bazerman (1988) describes the evolution of scientific research articles over centuries in response to the changing social dynamics
and rhetorical contexts of experimental science.
Genre 131
Genres can also hybridize as writers combine strategies from multiple genres
to tackle new problems. Carolyn Rude (1995), for example, showed how the decision-making report genre adapted strategies taken from proposals, experimental reports, and persuasive essays. Far from being mere constraints or rules to be
followed, genres are more like a toolbox of handy strategies that can be applied
to conventional tasks, but also remixed, repurposed, and modified in response to
novel rhetorical challenges.
Change happens very quickly in many technical contexts. In these fluid contexts, some genres might change so rapidly that formal and stylistic conventions
between the “generations” of a genre are negligible. Simply examining two examples of the same genre—say, two weather forecasts, or two error reports, separated
by a few years and a few iterations of media—might yield few obvious similarities. The equivalency of these genre performances resides in their communicative
context, the “social action” that the texts engage in, despite the many differences
in how the texts do what they do.
Because technical communication situations are often distributed and complex, the individual text is often less salient than groups of interacting texts: for
example, the sequence of CFP, inquiry letter, grant application, budget, impact
report, and other genres associated with grant seeking. Technical communication research has studied how genres relate to one another in sets (Devitt, 1991,
2004), systems (Bazerman, 1994; Russell, 1997; Yates & Orlikowski, 2002), repertoires (Orlikowski & Yates, 1994), ecologies (Spinuzzi & Zachry, 2000), and
other assemblages.
Rather than operating independently, genres often function together in sequences of recognized discourse “moves.” To understand a genre is to appreciate
its rhetorical ecosystem, including other genres and the various actors and relationships surrounding it. Foundational scholarship drawing upon activity theory
and actor-networks, especially that of David Russell (1997), Clay Spinuzzi and
Mark Zachry (2000), and Spinuzzi (2003, 2008), has examined how complex
and distributed communities and networks get things done by sharing resources, including genres. Natasha Jones (2016), for example, shows how members of
the Innocence Project Northwest adapted the communication genres circulating
among Innocence Project chapters to accomplish local goals. The community’s
genres, including weekly team meetings, client-completed questionnaires, and
Facebook posts, not only “help[ed] coordinate and promote collaboration,” but
also helped the community to “shape a cohesive identity and common goals”
( Jones, 2016, p. 310).
Individually and in assemblages, genres can not only help actors to get work
done, but they are also part of the joint processes of enculturation, disciplinary
learning and reproduction, and sense-making that enable participants to coordinate activity. In a sense, genres function as vectors, carrying elements of a
discourse along the various branches and turnings of a complex activity system
or network.
132 Henze
Finally, technical communication scholars study how new practitioners are enculturated into their disciplines and professions, in part, by way of genres. Though
technical genres are still routinely taught in introductory courses, scholarly opinion
about the efficacy of teaching genres is mixed. Some scholars (e.g., Freedman, 1993;
Freedman et al., 1994) doubt that genres can be explicitly taught in the classroom,
since genre use is responsive to exigency and context, and classrooms are not authentic contexts for these genres. Others, including Amy Devitt, counter that the classroom can provide effective preparation for future technical genre use. Although the
classroom doesn’t offer exigencies identical to those in professional settings, Devitt
(2009) argues that teachers can introduce genre principles that prepare students to
improvise in response to the exigencies they encounter in later workplace contexts.
Teaching students about genre (rather than teaching particular genres) can
help them become more versatile, savvy communicators and observers of their
disciplines and workplaces, and thus better able to acquire disciplinary skills and
awareness quickly once they’re in the workplace. As Anis Bawarshi and Mary
Jo Reiff (2010) describe it, genres function as “learning strategies or tools for accessing unfamiliar writing situations” (p. 191). Devitt (2004) proposes a pedagogy
based upon “meta-awareness of genres, as learning strategies rather than static
features” of text (p. 197).
As content production becomes increasingly divisible from distribution and
consumption, technical communicators are less likely to “author” whole, stable
units of end-user text. They may also find themselves becoming more involved in
the components of documentation or information systems that are harder to recognize as writing or communication: components like interface design, content
reuse, translation, and distribution.
The shift in technical communication scholarship toward studies of larger
information systems, networks, and genre ecologies reflects the new realities of
our field. Just as the characteristic genres continue to evolve, we can expect our
genre theory to continue to expand and hybridize as researchers study and theorize contemporary genres and communication practices in complex networks,
systems, and institutions.
References
Artemeva, N. (2005). A time to speak, a time to act: A rhetorical genre analysis
of a novice engineer’s calculated risk taking. Journal of Business and Technical
Communication, 19, 389-421. https://doi.org/10.1177/1050651905278309
Artemeva, N. (2006). Approaches to learning genres: A bibliographical essay. In N.
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Artemeva, N., Logie, S., & St-Martin, J. (1999). From page to stage: How theories
of genre and situated learning help introduce engineering students to disciplinespecific communication. Technical Communication Quarterly, 8(3), 301-316. https://doi.
org/10.1080/10572259909364670
Genre 133
Bawarshi, A. S., & Reiff, M. (2010). Genre: An introduction to history, theory, research, and
pedagogy. Parlor Press.
Bazerman, C. (1988). Shaping written knowledge: The genre and activity of the experimental
article in science. University of Wisconsin Press.
Bazerman, C. (1994). Systems of genre and the enactment of social intentions. In A.
Freedman & P. Medway (Eds.), Genre and the new rhetoric (pp. 79-99). Taylor &
Francis.
Bitzer, L. F. (1968). The rhetorical situation. Philosophy and Rhetoric, 1, 1-14.
Devitt, A. J. (1991). Intertextuality in tax accounting: Generic, referential, and functional.
In C. Bazerman & J. Paradis (Eds.), Textual dynamics of the professions: Historical and
contemporary studies of writing in professional communities (pp. 336-355). University of
Wisconsin Press.
Devitt, A. J. (2004). Writing genres. Southern Illinois University Press.
Devitt, A. J. (2009). Teaching critical genre awareness. In C. Bazerman, A. Bonini, & D.
Figueiredo (Eds.), Genre in a changing world (pp. 337-351). The WAC Clearinghouse;
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Freedman, A. (1993). Show and tell? The role of explicit teaching in the learning of new
genres. Research in the Teaching of English, 27(3), 222-251.
Freedman, A., Adam, C., & Smart, G. (1994). Wearing suits to class: Simulating
genres and simulations as genre. Written Communication, 11(2), 193-226. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0741088394011002002
Henze, B., with Miller, C. & Carradini, S. (2016). Technical communication. Genre Across
Borders. http://genreacrossborders.org/research/technical-communication
Jones, N. N. (2016). Found things: Genre, narrative, and identification in a networked
activist organization. Technical Communication Quarterly, 25(4), 298-318. https://
doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2016.1228790
Kain, D. J. (2005). Constructing genre: A threefold typology. Technical Communication
Quarterly, 14(4), 375-409. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15427625tcq1404_2
Miller, C. R. (1984). Genre as social action. Quarterly Journal of Speech, 70(2), 151-167.
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Orlikowski, W. J., & Yates, J. (1994). Genre repertoire: The structuring of communicative
practices in organizations. Administrative Science Quarterly, 39(4), 541-574. https://doi.
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Oxford University Press (n.d.). Genre (1.b.), n. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved
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Rude, C. D. (1995). The report for decision-making: Genre and inquiry.
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Russell, D. R. (1997). Rethinking genre in school and society: An activity theory analysis.
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Schryer, C. F. (1993). Records as genre. Written Communication, 10(2), 200-234. https://
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Schryer, C. F. (2000). Walking a fine line: Writing negative letters in an insurance
company. Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 14(4), 445-497. https://doi.
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134 Henze
Spinuzzi, C. (2008). Network: Theorizing knowledge work in telecommunications.
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15. History
Edward A. Malone
Missouri S&T
In technical communication, the term history may refer to a timestream of events
or the past events themselves, as in the statement “technical communication cannot be understood as standing outside of history” (Longo & Fountain, 2013, p.
176). More often, though, the term refers to attempts to understand the past
through such activities as researching, interpreting, and narrating: for example, “if
the field of technical communication is instrumental communication, communication that gets things accomplished, so must its history” (Brockmann, 1998, p.
386). The following questions drive many of the conversations that scholars have
about the study of technical communication history: Why should we study history? What history should we study? How should we study history?
On the question of why we should study history, Gerald Savage (1999/2003)
suggested that historical studies of technical communication help to legitimize the
profession of technical communication by contributing to the development of collective historical consciousness. For those who view technical communication as a
humanistic endeavor, the study of history is one way of humanizing the practice
of technical communication (Rutter, 1991/2004). Many scholars have offered project-specific justifications for studying history. Edward A. Malone (2007) classified
some of these justifications into four categories: invention, precedent, distance, and
context. We may study the past to discover (invent) ideas and find inspiration; we
may look for past analogues (precedents) that help us persuade others to make decisions or take action; we may use a historical perspective (distance) to help an audience view a situation with greater objectivity; or we may gain a better understanding
of our work by investigating the past events (context) that gave rise to and continue
to influence the work. These four categories are not exhaustive, but they describe
some of the major uses of history in our discipline. (For additional uses of history, see
Brockmann, 1998, pp. 385-395; Connor, 1991; and Malone & Wright, 2012.)
Studying history can also improve our production and consumption of scholarship. All topics in technical communication have a history, and sometimes that
history extends back several decades in technical communication journals, yet too
many new articles in our field have literature reviews that cover only post-2000
works or (conversely) a few dated works from the 1990s. A literature review can
be a form of historiography that interprets the evolution of scholarly interest. The
history of scholarship on a topic may suggest novel avenues of research even as
it undercuts claims of novelty. When we consume scholarship, a well-developed
historical consciousness can help us evaluate cited sources critically, readily noticing when older sources are being used inappropriately.
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136 Malone
The same kind of knowledge can help us evaluate claims about the discipline
and decide whether to repeat those claims. For example, technical communication
is often claimed to be a relatively new field, discipline, or profession. As Yvonne
Cleary (2016) wrote, “technical communication is a new occupational field, relative
to more traditional occupations such as medicine and law” (p. 126). Such statements stretch the meaning of “new” and are potentially misleading to students
and others. Technical communication is, of course, an ancient practice. Technical
documents have been produced throughout history around the world (e.g., Ding,
2020; Raign, 2019, 2022). And while technical communication may be “a new concept in China” (Yu, 2011, p. 72), “a new occupational field in Ireland” (Cleary, 2016,
p. 127), and “a new profession” in Finland (Suojanen, 2010, p. 54), it is a well-established academic discipline and profession in the United States. The first university
courses in technical writing were created at the beginning of the 20th century;
the first academic degree programs in technical writing and editing were created
in the 1950s (Connors, 1982/2004; Kynell, 2000). Full-time technical writers and
editors in the modern sense had existed before World War II; these occupations
grew quickly during and after the war, and since 1943 the job title “technical writer”
has been included in the U.S. Department of Labor’s Dictionary of Occupational
Titles (Malone, 2011). A profession of technical communication began to emerge
in the 1950s when technical writers, editors, illustrators, managers, and librarians
formed professional associations, created codes of ethics, published journals, and
held conferences (Malone, 2011). Thus, we cannot say that technical communication is a “new” field, discipline, or profession in the United States.
Similarly, some claims should not be repeated without heavy qualification: for
example, that “the history of technical writing still has not been written” (Moran
& Tebeaux, 2012, p. 58) or that “we have no history to show our sustained existence in the world—just a collage of articles and a few monographs” (Tebeaux,
2014, p. 253). The situation is not as dire as these statements suggest. Scholars
have been researching and writing about the history of technical communication
since at least the 1950s. They have contributed many historical studies to the profession’s body of knowledge, as documented in bibliographic essays by R. John
Brockmann (1983), William Rivers (1994/1999), Edward A. Malone (2007), and
Michael Moran and Elizabeth Tebeaux (2011, 2012). Their output has included
more than a few book-length studies, such as the monographs by Brockmann
(1998, 2002, 2004), Bernadette Longo (2000), Mark Ward (2014), Dirk Remley
(2014), and Carol Siri Johnson (2016) and the edited collections by Teresa Kynell
and Michael Moran (1999) and Miles Kimball and Charles Kostelnick (2017).
Other disciplines, too, have shown an interest in technical writing history (e.g.,
Formisano & Van Der Eijk, 2009). Our discipline does not have a textbook or
reference work that provides an overview of technical communication from ancient times to the present, but however useful such a work might be, it would still
be just another thread in a tapestry of diverse perspectives on our history. (On
historiography as tapestry weaving, see Brockmann, 1998, p. 3.)
History 137
What history should we study? Some scholars believe that the proper subject
of historical study in our discipline is communication, usually in the form of
documents. In their own research, they analyze historical texts and visuals. They
use the phrase “history of technical communication” to mean mainly writing in
the past and seldom stray far from the artifacts they are studying. (For an example
of this focus, see Tebeaux, 2014, pp. 253-258.) Other scholars in the field explore a
broader range of history-related topics, such as the lives and careers of technical
communicators (e.g., Hayhoe, 2017); technologies related to writing, designing,
and publishing (e.g., Durack, 2003a); the teaching of technical communication
(e.g., Sullivan, 2012); the project of professionalization (e.g., Hallier & Malone,
2012); oral technical communication (e.g., Brockmann, 1998, pp. 99-116; Pochatko, 2017); communicative rituals in mathematics (Fiss, 2020); transmedia storytelling (Malone, 2019); and the subfield of technical editing (e.g., Cunningham
et al., 2019, pp. 1-19; Malone, 2006; Warren, 2010). They may analyze technical
documents as well, but they do not limit their focus to these artifacts.
A number of scholars have attempted to classify historical studies by historical period or theme (Kynell & Moran, 1999; Malone, 2007; Rivers, 1994/1999),
but such classification systems inevitably break down because many historical
studies cover material from more than one century or country, focus on more
than one theme or topic, or include history as part of a larger discussion of a topic
(e.g., Brasseur, 2003).
Over the decades, technical communication scholars have advocated for
greater inclusiveness in historical research. Noting that historical studies before
1983 usually focused on “celebrated authors and scientists” as technical writers,
Brockmann (1983) called for more studies of the “common man” as a technical
writer (pp. 155-156). To investigate the work of uncelebrated and often anonymous technical communicators, a researcher must inspect unpublished (and often handwritten) documents, such as letters and memoranda; drafts of proposals,
reports, and drawings; job descriptions and personnel files; and other records in
corporate archives and libraries’ special collections. About 15 years after Brockmann’s important contribution, Katherine Durack (1997) called for more historical studies of female technical communicators and their work, a project that
required a reconsideration of what counts as technical communication. Thanks in
part to her efforts, documents such as cookbooks, sewing patterns, and childcare
manuals are more likely now than in the past to be recognized and appreciated as
technical communication. Since 1997, there has been a steady stream of historical
studies about female technical communicators and their work (e.g., Durack, 1998,
2003a, 2003b, 2003c; Hallenbeck, 2012; Lippincott, 2003a, 2003b, 2003c; Malone,
2010, 2013, 2015a, 2015b; Petersen, 2016; Raign, 2019; Rauch, 2012).
Because most of these studies are about American or British subjects, however, Emily Petersen (2017) has challenged historians of technical communication to heed international/intercultural communication, giving special attention
to “women of color and women of the Global South” (pp. 1, 25). India is one
138 Malone
promising site for this research agenda, and oral history interviews may be the
best research method (Petersen, 2017, p. 17). (For examples of oral history interviews with women in technical communication, see Lewenstein, 1987; Malone,
2014; Swent, 1989.) During her own interviews with female technical writers
in India, Petersen (2017) gleaned information about the men and women who
founded that country’s decades-old technical writing industry. The first account
of India’s technical writing industry was published in a technical communication
journal nearly 60 years ago (Sampath & Murthy, 1966).
How should we study history? Researchers studying the history of technical
communication must use primary sources, such as the accident report of a historic train wreck, a map of the train’s route and a timetable of its stops, interviews
with passengers and bystanders, and even the train itself, but researchers must also
conduct a thorough literature review and use relevant secondary sources, such as a
documentary film or journal articles about the historic train accident or studies of
other train wrecks. Beyond these basic working principles, several technical communication scholars have proposed multistep approaches to conducting historical research for either academic publication (Battalio, 2002; Connor, 1993; Kynell & Seely,
2002; Tebeaux & Killingsworth, 1992) or immediate workplace application (Longo
& Fountain, 2013; Shirk, 2000/2004). These approaches emphasize the importance
of understanding context, such as relevant details about the time period in which a
document was created, the organization that created it, and its intended audience.
Sometimes, a researcher in technical communication may borrow a historiographic approach from another discipline, such as textual studies or literary studies.
For example, W. Tracy Dillon (1997) explained how the methods of new historicism—a form of criticism once popular in literary studies—might be used to study
historical technical documents. This approach is political and cultural as well as
self-reflective. If the nature of historicity is such that every historical study is infused
with the subjective ideologies of those who produced it ( Jones & Walton, 2018, p.
253), then acknowledging our own ideologies as historians may be more honest and
helpful than claiming—or giving the impression of—too much objectivity.
Another promising approach to historiography is the use of antenarratives.
The history that has already been written is a history that privileges some people
and activities over others, often unfairly. A dominant narrative in this history
tends to drown out other narratives as it creates and maintains its own homogeneity. One way to rescue the nondominant (usually unnoticed or forgotten) stories in our history is by telling “a disruptive ‘before’ story that seeks to destabilize
and unravel aspects of the tightly woven dominant narrative about who we are as
a field, what we do, where our work occurs, and what we value” ( Jones et al., 2016,
p. 212). By interrogating previous historical studies, and (re)examining historical
evidence, researchers can sometimes lend new, stronger voices to nondominant
stories. This approach is ultimately future oriented: “Antenarratives open up a
space that invites reinterpretation of the past so as to suggest—and enable—different possibilities for the future” ( Jones et al., 2016, p. 212).
History 139
For example, Miriam Williams (2010) and others have started important
conversations about issues of race and ethnicity in historical technical communication, but thus far no one has written about (or even mentioned) the role of
African Americans in the profession-building activities of technical communicators in the 1950s and 1960s, yet there is evidence of significant contributions and
presence—for example, the safety posters by technical illustrator John H. Terrell
in the 1950s (“His Cartoons,” 1956); a 1956 article by Herbert Augustus in Technical Writing Review; an Ebony magazine cover story about La Bonnie Bianchi,
the first African American woman to graduate with a master’s degree in technical
writing in 1960 (“Woman Engineer,” 1961); three technical writing textbooks by
radio engineer Rufus P. Turner in the mid-1960s; and the accomplishments of
David J. Chesnut (see Figure 15.1), the first African American fellow of the Society for Technical Communication. Investigating and recovering this part of our
history might help to change perceptions about the field.
Although there is already a large body of literature about technical communication history, researchers still have plenty of work to do because writing the
history of technical communication is an ongoing project that will never be finished and will always need reinterpretation and revision.
Figure 15.1. David J. Chesnut, first African American fellow of the Society
for Technical Communication (STC). Photograph from the archives at
STC headquarters in Fairfax, VA. Reprinted with permission.
140 Malone
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16. Information
William Hart-Davidson
Michigan State University
Information is one of those terms that is widely used in both academic and popular discourse in ways that do not always relate to a more precise, technical definition. It can be helpful, in fact, to consider the various words that information
is often paired with as a modifier in order to know how best to make sense of it.
There are four especially helpful pairings for technical communicators to know:
information theory, information technology, information design, and information architecture. These four terms mark points on a timeline of information’s evolution
in meaning as well as conceptual shifts in the work of technical communicators
as it relates to information. Interestingly, in none of these pairings is the word
information the neutral signifier that it can sometimes seem in popular usage, as
when people ask for “just information.” Rather, in each of the four cases, the term
marks a site of consequential contestation over the nature of technical communication and the role technical communicators play in the social settings where
their work unfolds.
This entry tracks the shifts in thinking about technical communication across
the four pairings in four historical moments: information theory and technical
communication as transmission, information technology and technical communication as translation, information design and technical communication
as transformation, and information architecture and technical communication
as trans-disciplinary knowledge making. In each section, information serves as
a compass point for a trajectory of further inquiry that, necessarily, exceeds the
scope of this short essay.
Information theory is a mathematical formulation credited to MIT and Bell
Labs scientist Claude Shannon. Published as a two-part article titled “A Mathematical Theory of Communication,” Shannon’s (1948) work contributed two key
ideas that are foundational to both computing and telecommunications. The first
is a means to reliably quantify how many binary digits are required to encode
some amount of data, such as a text or voice message. The second idea, which
applies to transmission of messages through a channel, is the means to reliably
calculate the signal to noise ratio for the channel and to understand how the ratio
varies given the channel bandwidth. Shannon’s formulations of information entropy—the way the quality of a signal degrades under certain conditions—are the
basis for compression and error-checking routines widely used today that allow
for fast, clear, global communication (Collins, 2002). But Shannon’s ideas have
had more than instrumental influence. They also arguably underlay our current
economic and political orientations to the term information, wherein we take
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.16
145
146 Hart-Davidson
it to be common sense that information is the valuable part of a signal (and all
other stuff is “noise”), and where the consistent reliable flow of information is
understood to be vital but “information overload” is also a known threat. So how
did a highly technical mathematical theory hatched in a telecommunications
laboratory gain broad cultural cache?
In 1949, a colleague of Shannon’s at Bell Labs, Warren Weaver, collaborated
with Shannon to publish a book-length version of the original article under a
slightly modified title: The Mathematical Theory of Communication. The move from
“A” to “The” in the title signified an implicit argument about the generalizability
of the ideas in the book. A model was born that would be taken up in many
research and industry areas and applied to business and social affairs. The Shannon-Weaver model of communication also had a significant impact on technical
communication, though not an uncontroversial one. To see why, a look at the
model (Figure 16.1) is helpful.
Where is the work of technical communication in the Shannon-Weaver
model? What is implied about the nature of that work? If we take this model
from its original technical context and apply it more broadly to systems populated by humans, the technical communicator is most plausibly a “transmitter,” a
functional role that does not contribute any information value to the signal apart
from error correction and compression, always with the risk of introducing rather
than reducing information entropy. Not surprisingly, technical communication as
a field has resisted this reduction to the value added by technical communication
and has produced robust critiques of this “transmission model” of communication
as well as alternative formulations that turn, in part, on alternative conceptions
of “information” (c.f. Miller, 1979; Slack et al., 1993). Perhaps the most popular of
these alternative formulations is the technical communicator as translator or, as
once metaphorically represented in a since-retired Society for Technical Communication logo, a bridge.
Figure 16.1. Shannon-Weaver Model of Communication.
Public domain image. Wikimedia Commons.
Information 147
This metaphor is captured in the pairing information technology, a phrase
whose meaning took shape as computer processors shrank in size and found
their way into industrial and consumer products. Two areas of need arose that
buoyed demand for technical communication: 1) experts in different knowledge
domains such as health care and computing or agriculture and robotics needed to
be able to understand one another, and 2) people who offer products and services
needed to communicate technical information to a growing, global audience of
consumers. Throughout the latter part of the 20th century, these two demands
fueled the conception of information as a supporting product and, in some cases,
as a companion service that had to be provided in order for increasingly technical
products and services to be traded and used successfully.
Information in this model is not, by itself, inherently valuable. But without a
manual, one might never learn to use a piece of expensive software. Or, without
a documented programming interface, a software developer might not be able to
connect one system with another. This view of information as knowledge to be
translated gives rise to the role of technical communicator as a “bridge,” either between disparate expert areas of knowledge or between an expert and a layperson.
This model goes well with the way information is understood in the phrase information technology, wherein a technical device or object functions to do something
useful without the user needing to “do the math” implied in information theory
to derive the benefits. That is, the information in information technology—the
representation of messages as quantities, calculations performed on those quantities, and the rapid communication of bits back and forth via microcircuitry—is
“blackboxed” to the user. So your rice cooker that uses “fuzzy logic” may well use
sophisticated computing algorithms, but as the cook you only need to add rice
and water and push a button. You may also need a guide, and the manufacturer
who developed the machine likely needed documentation from the company who
manufactured the circuit board in the appliance.
The value of information products as ancillary also came into scrutiny by
members of the field for the way it still positioned technical communicators not
as creators of knowledge but as processors of it. This model left the hierarchies
of expertise in place, even if it placed technical communicators in an important
middle position between the originators of knowledge and those who needed to
learn more. What changed, according to Johndan Johnson-Eilola (1996), was a
shift accelerated by how we could interact on global networks such as the World
Wide Web, a shift that predicated the re-ordering of the value of work across all
of our categories of professional activity.
With the advent of the Web came a melding of what had previously been
a quite clear split between the “product” and “information about the product”;
with it, the value proposition that had supported the bridge model became far
less clear (Hart-Davidson, 2001). Many of the most successful companies in the
world began succeeding by selling information. And with Apple as perhaps the
signature example, these companies would go on to develop service models that
148 Hart-Davidson
turned the old hierarchy upside down. Now, the device (such as the iPhone)
was a gateway to a monthly service and a “content ecosystem” where the main
commodities were information products. Today, the Society for Technical Communication’s mission statement no longer refers to technical communicators as
bridges or translators. Instead, it reads, “The Society for Technical Communication advances technical communication as the discipline of transforming [emphasis added] complex information into usable content for products, processes,
and services.”
Pairing “information” with the verb “design” offers one conceptual path to
understanding technical communicators’ work as transformative. As the kinds
of products that technical communicators produced or helped to create—documents, websites, tutorials, infographics, videos, apps—evolved, so did a new understanding of information as raw and, potentially, re-usable material to create
useful, usable products. The information of information design is malleable and
valuable. It arrives from a variety of sources in a variety of formats and feeds any
number of content streams where it might become part of a document, a tweet,
an infographic, or a video. The value of the information can be measured in its
potential, but is more often understood when an information asset is set in motion and users begin to engage with it. How much and what kinds of engagement
an information asset accrues will determine how it might be repurposed and/or
transformed further.
Karen Schriver’s 1996 book Dynamics in Document Design: Designing Texts
for Readers offered a thorough treatment of how technical communicators might
realign their work such that it would be judged not by how documents looked
but rather by what users of those documents did with them. While the focus of
that book was on documents, the book is still in print today because it lays the
groundwork for seeing the real value in information design not as visible in a
product adhering to some technical standard or aesthetic benchmark. Rather,
information design succeeds when the behavioral results of readers and users can
be measured as outcomes.
The concept of information paired with design invites action from technical
communicators across the full scope of the traditional rhetorical canons—invention, arrangement, style, memory, delivery. In this way, it differs dramatically
from the transmission model, where technical communicators’ only role was to
smooth delivery largely using the tactics of plain language. And, importantly, this
work is never done, because there are always opportunities to make engagements
richer, more satisfying, more effective, and, importantly, as Miriam Williams and
Octavio Pimentel (2012) argue, more inclusive and inviting to other groups. And
as Laura Gonzales (2018) has argued, this focus on transformation to facilitate
inclusion also calls us to remediate our understanding of terms like translation
that have been at the center of our work.
The work of technical communication today is often aligned with another professional area with “information” as a modifier: architecture. Information
Information 149
architecture names both a set of professional practices as well as an academic
area of study with conferences and research journals and a professional identity
with a well-defined career pathway. Rather than replace technical communication, information architecture, or IA, can be considered a complementary path
to practicing technical communication skills and applying technical communication knowledge. In this pairing, information does not just exist a priori, nor
do technical communicators or information architects wait for others to create
it. Rather, information is seen as a potentiality to be maximized, realized, and
capitalized.
Today, nearly everything we do—down to the most minute, involuntary gestures, such as eye-blinks or heartbeats—has the potential to become information
stored in a system, fed to an algorithm, aggregated, analyzed, and visualized for
our own or somebody else’s use (Hart-Davidson & Grabill, 2012). That end-toend conceptualization of an information lifecycle describes the scope of activity
implied in the pairing of information and architecture. Technical communicators
might realistically play a role in all of the phases where data becomes information
and information becomes knowledge.
References
Collins, G. P. (2002). Claude E. Shannon: Founder of information theory. Scientific
American, 14. https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/claude-e-shannon-founder/.
Gonzales, L. (2018). Sites of translation: What multilinguals can teach us about digital
writing and rhetoric. University of Michigan Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv65sx95
Hart, H., & Conklin, J. (2006). Toward a meaningful model of technical
communication. Technical Communication, 53(4), 395-415.
Hart-Davidson, W. (2001). On writing, technical communication, and information
technology: The core competencies of technical communication. Technical
Communication, 48(2), 145-155.
Hart-Davidson, W., & Grabill, J. (2012). The value of computing, ambient
data, ubiquitous connectivity for changing the work of communication
designers. Communication Design Quarterly Review, 1(1), 16-22. https://doi.
org/10.1145/2448917.2448921
Johnson-Eilola, J. (1996). Relocating the value of work: Technical communication in
a post-industrial age. Technical Communication Quarterly, 5(3), 245-270. https://doi.
org/10.1207/s15427625tcq0503_1
Miller, C. R. (1979). A humanistic rationale for technical writing. College English, 40(6),
610-617. https://doi.org/10.2307/375964
Schriver, K. A. (1996). Dynamics in document design: Creating text for readers. John Wiley
& Sons, Inc.
Shannon, C. (1948, July and October). A mathematical theory of communication. Bell
System Technical Journal, 27, 379-423, 623-656. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-7305.1948.
tb01338.x
Shannon, C. E., & Weaver, W. (1949). The mathematical theory of communication.
University of Illinois Press.
150 Hart-Davidson
Slack, J. D., Miller, D. J., & Doak, J. (1993). The technical communicator as author:
Meaning, power, authority. Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 7(1), 1236. https://doi.org/10.1177/1050651993007001002
Society for Technical Communication. (n.d.). Mission and Vision. https://www.stc.org/
about-stc/mission-a-vision/
Williams, M. F., & Pimentel, O. (2012). Introduction: Race, ethnicity, and technical
communication. Journal of Business & Technical Communication 26(3), 271–276. https://
doi.org/10.1177/1050651912439535
17. International/Intercultural
Communication
Huiling Ding
North Carolina State University
Technical and professional communication (TPC) is produced in all languages
and by people of all cultures, and TPC discourses are constantly moving across
borders and between cultures. Thus, it is essential for all technical communicators
to understand international and intercultural communication.
The term international communication was criticized for its nation-centric
and Anglo-centric assumptions and its use of individual countries as the unit of
analysis in studying global communication. Many factors have introduced both
changes in and challenges to international communication, including but not
limited to globalization, global trade, global cinema, global media, the rise of social media and the networked society, international education, transnational travel, contact zones, hybrid cultures, and the tendency to use the deficit model when
examining communication and rhetorical practices in non-Western cultures
(Castells, 1996; Mao, 2003; Singh & Doherty, 2004). To provide new nuanced
analysis of communication across cultures, the term intercultural communication
has become widely accepted today.
Early studies borrowed extensively from cultural heuristics and cultural dimension theories from intercultural communication and employed individual
nation states as the unit of analysis (Marcus, 2005; Spyridakis & Fukuoka, 2002).
Increasing attention has been shifting from sole dependence on, and oftentimes
over-simplistic application of, cultural heuristics for individual nation states,
which Ulrich Beck (2003) called ‘‘methodological nationalism,” to alternative
and non-nation-centric ways to conceive and analyze cultures at different levels
(Ding, 2013; Hunsinger, 2006; Scott, 2006; Starke-Meyerring, 2005; Starke-Meyerring & Wilson, 2008; Sun, 2006, 2012; Thatcher, 2010).
The Oxford English Dictionary defines the term intercultural as “taking place
between cultures, or derived from different cultures,” with the prefix inter- meaning “between” and cultural meaning “of or relating to culture” (Oxford University
Press, n.d.). Back in 1871, British anthropologist Sir Edward Burnett Tylor defined culture as a “complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals,
law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member
of society” (p.1). For Clifford Geertz (1973), culture is “a historically transmitted
pattern of meaning embodied in symbols” (p. 89). Geert Hofstede (1991) defined culture as “the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the
members of one group or category of people from others” (p. 5). Fred Dervin
(2011) distinguished between ‘‘liquid’’ and ‘‘solid’’ interculturality by defining solid
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.17
151
152 Ding
interculturality as believing in ‘‘resolutely distinct human essences,’’ which is featured by uncritical and systematic use of ‘‘the primordial and basic concept of
culture” (pp. 38-39). Liquid interculturality, in contrast, emphasizes the ‘‘inter’’ as
in interaction and interconnectedness rather than the ‘‘cultural’’.
Exploring ‘‘the cultural dimensions of globalization,’’ Arjun Appadurai (1996)
criticized the noun form of culture, which sees culture as a substance and uses nation states as the unit of analysis. He advocated shifting to the adjectival form of
the word: cultural, which explores ‘‘the conscious mobilization of [situated] cultural differences in the service of a larger national or transnational politics’’ (p. 13).
Klaus B. Jensen (2011) defines three types of communication, namely, the embodied face-to-face communication, the technically reproduced mass communication, and networked communication enabled by digital technologies. Originating
from intergroup communication, intercultural communication theories initially
focused on embodied face-to-face communication before expanding their reach
to networked communication (Chen, 2017). Four factors led to the development of
the so-called global village and increasing intercultural communication: improvements in transportation technology and communication technologies, the economic
globalization, and accelerated immigration (Samovar & Porter, 1997). Working together, these developments made possible technology-mediated intercultural communication, which increasingly takes place virtually among individuals.
To examine cultural variability in communication, different theories have
been proposed to perform analysis at the societal level and at the individual
level. Edward T. Hall (1976) proposed low-high context communication theory
to examine direct and indirect communication practices. Hofstede (1980, 1991,
2001) identified six dimensions of cultural variability: individualism-collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, power distance, masculinity-femininity, long-term vs.
short-term orientation, and indulgence vs. restraint. William B. Gudykunst and
his co-authors (2005) categorized intercultural communication theories into five
themes: effective outcome, accommodation and adaptation, identity negotiation,
communication network, and acculturation and adjustment.
Various approaches have been taken to examine intercultural communication
practices. Judith Martin and Thomas Nakayama (1997) identified three approaches
to studying intercultural communication, namely, social science, interpretive, and
critical approaches. The social science approach employs methods such as survey
and observation to identify cultural variables and to describe and predict behavior. The interpretive approach, used mostly in sociolinguistics and anthropology,
employs participant observation, field study, and ethnography to examine communication in different cultural contexts. The critical approach, in contrast, focuses
on “macrocontext,” namely, political and social structures, historical contexts, and
power relations, in conducting textual analysis of cultural products (Martin & Nakayama, 1997, p. 35). Similarly, Gudykunst et al. (2005) emphasized the need for
“indigenous theories developed by scholars outside the United States” and the inclusion of power in intercultural communication theories (p. 26).
International/Intercultural Communication 153
Compared with the over-two-decade development of intercultural communication, the field of intercultural professional/technical communication began
to develop only fairly recently because of the quick integration of the global
economy and the globalization of the workplace. Many existing publications on
intercultural technical communication still rely on intercultural communication
theories such as cultural variables and face concepts in their analyses and focus on
either interpersonal or organization communication processes (Constantinides et
al., 2001; Gould, 2005; Marcus, 2005). This over-reliance on intercultural communication theories is particularly strong in pedagogical discussion of intercultural
technical communication.
Early publications about pedagogical approaches took the information acquisition approach and emphasized the heuristic view of culture that sees culture as
nation-centric traits (Andrews, 1996; Beamer, 1992; Chapel, 1997; DeVoss et al.,
2002; Miles, 1997; Thrush, 1993; Tippens, 1993). In their analysis of professional
and technical communication textbooks, both Libby Miles (1997) and Dànielle
DeVoss et al. (2002) highlighted the limited, oversimplified, and problematic treatment of intercultural communication as problems to be overcome and
the reliance on linear transmission models to teach such competencies. Another
dominant theme in pedagogical experiments focuses on strategies to sensitize
students to cultural differences. For instance, Emily Thrush (1993) calls for the
teaching of cultural differences in communication strategies and an awareness of
how such differences impact communication practices. Dora Tippens (1993) examines the problems of ethnocentrism, language barriers, and cultural differences
in teaching intercultural communication and recommends strategies to modify
existing assignments with intercultural elements. Han Yu (2011) explored the use
of genre-based instruction to cultivate intercultural awareness and sensitivity in
engineering students. To prepare students for intercultural technical communication tasks, Deborah Andrews (1996) suggested the integration of components
such as contrastive rhetoric, translation, internationalization, and localization,
which attracted increasing scholarly attention with the rapid development of
transnational corporations and multinational teams since the 1990s.
Globalization, localization, and translation are three important areas of focus
for technical communication (Agboka, 2013; Aykin, 2005; Ding & Li, 2018; Gnecchi et al., 2011; Gonzales & Turner, 2017; Han et al., 2016; Maylath, 1997; Spyridakis et al., 1997; Yunker, 2003 ). Highlighting the complex and contested nature
of the concept, Jan Scholte (2000) defined globalization as “a transformation of
social geography marked by the growth of supraterritorial spaces” which “unfolded with unprecedented speeds and to unprecedented extents since the 1960s”
(p. 8). Emphasizing the need to go beyond connections between nation-states,
Doreen Starke-Meyerring (2005) defined globalization as “the increasing interdependence and integration of social, cultural, political, and economic processes across local, national, regional, and global levels” (p. 470). To help technical
communication students develop global literacies, she called for the need to pay
154 Ding
attention to digital networks, pluralized identities and blurred boundaries, interactions between diverse local and global discourses, and ideological contestation
surrounding globalization.
Closely connected with the practice of intercultural technical communication,
localization is defined as “the process of modifying products or services to accommodate differences in distinct markets” (Aykin, 2005, p. 5). Nuray Aykin’s (2005)
edited collection contains studies dealing with strategies for and issues of localization of various products such as documents, graphics, websites, and user interfaces
(Aykin & Milewski, 2005; Horton, 2005; Marcus, 2005; Mayhew & Bias, 2005).
Regarding graphics, Charles Kostelnick (1995) distinguished the global perspective
from the culture-focused perspective. While the former tries to “invent an objective, universal language and to define such language through perceptual principles
and empirical research,” the latter asks designers to develop sensitivity to cultural
contexts and beliefs to meet the needs of specific rhetorical situations (p. 184). In his
popular book of localization for the software industry, Bert Esselink (2000) covered
the issues of software engineering, software quality assurance, document translation, graphics localization, project evaluations, and project management. Aykin
(2005) and Esselink (2000) focused on business needs in localization and examined
how producers in source cultures can use localization to better serve the needs of
consumers in target cultures. For them, producers or service providers initiate and
take charge of the localization processes, and markets in the target cultures receive
and consume localized products. Starting in the early 1990s, scholars also worked
with local scholars and programs to build localized courses and programs in Chinese universities (Barnum et al., 2001; Ding, 2019; Rainey et al., 2008).
In terms of translation, numerous scholars argue for the need to incorporate
translation, including technical translation, into the technical communication
curriculum (Ding & Li, 2018; Maylath,1997; Weiss, 1995). Timothy Weiss (1997),
for instance, defined the role of professional communicators as that of “a translator who interprets contexts and formulates/reformulates communications” (p.
325). Brue Maylath and Emily Thrush (2000) identified several useful components related to translation, including cultural awareness, language awareness,
and awareness of translation procedures. Multiple efforts have been made to give
technical communication students opportunities to work with translation and
localization students from European countries and to collaborate virtually with
students from other cultures through bottom-up networked learning opportunities (Maylath, 1997; Starke-Meyerring & Wilson, 2008).
Beyond the three areas of globalization, localization, and translation, some efforts have been made to develop culturally appropriate empirical research methodologies in the study of intercultural technical communication. Barry Thatcher (2000) examined possible ways to balance differences with commonalities in
designing more valid and ethical cross-cultural comparative studies. Advocating
a methodology “situated within local cultures,” Beth Kolko and Carolyn Wei
(2003) explored possible ways to “incorporate an understanding of how culture,
International/Intercultural Communication 155
policy, and infrastructure affect patterns of Internet development” in the development of survey and interview tools in their study of information technology
use patterns in technologically underdeveloped regions such as Uzbekistan (pp.
1-3). Huatong Sun (2012) proposed a sociocultural methodological framework
of cultural usability to compare local uses of mobile messaging in the US and in
China through questionnaire surveys, diary studies, qualitative interviews, and
observations. Godwin Agboka (2013) explored the incorporation of social justice
consideration and decolonial methodologies in studying cultural localization in
disenfranchised cultural sites and discussed possible approaches in encouraging
participatory localization. All these researchers stress the need to consider local
cultural, political, and material contexts when designing empirical studies.
Scholars coming from non-western cultures have been examining intercultural technical communication practices from non-US-centric perspectives while
introducing new insights about different source cultures (Fukuoka et al., 1998;
Fukuoka & Spyridakis, 2000). Offering the Global South perspective, Sun (2012,
2020) explored the issues of culturally sensitive design of technologies and social media use across cultures, moving from designing usable and meaningful
technology to designing usable, meaningful, and empowering social media technology. Huiling Ding (2013, 2014, 2020) investigated the transcultural risk communication about SARS and Zika by tracing both virtual and extra-institutional
communication efforts made by experts, affected communities, and concerned
citizens. The inclusion of intercultural studies focusing on cultures other than
the US has added new perspectives and approaches to the field of intercultural
technical communication.
While much progress has been made in the research on intercultural communication in the last few decades, we face new challenges today due to the rapid
new developments in various areas, including artificial intelligence, data analytics, Industry 4.0, borderless digital labor platforms such as Amazon Mechanical
Turk, increasing connectivity due to infrastructural improvement brought by 5G
mobile technologies, the ongoing climate crisis, as well as the proliferation of
chatbots, fake news, and social media tools. In addition, the continuous improvements in machine translation technologies make it easier for individuals to access and understand information written in other languages and to communicate
with people speaking different languages.
Numerous contextual factors, including the ongoing pandemic of COVID-19,
complicate the overarching picture of intercultural communication. These factors include the changing global geopolitical and technological landscapes, the
shift from multilateralism and economic globalization to economic nationalism
and protectionism (Frieden, 2019), the widening health and wealth disparity, and
the ever-growing sociospatial inequities (Bhattacharya et al., 2017). How can
technical communication scholars engage with these new technologies, developments, and challenges to shed light on possible approaches and strategies to
improve intercultural communication efforts and to build new theories to guide
156 Ding
such practices? What methodological and theoretical challenges will technical
communication scholars encounter when engaging with these new practices?
How can we revise and update our curriculum and pedagogical practices to help
prepare students to become more effective intercultural communicators? As we
move into a post-COVID world with accelerating automation and protectionism, technical communication scholars are in a unique position to engage with
these new challenges and to explore possible entry points to help shape important conversations that will determine how the intercultural communities interact
with one another in a world facing challenges on all fronts.
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18. Knowledge
Jason Swarts
North Carolina State University
As a concept, knowledge is central to technical communication. Technical communicators deliver knowledge (as in scientific and technical) in a form that readers can use. Technical communicators also produce knowledge, as insights about
data, work processes, and user experiences. This characterization of knowledge, as
a thing that exists in the world, revealed through language, and as a thing created
through the interaction of language with the world is central to understanding
developments in the field of technical communication. The Oxford English Dictionary offers an accessible starting point. Two of its definitions for knowledge
focus on how knowledge connects with technical communication.
First is knowledge of, or the act of knowing: “The apprehension of fact or truth
with the mind; clear and certain perception of fact or truth; the state or condition
of truth” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). Under this definition, knowledge is an
act of ascertaining truth about the world with certainty and clarity. Technical
communication has been portrayed as a way to do exactly this: reveal truth by
allowing access to the world and what is truly there. The technical communicator
does not get in the way of this transmission. This use of knowledge is positivistic
in that it references a correct/formal process by which one acquires knowledge
of the world. When used properly, language reveals the world without distortion.
A second definition of knowledge is more constructivist: “The fact or condition of having acquired a practical understanding or command of, or competence
or skill in, a particular subject, language, etc., esp. through instruction, study, or
practice” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). Here, knowledge is seen as something
one acquires by engaging in actions that produce knowledge. Knowing involves
intentionality, engagement, and situatedness. Language is the medium through
which we express intentions and make sense of our engagements, making language essential to the creation of knowledge.
Technical communication has long grappled with these approaches to knowledge, as practitioners have sought to articulate their role in the process of knowledge creation. Some of the earliest forms of technical writing, technical descriptions from the late 15th century, on medicine and navigation, came about as ways
to preserve knowledge that was experiential and detailed, knowledge that was
difficult to transmit orally with any degree of comprehensiveness or reliability
(Tebeaux, 1991, p. 61).
The need for transmittable knowledge grew alongside publication technologies that circulated content widely and helped professions enrich their knowledge base. These professionals required technical writing to capture developments
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162 Swarts
using specialized technical terms (Tebeaux, 1991, p. 106). The need served by
technical writing in these contexts held constant throughout the development of
technical writing as an area of instruction in the 19th century, where its purpose
was to ensure clear transmission of specialized information among engineers
(Connors, 1982). In these contexts, technical writing was “the skill of subduing
language so that it most accurately and directly transmits reality” (Miller, 1979, p.
610), a relationship between technical writing and reality that Carolyn R. Miller
(1979) called the “windowpane theory of language” (p. 611).
If technical writing is to be a windowpane on the world, then the writing
itself must be highly formalized and words must be chosen carefully to be direct,
to the point, and to mean one and only one thing (Britton, 1965, p. 114). This view
on knowledge is prevalent today among practicing technical communicators who
describe their work as “that of transferring information from those who have it
(subject matter experts or SMEs) to those who need it . . . packaging that information to be more accessible and more readily understood by the user” (Hughes,
2002, p. 275). This position “implies that the source information ‘exists’ and someone ‘has’ that information” (Hughes, 2002, p. 275).
The function of technical communication to create knowledge by revealing
truth is also captured in Jennifer Daryl Slack, David James Miller, and Jeffrey
Doak’s (1993) typology of technical communicator roles. Among the three roles,
“transmitter” stands out as being linked most closely to a positivistic outlook on
knowledge. A transmitter is one whose words frame knowledge in the world,
reveal it, and move it from one place to another with little or no signal loss. In the
second role, “translator,” the technical communicator still encodes knowledge in
a format that reflects the source, but they must now interact with receivers who
actively decode that content. Meaning is negotiated (Slack et al., 1993, p. 20). The
third role, “articulator,” moves us closer to a constructivist concept of knowledge
in technical communication, where more power is invested in the technical communicator and knowledge is recognized as something that is created through
language and situated within a location and nexus of identities and positionalities. The articulator role becomes possible if we take the knowledge that technical
communicators deal with to be socially constructed, rather than strictly revealed
through objective and formal means.
This social, constructed view of knowledge parallels thinking in science and
technology studies, such as David Bloor’s (1976) work on the Strong Programme,
which views social influence on scientific knowledge not just as the source of
error but the source of success as well. Social conditions must inhere for any kind
of knowledge to develop. A similar perspective is echoed in Ludwig Fleck’s (1981)
social explanations of scientific facts as well as, famously, Thomas Kuhn’s (1996)
discussions of “paradigms.”
Knowledge construction is particularly evident where interpretations of the
world intersect and disrupt what Richard Rorty (1979) describes as “normal discourse,” or that use of language “which is conducted within an agreed-upon set
Knowledge 163
of conventions about what counts as a relevant contribution” (p. 320). Normal
discourse is kept in tension by the work of edification, the “project of finding
new, better, more interesting, more fruitful ways of speaking” (Rorty, 1979, p. 360).
Across these views of knowledge, language is understood to be constitutive of
reality (Berger & Luckmann, 1967), of what we know and care to remember
(Havelock, 1988). Technical writing in particular “becomes, rather than the revelation of absolute reality, a persuasive version of experience” (Miller, 1979, p. 616).
The swing toward constructivist notions of knowledge characterizes much of
technical communication scholarship throughout the late 20th century. Marilyn
Samuels (1985) describes this turn as one that characterizes technical communication as a creative enterprise, crafting “reality for special purposes” (p.11). The
language of science is just an example. Other contexts, like the technological and
political, can also reflect in technical communicators’ choices of language. Those
contexts and the languages associated with them reflect discursive norms within
different domains of practice while also reinforcing norms of knowing and acting
entailed by those discourses (Thralls & Blyler, 1993, pp. 254, 259). An example
might be procedure writing, from a technological context, that positions users as
those who must bend their expectations to fit a technology’s design constraints
(Norman, 2002).
Within this space opened up by a constructivist approach to technical communication, scholars saw ways to raise the profile of situated knowledges that
accompanied ways of being in the world (e.g., Durack, 1997). Paul Dombrowski
(1995) saw the move as a way of focusing on knowledge creation, especially forms
of knowledge that have been “excluded, suppressed, and marginalized” (p. 265)
as well as knowledge that has been misconstrued, ignored, or otherwise silenced
( Jones, 2016). When knowledge is understood to be socially constructed, writers
must give attention to forces of “knowledge legitimation (i.e., whose knowledge
do we value, whose knowledge do we seek and solicit, and whose opinions do we
include)” ( Jones, 2016, p. 479). Mary Lay (1991) also saw value in resisting positivistic notions of knowledge to create room for feminist approaches that valued
situated experience and collaborative, community-based ways of knowing, where
knowledge is negotiated (p.356, 365), socially achieved (Winsor, 1990, p. 12), and
strongly informed by lived experience ( Jones, 2020).
A constructivist outlook on communication foregrounds the role of the receiver and acknowledges that knowledge is not passive (Winsor, 1990, p. 13). Instead,
receivers actively interpret and create knowledge as they read (Redish, 1993). As
a result, technical communicators increasingly think of themselves less exclusively as generators of knowledge and sometimes also as “information managers,”
who help bridge different “content spaces” (Regli, 1999, p. 32; see also Wilson &
Herndl, 2007). A focus on the social as a source of knowledge production is also
evident in the field’s turn toward user involvement, as clients are deliberately integrated into the knowledge-creation process, whether through interviews, focus
groups, usability testing, or other means ( Johnson, 1997).
164 Swarts
A constructivist approach to knowledge production is also foundational to
technical communicators who position themselves as “knowledge workers,” trading in the creation and circulation of knowledge within particular communities
( Johnson-Eilola, 1996). More recently, scholars have looked at this knowledge
work as supportive of users but also as supportive of knowledge communities
within organizations (Hart-Davidson, 2013; see also Smart, 1999). Knowledge is
what technical communicators facilitate, and they do so through their contact
with different social actors that they help put into conversation (Read & Swarts,
2015). Knowledge is literally in and between the minds of the actors that we
engage with in social settings and connect through language and text (Winsor,
2001).
This constructivist outlook on knowledge creation positions technical communicators as social agents of knowledge creation. Over time, the field has developed techniques and heuristics for generating this kind of social knowledge.
Technical communication sees itself as a “problem-solving activity” ( Johnson-Eilola & Selber, 2013, p. 3), and its practitioners solve problems by learning through
the use of heuristics, which are “rough frameworks for approaching specific types
of situations” ( Johnson-Eilola & Selber, 2013, p. 4). There are heuristics for understanding audiences and users (Redish, 1993), usability (Mirel, 1998), project management (Dicks, 2003), content strategy (Halvorson & Rach, 2012), and information architecture (Rosenfeld & Morville, 2002), to name a few. But as Johndan
Johnson-Eilola and Stuart A. Selber note, these heuristics must account for differences in the cultural, economic, and political contexts where they are applied.
Heuristics like audience and task analysis, user profiles, scenarios, content
maps, and content plans are used to create knowledge, but in doing so, one must
be aware of how those heuristics engage in a process of creating and recreating
normal discourse that belongs to particular regimes of power (Thralls & Blyler,
1993, p. 254). Knowledge making through communication helps create a reality
for those who use it—it is an ethical activity (Cooper, 2005, p. 37). The problem,
as scholars in technical communication are coming to realize, is that while we
respect the instrumental value and utility of standardized approaches to language
use (see Moore, 1996), if we are not critical of our heuristics, they can overemphasize an ethos of efficiency and effectiveness, which flattens and simplifies readers and contexts of communication, at the expense of building local, situational
knowledge that will be more complex and diverse than heuristics aimed at efficient data collection and processing will allow. The danger in the zealous pursuit
of efficiency is precisely presented in Steven Katz’s (1992) work on technical communication in Nazi Germany. And Natasha Jones and colleagues (2016) broadly
characterize the issue this way:
The official narrative of our field indicates that TPC is about practical problem solving: a pragmatic identity that values effectiveness.
But this is not the whole story. The narrative should be reframed to
Knowledge 165
make visible competing (i.e., a collection of nondominant) narratives about the work our field can and should do. (p. 212)
The values associated with effectiveness and efficiency are central to our pragmatic, disciplinary identity and are characteristically present in the heuristics
that we use to create knowledge. Procedurally, we rely on our heuristics to create
methodological distance from which we pretend to get a true view of the readers
and contexts we are trying to reach. All the while, we may not realize how the
heuristics are themselves constructions that reinforce ways of knowing and seeing from a particular vantage point. The danger is that if we do not acknowledge
the partiality and positionalities from which we generate knowledge, we run a
risk of essentialism by overlooking ways that culture is socially constructed and
local (Agboka, 2012, p. 174). Heuristics and other tools, especially when deployed
to understand other cultures, tend to treat culture as “a set of habits and traits that
one can learn and regurgitate” (Agboka, 2012, p. 169). A better approach to knowledge creation is local and participatory (Agboka, 2013, p. 42; Longo, 2014, p. 24).
The meaning and pursuit of knowledge in technical communication continues to be a matter of importance for how we see ourselves and our work. New
information and communication technologies, as well as new information environments, require technical communicators to face new demands for creating
and sharing knowledge. Ongoing discussions about knowledge and knowledge
creation will also help us become better at articulating our relationships to other
fields and industries.
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19. Literacy
Kelli Cargile Cook
Texas Tech University
The term literacy is so commonplace that few sources bother to define it. Literacy,
in lay terms, means “the ability to read and write.” The term literacy, according to
David Barton (2007), did not appear in dictionaries until 1924; when it did, it was
simply defined as “educated.” Over time, the definition of literacy has evolved.
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO; 2005), an agency that has offered international literacy support for decades,
offers this more complex definition:
Literacy is the ability to identify, understand, interpret, create,
communicate and compute, using printed and written materials
associated with varying contexts. Literacy involves a continuum
of learning in enabling individuals to achieve their goals, to develop their knowledge and potential, and to participate fully in their
community and wider society. (p. 40)
For technical and professional communication—a discipline dedicated to
goal-oriented, contextually relevant communication—literacy can serve as a
powerful framework for understanding the practices of both technical communicators and their audiences.
Literacy practices are embedded in social situations: “the meaning of literacy
depends on the social institutions in which it is embedded . . . [and] . . . the particular practices of reading and writing that are taught in any context depend upon
such aspects of social structure as stratification . . . and the role of educational institutions” (Street, 1984, p. 8). Similarly, Gerald J. Savage (2003) writes that “no set
of institutional or social arrangements, no body of knowledge, values, or beliefs
is an essence. All have histories and arise from historical exigencies” (p. 3). These
statements are particularly true when discussing literacy as a keyword in technical
and professional communication. This literacy story begins in a social setting:
English departments, embedded in higher education, organizations themselves
fraught with systemic imbalances.
Historical scholars suggest the origins of technical and professional communication pedagogy arose from engineering and agricultural students’ need for better workplace writing and speaking skills (Connors, 2004; Kynell, 2000; Longo,
2000). Instruction was frequently outsourced to departments of English, where
these students read and critiqued literature. This outsourcing came with its own
problems. On the surface, these courses were designed to improve students’ functional literacy—their abilities to read and write—but on English teachers’ terms:
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170 Cargile Cook
“If engineers wanted English instruction, they would have to accept literature along
with writing, because the English graduate schools of the time were not producing
anything but literary scholars—who wanted work” (Connors, 2004, p. 7). Robert J.
Connors (2004) documents several problems that ultimately led to failure in these
early 20th-century classrooms: English faculty tended to focus on composition and
critique of literature as a means of improving students’ functional literacy; inexperienced, junior faculty were most assigned to teach these courses; and cooperation
between English and engineering faculty was minimal, at best (pp. 7-8). Complicating problems, “academic literary professionals felt alienated from ‘real world’
matters, and indeed cultivated that alienation as a virtue, setting themselves apart
from business and industrial concerns and upholding values they took to be higher
than those of what they viewed as philistine commercial interests” (Russell, 1993,
p. 86). Describing technical writing instruction occurring at the end of the 20th
century, Mary Sue Garay (1998) depicts this attitude among English faculty as the
“filthy lucre bias” against physical labor and applied workplaces (p. 4).
The “filthy lucre bias” not only impacted how technical and professional communication programs evolved in English departments over time, but it also affected how scholars in the field approached pedagogy. To an English department
audience unconvinced of the value of the technical writing course, “the common
opinion [is] that the undergraduate technical writing course is a ‘skills’ course
with little or no humanistic value” (Miller, 1979, p. 610). Carolyn Miller (1979)
counters this opinion and argues for technical writing as an acceptable humanities offering. Her argument concludes with this recommendation for technical
writing pedagogy: Rather than focusing on writing skill sets, it should focus on
contextualizing skills within social settings and considering the ethical implications of technical writers within those settings (p. 617).
Miller’s rhetoric shifted the focus away from workplace skills to a more palatable English department goal: a literate study grounded in humanism. Her turn
from “skills” to “literacy” provided a more solid foundation on which to build and
assess programs in technical, scientific, and professional communication in the
late 1980s and 1990s (p. 617). It was in these programs that scholars in the late
20th century and early 21st century began to explore and open the boundaries
of literacy in technical and professional communication pedagogy. Among the
scholars who pushed these boundaries was Billie Wahlstrom (1997), whose essay
revisits traditional definitions of literacy and explores how those definitions must
be expanded to include new configurations of community and the agency students possess within those communities:
Too often . . . technical communication educators have abdicated
the larger obligation to help students become responsible citizens
and ethical workers in favor of focusing on smaller topics such as
teaching the skill sets our graduates need to get successful jobs.
We have opted for functional literacy instead of designing true
Literacy 171
teaching and learning environments that enable students to build
layered literacies. Functional literacy may help our students to get
jobs, but in this era only a broader set of literacies will enable students to develop fully as competent communicators, ethical agents
of change, and engaged citizens. (p. 130)
Wahlstrom’s (1997) concept of layered literacies inspired me to consider how
best to articulate the layered literacies technical and professional communication
students needed (Cargile Cook, 2002). Reflecting on Wahlstrom’s (1997) call for
“literacies [that] are not isolated but integrated and situated through a complex
of classroom goals and activities” (Cargile Cook, 2002, p. 6), I wrote,
Two problems face technical communication instructors as they
construct learning communities with integrated, situated, and
multiple literacy-learning opportunities. The first is the lack of a
concise identification of literacies that technical communicators
should possess. This problem does not result from lack of literature on the literacies that technical communicators should acquire;
rather it results from the breadth of that literature. The second
problem is the lack of understanding about how these multiple
literacies can be integrated, situated, or, as Wahlstrom advocates,
layered into programs, courses, and specific course activities. (Cargile Cook, 2002, p. 6).
My response to these problems is to synthesize the breadth of the existing
literature into six “literacies” that could be “layered” into multiple configurations
within varied lessons, units, and courses in professional communication. I identify the following literacies: basic, rhetorical, social, technological, ethical, and
critical. These literacies, I argue, are important because they provide students with
more than functional literacy: “By focusing on these literacies rather than on
specific workplace skills, technical communication instructors may better prepare
students for many workplaces and prepare them for lifelong learning, not learning for a specific vocation” (Cargile Cook, 2002, p. 24).
As opposed to this broad approach to literacies, Stuart Selber (2004) delves
more deeply into computer literacy, calling for students to gain the “multiliteracies,”
which he places in three categories: “functional, critical, and rhetorical” (p. 24):
The functional layer implies access to—and control over—technologies that can support the educational goals of students, help
them manage their computer-based activities, and help them resolve their technological impasses. The critical layer implies access
to computer technologies for the purposes of critique, and not just
one platform. . . . And the rhetorical layer implies access to robust computer environments that can support the technical side
172 Cargile Cook
of interface design, which includes the collaborative production of
rapid prototypes and visual images, not to mention actual interfaces that function. (Selber, 2004, p. 192)
Although he focuses primarily on computer literacies, Selber (2004) proposes
an extensive framework for literacy programs, beginning with students’ introduction to the functional uses of computer hardware and software and extending to
broader systemic change within institutional settings. Whether literacy instruction is combined into a single course or divided within a curricular series, Selber
(2004) argues that his framework provides “direction and structure for teachers of
writing and communication who work in departments of English” (p. 29).
However, literacies, even when defined as “layered” or “multi-,” do not take into
account multiple, tacit knowledges that simply reading and writing cannot encompass, such as those gained through extended practice within specific cultural settings.
As examples of these practices, consider the challenges of learning to play a musical
instrument, to lay bricks, fold a parachute, or weave a cloth with only the guidance of
the printed word. Shirley Brice Heath (1980) notes that even print media themselves
have had a paradoxical effect on literacy: While it opened literate practices for many,
it “also made possible new kinds of control over the people” (Heath, 1980, p. 124).
Furthermore, scholars like Cynthia L. Selfe (1999) warned that “federally sponsored
literacy programs . . . can actually contribute to the ongoing problems of racism,
sexism, poverty, and illiteracy in the United States” (p. 12). In UNESCO’s Expert
Meeting on Literacy (2005), this problem was further elaborated:
Literacy may be a means of domination, for example when it is
taught to promote particular ideologies or where new readers are
served a diet of propaganda. More subtly, literacy promotion often serves to socialise learners into the dominant social discourse,
rather than opening up new opportunities of expression and creative diversity. (p. 15)
Concerns about the use of “literacy” standards and measures to create and
maintain institutionalized biases appear in other disciplines too. Literacy historians, such as Carl F. Kaestle (1985), have examined how historical assumptions
about literacy have resulted in cultural biases used to disempower marginalized
groups. Such beliefs include assumptions that upper classes are more literate than
lower, that white people are more literate than people of color, that Protestants
are more literate than Catholics, and that Northerners are more literate than
Southerners (Kaestle, 1985, p. 22). These cultural stereotypes, frequently unquestioned and unrecognized by those in power, have had devastating consequences
when they are enacted in educational and legal decisions (see Cook-Gumperz’s
[2006] discussion of the “ideology of literacy” in education, Prendergast’s [2002]
analysis of the “economy of literacy” in Supreme Court rulings, and Jones & Williams’ [2018] analysis of literacy tests as “technologies of disenfranchisement”).
Literacy 173
Such critiques of literacy and literacy standards are especially poignant since
2020. In the throes of a global pandemic, protesters lined American streets
decrying invidious discrimination and police brutality. Black, indigenous, and
other people of color have asked the privileged among us to witness, to listen,
to read, and to take note of their lives. Is it not time, then, to question our use
of certain keywords like literacy? Is it time to retire this term, adopted originally
in our field to appease literature faculty but used systematically in many disciplines to establish and maintain cultural superiority? Are we ready, as a field,
to reassess our pedagogies and our programs in this light? And, if so, what is
the new keyword that should take its place? The answer is as complex as the
questions. Terms like “skills,” “competencies,” and “standards” have been used
as frequently as “literacies” in technical and professional scholarship (Carliner,
2001; Gillis, 2006; Hart-Davidson, 2001; Pringle & Williams, 2005; Rainey et
al., 2005; Whiteside, 2003). These terms, more situated in practical workplaces,
do not carry the negative cultural and historical connotations of “literacy,” nor,
unfortunately, do they carry the positive connotations of an engaged citizen
advocating change. Perhaps, a better term for the pedagogical aims is simply
“knowledges,” a word that connotes all the capabilities we desire for our students: the know-hows, know-whens, and know-whys of technical and professional communication as well as the know-whats it takes to be an engaged
citizen and good human in the world.
References
Barton, D. (2007). Literacy: An introduction to the ecology of written language. Blackwell
Publishing. https://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/id/eprint/68942
Cargile Cook, K. (2002). Layered literacies: A theoretical frame for technical
communication pedagogy. Technical Communication Quarterly, 11(1), 5-29. https://doi.
org/10.1207/s15427625tcq1101_1
Carliner, S. (2001). Emerging skills in technical communication: The information
designer’s place in a new career path for technical communicators. Technical
Communication, 48(2), 156-175.
Cook-Gumperz, J. (2006). The social construction of literacy (Vol. 25). Cambridge
University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511617454
Connors, R. J. (2004). The rise of technical writing instruction in America. In J.
Johnson-Eilola & S. A. Selber (Eds), Central works in technical communication (pp.
3-19). Oxford University Press. (Original work published 1982)
Garay, M. S. (1998). Of work and English. In M.S. Garay & S. A. Bernhardt (Eds.),
Expanding literacies: English teaching and the new workplace. (pp. 3-20). SUNY Press.
Gillis, T. (Ed.). (2006). The IABC handbook of organizational communication: A guide to internal
communication, public relations, marketing and leadership (Vol. 2). John Wiley & Sons.
Hart-Davidson, W. (2001). On writing, technical communication, and information
technology: The core competencies of technical communication. Technical
Communication, 48(2), 145-155.
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Heath, S. B. (1980). The functions and uses of literacy. Journal of Communication, 30(1),
123-133. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1980.tb01778.x
Jones, N. N., & Williams, M. F. (2018). Technologies of disenfranchisement: Literacy
tests and Black voters in the US from 1890 to 1965. Technical Communication, 65(4),
371-386.
Kaestle, C. F. (1985). The history of literacy and the history of readers. In E. S. Edmund
(Ed.), Review of research in education (pp. 11-53). https://doi.org/10.2307/1167145
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SUNY Press.
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arrived as a profession? Technical Communication, 52(3), 361-370.
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20. Medical/Health Communication
Christa Teston
Ohio State University
As a practice, medical/health communication (M/HC) existed long before the
field of technical communication (TC). In fact, Barbara L. Harris (1991) identified Hippocrates’ “Corpus Hippocraticum,” a treatise that modeled how to describe patients’ case histories concisely and precisely, as one of “Western Civilization’s Earliest Technical Documents.” Since then, and especially in recent years,
M/HC has become a significant domain of TC, with information shared both
between medical professionals and between doctors and their patients in a host
of in-person, print, and digital genres. Yet classical sources can guide how today’s
TC scholars approach M/HC; for example, the following tenets inspired by Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics: (1) The art of medicine is a model for ethical communication, and (2) “Good health” was (for the Greeks) an indicator of a “good
life.” In other words, the corporeal conditions that mark someone as “healthy” (or
sick) were used to make judgments that tend to confer extra-corporeal advantage.
So long as “virtues of the body” are intimately tethered to “virtues of the soul”
( Jaeger, 1957, p. 57), M/HC will remain an ethical and political enterprise that has
enormous consequences for individuals and publics.
Contemporary M/HC reflects a cross-pollination of ideas between and
among scholars in such fields as social studies of science, science and technology
studies, behavioral science, history of medicine, medical humanities, communication studies, and TC itself (to name but a few). Intellectual overlap among rhetoric of science, medical rhetoric, and the emergence of TC as a discipline constitutes the bedrock of contemporary M/HC scholarship in TC. It’s important
to note that this scholarship is distinct from other approaches to medical and/or
health communication. The field of health communication, for example, is a rich,
stand-alone area of study (typically housed within communication departments)
that has its own, unique disciplinary ancestry (see Lynch & Zoller, 2015).
During the early 1990s, TC publications treated M/HC largely as textual
phenomena that, when analyzed critically, could shed light on cultural practices,
beliefs, and values (see Brasseur & Thompson, 1995; Connor, 1993; Harris, 1991).
At around that same time, TC scholars interrogated scientific communication,
which similarly involved analyses of textual artifacts, for what they might tell us
about specific disciplinary practices and the ethical-sociopolitical construction of
knowledge, more generally (Bazerman, 1988; Condit, 1990; Paradis, 2019; Zappen, 1991). Analyses of scientific texts from a TC perspective yielded new constructs for unpacking how medical texts—as both practical and professional documents—perform important rhetorical work. In fact, Jessica M. Eberhard (2012)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.20
175
176 Teston
has argued that TC’s “history of collaboration with the applied sciences” and its
“attention to workplace writing genres” resulted in the emergence of the rhetoric
of medicine (p. 1). The iterative emergence of the rhetoric of medicine and TC’s
interest in M/HC is further evidenced by Barbara Heifferon and Stuart Brown’s
(2000) special issue on medical rhetoric in Technical Communication Quarterly,
which was, according to Eberhard (2012) “the first ever collection of articles fathered [sic] under the name ‘medical rhetoric’” (p. 14). Other prominent special
issues include Ellen Barton’s (2005) special issue on the discourse of medicine in
Journal of Business and Technical Communication, Amy Koerber and Brian Still’s
(2008) special issue on online health communication in Technical Communication Quarterly, Christina Haas’ (2009) special issue on writing and medicine in
Written Communication, and Lisa Melonçon and Erin Frost’s (2015) special issue
on the rhetorics of health and medicine in Communication and Design Quarterly.
Today, disciplinary and analytic overlap between humanistic traditions that
tend toward critique (e.g., rhetorical criticism, critical disability studies, critical
race studies) and more socially scientific fields (e.g., sociology, anthropology, political science) continues. Beyond its inherent transdisciplinarity, determining the
scope of M/HC is further complicated by that pesky slash between “medical” and
“health.” Generally speaking, medical communication could be characterized as
communicative practices, processes, and products within the domain of medical
science, while health communication includes a more expansive material-discursive corpus that, in tandem with sociocultural contexts, indexes what it means to
be healthy (or not). But tensions between medicine and health have a long and
sordid history. That tension is all the more amplified when we inquire about M/
HC’s goals. Are M/HC communicators working toward cure? Or care? Is the
goal of M/HC to achieve some idealized standard of how the (not a) healthy
human body ought to look and act?
Adjacent fields of study such as disability studies have asked similar ends/
means questions that often result in critiques of M/HC for its unabashed pursuit
of cure (often at the expense of care), which, according to such critiques, advances
normative ideologies about human bodies. Building from such cure vs. care critiques, I’d argue that what animates the productive power of the slash between
medicine and health, at least as it concerns TC, is amplified attention to how
power operates—in all its (intersectional) forms.
Practicing medicine or performing health requires a constellation of suasive
evidences, many of which are textual inscriptions. Historiographic or archival
studies offer one means to uncover some of these evidences. For example, Carolyn Skinner (2012) studied “the incompatible rhetorical expectations for women
and for physicians” in the 19th century (p. 307), Lee E. Brasseur and Torri L.
Thompson (1995) critiqued the “gendered ideologies” in medical manuals used
during the Renaissance, and Carol Berkenkotter and Cristina Hanganu-Bresch
(2011) conducted archival research of admissions records for a 19th-century asylum. In addition, TC scholars have attempted to trace how power circulates by
Medical/Health Communication 177
investigating exigent M/HC documents within both forensic and deliberative
situations. These include Susan Popham’s (2014) examination of juvenile mental
health records, Mary Lay Schuster et al.’s (2013) analysis of court case documents
regarding end-of-life decisions, and Carolyn Schryer et al.’s (2012) discourse analysis of dignity interviews. TC researchers in M/HC have also examined medical
record-keeping (Popham & Graham, 2008; Scott, 2014; Varpio et al., 2007) and
whether said records accurately reflect concerns and contributions from patients
and their caretakers (Breuch et al., 2016). Other TC scholars have chosen to study
M/HC’s writing practices and processes (see Heifferon, 2005; Opel & Hart-Davidson, 2019; Willerton, 2008).
But it’s not always evident from textual products, practices, and processes how
economies, geographies, race, gender, sex, and politics (to name only a few) intersect and influence who or what counts as “healthy.” Intersectional power differentials are often legitimized, if not enabled, by medicalized institutions and technologies in less visible ways (Moore et al., 2018; Teston, 2016). Consider, for example,
the computational code that structures genetic tests’ results (Condit, 2018; Kirkscey,
2019; Sidler & Jones, 2008; Teston, 2018), or medical professionals’ implicit biases
(Hernández & Dean, 2020; Liz, 2020; Segal, 2005). These less visible sites of rhetorical power, while difficult to isolate and analyze from a purely textual vantage point,
have serious consequences on M/HC. One way TC researchers have sought to better understand how extra-textual medicalized “discourses and practices” (Lupton,
2002, p. 95) affect individuals is to wed patient-centered care with human-centered
design (Bellwoar, 2012; Gouge, 2017; Melonçon, 2017)—especially as it concerns
informed consent (Bivens, 2017; Kim et al., 2008).
Capturing how power circulates beyond the text has led TC scholars to consider a wider range of M/HC artifacts, perhaps best described as information
ecologies—e.g., oral, gestural, textual, visual, and/or statistical forms of communication, the boundaries of which often bleed into one another and therefore
require multiple methodological approaches. Many scholars in TC have sought
to unspool how power operates in M/HC’s information ecologies through sitebased research methods, as exemplified by Fountain’s (2014) rich analyses of the
anatomy laboratory, Debra Burleson’s (2014) interviews with hospitalists, S. Scott
Graham and Carl Herndl’s (2013) observational study of a pain management
team, Elizabeth L. Angeli’s (2015) robust in situ analyses of emergency medical
services professionals’ reliance on memory in their workplace writing, and Ellen
Barton and Susan Eggly’s (2009) observations of how physicians pitch to cancer
patients the opportunity to participate in a clinical trial.
Integral to each of these projects is the generalizable finding that medicalized
power matrices are often occluded by bureaucratic regimes that prevent individuals from accessing the means by which they might not just survive but thrive
(Barton et al., 2018; Lynch, 2009; Scott, 2002). That is, such M/HC projects uncover how the medical profession cultivates and maintains a sense of (hegemonic)
expertise through what Colleen Derkatch (2016) might call “boundary work” (see
178 Teston
also Stone, 1997). Medicine’s ethos is frequently “distributed and mediated” (Sánchez, 2020) via symbolic representations such as figures, graphs, medical images,
and other forms of visual evidence (Graham, 2009; Longo et al., 2007; Welhausen, 2015; Wise, 2018). But ethos is also negotiated, if not challenged, behind the
scenes, as evidenced by (anti)vaccination controversies (Campeau, 2019; Lawrence, 2020; Scott, 2016), or “do-it-yourself ” argumentation tactics employed by
holistic health coaches (Gigante, 2018).
Fueled by the desire to design more democratic if not equitable medical or
health spaces, some TC researchers have waded into digital or online communities where M/HC circulates—i.e., spaces where ethos and expertise are negotiated in real time, (presumably) beyond the constraints of medicalized bureaucracies (Ding, 2009; Freeman & Spyridakis, 2009; Moeller, 2015; Segal, 2009; Spoel,
2008). For example, Lori Beth De Hertogh (2018) pairs TC frameworks with a
feminist digital research methodology in a five-year case study of an online childbirth community. Given users’ vulnerability to health and medical misinformation in online spaces such as these, Rebecca K. Britt and Kristen Nicole Hatten
(2016) propose an “e-health communication competence scale.” Similarly, Abigail
Bakke (2019) examines the risks of misinformation in a Parkinson’s disease online
community, and Amy Roundtree (2017) studies “health-related Facebook usage
of people not designated as patients” (p. 300). As new communication technologies emerge, it’s likely that more TC researchers will pursue projects related
to telemedicine (continuing the work of Mirel et al., 2008) and how so-called
“smart” devices are marketed as a way to improve care coordination and communication (see Alaiad & Zhou, 2017), especially in developing countries.
Transdisciplinary variety in M/HC scholars’ theoretical frameworks and
methodological approaches will undoubtedly continue in response to changing
sociopolitical and economic conditions—including the effects of environmental degradation on human health, global pandemics, health consumerism, and
how to treat “invisible injuries,” like those sustained during pervasive military
imperialism around the world (Lindsley, 2015). Such evolutions may further blur
disciplinary territory between, say, M/HC and consumer science, disability studies, political science, economics, environmental studies, and interdisciplinary approaches to human vulnerability.
Looking toward the future, it is important to recognize transnational medical
and health precarities, which have been enabled by the rise of power among the
Global Right. Those who teach, research, and practice M/HC in the US might
expand their investigative repertoire to account for “non-native-English speakers”
(Koerber & Graham, 2017; see also Bloom-Pojar, 2018; Ding, 2009, 2020; Gonzales
et al., 2018; Walton & DeRenzi, 2009), or the ways immigrants and asylum seekers, for example, are disproportionately affected by medicalized patienthoods (see
Cedillo, 2020; Rose et al., 2017). A word of caution, though: These M/HC projects
ought to be pursued in a way that is neither exploitative nor extractive. Intellectual
bridges should be built between TC and Indigenous methodologists, for example,
Medical/Health Communication 179
who are careful to critique the ways academic research—especially as it concerns
medicine and health—has been used exploitatively to deny basic human rights via
biocitizenship (Happe et al., 2018; see also TallBear, 2013; Washington, 2006).
Through these and other ongoing disciplinary evolutions, it’s possible to
imagine that the communicative hegemony associated with “medicine” and
“health” might more forcefully be reckoned with. Toward that end, it is important that those who study M/HC’s practices represent a wider range of diverse
identities and desires, as embodied in the work of Avery Edenfield, who has published extensively on social justice, power, and the need to queer tactical technical
communication (Edenfield, 2019; Edenfield, Colton, & Holmes, 2019; Edenfield,
Holmes, & Colton, 2019), and Modupe Yusuf (2022), a rising star in M/HC,
whose dissertation examines the circulation of mobile health information among
women and children in Nigerian communities. Ideally, the outcome of such diversification will make TC scholars who study M/HC an important resource
for clinicians who serve diverse publics. TC scholars who study and practice M/
HC ought to continue to work toward catalyzing public policy such that it does
more than reify Aristotelean (and neoliberal) assumptions about the relationship
between good health and good living.
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21. Multimodality
Dirk Remley
Kent State University
On its surface, multimodality has a relatively basic meaning within technical communication. To paraphrase the definition of the New London Group (1996), there
are multiple modes by which to represent a message (print-linguistic, visual, audio, gestural, spatial), and any two or more of these modes can be combined to
form a multimodal representation (p. 60). Thus, on its most basic level, the term
multimodal means any combination of modes of representation to create a single
artifact, and multimodal artifacts are the norm rather than the exception in technical communication practice. An example of such an artifact would be a training
or instructional video that combines visual (images of people, graphics, and/or
objects), audio (a voice-over or someone speaking), and gestural and spatial (a
person demonstrating how to perform a given task) modes of representation.
Multimodality’s historical development relative to contextual uses within the
field, even as technical communication developed as a recognized discipline, complicates its treatment as a keyword. The term has been used relatively commonly
since the mid-1990s; however, the concepts associated with it go back to early
studies in literacy and even earlier scholarship in rhetoric and semiotics. Further,
the various ways it is studied evolve as new technologies emerge. Its connections
to rhetoric, literacy, and media technologies shape and complicate its treatment
as a keyword in technical communication scholarship, pedagogy and practice.
Though not termed as such, multimodality is treated within the classical rhetorical scholarship of Aristotle (1991) and Quintilian (1922) as part of delivery.
They recognized the importance of using gesture in conjunction with oration
in persuading an audience. That is, gestures and facial expression are visual/nonverbal actions that carry meaning and can enhance or complement oral communication. Subsequent generations of rhetorical theorists continued to study
delivery-related implications for messages as communication technologies from
the printing press to hypertext offered new ways to present multiple modes (see
McCorkle, 2012). Rhetoric, as an academic discipline, has longstanding links to
the field of technical communication; thus, it is not surprising that technical
communication theorists had also taken up issues of multimodality long before
the coining of the term.
Initially, technical communication scholars identified the use of multiple
modes of representation in technical documents without using the term multimodal. Many of these studies focused on workplace literacy practices—how professionals communicated with each other in workplace settings and elements of
page design (see, for example, Doheny-Farina, 1988; Odell & Goswami, 1985).
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.21
185
186 Remley
Some reviewed how graphics were used in those documents. For example, in
a review of technical communication practices, Mary Beth Debs (1988) noted
that writers tend to supplement text with graphics, acknowledging that “pictures
serve additive function” (p. 19). Manuals are a common artifact discussed within
technical communication; these often combine print-linguistic text (words) and
visual elements. For example, Davida Charney et al. (1988) illustrate how the
“minimalist manual” should include illustrations of examples of tasks (pp. 70-72),
and John Carroll et al. (1988) show a visually appealing page design as an attribute
of the “minimalist manual” (pp. 82, 85). Stephen Bernhardt (1986) describes the
visual rhetoric of headings, print quality, and white space within a print-text fact
sheet pertaining to wetlands and designed for multiple audiences—legislators,
teachers, students, and the general public (pp. 71-72).
Transitioning from purely document-related consideration of multiple modes
of representation and related analyses, scholars began looking more closely at
multimodal forms of communication connected to technical communication
practices beyond print documents in the late 1980s and into the 1990s. Muriel
Zimmerman and Hugh Marsh (1989), for example, studied how storyboarding
facilitated proposal development within a particular company. Further, Carroll et
al. (1988) considered how hands-on instruction may affect learning within workplace settings.
As mentioned previously, the New London Group (1996) was among the
first set of scholars to formally recognize and define the term multimodality. As
the number of digital composing technologies increased and became more widely used, scholars encouraged recognition of multiple forms of literacy within a
growing set of tools to use for creating messages and encouraged pedagogy that
included literacy with those tools and forms of representation.
The study of multimodal rhetoric evolved in the early 2000s, as scholars shifted their focus from examining how technical communicators presented information in multimodal ways to understanding how various modal combinations
affected audiences’ ability to understand a message relative to technical communication purposes. Linguists Gunther Kress and Theo Van Leeuwen (2001,
2006) attempted to develop a theory of semiotics that integrated terminology
that could describe the various rhetorical dynamics at work in multimodal forms
of communication, facilitating rhetorical analyses of multimodal artifacts. This
“grammar” of visual design (Kress & Van Leeuwen, 2006) has been used by many
within scholarship of multimodality; a cursory review of Google Scholar in May
2020 finds that this work has been cited over 14,800 times, indicating its value as
a theory of analysis for multimodal messages.
Other lines of research have focused on the benefits of multimodal communication for teaching and learning. Roxana Moreno and Richard Mayer (2000)
found that certain combinations of visuals and text information affect cognition,
particularly related to learning, suggesting a relationship between modes used to
communicate and their rhetorical impact. In an instructional context, combining
Multimodality 187
visual and audio modes of representation is more powerful for accomplishing the
instructional purpose than using only audio narration or visuals alone. Mayer (2001)
summarized their multimodal principle with the statement that people learn better
when pictures and words are integrated into an instructional message than when
only words are used (p. 63). If a picture is provided, people can make a visual connection more readily. Mayer also asserts that it is vital to eliminate extraneous material—words, images, and sounds—from any multimedia message. Such irrelevant
information “competes for cognitive resources in working memory,” disrupting the
learner’s ability to organize and retain relevant information (p. 113).
Technical communication scholars have, also, examined the relationship between multimodal artifacts and cognition. Jonathan Buehl (2016) calls attention
to theories from multiple cognitive scientists that link to multimodal theory as
applied to scientific texts. Wolfgang Schnotz (2005) reviewed several studies pertaining to the influence that working memory has on learning with multimedia,
and she develops a model of text/picture comprehension that considers working
memory. Visual images that integrate text are easier to process because fewer
processes of working memory are involved. According to Alan Baddeley’s (1986)
model of working memory, there is a phonological (auditory) channel and a “visuo-spatial” (visual) channel associated with short term memory. By facilitating
use of both channels, people can better process information than they can when
too much of one system is used. This helps technical communicators design products that balance elements affecting cognition, improving an audience’s ability to
understand the message.
James Paul Gee (2003) connected literacy theory to multimodal practice,
identifying a marriage between the semiotic domain and situated practice (p.
26). Gee argued that, as part of audience consideration, it is important to understand modes in which trainees have learned previously. So, some studies have
considered relationships between modal combinations relative to multiliteracies
and technical communication rhetoric relative to development of instructional
materials. Matt Morain and Jason Swarts (2012), for example, allude to using
students’ “digital literacy” to develop an understanding of how to assess and create
YouTube videos for instructional purposes (p. 6).
As these studies occurred, advancing multimodal theory relative to technical
communication, teachers began integrating multimodal concepts and approaches
into their classroom practices. A body of work emerged from studying such instruction (e.g., A. Bourelle et al., 2015; T. Bourelle et al., 2017; Katz & Odell, 2012).
These studies range from helping students understand the possible uses of different media to compose technical communication products to how one may apply
criteria—old and new—in assessing multimodal products developed by students.
In their introduction to a special issue of Technical Communication Quarterly, for
example, Susan Katz and Lee Odell (2012) acknowledge that “Confronted with
the full range of affordances of digital media, we need to achieve a level of clarity
that will help students wisely use these affordances” (p. 2). Andrew Bourelle et
188 Remley
al. (2015) describe ways teachers can help students apply the rhetorical canons of
invention, arrangement, style, delivery, and memory to composing in new digital
media. Cheryl Ball (2012), Christa Teston et al. (2019), and Pamela Takayoshi and
Cynthia Selfe (2009) describe factors to consider in assessing multimodal work,
including students’ self-reflection of why they chose to use certain media with
which to compose a message and the media’s abilities and limitations. This reflection can help one understand how to select composing media for future projects
relative to information that should be included and how to best represent that
information given access to multiple modes of representation.
As reflected in the historical development of its treatment, scholars shifted
between labelling the use of multiple modal combinations as multimodal and
multimedia. As indicated above, multimodality increased in use as a term with
the rapid development of various technologies that facilitated integrating multiple forms of representation in them. Moreno and Mayer (2000) demonstrate
this synonymous use while describing studies of participants reacting to messages that included text and images. While the majority of their analyses revolve
around performance of subjects relative to modal combinations, they use the
term multimedia throughout their work. In concluding their article, they write,
To foster the process of integrating, multimedia presentations
should present words and pictures using modalities that effectively
use available visual and auditory working memory resources. The
major advance in our research program is to identify techniques
for presentation of verbal and visual information that minimizes
working memory load and promotes meaningful learning. (n.p.)
Scholarly publications in technical communication theory and pedagogy
illustrate the favoring of the term “multimodality” in academic settings (e.g.,
Armfield et al., 2011; A. Bourelle et al., 2015; T. Bourelle et al., 2017). Stephen
Frailberg (2012) and Dirk Remley (2015, 2017) illustrate favoring “multimodality”
in case studies of practices, using the term “multimodal” instead of “multimedia”
throughout their works, even including the term in the title of their works.
S. Scott Graham and Brandon Whalen (2008) illustrate the conflation of
the two terms relative to a case study of a web designer’s practices. They state,
“The possibility of plurality in descriptions of digital communication media and
genres has helped to generate a broad host of heteroglossic and hybrid theories,
as well as an assortment of multi-prefixed neologisms (multimedia and multimodality being the most prominent)” (pp. 66-67). Claire Lauer (2009) found that
“multimedia” is used by some in academia and tends to be the preferred term in
industrial contexts to describe the same artifact (p. 231). Consequently, she states
that instructors and scholars need to use multimedia “as a gateway term” when
interacting with practitioners (p. 225). It is interesting to note, relative to the
Graham and Whalen (2008) article, that Graham is a technical communication
scholar, while Whalen is a practitioner.
Multimodality 189
Several scholars, including Rich Rice and Carol Clark Papper (2005), Lauer
(2009), and Andy Lucking and Thies Pfeiffer (2012), differentiate the two terms,
though. These scholars state that multimodality describes the sign systems used
to make meaning, while multimedia pertains to the tools by which such artifacts
are distributed. Lucking and Pfeiffer (2012) state that “multimodality in a message is perceived as integrating more than one sensory interface and is perceived
as multimedia if the message is conveyed using more than one medium” (p. 593).
For example, software that facilitates creation of video that includes audio is multimedia. The video product itself is considered a multimodal artifact by most
involved with technical communication in academia. Some have assessed the
effectiveness of various media available to present technical information multimodally (e.g., Tufte, 2003); however, these studies focus on the media’s technical
and design capabilities and limitations.
Evolving from the study of the effects certain modal combinations may have
on cognition, more recently, scholarship has begun considering neuroscientific
or biological analyses associated with multimodal artifacts and related effectiveness relative to rhetoric. For example, Dirk Remley (2015, 2017) examines how
multimodal artifacts used in technical communication settings affect neural dynamics to influence meaning and response. Examples included in his analyses
range from website design and public service announcements to nurse and pilot
training. Such consideration helps to show the biology of cognition with multimodal products, or why certain multimodal combinations are effective for certain
audiences, which can help technical communicators design better materials.
Additionally, with the proliferation of video-gaming as an industry and its
related value in developing remote control tools and practical skills, technical
communication scholars have been studying its multimodal designs and uses for
classroom activities and uses in industry (see, for example, Cata, 2017; Cooke et
al., 2020; McDaniel & Dear, 2016; Robinson, 2016; and Vie, 2008).
As a concept of communication, multimodality complemented traditional
notions of writing and composing. As noted above, the integration of graphics
into technical documents was generally regarded as valuable practice; so, initially,
multimodality fit well into technical communication analyses and pedagogy. Today, it has grown into a valued concept in technical communication. To a certain
extent, it competes with the term “multimedia” synonymously when used in industry by technical communication practitioners.
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22. Pedagogy
Tracy Bridgeford
University of Nebraska at Omaha
Merriam-Webster’s online dictionary definition of pedagogy provides perhaps the
best context for understanding this term in technical communication. That is, it
is the “art, science, or profession of teaching.” Classrooms, more than workspaces, connect scholars and practitioners of technical communication in ways that
led James Dubinsky (2004) to describe the field as a “pedagogical discipline” (p.
3). Indeed, regardless of milieu, both academic and industrial professionals debate the purpose and content of technical communication curricula more than
they do other contexts of action, perhaps because classrooms so readily blend the
scholarly with the pragmatic. The tensions among these stakeholders have often
defined and sometimes divided the community and its discourse, resulting in a
dichotomous pedagogical corpus and lexicon. The field’s exchanges on such topics might be broadly categorized as focusing either on practice and production or
on conceptual frameworks and their implications. Although this characterization
is not precisely chronological in its manifestation, it is true that much of the work
prior to 1980 was more production-oriented than theoretical, and work after 1980
is increasingly complex in its scope, depth, and conceptual rigor.
Prior to the widespread adoption of desktop-publishing technologies in the
early 1980s, technical writers (and thus technical communication classrooms)
emphasized the construction of coherent documents that represent commonplace industrial genres (e.g., reports, instructions, and manuals) primarily through
the crafting of stylistically clear, concise texts that privileged expert knowledge
over reader needs. Dwight W. Stevenson’s (1981) Courses, Components, and Exercises in Technical Communication captures the industrial practicality of this moment. The evolution of such scholarship resulted in the publication of collections
such as Paul Anderson, R. John Brockman, and Carolyn Miller’s (1983) New
Essays in Technical and Scientific Communication, Lynn Beene and Peter White’s
(1988) Solving Problems in Technical Writing, Bertie E. Fearing and Keats Sparrow’s (1989) Technical Writing: Theory and Practice, Carol M. Barnum and Saul
Carliner’s (1991) Techniques for Technical Communicators, and Thomas T. Barker’s
(1991) Perspectives on Software Documentation.
Focus on document production, including page layout and the visual elements of design, increased throughout the 1980s. During the past 40 years, significant attention has been devoted to the intersection of technical communication
pedagogy and information production technologies and strategies. Teachers of
technical communication were challenged to transform classroom practices to
include page design and image preparation in ways that established relationships
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.22
193
194 Bridgeford
between text and visual aspects of documentation (Bernhardt, 1986; Kostelnick &
Roberts, 1999; Kramer & Bernhardt, 1996; Moore & Fitz, 1993; Schriver, 1997).
Teaching visual content discussions followed in the 2000s, with scholars describing image-oriented pedagogies that included visual thinking and information
design (Brumberger, 2005, 2007) and the rhetorical-ethical issues that accompany
such a focus (Barton & Barton, 1993; Dragga & Voss, 2001). This relationship led
to visual design textbooks (Kostelnick & Roberts, 2011), pedagogical collections
(Brumberger & Northcut, 2013), and instruction on formatting texts and creating
information graphics (Dragga, 2001; Kitalong, 2018).
It was not until web browsers adopted visual layouts for hypertext in 1992
that hypertext design, markup languages, and specialized design software crept
into standard pedagogical practice. Perhaps because this shift did not gather momentum until the mid- to late-1990s, much of the discussion of design, technologies, and strategies blends the act of creation with complementary issues
and challenges. Collections by Patricia Sullivan and Jannie Dautermann (1996),
Stuart A. Selber (1997), Carol Lipson and Michael Day (2005), and Rachel Spilka
(2010) span a range of topical intersections, including visual literacy and information design, programmatic implementation of technologies, interaction and
collaboration, ethical and legal responsibilities, power, access, and identity. This
rich and deep conversation has inspired the following conversations:
Explorations of power and politics in hypertext ( Johnson-Eilola, 1997)
Copyright and fair use (Herrington, 1998, 2010)
Ethical action (Salvo, 2002)
Preparedness to teach in online pedagogical spaces (Cargile Cook &
Grant-Davie, 2005, 2013; Melonçon, 2007)
The implications of moving online (Gurak & Duin, 2004)
Social media (Potts, 2014)
Rhetoric and community in online spaces and documents (Howard, 1996;
Porter, 1998; Pullman, 2016)
Diverse topical and strategic literacies required of technical communicators (McCarthy et al., 2011; Selber, 2004)
In parallel developments, industrial practice also expanded the implementation of content management systems. With this decentralized, modular approach
to developing and publishing content came multiple strategic emphases: single
sourcing (Albers, 2003; Eble, 2003; Robidoux, 2008), structured authoring and information architecture (Evia et al., 2015; Salvo, 2004, 2010), and content strategy
(Andersen, 2008, 2014; Clark, 2018; Evia, 2019; Getto et al., 2020; Hart-Davidson
et al., 2007; Potts & Gonzales, 2020). In a most recent collection, Teaching Content Management in Technical and Professional Communication, Tracy Bridgeford
(2020) addresses what she calls a “pedagogical exigency” by bringing together a
variety of approaches for teaching the various areas and competencies associated
with content management.
Pedagogy 195
Meanwhile, the technical communication (TC) discipline also engaged in
constructing more sophisticated frameworks for gathering technologically enabled design practices, resulting in the turn to experience architecture (Potts &
Salvo, 2016). Experience architecture (XA) itself represents the confluence of
a number of conversations in technical communication over the past 30 years.
Not only does it draw upon the scholarly exchange about technologies and design strategies introduced previously, XA represents the culmination of work in
usability studies (Chong, 2016; Salvo & Ren, 2007; Mirel & Spilka, 2002; Redish, 2011; Sauer, 2018), user-centered and participatory design ( Johnson, 1998;
Spinuzzi, 2005), accessible and inclusive design (Frascara, 2015; Oswal & Melonçon, 2014), user experience design (Geisler, 2016), intercultural communication
pedagogies (St.Amant, 2018; Thatcher & St.Amant, 2011), and workplace roles
(Batova & Andersen, 2017).
In addition to technical communication teachers’ ever-present awareness
of changing industrial needs and expectations, the developments in classroom
content and practices highlighted so far have been complemented by a parallel
evolution of the shaping of pedagogy through theoretical concepts. Pedagogical influences driven by conceptual “turns” (rhetorical, social, cultural, and social
justice) have both changed and challenged the discipline’s pedagogical habits
and practices by introducing new ways of thinking about technical communication, workplace and classroom spaces, and scholarly methodologies. These
turns, in turn, awakened other ways of positioning technical communication,
the technical communicator, and the technical communication student. Rhetoric empowered us to explore writing in action and how we attend to the style,
audience, and purpose in document creation; cultural studies offered perspectives of cultural contexts in ways that helped us understand how communities
work; and social theory helped us focus on language and how it shapes reality
and social justice, demonstrating ways to bring out new paths, new practices,
and destabilizations.
Carolyn Miller’s (1979) landmark article, “A Humanistic Rationale for Technical Writing,” is credited with sparking what has become acknowledged as technical communication’s rhetorical turn. The rhetorical turn represents a move to
relocate (or at least challenge) the epistemological framework of technical communication, reclaiming technical discourse from science and engineering (disciplines that had not yet begun to acknowledge the communal construction of
knowledge). By engaging in a rhetorical examination of technical documents,
authority, and ethical values, scholars recast scientific and technical knowledge
(and with it writing) as negotiated, constructed, and therefore evolving. The rhetorical turn continues to thrive (Smith, 1997), and from it emerge foci such as
the implications of civic engagement (Dubinsky & Carpenter, 2004; Huckins,
1997), public intellectualism and service learning (Bowden & Scott, 2003; Sapp
& Crabtree, 2002), innovation and creativity (Bridgeford et al., 2004), and ethics
(Dombrowski, 2000; Dragga, 1997; Katz, 1992, 1993; Sullivan, 1990).
196 Bridgeford
Additionally, pedagogical discussions in the 1980s and into the 1990s deepened and complicated theory-practice collaborations. Fearing and Sparrow (1989)
brought to the community a theory-practice focus that shaped the pedagogical
approaches during this time, some of which still define classroom practices today,
such as Carolyn Miller’s (1989) definition of technical communication as conduct, which gave us a new understanding of what we teach and how we teach it.
Katherine Staples and Cezar M. Ornatowski (1997) reflected their understanding
of technical communication as “founded in theory and oriented toward practice”
(p. xii). Dubinsky (2004) collected the major articles that identified the critical issues for the technical communication classroom in ways that encouraged
reflection in practice. By complicating the theory-practice classroom, pedagogy
became more compelling, enriching our repertoire.
Overlapping with the rhetorical turn, a prevailing theory in academic contexts—social construction—permeates all modern conversations about pedagogy.
This theoretical perspective posits that social action is not an individual act; rather, it is a communal emphasis that grows out of the culture and language from
which it originates. Influenced by a social theory perspective, technical communication scholars and teachers moved from thinking about pedagogy as a formsbased product approach to a socially constructed process approach through notions of knowledge and its construction, discourse conventions, collaboration, and
community (Blyler & Thralls, 1993; Thralls & Blyler, 1993). Most notable, Nancy
Roundy Blyler and Charlotte Thrall’s (1993) article “The Social Perspective and
Pedagogy in Technical Communication,” as well as their edited collection, Professional Communication: The Social Perspective, meaningfully outline the pedagogical tenets and approaches of social theory and pedagogy (social construction,
community, ideology, and the paralogic hermeneutics). By refocusing pedagogy
on the contexts and actions affecting technical communication, scholars helped
students see communication as contextualized, affecting the style, writing, editing, and design of technical documentation and content. Scholars across the
spectrum drew from the social perspective’s theoretical reach, addressing notions
of ideology, gender, culture, and politics. From approaches advocating feminism,
to diversity and inclusion, to social justice, and to globalization and intercultural
perspectives of technical communication, social theory expanded the possibilities
of technical communication pedagogy and its practice.
The cultural turn during the 1990s and 2000s moved the field to a poststructuralist stance, empowering scholars to look at pedagogy beyond the way language shapes action, considering constructions of knowledge and power and how
they play out in institutional contexts. This led to deeper meditations about the
purpose of technical communication pedagogy. Two articles in particular broadened our pedagogical scope: Through an articulation lens, Jennifer Slack et al.
(1993) argued for positioning technical communicators more within a context of
power and authority as authors, and Johndan Johnson-Eilola (1996) opened the
door to considering the role of technical communicators as symbolic analysts.
Pedagogy 197
Cultural studies theory enabled scholars to consider institution, knowledge, legitimation, and power and their effect on the culture of technical communication.
As cultural agents, institutions contribute to the genre and style conventions that
reinforce cultural norms and practices (Longo, 1998, 2000; Miller, 1984; Spinuzzi,
2003). During the late 1990s, Bernadette Longo provided a “cultural studies” approach to teaching technical communication that supported the ways discourse
contributed to institutional relationships. In 2006, J. Blake Scott and Bernadette
Longo and colleagues published Critical Power Tools: Technical Communication
and Cultural Studies, moving technical communication teachers and students
“from cultural critique to ethical civic action” (p. 196). This approach to teaching
technical communication is concerned with the actions of a virtuous, ethical student (and future professional) who considers the different ideologies, identities,
and legitimations of knowledge when creating technical documentation.
The foreseeable future of pedagogy challenges us to demonstrate that we can
remain human centered in the face of social change, asking anew “what it means
to call our field ‘humanistic’” ( Jones, 2016, p. 345). Emerging designs shift pedagogy more consciously toward social justice approaches that aim to bring forth
aspects of technical communication that have previously been less explicitly acknowledged. In this way, our historical narratives about pedagogy are “disrupted,”
which, in turn, allows us to resee them from different perspectives ( Jones et al.,
2016). Such disruption reveals issues relevant to pedagogy such as diversity ( Jones
et al., 2014; Savage & Mattson, 2011), race and ethnicity (Banks, 2010; Savage &
Matveeva, 2011; Williams & Pimentel, 2012, 2014), translation and localization
(Agboka, 2013; Maylath & St.Amant, 2019), decolonization of our pedagogies
(Agboka, 2014; Haas, 2012), and narrative or storytelling as a pedagogical tool that
helps students contribute to practice and build empathy ( Jones & Walton, 2018;
Moore, 2013)—all areas that influence what and how we teach technical communication. In a collection focused specifically on social justice pedagogies, Angela
M. Haas and Michelle F. Eble (2018) broke significant ground by highlighting
social justice with Key Theoretical Frameworks: Teaching Technical Communication
in the Twenty-First Century, a collection that parallels nicely with Tracy Bridgeford’s (2018) collection of the same year that describes theory-driven practical
approaches. This pedagogical reach builds on all past turns in what Walton et al.
(2019) call the social justice turn.
As this short history shows, technical communication has always had a
dichotomous relationship with its pedagogical lexicon. We have always endeavored to both prepare students to perform well in the workplace and to
question the status quo. This tension is what drives invention and innovation
in pedagogy, moving us away from a focus on writing only (the product) to a
perspective of writing in context (the communicative situation). During the
last four decades, we have moved from rhetorical discussions about humanistic
and ethical to critical and cultural studies and social justice approaches, remaining committed to teaching craft as it updates with each turn. But as much
198 Bridgeford
of this history is told in a semi-chronological way, the truth is that multiple
turns happen in overlapping ways, influencing and impacting each other. Each
turn shows, perhaps, a different face of our humanistic genealogy. The future of
pedagogy challenges us to demonstrate that we can remain human centered in
the face of social change.
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23. Plain Language
Russell Willerton
Po’okela Solutions, LLC
The plainness of a text, like beauty, is in the eye of the beholder. One who says
to a mechanic, “Please tell me in plain English why the car won’t run,” hopes the
mechanic will use familiar words and clear examples instead of insider jargon and
complex explanations. The mechanic, in this case, will have to watch the questioner for signs that the answer is clear and understood. People in government,
health and medicine, and legal services started to realize decades ago that their
constituents could not understand letters, brochures, and policy documents written in dense jargon and presented with poor page design. Over the past several
decades, plain language has become an approach focused on helping non-expert readers—citizens, consumers, medical patients, and others going about their
lives—understand and act upon important documents they receive. Plain-language texts may be recognized by their surface features, but the plain-language
approach goes deeper than the surface level. For decades, technical communicators have advocated for audiences by applying plain-language principles and
testing documents with readers.
Most who work in plain language today would take a descriptive approach
to defining the term rather than a prescriptive (or proscriptive) one. That is, they
identify traits that make language plainer rather than setting requirements for
what a plain passage should or should not contain. These traits include using
familiar vocabulary instead of complex jargon, writing shorter sentences instead
of longer ones, writing with clear subjects and active verbs, and using section
headings and white space to make reading easier (see a summary in Kimble, 2012,
pp. 5-10). The Center for Plain Language, in defining plain language, focuses on
the reception of a document by its audience:
A communication is in plain language if its wording, structure,
and design are so clear that the intended readers can easily find
what they need, understand what they find, and use that information. The definition of “plain” depends on the audience. What is
plain for one audience may not be plain at all for another audience.
(Center for Plain Language, 2023a)
To understand what plain language means, it is important to know how the
term has been used over time. The term plain English preceded plain language as
applied to creating readable, usable documents. Currently, initiatives for plain English often appear more frequently in the UK and in some Commonwealth countries, while plain language is often used in the US, Canada, and other countries.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.23
207
208 Willerton
A text’s plainness comes from the style the writer used to write it. Style is one
of the canons of classical rhetoric, and debates over which style is appropriate for
particular situations go back many centuries. Edward P.J. Corbett and Robert
J. Connors (1999) note that rhetoricians identified three fundamental levels of
style: the low or plain style, the middle or forcible style, and the high or florid style.
Quintilian, say Corbett and Connors, wrote that plain style was best for instructing audiences, middle for moving them, and high for charming them (1999, p. 21).
The advocacy for plain style has a long history. Tom McArthur (1991) points
out that the Host in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales calls on the (educated) Clerke of
Oxenford to speak plainly to reach the pilgrims in the group. Authors of technical books in English in the 16th century used plain style, but such books got less
attention than traditional literary genres (Tebeaux, 1997). The first reference to
“plain English” as a style choice may be from Robert Cawdrey in the 17th century.
Cawdrey’s Table Alphabeticall of 1604, the first known English dictionary, was
written for women, who had much less access to education and less familiarity
with Latinate terms (McArthur, 1991, p. 13). Denise Tillery (2005) writes that
several advocated for plain style in science writing in the 17th century, including
Francis Bacon, Margaret Cavendish, and Jane Sharp.
In the 1940s and 1950s, parallel developments in the US and the UK led people to reconsider how governments and large organizations should communicate
with their constituents. Advocates for change acknowledged that citizens and
even employees within governmental organizations struggle to respond appropriately when they do not understand official, bureaucratic language. Karen Schriver
(2017) provides a detailed and authoritative account of plain language activities
in the US between 1940 and 2015. Schriver shows how, over several decades, successive efforts by government employees, academic researchers, Congress, and
plain-language advocates in industry led bureaucracies to communicate to their
constituents more effectively.
Over the years, multiple organizations have been formed to advocate for plain
language. Organizations including Clarity International and Plain Language Association International connect people around the world who share the goal of
communicating clearly with a variety of audiences. Both organizations sponsor
conferences, and Clarity International also publishes its own journal. The Center for Plain Language is a U.S. nonprofit that advocates for plain language in
government and industry. As part of its public outreach, the Center for Plain
Language issues an annual report card to assess how well federal agencies follow
the Plain Writing Act of 2010.
Plain language is an active area of professional activity that continues to grow
and develop. Academics in professional and technical communication and other
fields continue to research the history, impacts, and best practices for plain language (e.g., Matveeva et al., 2017). A set of four key terms beginning with “p”
provides a way to navigate that research. Plain language is manifest in products, in
process, in principle, for a payoff.
Plain Language 209
As Schriver (2017) notes, plain language is manifest in a product (a document
of some kind). The product is plain enough if it meets the needs of its audience
through its language and design. Surface measures of plainness, such as syllable counts and sentence lengths, frequently correlate with audience judgments
about a document’s helpfulness and usefulness. Insider jargon, which frequently
is complex and unfamiliar, often adds a layer of complexity that editors strive to
remove. Shorter words and shorter sentences are frequently easier for audiences
to understand. In some cases, an organization like an insurance company or a
state health agency might require documents for consumers to reflect certain
readability scores or grade-level scores (see “Style” in this volume for more information). That said, plain-language practitioners have stated for decades that
surface measurements of readability are not enough to ensure that a document
is usable by its intended audience. And yet, practitioners of plain language frequently use some measure to assess the surface characteristics of their documents.
Informal, unsystematic “eyeball tests” of document readability are not sufficient.
Design choices are also part of a plain-language practitioner’s toolset. By
skillfully using white space, typography choices, bulleted or numbered lists, and
other visual cues, writers and designers can complement written content to create a document that is plain and easy to use by the audience (Garner, 2013).
Schriver (2017) also writes that plain language is manifest through process.
The process of creating effective documents in plain language is just as complex
and iterative as that of creating complicated documents for expert users. Testing draft documents with members of the target audience has long been part of
plain-language practice; if the target audience cannot use a document effectively,
it is not plain enough. Janice C. (Ginny) Redish (2000) emphasizes that an effective process is critical for producing plain-language documents that work for
users; merely following “a few guidelines for sentences and words” is not enough
(p. 165). Willerton (2015) provides profiles of organizations that create documents
in plain language. Reinforcing Redish’s point, these profiles show that effective
plain-language processes are clear, they allow for iteration and recursion (i.e., incorporating feedback from audience members and experts), and they are focused
on serving the audience.
Over several decades, it has been clear that a principle of serving public audiences ethically is central to plain language work. “Service is inherent in the mission
and components of the plain-language movement” (Matveeva et al., 2017, p. 337).
Many plain-language advocates have come from government agencies, where documents with unclear language can prevent citizens from receiving services or benefits. Schriver’s (2017) history shows many instances in which government workers
realized plain language serves constituents better. In particular, as Willerton (2015)
writes, plain language helps readers navigate BUROC situations—situations that
are bureaucratic (involving large, complex organizations and policies), unfamiliar
(faced infrequently), rights-oriented (related to rights held as consumers and even
as citizens), and critical (with significant consequences). A court trial, for example,
210 Willerton
is certainly a BUROC situation. Legal documents in plain language, such as jury
instructions and court rules, can reduce confusion and help lawyers, jurors, and
judges to focus on facts of particular cases (e.g., Kimble, 2012).
In the UK in the late 1970s, Martin Cutts and others campaigning for plain
English in government shredded government forms in a public protest in London’s Parliament Square (Cutts, 2009, p. xv) to show that unclear documents are
bad for citizens. Organizations like Healthwise (Willerton, 2015) and Health
Literacy Media (Health Literacy Media, 2023) create information in plain language to support health literacy. Documents in plain language can help people with lower health literacy skills to learn more and to make better decisions
around health and medicine. Iva W. Cheung (2017) shows how people in underrepresented and marginalized groups, people who deal with negative stereotypes
about themselves, and people with disabilities often face persistent stresses that
negatively affect their cognitive load. Cheung argues that communicators have an
ethical imperative to use plain language to reduce the cognitive load and promote
social justice for oppressed people who need information to make important decisions (p. 454). In one example, Aisha T. Langford and colleagues (2020) describe
how they used plain language to develop a decision support tool for Black and
Hispanic audiences to use in considering whether to participate in cancer clinical
trials (CCTs). CCTs are an activity in which members of nonwhite racial groups
are often underrepresented. Langford et al. used interviews with cancer patients,
a survey of cancer patients, and usability testing to develop a web-based tool
in English and Spanish that Black and Hispanic patients viewed favorably. The
principle of helping audiences to learn, to use benefits owed them, and to make
informed decisions about their lives is central to plain language.
This principle of serving public audiences separates plain language work
from other for-profit applications of technical communication and information
design. At times, however, boundaries may blur. Federal legislation such as the
Truth in Lending Act and the Fair Credit Reporting Act has required certain
consumer contracts to have information in plain language. Some for-profit businesses do use plain language in their communication. For example, insurance
companies sometimes enter and win in the Center for Plain Language (2023b)
ClearMark Awards for effective plain language documents. The U.S. Securities
and Exchange Commission also has rules requiring investment companies to
use plain language when writing certain prospectus documents (Securities and
Exchange Commission, 2023).
Finally, plain language documents frequently provide better results than those
written in bureaucratese; plain language pays off. Joseph Kimble’s (2012) book
Writing for Dollars, Writing to Please provides vignettes of 23 instances in which
plain language documents saved organizations time and money, along with 27
vignettes about studies showing that audiences prefer plain-language documents
over less-plain counterparts. Later research (Campbell et al., 2017; Trudeau &
Cawthorne, 2017) reinforces these studies, showing that working professionals
Plain Language 211
frequently prefer documents in plain language over those in more complex language. Advocates for plain legal language, including Kimble (2012, 2017) and
Bryan Garner (2013), oppose the idea that writing in legalese helps lawyers protect themselves and their profession. Instead, Kimble, Garner, and others say that
clear language creates trust between clients and counsel, and that clear legal documents are better than convoluted ones.
There are many examples of plain-language documents that embody plain language as product, process, principle, and payoff. One example is the Field Guides
for Ensuring Voter Intent (Center for Civic Design, 2023), which are written for
local elections officials. This project was first led by Dana Chisnell, a fellow of the
Society for Technical Communication, an expert and author on usability testing,
and a concerned citizen-turned-consultant for local elections issues. Chisnell was
drawn to election operations after 2000, in which the winning electoral votes from
Florida were awarded to George W. Bush after a contentious recount and numerous problems from the “butterfly” ballot design that confused some voters. Chisnell spent several years learning how elections are run and found that information
that could help local elections officials had been collected and published, but it
was written for academic audiences. Chisnell and her team distilled some of this
information into a set of small booklets, each of which fits in a shirt pocket when
printed (Willerton, 2015). Chisnell’s team produced documents written in plain
language and presented on clean, orderly pages. The processes were iterative and
audience-focused. The principle of serving the audience—who is serving citizens
by administering the voting process—is evident. The payoff from these documents
(downloadable from the Center for Civic Design) comes through ballots that are
more usable, poll workers who are trained better, voter education guides that are
more effective, and local elections websites that tell voters what they need to know.
Redish (2000) notes that over time, document design, plain language, and
information design have been used to describe the same core activity. While more
than one label may apply in a given situation, plain language stands apart from
others with its four P’s—particularly the principle of serving an audience using
an organization’s information to accomplish critical tasks. With this emphasis
on principle, plain language provides a framework suitable for responding to the
social justice turn in technical communication (e.g., Walton et al., 2019). Plain
language is an approach that technical communicators can use to create effective
documents while meeting audience needs ethically and respectfully.
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Schriver, K. (2017). Plain language in the US gains momentum: 1940–2015. IEEE
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Tebeaux, E. (1997). The emergence of a tradition: Technical writing in the English
Renaissance, 1475–1640. Baywood.
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Willerton, R. (2015). Plain language and ethical action: A dialogic approach to technical
content in the twenty-first century. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315796956
24. Profession
Gerald Savage
Illinois State University
Profession and professionalization are concepts that engage scholars and practitioners in the technical communication (TC) field, sometimes explicitly (e.g.,
through a study of “the profession of technical communication” or through seeking professional certification in TC), but perhaps more often implicitly (i.e.,
through the daily work of teaching, researching, or producing TC).
The Oxford English Dictionary indicates that profession has had a number of
meanings, depending upon the nation using it, but its root meaning is a “declaration,” as in declaration of religious faith, a vow upon entering a religious order, or a
declaration of property or person as for a public registry (Oxford University Press,
n.d.). By the 15th century CE, profession could also have the sense of a professional
occupation: “An occupation in which a professed knowledge of some subject, field,
or science is applied; a vocation or career, especially one that involves prolonged
training and a formal qualification” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). In the 16th
century, the term could also refer to any occupation, ranging from skilled trades to
thievery (Oxford University Press, n.d.), although as recent as 1711, the clergy, law,
and medicine remained the three traditional professions (Addison, 1891, p. 78).
In the field of TC, profession and professionalization are terms that can signify
key debates or ongoing tensions. For some, the idea of profession is a settled issue:
Technical communication simply and obviously is a bona fide profession and is
regularly referred to as a profession. For others, profession is a goal the field is
still working toward through a process called professionalization—a process that is
envisioned or described in various ways upon which all discussants may not agree.
Those who view TC as a profession can point to the facts that it provides regular employment, that it is what practitioners say they do for a living, that it is a
term of occupational identity, and (though by no means necessarily) that it may be
a formal job title. It is a term that encompasses all of the tasks they perform in their
work. That means it isn’t something they may do as part of a job that has a different
title, jobs like engineer, manager, physician—jobs where the work requires reports,
proposals, instructions, and the like but only as aspects of their primary duties.
The existence of national professional organizations for technical communicators is further testament to the professionalization of the field. The largest
organization, the Society for Technical Communication has more than 6,000
members according to their most recently available report (Society for Technical
Communication, 2014).
Indeed, to some, that technical communication is a profession seemed to be
settled over 40 years ago with Robert Connors’ (1982) widely cited study “The
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Rise of Technical Writing Instruction in America.” Although the study’s focus
is on the emergence of “technical writing” as a teaching specialization, Connors
asserts that, following World War II, the practice of technical writing became “a
job in itself ” (p. 341) and “the profession of technical and scientific writing grew
and matured” in the 1950s (p. 342).
However, Connors’ view has been considerably complicated by later studies
from the 1990s to the early 2000s (Carliner, 1994; Hayhoe, 1997; Kynell, 1996;
Kynell-Hunt & Savage, 2003, 2004; Pinelli & Barclay, 1992; Savage, 1999). Edward
Malone (2011), notably, recognizes that professionalization was a deliberate, intentional movement beginning in 1953. Malone finds that professionalization was, and
perhaps remains, an ongoing struggle involving establishing professional organizations, defining a body of knowledge specific to the field, codifying ethical standards,
developing venues for certifying practitioners, gaining legal recognition for the profession, and establishing accreditation for academic programs (p. 287). These are
essentially the criteria defined by Abraham Flexner (1915) more than a century ago.
Malone (2011) documents the work of professionalization leaders of the 1950s
who recognized that the field of TC lacked most of the characteristics of a profession at that time. Clearly, these early leaders were not viewing profession in Connors’ terms, as simply “a job in itself.” Some of them found guidance in theories of
profession and professionalization, including Flexner’s work. Using those criteria to
identify a starting point for professionalization, they formed the first professional
organizations for technical communicators, The Association of Technical Writers
and Editors in New York, The Society of Technical Writers in Boston, and a year
later, the Technical Publishing Society in Los Angeles. These organizations eventually merged to form a truly national organization, the Society of Technical Writers
and Publishers (STWP) in 1960 (Malone, 2011, p. 289). STWP changed its name
to the Society for Technical Communication (STC) in 1971 and ultimately became
the largest professional organization in the field (Society for Technical Communication, n.d.a). Malone (2015a, 2015b) also has called attention to significant roles of
women in organizing these professional associations.
A body of knowledge for technical communication has been discussed and
debated several times since the 1950s. In 1957, Israel Sweet, a higher education administrator, argued that identifying a body of knowledge was, by nature, the responsibility of academics. This would require research on multiple fronts, a process
that did not actually begin in any concerted way for another 30 years. Although
technical communication teachers were being recruited shortly after the war to
meet growing industry demands for technical writers (Connors, 1982; Kynell, 1996;
Whitburn, 2009), and although some of those teachers began publishing articles
and textbooks almost immediately, their publications focused on teaching practices—essentially teaching tips for freshly appointed and inexperienced college instructors (Cunningham & Harris, 1994; Cunningham & Hertz, 1970; Kynell &
Tebeaux, 2009). It was not until the 1980s that a need for serious research—theoretical and empirical—was realized, and not, initially, with much enthusiasm. In
Profession 215
fact, the primary motivation was the desire and the necessity for recognition and
status of technical writing teachers who were marginalized in traditional English
departments. In practical terms, this meant tenure, promotion, and increased salaries. It did not bear much fruit until the 1990s as technical communication scholars
made the transition from writing about teaching based on their own experience
to learning how to apply or develop theory to address the teaching and practice of
workplace writing and to conduct actual research in such matters.
Not until the early 2000s did a body of knowledge become a mission in the
field, spurred by a growing concern for certification of technical communication
practitioners. Certification, or “recognition or validation by a professional organization (including a college or university) or agency that an individual possesses the
qualifications for engaging in a specific profession” (Turner & Rainey, 2004, p. 234),
is an essential condition for market closure, but it was impossible to develop assessment criteria and certification standards without a “a codified body of knowledge
as the basis for certification” (Rainey et al., 2005, p. 335). A project was organized by
STC in 2007 to accomplish this goal. It was called the “Technical Communication
Body of Knowledge (TCBOK) initiative” project, with a “task force” of professors
from four universities and two industry representatives (Coppola, 2010, pp. 11-13).
The task force quickly decided that the body of knowledge and certification were
separate concerns and focused their work on TCBOK alone. Over the next two or
three years, a web portal was made available to the public. It is operational today
at https://www.tcbok.org/, although it is not represented as complete or definitive of the
technical communication field or as a basis for certification, even for STC’s certificate program, which was established in 2011. Instead, according to the certificate
program website, “the body of knowledge STC is using . . . is Johnson-Sheehan’s
textbook Technical Communication Today” (Society for Technical Communication,
n.d.b). As of June 2020, a total of 340 certificates had been awarded by STC.
A concern for ethics is characteristic of established professions. This is sometimes expressed in terms of altruism--a primary commitment to exercising one’s
professional knowledge and practice not only for the good of clients (or audiences and users in the case of technical communication) but equally, for the good of
society at large (Anteby et al., 2016; Evetts, 2006; Noordegraaf, 2015; Saks, 2011;
Sciulli, 2005). Flexner (1915) may have been the first to state this idea, and his may
be the most eloquent:
Devotion to well-doing is thus more and more likely to become
an accepted mark of professional activity; and as this development
proceeds, the pecuniary interest of the individual practitioner of
a given profession is apt to yield gradually before an increasing
realization of responsibility to a larger end. (p. 581)
Most established professions have, in fact, devised a code of ethics specific to
the nature of their practice. In the technical communication field, there are presently three statements of ethical principles: the ATTW Code of Ethics, the IEEE
216 Savage
Code of Conduct, and STC’s Ethical Principles, all of which are available on the
organizations’ websites. These three codes vow loyalty to professional colleagues,
clients, and audiences, as well as to the laws of the land. However, none of them call
for altruism in the sense of selfless service to others. STC comes closest in explicitly
recognizing an ethical responsibility to “respect cultural variety and other aspects of
diversity in our clients, employers, development teams, and audiences.” This could
count as an important step toward Flexner’s (1915) ideal of a maturing profession
“increasing realization of responsibility to a larger end” (p. 581).
The value of professional status, particularly in the traditional sense most
studies have assumed, has not been universally accepted in our field. This is evident in the ways that women, LGBTQ people, and people of marginalized races and ethnicities have been (when not simply excluded) sidelined, exoticized,
or closeted in technical and professional communication roles just as they have
been in the larger society. Natasha N. Jones et al. (2016) point out that the 1990s
feminist movement in technical communication, which they suggest may have
begun the social justice awakening in the field, called attention to the patriarchal
values and assumptions about technical communication as a profession. Feminist
scholars showed that women had been active, and sometimes leading, scholars
and practitioners for well over a century, although with little or no recognition.
With the rise of social justice awareness, several new research methodologies
have been making their way not only into research design but also into approaches
to teaching and practice. Participatory action methodologies, feminist theories—
including Black feminist theories—and queer theory have influenced not only how
technical communication is practiced but in what domains of culture and society
our field is or should be working. Decolonial methodologies are being applied to
expose the ways that colonial and neo-colonial ideologies and practices have shaped
and sustained traditional institutions and structures of power, including traditional
ways technical communication has been practiced (Agboka, 2014; Haas, 2012).
Probably the first organized effort to address social justice in technical communication began in 2003 with the formation of the Council for Programs in Technical and Scientific Communication’s (CPTSC) Diversity Committee (Selfe, 2004),
which began by questioning the lack of racial and ethnic diversity and calling attention to the racist assumptions and structures in our academic programs and workplaces. Today, we are seeing traditional notions of profession being challenged in
multiple ways. Discourse and genre conventions are being critiqued by scholars like
Laura Gonzales (2018) and Cruz Medina (2014). Alternative rhetorics, including
nonverbal rhetorics, have been identified by Matthew B. Cox (2018), Temptaous T.
Mckoy (2019), Cecilia Shelton (2020), and Brittany Hull et al. (2020).
It is often presumed that professional status confers an exalted identity upon
those who have such status. As Jennifer Daryl Slack and J. Macgregor Wise
(2005) argue, “In general, identity affects how a person is placed in culture: how
important they are, how they are treated, and what possibilities are open to them”
(p. 149). Professional identity is supposedly earned by the acquisition of expertise
Profession 217
certified by academic degrees, professional organizations, and/or licensure. However, one’s placement in culture is also conferred by factors in which a person may
have no choice, including race, gender, and other, usually intersectional, forms of
embodiment. As Hull et al. (2020) argue,
Because minority bodies are always, already under scrutiny and
subject to explanation and qualification, they are often conditioned
to be aware of and responsive to the presumed standards of professionalism just to survive. . . . Black women embody dual identities
and the pressure to conform to spaces where they were not welcome historically must be negotiated almost every day. (p. 7)
Cecilia Shelton (2020) brings a Black feminist perspective to bear upon the
traditional concept of expertise, challenging “the violence of expertise that feigns
an apolitical neutrality in service of the status quo” (p. 28).
Our scholarship, teaching, and practice, as Miriam F. Williams (2014) has emphasized, must recognize “those communicative practices used to negatively impact
historically marginalized groups and identify new practices that can be used to
encourage cultural competence within institutions and communities” (pp. 1-2.) Rebecca Walton (2016) takes up this charge in calling for “embracing human dignity
and human rights as the first principle of communication and the foundational
value of the TPC [technical and professional communication] field” (p. 402).
The turn to social justice may well be on the way to redefining technical
communication as a profession uniquely qualified to guide those who seek its
services in designing professional communications that are just, liberating, and
accessible to all stakeholders, including those—humans and nonhumans—whose
only stake is in the effects and consequences of the rhetorical and material actions
that technical communication facilitates.
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25. Project Management
Benjamin Lauren
University of Miami
The word “project” was borrowed from Latin in the mid-14th century, and in
English “project” came to mean “a plan, draft, scheme, or table of something; a
tabulated statement; a design or pattern according to which something is made”
(Oxford University Press, n.d.). This definition can be broadly understood as a
way to create forward momentum of some kind of initiative. With this definition, juxtaposed with the concept of “management,” or what the Oxford English
Dictionary defines as “the application of skill or care in the manipulation, use,
treatment, or control (of a thing or person), or in the conduct of something”
(Oxford University Press, n.d.), a fuller picture emerges of project management
as a plan, or plans, of work patterns that are controlled by some kind of individual or force. This historical conceptualization holds relatively true for technical
communicators today.
The earliest forms of project management shaped the growth and safety of
societies by managing the process and workforce responsible for manufacturing
dwellings and monuments; creating regular access to water, including irrigation;
developing systems for waste; and building farms, roads, tools, and other elements
of everyday life. The people responsible for managing these projects ranged across
occupations such as architects, builders, blacksmiths, farmers, and even artists.
The roots of contemporary project management practices can be traced to
at least three historical moments in western culture. The first was the rise of
the railroad; the second is mass manufacturing of automobiles; and the third
is World War II. In Control Through Communication, JoAnna Yates (1993) described how the development of the American railroad system necessitated a
system for sharing information in the form of reports and other documents
across distances, particularly through the rise of corporations that required redundancies in order to operate effectively. To do so, corporations had to develop
systems highly reliant on the technologies available to them at the time. Therein,
Yates discussed an emphasis on the constraints and affordances of technology,
and its impact on how projects were controlled and information was coordinated across distributed teams of people.
The scientific management principles offered by Taylorism were adopted and
prized by automaker Henry Ford, who had an important influence on concepts still
discussed in project management scholarship today: efficiency (i.e., how quickly
individuals or teams can produce and coordinate quality output) and productivity
(how much quality output individuals or teams can contribute during a defined
period of time). In particular, Ford focused a great deal on the efficiency of line
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workers, going so far as to base employee wages on meeting or exceeding quotas.
The culture of efficiency and its emphasis on productivity is nearly a ubiquitous
concern of many workplaces that employ technical communicators. Technical
communication scholars like Erin Frost (2016) and Joanna Schreiber (2017) argue
that we must be critical of philosophies like efficiency and productivity as they
directly influence how we position and manage teams of people in the workplace.
Rather, Frost and Schreiber alike suggest a realignment with the efficiency paradigm that emphasizes inclusion and reimagining what it means to engage, or what
can be broadly understood as motivating and inviting participation.
Scientific management also influenced the United States military in World
War II, which really worked to professionalize project management as praxis, or
as a series of dependable practices for planning work. Mirroring the development
of technical communication as a field, project management found its footing as
a profession during World War II. The U.S. Navy is widely credited for what was
called the PERT program (Program Evaluation and Review Technique), which
was developed well into the 1970s. Up until this time, Gantt charts were one of
the more universally adopted planning tools used by project managers, but the
PERT program built on scientific management principles to improve methods
of estimating time to complete projects, hoping to establish best practices for
planning, scheduling, and coordinating teams of people.
The time estimation concepts that were described in the PERT program are
often still used today, including critical path analysis (i.e., the longest amount of
possible time a project could take) or lead time (i.e., how much time is needed
from the completion of one project to the beginning of another one). The PERT
principles were used to plan projects like space exploration or even to manage the
military policies implemented during the Cold War. Technical communicators
involved in product documentation, drafting, and the development of instructional materials often worked on teams using PERT principles. Later, as knowledge work began to focus on software development, additional coordinating tools
were developed to help visualize planning principles forwarded by PERT. For
instance, visual planning techniques like a Kanban board visualize how work is
coordinated. Technical communication scholars have also created visualizations
to coordinate information across teams, such as Clay Spinuzzi et al. (2006), who
created a system for visualizing the activity streams of projects.
A through-line can be traced from the PERT method to lean manufacturing,
which was made popular by Toyota in the 1980s. Lean manufacturing aimed to
improve efficiency of teams by removing bureaucracy and empowering managers
to make budgetary decisions. Lean approaches also began to be adopted into
corporate environments during the same period of time. As Nikil Saval (2014)
described, the conceptualization of doing more with less and empowering managers to make their own financial decisions as embedded into an organizational structure proved attractive to corporate management structures in the 1980s,
especially because the political times called for high levels of intrapreneurial
Project Management 223
activities (i.e., an entrepreneurial mindset used inside an organization) to achieve
higher levels of productivity.
Technical communicators had important influence during the 1970s and 1980s
on both work patterns of developing texts and project management methods. As
Ginny Redish (2010) showed, there is a long history of technical communicators
reimagining approaches for designing documents and making products more
usable all the way back to the 1970s. The usability testing protocols offered by
practitioner-scholars like Karen Schriver, JoAnn Hackos, and Stephanie Rosenbaum not only influenced the focus of the work of technical communicators, but
also how the work was managed and coordinated across groups of people. For
example, the document cycling and publication processes of instructional materials required the development of new technologies, systems, and a strategy for
involving a range of stakeholders in those processes. Furthermore, the study of
effective document design principles and user experience were well established by
several technical communication scholars in the 1980s and 1990s (e.g., Hackos &
Redish, 1998; Schriver, 1996).
By the 1990s, as more technology corporations began to manufacture products (like software) that relied on computing technologies, lean approaches to
managing projects were abandoned by many software engineers. Rather than
engineering heavy machinery, such as cars or refrigerators, software engineers
were suddenly writers in that they were authoring code, and drawing from iterative approaches to do so. A building, once constructed, cannot easily be changed.
Software, once programmed, could easily be changed, and continuous updates of
software became a feature of the product rather than a bug. Development teams
were more often interdisciplinary, staffed by people with flexible skillsets who
understood both the technical requirements of a system and user needs. As a
result, computer engineers could no longer rely on processes meant for manufacturing, and software development teams began to develop flexible processes and
procedures, such as Extreme Programming, which served as a predecessor for the
flexibility of Agile development processes.
Already, technical communicators had been regularly working with subject-matter experts, such as engineers, to write technical documentation for
products as a way to help users operate computing systems with ease. Software
development processes positioned some technical communicators as usability
specialists as well as communication designers. As a result, technical communicators became familiar with iterative forms of development and flexible project
management processes and procedures (see Dicks, 2004; Hackos, 2007).
In 2001, the Agile Manifesto was published online, which became one of the
most disruptive and important moments in project management history since
the scientific management processes developed prior to World War II and the
subsequent advancements of the PERT program. The Agile Manifesto squarely rejected previous ways of thinking about project management developed for
manufacturing activities, decentralizing the role from a particular individual to
224 Lauren
a group of people working collectively. As a result, a range of communication
practices were developed to support Agile’s main tenets of supporting individuals, creating flexibility, collaborating with customers, and developing working
software. The facilitation of this work created new roles for project managers
under the term Scrum Master or Agile Coach. The large difference between the
traditional project manager and a Scrum Master was significant, as Scrum Masters were considered experts on Agile practices, whereas certified project managers might have expertise across several domains. While the intellectual shift
toward Agile practices is largely traced to this time period (and those who signed
the Agile Manifesto), scholarship in technical communication demonstrates that
several practitioners were also advocating for what can be described as “agile”
practices in the early 1980s (see Redish, 2010).
With the rise of content management, and later, content strategy (Anderson
& Batova, 2015), project management in technical communication became more
focused on delivering and managing the content organizations shared about their
products. Project management as a means of managing texts, people, and projects
did not disappear; rather, it continued to evolve with technology and technical
communication as a profession. Rather than publishing booklets teaching individuals how to use a product, technical communicators helped to design products
that are to be intuitive on their own. As such, many technical communicators today
are also involved in content creation that supports a range of activities—from promoting and advertising content to helping customers understand the features of a
product. Managing the delivery of this content became a key way technical communicators acted as project managers in an Agile workplace (see Hart-Davidson
et al., 2007). Agile and lean development strategies were adapted to work alongside
content management and strategy techniques (see Lauren, 2018), and digital governance frameworks developed for organizations to manage their footprint and messaging in a digital world (Welchman, 2015). Digital governance work made clear
that organizations and institutions would need a specialist, or team of specialists, to
manage their online content, but in a way that involved a variety of stakeholders.
In other words, project managers needed to develop skills of involving people in
complex processes to create alignment across organizations.
In 2020, the Dice Second Quarter Jobs Report showed that project management skills are the second most desirable trait for new job seekers, but how these
skills are utilized depends quite a bit on the organizational structure and its general
focus. Whether managing people, texts, or projects, many technical communicators
will find that experience with project management is not only foundational to their
success, but also a central organizing feature of knowledge work today.
Given the near ubiquitous need for project management skills and experience
in the professional lives of technical communicators, instructors have developed
coursework to teach students how to manage information and communication
design work. One popular approach was offered by Rebecca Pope-Ruark (2012),
who taught English students the Scrum framework to manage group projects.
Project Management 225
Several other examples exist as well, including frameworks for managing community engagement work ethically and effectively (Gonzales & Turner, 2019). As
well, scholarship on technical communication as a field frequently surfaces trends
related to project management as a practice, such as James Dubinsky’s (2015)
discussion of facilitation as an important part of the technical communicator’s
skillset. No doubt, project management will remain an important element of how
to develop, manage, and strategize communication work.
References
Andersen, R. & Batova, T. (2015). The current state of component content management:
An integrative literature review. IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication,
58(3), 247-270. https://doi.org/10.1109/TPC.2016.2516619.
Dicks, S. (2004). Management principles and practices for technical communicators. Longman.
Dubinsky, J. (2015). Products and processes: Transition from “product documentation
to… integrated technical content.” Technical Communication, 62(2), 118-134.
Frost, E. A. (2016). Apparent feminism as a methodology for technical communication
and rhetoric. Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 30(1), 3-28. https://doi.
org/10.1177/1050651915602295
Gonzales, L., & Turner, H. N. (2019). Challenges and insights for fostering academicindustry collaborations in UX. In Proceedings of the 37th ACM International Conference
on the Design of Communication (SIGDOC ’19) (Article 21, pp. 1-6). Association for
Computing Machinery. . https://doi.org/10.1145/3328020.3353921
Hackos, J. T. (2007). Information development: Managing your documentation projects,
portfolio, and people. Wiley. (Original work published 1997)
Hackos, J. T., & Redish, J. C. (1998). User and task analysis for interface design. Jon Wiley
and Sons.
Hart-Davidson, W., Bernhardt, G., McLeod, M., Rife, M., & Grabill, J. T. (2007).
Coming to content management: Inventing infrastructure for organizational
knowledge work. Technical Communication Quarterly, 17(1), 10-34. https://doi.
org/10.1080/10572250701588608
Lauren, B. (2018). Communicating project management: A participatory rhetoric for
development teams. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315171418
Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Management. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved
April 11, 2023, from https://www.oed.com
Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Project. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved April 11,
2023, from https://www.oed.com
Pope-Ruark, R. (2012). We Scrum every day: Using Scrum project management
framework for group projects. College Teaching, 60(4), 164-169. https://doi.org/10.1080
/87567555.2012.669425
Redish, J. (2010). Technical communication and usability: Intertwined strands and
mutual influences. IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication, 53(3), 191-201.
https://doi.org/10.1109/TPC.2010.2052861
Saval, N. (2014). Cubed: A secret history of the workplace. Doubleday.
Schreiber, J. (2017). Toward a critical alignment with efficiency philosophies. Technical
Communication, 64(1), 27-37.
226 Lauren
Schriver, K. (1996). Dynamics in document design: Creating text for readers. Wiley.
Spinuzzi, C., Hart-Davidson, W., & Zachry, M. (2006). Chains and ecologies:
Methodological notes toward a communicative-mediational model of technologically
mediated writing. In Proceedings of the 24th Annual International Conference
on Design of Communication, SIGDOC 2006 (pp. 43-50). ACM. https://doi.
org/10.1145/1166324.1166336
Welchman, L. (2015). Managing chaos: Digital governance by design. Rosenfeld Media.
Yates, J., & American Council of Learned Societies. (1989). Control through
communication: The rise of system in American management. Johns Hopkins University
Press.
26. Proposal
Richard Johnson-Sheehan
Purdue University
An internet search for the word proposal will bring up several common usages, the
two most prominent being marriage proposals and self-described “modest proposals”—though most of the proposals in this second category fail to understand
that Jonathan Swift’s classic satire was ironic and not meant to be modest. The
third most popular usage of the word proposal is the one that most interests us in
technical and professional communication: a document that defines a problem or
opportunity and then presents a plan or method for solving or taking advantage
of that problem. A proposal in this sense is a genre used to get things done in
workplaces and civic life ( Johnson-Sheehan, 2008).
The proposal is one of the oldest and most powerful genres in technical and
professional communication. The ability to write persuasive proposals to clients,
customers, and funding sources can make or break a high-tech business or organization (Sant, 2012). Whether someone works in an engineering firm, a scientific
laboratory, or a nonprofit organization, they will need to write persuasive proposals as part of their career.
The English word proposal derives from the word propos, which probably
arrived in the British Isles in 1066 with Norman invaders. In Middle French,
the term proposer meant “to intend, purpose,” according to the Oxford English
Dictionary (Oxford University Press). This French word was derived from the
Latin word propositum, which means a “plan, intention, design” (Provost, 1961).
Thus, the root word for proposal is posit, which means “position, posture, situation.” The prefix pro- adds a sense of direction or support, and the suffix -al
means “related to” or “the kind of.”
As shown in the Oxford English Dictionary, the English meaning of the word
proposal, as we know it now, probably originated in the mid-14th century, when
the usage of the word propos narrowed to mean “purpose.” Not long afterward,
the word proposal became common in the English language, perhaps due to the
rise of English commerce and industry.
Today, proposals are usually categorized according to how they were initiated.
A proposal can be either external or internal. An external proposal is written from
one company or organization to another, usually to pitch a product or service. An
internal proposal is written to be used within a company or organization, usually
to present new ideas for products, services, or processes.
Proposals can also be categorized by who initiates them. A proposal can be
either solicited (requested by the customer or client) or unsolicited (initiated by
the provider without being requested by the customer or client). These categories
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227
228 Johnson-Sheehan
overlap with the external/internal distinction. For example, an external solicited
proposal is one that has been requested by a customer or client from another
company or organization. An external solicited proposal usually begins when the
customer or client sends out an advertisement called a request for proposals (RFP)
that describes the desired product or service. A typical RFP will summarize the
current problem, state the project objectives, explain the scope of the project, provide an overview of the company or organization, and specify expectations and
deliverables (Hamper & Baugh, 2011, p. 56). The RFP will also include information about submission deadlines, assessment procedures, points of contact, and
formatting. Depending on the industry, RFPs can also be called a request for bids
(RFB), call for proposals (CFP), request for application (RFA), information for
bid (IFB), call for quotes (CFQ), or advertisement for bids (AFB). Each of these
types of RFPs will signal the specific kinds of information that the customer or
client is seeking in the proposal.
An internal solicited proposal, meanwhile, is usually one that was requested
by a supervisor or management within the writer’s company or organization. In
our increasingly entrepreneurial workplaces (or “in-trepreneurial” workplaces),
it is becoming common for management to solicit proposals from their divisions or teams. This process puts these divisions and teams into competition
with each other, urging them to compete for the company’s limited pool of
resources.
An external unsolicited proposal is typically a sales device through which
salespeople at one company reach out to another company, introducing themselves and pitching their products and services (Sant, 2012). Consultants use unsolicited external proposals to make clients or customers aware of solutions to
problems that they aren’t sure how to handle or may even not know exist.
An internal unsolicited proposal might be written by employees to their managers, making suggestions for changes to products, services, or corporate operating procedures. Usually, internal unsolicited proposals come about because a
person or team identifies a persistent problem and decides to offer a plan to
management for solving that problem.
Recently, pre-proposals (also known as letters of intent in nonprofit settings)
have become more common as a way to streamline the proposal process (Markin,
2015). A pre-proposal can be as short as two pages long, allowing the proposing company or organization to describe the project or service in general terms.
Then, the customer or client will invite a limited number of providers to submit
full proposals. The pre-proposal process is advantageous for both providers and
their customers or clients. By asking for pre-proposals rather than full proposals,
the customers or clients can limit the final bidding to providers who seem to
best understand what is needed and have the ability to provide it. Pre-proposals
also allow customers and clients to give providers feedback that helps them craft
better full proposals. Providers, meanwhile, save time because they don’t need to
write full proposals for all the RFPs that interest them. Instead, they only write
Proposal 229
full proposals for companies or organizations that have already reviewed and
responded favorably to the ideas in their pre-proposals.
Another recent change, especially in this entrepreneurial age, is a shift to less
formal and briefer proposals (Copel Communications, 2016). Just as an entrepreneur might wear a hoodie and jeans to pitch a new startup, the tone of these proposals can be intentionally informal and personal. Nevertheless, these “informal”
proposals, just like those entrepreneurs in hoodies, are very serious and the stakes
can be high. The informal tone is intended to put the readers at ease, and the
shorter length is designed to encourage them to actually look over the proposal.
Typically, if the customer or client expresses interest, an informal proposal will
then be revised into a much longer formal proposal. The formal proposal, with its
cover page, table of contents, abstract, appendixes, and itemized budget, becomes
the de facto contract that spells out the formal offer.
Proposals come in many forms and sizes, which reflects the highly flexible
nature of this genre (Northcut et al., 2009). Like most documents, a proposal
typically has an introduction, body, and conclusion. The body of a proposal
can be arranged into a variety of structures, but it will usually make five major
moves that often take the form of separate sections: (1) a background or narrative that explains the problem or opportunity by describing its causes and
effects; (2) a list of objectives or aims, which are the goals any plan would need to
achieve to solve the problem or take advantage of the opportunity; (3) a project
plan or methods that describes how those objectives would be achieved; (4) the
qualifications of the people who would do the work; and (5) the costs and benefits, which attempt to persuade the readers that the deliverables of the project
would be worth the price ( Johnson-Sheehan, 2008). Each of these sections
plays a unique role.
Background or Narrative. After the introduction, a proposal will typically include an analysis of the customer’s or client’s problem or opportunity by
identifying its causes and the likely effects. When experienced proposal writers
draft this section, they usually spend a great amount of time asking two questions: 1) “What exactly is causing the problem our customer or client is trying
to solve?” and 2) “What has changed recently to create this problem?” ( Johnson-Sheehan, 2008). Of course—to use consultant-speak—a problem is always
an opportunity in disguise. That is true, but using the word “problem” adds a
sense of urgency in this section that holds the customers’ or clients’ attention
(Miner & Ball, 2019, p. 91).
The word “narrative” is a tip-off to how proposal writers often approach the
writing of this section. They will tell a story that identifies the main characters (protagonists and antagonists) as well as the events, causes, and effects that
brought those characters to the current problem state. Experienced proposal
writers will use narrative techniques, such as setting the scene, using rising action, and describing a climax, to explain how the problem emerged and how the
problem will affect the customer or client in the future.
230 Johnson-Sheehan
Statement of Objectives or Aims. Stating the objectives or aims is typically a
major pivot point at which a proposal transitions from describing the problem
(looking backward) to presenting a plan for solving that problem (looking forward). The objectives or aims are designed to focus the readers’ attention, revealing the goals that need to be achieved to solve the problem. Typically, in a
solicited proposal, these objectives or aims will be aligned with, but not duplicate,
the evaluation criteria named in the RFP.
Project Plan or Methods. After stating its objectives, a proposal typically includes a step-by-step description of the work, which is called the “Project Plan”
or “Methods.” While generating the content of this section, proposal writers
will often ask themselves, “What are the three to seven major steps required to
achieve the objectives or aims?” Then, for each of those major steps, they will
come up with three to seven minor steps needed to achieve the major step.
Proposal writers often use the following three questions to fill out the content
for each major and minor step:
“How will we complete each step?” Identify each major step and then
describe the minor steps needed to complete that major step.
“Why are these steps needed?” After stating each major step and its minor
steps, spend a little time, perhaps a sentence or two, explaining why that
step would be handled that way.
“What are the deliverables or outcomes of each major step?” After describing each major step, explain what will be finished (products, services,
reports, data sets, software, etc.) by the end of the step. Specifically, mention things that will be delivered (i.e., deliverables) to the customer or
client ( Johnson-Sheehan, 2008).
This How-Why-What pattern can be very persuasive to the readers because
they see how the project will be completed step-by-step, why each step is needed,
and what kinds of deliverables they will receive.
Qualifications. Even the best plan or methods won’t work if the right people
aren’t in place to implement it. Most proposals will include a “Qualifications”
section that describes the provider’s management and labor, facilities and equipment, and prior experiences with similar projects. Individual qualifications can
be expressed through biographical statements, resumes, curriculum vitas, or other
genres that summarize the skills and experiences of the project team.
Costs and Benefits. Usually, a summary of the costs and benefits concludes
the proposal by trying to persuade the readers that the benefits of saying “yes”
to the proposal are worth the costs. The overall price of the project (the costs) is
stated in a straightforward and unapologetic way. Proposal writers may include
the bottom-line figure, a small table that categorizes the major costs, or a fully
itemized budget.
After the costs are stated, many proposal writers will summarize the three to
seven major benefits of the project. These benefits had been previously identified
Proposal 231
as the deliverables within the description of the project plan. Here at the end of
the proposal, they are reframed as benefits and used to balance the costs. This
allows the readers to do a quick cost-benefits analysis as they finish reading the
proposal. The key move in this concluding section is to convey to the readers,
“Here’s what you get” for your money. The customer or client needs to be persuaded that the plan will solve their problem and that they will receive substantial
benefits after the problem is solved.
Table 26.1 shows how each of these sections of a proposal is used in various
disciplines. As shown in the table, the genre itself is similar across fields, but the
genre’s flexibility allows it to be used in many different ways.
Always remember that proposals are unabashedly persuasive in nature, and
both sides know it. The readers are fully aware that something is being pitched to
them. The proposal writers know their job is to use persuasion to sell the readers
a solution. Proposal writers do this by showing the customers or clients that they
understand the problem, that they have a reasonable plan for solving that problem, that they have the right people to do the work, and that the benefits of doing
the project clearly outweigh the costs.
Table 26.1 Similarities in Proposals Across Various Fields.
Business
Proposals
Engineering
Proposals
Science
Proposals
Nonprofit
Proposals
Background or
Narrative
Service the
client may not
know they need
Problem with a
manufacturing
process
Literature
review that
highlights a gap
in research
Problem in the
community
that needs to be
solved
Objectives or
Aims
List of the customer’s needs
Criteria for
determining
a successful
change to
process
Version of
funding agency’s criteria
for obtaining
funding
Version of a
funding source’s
evaluation
criteria
Project Plan or
Methods
Step-by-step
description
of service and
how it would
work for the
customer
Step-by-step
description of
how the change
would be
implemented
Step-by-step
description of
the research
methodology
Step-by-step
description of
the program
to address a
problem
Qualifications
Company
backgrounder
Bios of the
Bios and CVs
engineering and of the team of
design team
scientists and
facilities
Bios and
resumes of the
nonprofit’s
administrators
Costs and
Benefits
Estimate of
the costs and
benefits of the
new service
Estimate of
the costs and
benefits of a
new process
Project costs
and impact on
the community
Significance
and impact of
the research
232 Johnson-Sheehan
The proposal, as one of the core genres in technical and professional communication, will be around as long as people have new ideas. In the future, proposals
will continue evolving to match the speed and fluidity of today’s networked and
global workplace. They will likely become briefer, more visual, and more interactive, taking the form of slide decks, poster canvases, and multimodal presentations. In new forms, these brief, visual, and interactive proposals will still make
the same major moves as traditional written proposals, but they will be designed
for clients and customers who want to see more, read less, and be entertained.
References
Copel Communications. (2016, September 6). Formal vs. informal proposals: Which nets
more? https://www.copelcommunications.com/blog/formal-vs-informal-proposalswhich-nets-more
Hamper, R., & Baugh, S. (2011). Handbook for writing proposals. McGraw-Hill.
Johnson-Sheehan, R. (2008). Writing proposals (2nd ed.). Allyn and Bacon; Longman.
Markin, K. (2015, January 21). Writing a preproposal: Leave them wanting more. The
Chronicle of Higher Education, 62. https://www.chronicle.com/article/writing-apreproposal-leave-them-wanting-more/
McMurrey, D., & Arnett, J. (2019). 02.04: Proposals Open technical communication, 5.
https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/opentc/5
Miner, J., & Ball, K. (2019). Proposal planning and writing. ABC-CLIO.
Northcut, K. M., Crow, M. L., & Mormile, M. (2009). Proposal writing from three
perspectives: Technical communication, engineering, and science. In 2009 IEEE
International Professional Communication Conference. IEEE. https://doi.org/10.1109/
IPCC.2009.5208695
Oxford University Press. (n.d). Proposal. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved May 5,
2023, from https://www.oed.com
Provost, A. J. (1961). Junior classic Latin dictionary: Latin-English and English-Latin.
Follett.
Sant, T. (2012). Persuasive business proposals (3rd ed.). Amacon.
27. Public
Kristen R. Moore
University at Buffalo
Many approaches to technical communication (TC) locate the field’s work in
corporate, industrial, and scientific workspaces—not the public sphere (Rude,
2008). And yet both the cultural turn (Scott et al., 2006) and the social justice
turn (Haas & Eble, 2018; Walton et al., 2019) provide examples of the role of
technical communication outside of these more traditional spaces. From public
policy to health and medical communication to community-based literacies, technical communication often serves the public. And yet “the public” is not such a
straightforward audience or set of users as one might hope.
Outside of TC, the term public has been well-theorized by scholars in communication (e.g., Asen, 2000; Goodnight, 2012), philosophy (e.g., Fraser, 1990;
Habermas, 1962/1991), and rhetoric and writing (e.g., Flower, 2008; Long, 2008;
Rice, 2012), among others (notably, Warner, 2005 in literary studies). In TC, however, the theoretical takeaways often fade into the background of practice and
application. As such, this entry provides an overview of the theoretical debates
by organizing them into four key (if false) dichotomies that affect TC (see Table
27.1): public vs. private, the public vs. publics, public vs. counterpublic, and public
vs. community. Rather than linger in the theoretical, this entry focuses on the
ways each of these dichotomies affects the practice of technical communication
in industry, pedagogy, and sites of research.
Public vs. Private. If we consult Jürgen Habermas (1962/1991), the public realm
of authority, the public sphere (of cafes, politics, and the market), and the private
realm (of the house and civil work spaces) exist as separate spheres (p. 30). Habermas writes that the public sphere includes “a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed,” noting that “citizens behave as a
public body when they confer in an unrestricted faction . . . about matters of general
interest” (Habermas, qtd. in Hauser, 1999). As the site of communication, the public
sphere provides freedom from the restrictions of either the private sphere or the
state. Yet theoretical critiques of Habermas argue that the differences between
public and private are not so clear (e.g., Berlant and Warner, 1998).
Technical communication often exists in corporate, scientific, or government spaces; these spaces seem to live in a gray area between Habermas’ public and private, entering into a discourse community that seems to be neither
general enough to be considered “public” or intimate enough to be considered
“private.” This dichotomy serves as the foundation for how TC has traditionally been conceptualized. Yet, countless examples draw our attention to the
limits of conceptualizing public as separate from private. Katherine Durack
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.27
233
234 Moore
(1997), for example, highlighted how technologies used in the domestic (or
private sphere) have been ignored by technical communicators because they
are gendered. From a public vs. private perspective, however, the gendered nature of the technology she discusses is also wrapped up in the gendered nature
of the home as a private sphere.
Many forms of technical communication mediate between the traditional
public and private spheres, collapsing the dichotomy on itself. For example, the
adjustable mortgage rate documents that Natasha Jones and Miriam Williams
(2017) analyze are designed to be used by all members of the public to enable
work in the public sphere. Yet, as they discuss, language use in these documents
deeply affects and reflects the private realm: where someone lives and how they
can make personal decisions about where to make a home. Similarly, medical/
health communication and policies are often written to articulate policies for
the public but ultimately affect activities and decisions that often occur in what
might be called the private sphere (the body). Medical and health-related technical communication contexts, from DIY hormone replacement instructions
(Edenfield et al., 2019) to fertility tracking apps (Novotny & Hutchinson, 2019)
to HIV testing (Scott, 2003), provide examples of technical communication
that defy the public vs. private dichotomy.
Table 27.1. Theoretical and Practical Takeaways That Emerge from Four Key
(False) Dichotomies for Understanding the Complexity of the Term Public
Dichotomy
Theoretical Takeaway
Practical Takeaway
Public vs. Private The distinction between public
and private is murky at best.
TC often mediates between the
traditional public and private
spaces.
The Public vs.
Publics
No single, homogenous public
exists.
When moving into the public
sphere, our audiences must be
broken down into stakeholders,
users, and localized contingents.
Public vs.
Counterpublic
People traditionally excluded from
the public sphere—marginalized
groups or oppressed groups—often constitute their own groups in
opposition to the dominant public
sphere.
When considering information products of all kinds, the
conceptualization of a public
must account for the fact that not
all groups have historically been
considered central, important, or
worthy of our attention.
Public vs.
Community
Publics have been theorized as
gatherings of strangers without
shared interests or common goals;
communities, on the other hand,
provide loci for shared decision-making and values.
When considering public-facing
technical communication, understanding community-driven values
encourages a kind of localization
that helps TC address injustice
and solve discrete problems.
Public 235
The Public vs. Publics. Early articulations of the public sphere articulated it
as a location occupied by a singular entity: the public. Political discourse occurs
in public, of course, but it is also marketed to “the public.” Despite the supposed neutrality of technical communication, scholars like Steven B. Katz (1992)
and Dale Sullivan (1990) demonstrate that TC is political and addresses public
problems; as such, the public is an audience for TC. But it’s complex and in no
way homogenous. Indeed, as Robert Asen (2000) argues, “A single, overarching
public sphere ignores or denies social complexity insofar as it invokes a notion of
publicity as contemporaneous face-to-face encounters among all citizens potentially affected by issues under consideration.” This complexity has driven most
theorists to articulate that multiple publics exist in any communication scenario.
The dichotomy between “the public” and “publics” has importance because technical communicators are often challenged to create a single technical document (a webpage, a policy, an instruction manual) that works for
“the public.” Susan Youngblood (2012), for example, demonstrates the complexities of developing emergency-planning websites for “the public” where
information products must meet the demands of a number of stakeholders.
In these cases, “the public” remains ambiguous at best and might best be described as “anyone who reads the document”.
Technical communicators have handled the need to communicate with “the
public” through a range of best practices, most notably accessibility standards and
plain language. Accessibility standards and user experience testing, for example,
allow for designers to ensure that even if and as “the public” is conceptualized
as homogeneous, public-facing information products have a base-level of accessibility for a wide range of users. Plain language standards also provide a foundation for addressing “the public” in its diversity and difference by simplifying
language for the widest range of readers and users. Yet even with these strategies,
the problems facing technical communicators writing for “the public” are many:
Different users will use the document or technology in different ways ( Johnson,
1998). In other words, there is never really just one public; rather, there are many
publics who “gather” around the same document or technology for different
purposes. As a result, technical communicators navigate public-facing projects
using user-centered approaches, breaking down “the public” into stakeholder
and user groups whenever possible (Acharya, 2017; Zoetewey & Staggers, 2004).
Public vs. Counterpublic. Perhaps the most important result of the public(s)
conversation is the acknowledgement that some publics exist in contradistinction to what might be called the public—those at the margin (minoritized groups and individuals) versus those in the center (typically those who
most closely resemble Audre Lorde’s mythical norm: straight, white, male,
Christian, and middle class). For example, in Technical Communication after
the Social Justice Turn, Rebecca Walton, Natasha Jones, and I describe the
236 Moore
ways able-bodied users are often de facto, leaving those with disabilities at the
margin (Walton et al., 2019). This example demonstrates the need not only
to articulate that there are multiple publics but also that those publics are
unequally positioned to navigate political and institutional authorities. The
concept of counterpublics (Warner, 2005) offers an import frame for understanding these inequities. As Michael Warner (2005) observes, “Some publics
. . . are more likely than others to stand in for the public, to frame their address
as the universal discussion of the people” (p. 117).
Counterpublics are “not merely a subset of the public”; instead, they are
defined in contradistinction to the dominant or mainstream (Warner, 2005, p.
118). Subordinated by the dominant public, counterpublics (including women,
workers, and people of color, among others) have “‘no arenas for deliberation
among themselves about their needs, objectives, and strategies’” (Fraser, qtd.
in Warner, p. 118). In her articulation of “the” Black Public Sphere, Catherine
Squires (2002) takes this further, arguing not only that counterpublics exist,
but that they sometimes operate differently in order to thrive or survive. In
the wake of political inequity, then, counterpublics develop as resistant, oppositional, or contrary to the dominant public.
The implications of this dichotomy have caused a tectonic shift in the
field of TC. It is not enough to acknowledge that there are multiple publics; instead, technical communicators must understand the way that power
and oppression imbue the public sphere. W. Michelle Simmons (2007) provides a foundational example of this as she articulates the ways TC practices
needed to shift in order to ethically and justly accommodate those with less
power in an environmental case. The role of systemic oppression has become
prominent in the field’s social justice turn, emphasizing the need for technical
communicators to consider counterpublics. Emma Rose and Rebecca Walton
(2015), for example, articulated the ways particular users of public-transit systems (homeless bus riders) are often vulnerable to (and under-consulted on)
system changes. Similarly, Lucía Durá and colleagues (2019) revealed the way
Latinx migrants have limited support to navigate end-of-life contexts in the
United States.
Public vs. Community. In the Journal of Business and Technical Communication (JBTC) special issue on business and technical communication in the
public sphere, a number of articles address the impact TC can have in the public sphere and “convey a quiet optimism about the possibilities of using and
improving texts for solving problems in the public sphere” (Rude, 2008). The
first article in the issue begins “In a community we call Harbor . . . ” and then
describes “finding a way to work effectively with communities marked by severe
distrust and broken relationships” (Blythe et al., 2008, p. 279). This linguistic
move provides insight into a final proposed dichotomy: public vs. community.
Public 237
TC has, as demonstrated in this entry, engaged with the public sphere in
many ways, but often, there is slippage between public and community work.
For example, the work of Dura et al. (2019) mentioned above arguably focuses
on counterpublics, but the authors describe their project as a form of community-based user experience (UX). What do we get from community that we
don’t otherwise get from publics?
Warner (2005) describes a public as a collection of strangers; he argues
that publics are formed through the circulation of documents. The public or
publics cannot be known because they aren’t stable and cannot be pre-determined. Communities, on the other hand, are intimate collections of individuals. When Stuart Blythe and colleagues (2008) describe Harbor as a
community, it is because the group is a known entity, an emplaced and connected group of individuals. Community, in other words, focuses on connection and what is shared among individuals. Walton and colleagues (2015)
demonstrate as much when they discuss their research in Rwanda. Focusing
on the community, their research emerged as messy, deeply contextualized,
and fundamentally collaborative. The focus on community provided these
two research groups with an ability to engage with members who have specific needs, individualized stories, and culturally specific knowledge. When
technical communicators write for a collection of strangers (or a public), our
orientation towards those individuals may become distanced, neutral, and objective; this neutrality, as Cecilia Shelton (2020) argues, can do harm. Shifting
to a community-based framework may be one strategy for critically engaging
those who have traditionally been excluded from “the public sphere,” that is,
the counterpublics.
The various dichotomies about “public” don’t hold together under scrutiny
and do not create easily defined categories or labels, yet they offer productive
tensions to consider the way the concept of the public has and continues to
affect TC practice.
References
Acharya, K. R. (2017). User value and usability in technical communication: A valueproposition design model. Communication Design Quarterly Review, 4(3), 26-34.
https://doi.org/10.1145/3071078.3071083
Asen, R. (2000). Seeking the “counter” in counterpublics. Communication Theory, 10(4),
424-446. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2885.2000.tb00201.x
Berlant, L., & Warner, M. (1998). Sex in public. Critical inquiry, 24(2), 547-566.
Blythe, S., Grabill, J. T., & Riley, K. (2008). Action research and wicked environmental
problems: Exploring appropriate roles for researchers in professional communication.
Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 22(3), 272-298. https://doi.
org/10.1177/1050651908315973
238 Moore
Durá, L., Gonzáles, L., & Solis, G. (2019, October). Creating a bilingual, localized
glossary for end-of-life-decision-making in borderland communities. In Proceedings
of the 37th ACM International Conference on the Design of Communication (pp. 1-5).
https://doi.org/10.1145/3328020.3353940
Durack, K. (1997). Gender, technology and the history of technical communication.
Technical Communication Quarterly, 6(3), 249–260. https://doi.org/10.1207/
s15427625tcq0603_2
Edenfield, A. C., Holmes, S., & Colton, J. S. (2019). Queering tactical technical
communication: DIY HRT. Technical Communication Quarterly, 28(3), 177-191. https://
doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2019.1607906
Flower, L. (2008). Community literacy and the rhetoric of public engagement. Southern
Illinois University Press.
Fraser, N. (1990). Rethinking the public sphere: A contribution to the critique of actually
existing democracy. Social Text, (25/26), 56-80. https://doi.org/10.2307/466240
Goodnight, G. T. (2012). The personal, technical, and public spheres: A note on 21st
century critical communication inquiry. Argumentation and Advocacy, 48(4), 258-267.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00028533.2012.11821776
Haas, A. M., & Eble, M. F. (Eds.). (2018). Key theoretical frameworks: Teaching technical
communication in the twenty-first century. Utah State University Press.
Habermas, J. (1991). The structural transformation of the public sphere: An inquiry into a
category of bourgeois society. MIT press. (Original work published 1962)
Hauser, G. A. (1999). Vernacular voices: The rhetoric of publics and public spheres. University
of South Carolina Press.
Johnson, R. R. (1998). User-centered technology: A rhetorical theory for computers and other
mundane artifacts. SUNY press.
Jones, N. N., Moore, K. R., & Walton, R. (2016). Disrupting the past to
disrupt the future: An antenarrative of technical communication. Technical
Communication Quarterly, 25(4), 211-229. https://doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2016.
1224655
Jones, N. N., & Williams, M. F. (2017). The social justice impact of plain language:
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Scott, J. B. (2003). Risky rhetoric: AIDS and the cultural practices of HIV testing. Southern
Illinois University Press.
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Warner, M. (2005). Publics and counterpublics. Zone books.
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Communication, 47(4), 233-243. https://doi.org/10.1109/TPC.2004.837969
28. Research
Chris Lam
University of North Texas
Research is a nebulous term that can mean many different things to many different people. For some, research is equated with lengthy manuscripts as if the
output of the research is the research itself. For others, research is conflated with
the act of data collection and/or data analysis. In this keyword essay, I will examine how both of these definitions are incomplete in and of themselves. It is
helpful, though, to first begin with a simple definition of the word research and
then unpack and contextualize how this definition applies specifically to technical communication research. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford
University Press, n.d.), research was first used as a verb in the late 16th century
and derives from two morphemes (re + search). “Re” as a prefix is defined “with
the general sense of ‘back’ or ‘again’,” and “search” is defined as the “examination
or scrutiny for the purpose of finding a person or thing.” While there are two
primary definitions of research in the Oxford English Dictionary, the second is
most relevant to academic research and to this essay:
Research: Systematic investigation or inquiry aimed at contributing to knowledge of a theory, topic, etc., by careful consideration,
observation, or study of a subject. In later use also: original critical
or scientific investigation carried out under the auspices of an academic or other institution.
This definition, while only 43 words, provides much descriptive detail about
research. It 1) qualifies research (systematic), 2) describes the act of research (investigation or inquiry), 3) provides motive (aimed at contributing to knowledge of a
theory), and 4) describes the methods in which research can be accomplished (by
careful consideration, observation, or study of a subject).
To begin, it is important to clarify the distinction between product (the tangible output of research) and process (the act of doing research). For technical
communication researchers, this distinction has significant ramifications because
it can reveal competing values. For instance, in institutional contexts that more
closely align with the social sciences, peer-reviewed journal articles are the gold
standard. On the other hand, for technical communication faculty in humanistic
departments, value may be more highly placed on scholarly monographs. In addition to differences in product, technical communicators have also historically
diverged on both approaches and methods to research due to the diverse research
training backgrounds in which technical communicators find themselves, which
include rhetoric and composition, communication studies, human factors, and
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linguistics (St.Amant & Melonçon, 2016). Regardless of background, a shared
understanding that research involves both process and product and an acknowledgment that diversity exists within both of those categories are important starting points to understanding research within the context of technical communication. This essay will contextualize research within technical communication by
outlining approaches, methods, and motives for research in the field.
There have been two primary approaches to research in technical communication as outlined in Davida Charney’s foundational 1996 essay, “Empiricism is
Not a Four-Letter Word.” In her article, she clearly delineates two major schools
of thought surrounding approaches to research in technical communication.
On one hand, Charney describes a group of scholars who champion subjectivist methods (largely equated with qualitative methods). Subjectivists have been
historically critical of objectivist methods, particularly in their ties to “patriarchal
institutions of power” (Lay, 1991), no doubt inspired by Carolyn Miller’s (1979)
landmark work “A Humanistic Rationale for Technical Writing.” On the other
hand, there is an objectivist camp of scholars who argue that empirical approaches to research are essential to knowledge building. Nancy Coppola and Norbert
Elliot (2005) similarly draw the distinction between big science and bricolage.
Charney (1996) concludes her essay by asserting that “over-reliance on qualitative
studies and repeated disparagement of objective methods is creating a serious
imbalance in studies of technical and professional writing” (p. 590). She goes on
to argue that “the numerous socially-situated ethnographies and case studies,
excellent though each may be, cannot by themselves sufficiently extend and refine our methods and our knowledge base” (p. 590). Though Charney’s essay was
published in 1996, recent scholarship in technical communication suggests that
there remains an over-reliance on subjectivist methods. For example, in a 2017
study, Chris Lam and Ryan Boettger examined 117 articles over a five-year period (2012-2016) and found a vast majority using subjectivist methods. Charney’s
allusion to knowledge gets at the third part of the Oxford English Dictionary definition of research: motive. As defined, the motivation of research is to contribute
to knowledge of a theory. But, as Charney argues, if there is an overreliance on
a particular approach to research, a knowledge base cannot be fully realized. The
debate between objectivist and subjectivist methods was/is not only about methods themselves. Like the Oxford English Dictionary definition, it is merely one
part of what makes research research. What Charney and others are arguing is
that, while methods are important, the qualification, action, and motive of technical communication research are equally important.
While there are two primary approaches to research in technical communication, there are also foundational methods utilized by technical communicators.
Research methods garner a lot of debate, but they are merely a means to an end.
They act as a tool that allows researchers to answer research questions. According
to George Hayhoe and Pam Estes Brewer (2020), technical communication has
relied on five major methodological traditions: quantitative, qualitative, critical
Research 243
theory, literature review, and mixed methods. While this is true, it may be more
helpful to understand methods within the context of technical communication
by viewing methods through the lens of the data source or object of study. Most
prominently, technical communicators have been interested in studying written
texts. To study written texts, a variety of methodological traditions have been
employed by technical communicators, including rhetorical analysis, discourse
analysis, and content analysis. In her seminal work on integrating a social justice
approach to technical communication, Natasha N. Jones (2016) further advocates
for historical and archival research of texts that utilizes decolonial approaches.
Also recently, innovative visual methods (McNely, 2013) and methods associated
with big data (Graham et al., 2015) have been used to examine a variety of texts.
Technical communicators have also studied people including practicing technical communicators, students, and faculty. Technical communicators have used
methods including surveys, interviews, focus groups, diary studies, and participatory research to study people. Finally, technical communicators study contexts
in which people interact with technology. Methods like card sorting, participant
observation, usability, and contextual inquiry have been used to examine these
interactions. As McNely et al. (2015) put it, “technical communication’s methodological and theoretical pluralism reveals the rich and diverse tapestry of opportunities for research and practice” (p. 6).
A final area that warrants discussion is debates surrounding the motive and
purpose of research in technical communication. Simply put, why should we do
research in the first place? What is the end goal of that research? If research is
meant to contribute to a body of knowledge, what then is the role of researcher in
facilitating the application of knowledge into practice? Certainly, there is much
room for varying opinions, but an examination of the field’s five major journals
(Technical Communication, Technical Communication Quarterly, Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, Journal of Business and Technical Communication,
and IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication) reveals varying publication practices in regards to knowledge application. For example, Technical Communication and IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication both require
a “practitioner takeaways” section in their research reports. This is a clear signal
that these publication venues value applied research and are trying to explicitly
draw connections between academia and industry. While much of the motivation
behind technical communication research has historically centered on “pragmatic
topics,” Jones et al. (2016) argue for research that is also motivated by feminism,
race and ethnicity, community engagement, and accessibility, among other important areas for research. While motivations behind technical communication
research are diverse, they are also often marred by the competing academic motivation of earning tenure and promotion. That is, it has also been argued that publication venues in technical communication “function as repositories for tenure
and promotion materials” (Boettger & Friess, 2016, p. 322). When motivations for
research become confounded by pressures to publish (i.e., the publish or perish
244 Lam
paradigm), researchers may find themselves at odds with an original intent to put
knowledge into practice. This can be seen in the research questions we choose to
pursue and research topics we choose to explore. There is wide consensus in the
field that there remains a divide between academics and practitioners and that
research plays a vital role in bridging that divide (Melonçon & St.Amant, 2018.
That is, if researchers attempt to answer questions that are relevant to practitioners, research output would necessarily be applied in practice. However, there
is no clear consensus around what these fieldwide research questions ought to be
or what topics are worth pursuing. Carolyn Rude (2009) attempted to address
this lack of consensus by helpfully delineating fieldwide research questions. She
outlined four major areas for research including disciplinarity, pedagogy, practice,
and social change (Rude, 2009). While these categories for research questions
are clear in theory, recent research has found that there is still much misalignment between the questions academics pose and their relevance to practice. In
studying the research topics of technical communicators over a 30-year period,
Ryan Boettger and Erin Friess (2016) found little change over time. They argue
that this, on one hand, could indicate “solidification of the core attributes of the
field” (Boettger & Friess, 2016, p. 321). However, on the other hand, they argue
“the amount of defined differences within our forums when compared to the size
of our field could be symptomatic of the field’s identified fragmentation” (p. 321).
While it can be tempting to delineate technical communication’s diversity of
approaches, methods, and motives to research as mutually exclusive and competing, examining the impact of such diversion requires more nuance. Charney herself never argued one approach at the exclusion of the other. Part of this necessary
nuance around research in technical communication must focus on addressing
problematic research practices within the field. Recent scholarship about research
in technical communication has pointed to a lack in systematic and rigorous research, the very first qualification of research in Oxford English Dictionary’s definition. In an article written in 2004, Ann Blakeslee and Rachel Spilka describe
the state of technical communication research (Blakeslee & Spilka, 2004). A recurring problem in technical communication research is that “research in our field
is too often predetermined to fulfill theoretical models rather than being used to
challenge or build onto such models” (Blakeslee & Spilka, 2004, p. 76). It is the
academic equivalent of proof-texting and rarely utilizes a systematic approach to
research. Blakeslee and Spilka also discuss methods and accurately describe the
field’s plurality of methods as an asset, rather than a drawback. Rather than highlighting divisions between objectivist and subjectivist approaches to research,
they highlight the necessity for both in advancement of knowledge. While advocating both approaches, they do point out a lack of awareness of methodological alignment to research questions. Specifically, they write, “Charney questions
whether we have a good enough sense of which methods are helpful for which
questions, and she proposes that we strive to do a better job, overall, of matching
methods to questions” (Blakeslee & Spilka, 2004, p. 80). Lisa Melonçon and Kirk
Research 245
St.Amant (2018) echo this point as they advocate for more sustainable research
in technical communication that explicitly connects the dots between research
questions, data collected and analyzed, and implications of the research in the
reporting of research. The lack of systematic research is also discussed by S. Scott
Graham (2017) when he describes much foundational knowledge in technical
communication to be built upon lore, rather than systematic, empirical research.
A common call for addressing this problem is a commitment to systematic and
extensive training in methods, regardless of which approach researchers favor
(Blakeslee & Spilka, 2004). Training in methods has also been addressed by many
others in the field (Campbell, 2000; Boettger & Lam, 2013).
There is no clear answer to what research questions and topics should be
emphasized in modern technical communication scholarship. But, to conclude
this essay on research, it is essential to point out that a shared understanding of
research, as defined in this essay, is one step in a potential path forward. That is, if
the field can agree that research is 1) systematic, 2) investigative, 3) aimed at contributing to a body of knowledge, and 4) requires some method of investigation,
research may be, as Melonçon and St.Amant (2018) put it, sustainable.
References
Blakeslee, A., & Spilka, R. (2004). The state of research in technical communication.
Technical Communication Quarterly, 13(1), 73-92. https://doi.org/10.1207/
S15427625TCQ1301_8
Boettger, R. K., & Friess, E. (2016). Academics are from Mars, practitioners are from
Venus: Analyzing content alignment within technical communication forums.
Technical Communication, 63(4), 314-327.
Boettger, R. K., & Lam, C. (2013). An overview of experimental and quasi-experimental
research in technical communication journals (1992–2011). IEEE Transactions on
Professional Communication, 56(4), 272-293. https://doi.org/10.1109/TPC.2013.2287570
Campbell, K. S. (2000). Research methods course work for students specializing
in business and technical communication. Journal of Business and Technical
Communication, 14(2), 223-241. https://doi.org/10.1177/105065190001400203
Charney, D. (1996). Empiricism is not a four-letter word. College Composition and
Communication, 47(4), 567-593. https://doi.org/10.2307/358602
Coppola, N. W., & Elliot, N. (2005). Big Science or bricolage: An alternative model
for research in technical communication. IEEE Transactions on Professional
Communication, 48(3), 261-268. https://doi.org/10.1109/TPC.2005.853932
Graham, S. S. (2017). Data and lore in technical communication research: Guest
editorial. Communication Design Quarterly Review, 5(1), 8-25. https://doi.org/10.1080/
10572252.2015.975955
Graham, S. S., Kim, S. Y., Devasto, D. M., & Keith, W. (2015). Statistical genre
analysis: Toward big data methodologies in technical communication. Technical
Communication Quarterly, 24(1), 70-104. https://doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2015.975955
Hayhoe, G., & Brewer, P. E. (2020). A research primer for technical communication:
Methods, exemplars, and analyses. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003080688
246 Lam
Jones, N. (2016). The technical communicator as advocate: Integrating a social
justice approach in technical communication. Journal of Technical Writing and
Communication, 46(3), 342-361. https://doi.org/10.1177/0047281616639472
Jones, N. N., Moore, K. R., & Walton, R. (2016). Disrupting the past to disrupt the
future: An antenarrative of technical communication. Technical Communication
Quarterly, 25(4), 211-229. https://doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2016.1224655
Lam, C., & Boettger, R. (2017). An overview of research methods in technical
communication journals (2012–2016). In IEEE International Professional
Communication Conference. IEEE. https://doi.org/10.1109/IPCC.2017.8013953
Lay, M. M. (1991). Feminist theory and the redefinition of technical communication.
Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 5(4), 348-370. https://doi.
org/10.1177/1050651991005004002
McNely, B. J. (2013). Visual research methods and communication design. In
SIGDOC ’13: Proceedings of the 31st ACM International Conference on Design of
Communication (pp. 123-132). Association for Computing Machinery. https://doi.
org/10.1145/2507065.2507073
McNely, B., Spinuzzi, C., & Teston, C. (2015). Contemporary research methodologies in
technical communication. Technical Communication Quarterly, 24(1), 1-13. https://doi.
org/10.1080/10572252.2015.975958
Melonçon, L., & St.Amant, K. (2018). Empirical research in technical and professional
communication: A 5-year examination of research methods and a call for research
sustainability. Journal of Technical Writing & Communication, 49(2), 128-155. https://
doi.org/10.1177/0047281618764611
Miller, C. R. (1979). A humanistic rationale for technical writing. College English, 40(6),
610-617. https://doi.org/10.2307/375964
Oxford University Press. (n.d.). Research. In Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved June
8, 2020, from https://www.oed.com/
Rude, C. D. (2009). Mapping the research questions in technical communication.
Journal of Business and Technical Communication, 23(2), 174-215. https://doi.
org/10.1177/1050651908329562
St.Amant, K., & Melonçon, L. (2016). Addressing the incommensurable: A researchbased perspective for considering issues of power and legitimacy in the field.
Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, 46(3), 267-283. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0047281616639476
29. Rhetoric
James E. Porter
Miami University
Very simply, rhetoric is the art of effective communication—in a wide variety
of situations, from technical reports, web videos, social media postings, scholarly
articles, proposals, and memos written at work, to everyday oral and written interactions among colleagues, friends, and family.
But rhetoric takes in more than spoken and written words. It includes all
forms of symbolic interaction used to express, instruct, persuade, build relationships, and delight, including images, data visualizations, bodily gestures, facial
expressions, tattoos, mathematical expressions, music, movies, a thumbs up emoji at a Zoom meeting, a #BlackLivesMatter sign displayed at a public march,
an Aztec codex pictogram (Baca, 2009), a quilt containing coded instructions
to guide slaves to freedom (Banks, 2006), and other multimedia and nonverbal
forms of expression. How a parent speaks to a child—both what they say and
how they say it—that’s rhetoric, too, or even just smiling at the child to express
love. We practice rhetoric all the time, whenever we interact with others, even if
we do not always label it rhetoric.
Rhetoric is also a formal academic field of study and of teaching—a humanistic, university-level discipline where scholars evaluate and critique communication practices and build theories, conduct research, and recommend best practices for effective communication. At the university, rhetoric scholars are typically
housed in departments of writing and rhetoric, communication, media studies,
English, and/or technical/professional communication. But rhetoric as an applied field of practice extends across all university disciplines—business, engineering, science, nursing, psychology, mathematics, computer technology, graphic
design, music, education, etc.—since all academic disciplines form their knowledges, necessarily, through writing and communication practices.
Rhetoric has long been closely linked with technical (and scientific and professional) communication, as evidenced by the considerable body of scholarship
and research that builds upon and develops this connection and by the number
of graduate and undergraduate degree programs whose identities link these two
areas. Rhetoric provides the vital historical and theoretical grounding for technical/professional communication—that is, the operative principles that help us
understand how to communicate effectively in professional contexts.
The definition that rhetoric is the art of effective communication sounds simple, but it begs a lot of questions and hides numerous complexities and several
long-standing historical arguments. In fact, there are many competing definitions
of rhetoric (Burton, 2016; Eidenmuller, 2020; Smit, 1997)—and many different
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views of the scope and usefulness of rhetoric, even within the field of technical/
professional communication.
There are two main competing views of rhetoric: a robust historical and
scholarly one, but also a more pejorative, public usage that sees rhetoric as style
in the superficial sense, as artificial ornamentation, verbal flourish, and bombast;
rhetoric is dressing up ideas to make them seem more persuasive. The artificial
ornamentation has the potential to be harmful, if it distracts, distorts, misleads, or
skews the truth to achieve persuasive effect. In the public realm, the term rhetoric
is almost always used in a disparaging way to refer to the lies or distortions of
others. It is seen as the opposite of clarity, facts, reality, truth (Porter, 2020).
The more accurate historical view sees rhetoric as a noble art of truthful and
ethical communication aimed not at deceiving an audience in order to persuade
but rather at engaging audiences in order to teach them or interact with them
cooperatively to address social needs and problems. Rhetoric is the necessary
means by which we interact productively, cooperatively, collaboratively—in order
to avoid conflict, promote positive relations, and achieve our goals. Rhetoric is
inherently good, in other words—though of course it can be practiced badly.
Etymologically, rhetoric is a Greek (Attic) term: Rhētorikē is the art of speaking. Rhētōr refers to the speaker, orator, artist of discourse, or teacher of speaking.
Roman rhetoricians sometimes referred to the art as rhetorica, using the Greek,
or the Latin oratoria (MacDonald, 2014). Rhetoric theory certainly existed before
and beyond the Greeks—different rhetorical concepts from other locations and
ancient cultures (Lipson & Binkley, 2004)—but the term rhetoric itself comes
from the ancient Greeks.
In the Mediterranean tradition, rhetoric emerged as a formal area of study in
the 5th century BCE Athens, in the treatises of the Sophistic rhetoricians and in
the schools of Isocrates, Plato, and Aristotle. The classical Greek, and then, later,
Roman, rhetoricians recognized rhetoric as being its own distinct realm of knowledge important to the functioning of the polis, the Greek city state of Athens, and
the republic of Rome. Rhetoric was the means by which civic life happened—at
least in a democracy that permitted different voices to be heard. (Though not all
voices were heard—not the voices of women or slaves.) The realm of rhetoric,
according to Aristotle (Rhetoric, Book 1.3), was political speeches in the Athenian
Assembly (deliberative), legal arguments (forensic), and speeches of praise (or
blame) at ceremonial events (epideictic). In short, rhetoric was synonymous with
public oratory. Rhetoric was also closely aligned with persuasion, as Aristotle
defined rhetoric as “the faculty of observing in any given case the available means
of persuasion” (Rhetoric, Book 1.2). As writing technologies improved and became
more widely available (paper, stylus, ink), writing, too, became part of rhetoric.
The negative view of rhetoric in the Western tradition comes from Plato, specifically from his dialogue Gorgias (380 BCE). In Gorgias, Plato seems to dismiss
rhetoric as “flattery . . . cookery . . . counterfeit,” as largely a false art of placating or
manipulating audiences. And yet in a later dialogue, Phaedrus (370 BCE), Plato
Rhetoric 249
acknowledges that, if used properly, rhetoric can move us toward the truth—if
the rhetor possesses true knowledge and is motivated ultimately toward achieving good for others.
The Roman rhetorician Cicero had a broad view of the art: “The greatest
orator is the one whose speech instructs, delights, and moves the spirit of the
audience. To instruct is an obligation, to give pleasure a free gift, to move them is
required” (De Optimo, I.3-4). Here, Cicero identifies rhetoric as having multiple
purposes, with instruction as key—that is, to teach, instruct, inform is a requirement for rhetoric. That obligation has always been a strong purpose in technical/
professional communication, and perhaps the primary one: reporting information in a way that instructs and helps audiences understand and use technology.
Quintilian’s definition of rhetoric, from Institutio Oratoria (96 CE), even
more strongly links rhetoric to ethical obligation, and particularly to the ethics of
character. He defines rhetoric as “the art of speaking well” (2.14.5) or “a good man
speaking well” (12.1.1). That definition insists that the rhetor must, first, be a virtuous person—vir bonus—or else they will not have the rhetorical credibility (ethos)
to compel an audience. The good rhetor speaks with knowledge and expertise,
and that expertise is very much guided by their public position, by their commitment to the pursuit of truth and knowledge, and by their obligation to the polis.
In other words, all acts of rhetoric should produce value, achieve some positive result for somebody—with the ultimate goal being the good of the polis, the
republic, the state, and the citizens within it (Porter, 2020). Technical/professional communication has long defined its rhetorical mission as helping the reader or
end user—in using clear and concise language, in designing usable documents,
in creating accurate and valuable data visualizations, in conducting valid usability studies as a means of creating usable/useful interfaces, etc. These are ethical
obligations to audience implicit in the rhetorical practices that define technical/
professional communication.
Historically, rhetoric has had a queasy relationship with science—which led
to disputes in the 20th century about the relevance of rhetoric to technical and
scientific communication: i.e., about whether rhetoric was a helpful theoretical
framework for the field. That debate has been settled now—yes, it is highly relevant and helpful—but it was not a given at first.
The European Enlightenment philosopher scientists of the 17th and 18th
centuries saw rhetoric as antithetical to science. The Royal Society of London,
founded in 1660, provides plentiful examples of hostility to rhetoric, seeing it as
standing for unnecessary ornamentation, elaborate expression, and metaphoric
bombast. Thomas Sprat, one of the founders of the society, referred to rhetoric
as “this vicious abundance of Phrase, this trick of Metaphors, this volubility
of Tongue, which makes so great a noise in the world” (1667, p. 111). The Royal
Society certainly contributed to enshrining the degraded notion of rhetoric as
false, as trickery, as ornamentation, and as a means of hiding the truth rather
than revealing it.
250 Porter
According to Carolyn Miller (1979), this tension between science and rhetoric
pertains to the positivism that science often promotes: “Science has to do with
observation and logic, the only ways we have of approaching external, absolute
reality. Rhetoric has to do with symbols and emotions, the stuff of uncertain,
incomplete appearances” (p. 611). Because rhetoric deals in uncertainties, ambiguities, complexities, and probabilities—rather than certainties—it seems opposed
to science.
However, the communication of scientists requires rhetorical knowledge
(Gross, 1990)—e.g., about how to assemble data, organize it, design charts and
graphs, and express conclusions clearly. Science relies on logic, reasoning, facts,
and analysis, which is the rhetorical realm of logos—one of the three key persuasive appeals Aristotle emphasizes. In other words, science is not opposed to rhetoric; it needs rhetoric in order to develop and communicate scientific knowledge.
Historically, rhetoric has always had to adapt to change—to technological
changes in communication media certainly, but not only those. How will rhetoric
continue to adapt to meet the changing needs of society and recent developments
in technology? Two key developments are the emergence of cultural rhetorics and
machine writing/rhetoric, both of which fall under the heading of posthumanist
rhetorics (Sackey et al., 2019)—i.e., rhetoric theories that challenge traditional
humanistic assumptions about the nature of human communication.
For many years, scholars in rhetoric, technology, and technical/professional
communication have argued the need to treat matters of race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, ability/disability, and culture broadly understood as central to the
field. The traditional inclination to treat these concerns as neutral,” as monolithic, or, worse, as extraneous or irrelevant to considerations of technology and
technical communication, needs to end (Cobos et al., 2018; Haas, 2012). Cultural concerns, especially the recognition of diversity as well as the acknowledgement of inequity in power relations (e.g., colonialism), are essential to the
techne of rhetoric.
For technical communication, such a concern would mean, for example, viewing the Flint Water Crisis of 2014 as not simply a neutral technological failure
but also as a failure of social relations involving race, socioeconomic status, power,
inequity, and politics (see Sackey et al., 2019). Writing a technical report in this
context without acknowledging how a white political power structure operated
to deny, neglect, and ignore the material needs of the Black community is to
instrumentalize the technology by removing the human element. It is, in short,
to miss the point altogether. Technology, or technological communication, cannot overlook or neglect the broader social context and the material conditions
of the human experience, the human suffering, the Black bodies, many of them
children, that are the core of this rhetorical context. Similarly, cultural factors are
important in the design of technology, as effective design needs to consider the
diversity of users and the varying expectations, attitudes, and abilities that different users are likely to bring to technology use (Sun, 2006, 2012).
Rhetoric 251
Technical/professional communication needs to prepare for the day when
writing and communication will be produced mostly by machines, with humans
functioning more in the role of editorial oversight. Artificial intelligence (AI)
writing systems are already doing writing tasks previously done by humans—
not just editing and simple text processing, but actual full text composition. AI
writing agents transcribe meetings and produce minutes (Voicea’s Eva), write
emails to set up appointments (x.ai’s Amy), and communicate via text chat with
customers (customer service bots). AI systems publish news stories (the Washington Post’s Heliograf ), create financial reports (Narrative Science’s Quill), produce
marketing copy (Persado), (co)write emails (Google Compose), and even produce entire documents from simple prompts (ChatGPT). Quite simply, we are
already immersed in AI-created professional communications (McKee & Porter,
2020, 2021). Increasingly, technical com municators will be expected to collaborate/co-write with machines.
Rhetoric must always reinvent itself for new times, adapting to new media,
new technologies, and changing social attitudes about what is appropriate, just,
fair, logical, and factual. Nonetheless, the fundamental definition remains unchanged: Rhetoric is the art of effective communication—learning it, practicing it,
teaching it—in whatever time and place and cultural moment we are in, with
whatever communication technologies we are using.
References
Aristotle. (n.d.). Rhetoric (W. R. Roberts, Trans.). Internet Classics Archive. http://
classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/rhetoric.html
Baca, D. (2009). The Chicano Codex: Writing against historical and pedagogical
colonization. College English, 71(6), 564-583.
Banks, A. (2006). Race, rhetoric, and technology: Searching for higher ground. Erlbaum
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781410617385
Burton, G. O. (2016). Rhetoric. Silvae Rhetoricae. http://rhetoric.byu.edu/
Encompassing%20Terms/rhetoric.htm
Cicero. (n.d.). De optimo genere oratorum. Vicifons. https://la.wikisource.org/wiki/De_
optimo_genere_oratorum
Cobos, C., Rios, G. R., Sackey, D. J., Sano-Franchini, J., & Haas, A. M. (2018).
Interfacing cultural rhetorics: A history and a call. Rhetoric Review, 37(2), 139-154.
https://doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2018.1424470
Eidenmuller, M. E. (2020). Scholarly definitions of rhetoric. American Rhetoric. https://
www.americanrhetoric.com/rhetoricdefinitions.htm
Gross, A. G. (1990). The rhetoric of science. Harvard University Press.
Haas, A. M. (2012). Race, rhetoric, and technology: A case study of decolonial technical
communication theory, methodology, and pedagogy. Journal of Business and Technical
Communication, 26(3), 277-310. https://doi.org/10.1177/1050651912439539
Lipson, C. S., & Binkley, R. A. (Eds.). (2004). Rhetoric before and beyond the Greeks.
SUNY Press.
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MacDonald, M J. (2014). Glossary of Greek and Latin rhetorical terms. In The
Oxford handbook of rhetorical studies. Oxford Handbooks Online. https://www.
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McKee, H. A., & Porter, J. E. (2020). Ethics for AI writing: The importance of
rhetorical context. In Proceedings of 2020 AAAI/ACM Conference on AI, Ethics, and
Society (AIES’20 ). https://doi.org/10.1145/3375627.3375811
McKee, H. A., & Porter, J. E. (2021). Intertext: Writing machines and rhetoric. In A. H.
Duin & I. Pedersen (Eds.), Writing futures: Collaborative, algorithmic, autonomous. (pp.
27-52). Springer.
Miller, C. R. (1979). A humanistic rationale for technical writing. College English, 40(6),
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Plato. (1871). Phaedrus (B. Jowett, Trans.). Internet Classics Archive. http://classics.mit.
edu/Plato/phaedrus.html
Plato. (1892). Gorgias (B. Jowett, Trans.). Internet Classics Archive. http://classics.mit.
edu/Plato/gorgias.html
Porter, J. E. (2020). Recovering a good rhetoric: Rhetoric as techne and praxis. In J. Duffy
& L. Agnew (Eds.), Rewriting Plato’s legacy: Ethics, rhetoric, and writing studies (pp.
15-36). Utah State University Press.
Quintilian. (1920-1922). Institutes of oratory (Institutio oratoria) (H. E. Butler, Trans.).
Loeb Classical Library. https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/
Quintilian/Institutio_Oratoria/home.html
Sackey, D. J., Boyle, C., Xiong, M., Rios, G., Arola, K., & Barnett, S. (2019). Perspectives
on cultural and posthumanist rhetorics. Rhetoric Review, 38(4), 375-401. https://doi.or
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localization. Technical Communication Quarterly, 15(4), 457-481. https://doi.
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Sun, H. (2012). Cross-cultural technology design: Creating culture-sensitive
technology for local users. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/
acprof:oso/9780199744763.001.0001
30. Risk Communication
J. Blake Scott
University of Central Florida
The Western concept of risk is “a relatively novel phenomenon, seeping into European languages in the last 400 years,” writes Gabe Mythen (2004), though
there is no clear consensus about the term’s etymology (p. 13). Among other
meanings, scholars have traced risk to the Arabic word risq associated with wealth
and fortune and to the Latin word riscus as referencing a slippery place or a steep
rock or cliff that sailors must look out for in uncharted waters. Over the past few
centuries, risk was increasingly quantified to measure possible outcomes in areas
such as insurance and finance, where it was tied to probability more than uncertainty (Mythen, 2004, p. 13). Although technical and professional communication
(TPC) scholars have continued to explore and dimensionalize the relationship
between risk and uncertainty (Sauer, 2002; Walsh & Walker, 2016), this distinction has become blurred in the common contemporary understanding of risks as
anticipated and uncertain dangers or threats.
By the late 20th century, “the term ‘risk’ obtained a pervasive and even intrusive presence in almost all institutionalized discursive fields in modern western
societies” (van Loon, 2002, p. 5). A range of institutional efforts—such as government agencies, laws and regulations, and consulting firms—have been formed to
predict, prepare for, and manage risks, particularly environmental, public health,
and medical ones. Such efforts generated the modern field of risk analysis, which
Alonzo Plough and Sheldon Krimsky (1987) described as “concerned primarily
with predicting or quantifying the risks of ‘scientifically identified hazards’” (p. 5).
They added that risk analysis and management, as informed by decision science
(developed in World War II), faced the challenge of connecting “the assessment of
risk” to “political decisions concerning the types, levels, and distribution of risk [and
resources to address it] acceptable to a society” (Plough & Krimsky, 1987, p. 5).
Although risk communication has been a more prevalent thread of research
in communication studies (including health communication) and cognitive psychology (Reamer, 2015), it has become “an increasingly important aspect of the
work of both technical experts and professional communicators” (Waddell, 1995,
p. 1). We can track our field’s engagement with risk communication along a general trajectory that moves from more narrowly technical, to rhetorical and social, and
then to cultural, material, and political attention to risk communication, and that
expands our notions of technical risk communicators’ roles and responsibilities.
Risk communication was born from the need to convey to the public and other stakeholders levels of risks and their significance, and to gain cooperation with
“decisions, actions or policies aimed at managing or controlling such risks” (see
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.30
253
254 Scott
the definition by Covello et al., 1988, p. 112). It was also born from the growing
recognition of a disconnect between expert and public conceptions of risk, and a
growing distrust in risk management authorities, exigencies that several scholars
have linked to the environmental advocacy movement that began in the 1960s
(see Grabill & Simmons, 1998). Steven B. Katz and Carolyn R. Miller (1996)
argued that the initial goal of risk communication was “‘correcting’ the public’s
‘risk perceptions’ so they would better match the ‘risk analyses’ made by experts’’
(p. 116). This goal has been critiqued by risk communication scholars, including
those in TPC, as grounded in a technocratic model characterized by an overvaluation of expert risk determination and assessment, the one-way transmittal
of information from expert to public, and an assumption that public questioning
of expert risk information is grounded in irrationality and must be corrected (see
Katz & Miller, 1996; Rowan, 1994; Waddell, 1995).
Starting in the 1980s, strictly technocratic approaches to risk assessment and
communication gave way to a broader engagement of psychological and social considerations for bridging the expert-public divide, as evidenced by discussions of
trust, motivations, values, and experiences, and by research on risk perception and
the social amplification of risk (McComas, 2006; Powell & Leiss, 1997). This shift
was accompanied by a recognition of risk as socially and rhetorically constructed
(see Field-Springer & Striley, 2014; Hilyard, 2014), and by more social and participatory models of risk communication. In concert with this shift, Plough and Krimsky
(1987) advocated for a sociocultural definition of risk that more expansively accounts
for communication “from any source to any recipient” (p. 7) and broader considerations of risk understanding and acceptability (p. 6). In her call for a rhetorical model
of risk communication, Katherine E. Rowan (1994) pointed the way for technical
and professional communicators to consider the challenges of persuasion and participation, including around the cultivation of credibility (p. 403).
Extending the social turn of risk communication, TPC scholars and rhetoricians have further conceptualized risk as rhetorically and socially constructed and
risk communication as necessitating the fuller involvement of those affected by risk
management decisions. A number of such scholars, some of whom also identify as
rhetoricians of science, technology, and medicine, have focused on risk communication in case studies of specific, time-bound risk crises and controversies (Reamer,
2015, p. 350; see also Jensen, 2015), while others have sought to expand this purview
to longitudinal studies of changing risk communication strategies (Reamer, 2015)
or to public-relations-oriented risk communication by researchers (Giles, 2010).
Some studies of specific crises have offered retroactive analysis of internal
communication failures leading up to a particular crisis (e.g., Dombrowski, 1991;
Herndl et al., 1991; Winsor, 1988). Because of its focus, this work overlaps with
the area of emergency management and crisis communication. Other studies have
examined TPC involved in the more public engagement of risk around environmental, health, or other controversies, focusing on the social-rhetorical dimensions of the communication between experts and publics or area communities,
Risk Communication 255
and pointing to ways to improve the communication processes, texts, and spaces
involved (Katz & Miller, 1996; Nagelhout et al., 2009; Stratman et al., 1995).
As Ed Nagelhout and colleagues (2009) noted, TPC scholars have increasingly argued “that decisions about risk should be the shared responsibility of all
stakeholders” (p. 229). In his discussions of environmental communication efforts
about sustainable development in the Great Lakes ecosystem, Craig Waddell
(1995) called for a multi-directional “social constructionist model” in which “all
participants also communicate, appeal to, and engage values, beliefs, and emotions” in making policy decisions (p. 207; see also Katz & Miller, 1996).
Jeffrey T. Grabill and W. Michele Simmons (1998) went further, critiquing the
limitations of “negotiated” approaches that have responded to the technocratic
limiting of public input, arguing that they idealize public participation without
addressing challenges to shared decision-making, including asymmetrical power
relations and a limited conception of stakeholders (p. 430). They called their alternative model a “critical rhetoric of risk communication,” arguing for the public’s
involvement from the beginning of risk definition and assessment and thereby collapsing the distinction between risk assessment/analysis and risk communication
(p. 417). Simmons (2007) extended this work in her case analyses of environmental
policymaking, arguing that risk management institutions typically separate public
participation from actual policy formation. Reminding us that citizens also have
expertise, Simmons advocated for more fully participatory processes distinguished
by shared decision-making (rather than, say, “strategic or “pseudoparticipatory” approaches that are still expert-driven) by offering flexible heuristics for assessing citizen roles and identifying “spaces and moments” for impactful contributions (p. 133).
Discussions of more participatory models of risk communication also have
suggested more expansive roles for technical and professional communicators.
Departing from Barbara Mirel (1994), Grabill and Simmons (1998) argued that
such communicators should do more than disseminate or mediate risk assessment, but rather are “uniquely qualified” to participate in risk assessment and related communication and policymaking, through the construction of user knowledge (e.g., usability research), and through the facilitation of public involvement
and action (pp. 434-435). Although technical communicators might face challenges in facilitating stakeholder input (see Youngblood, 2012), Grabill and Simmons called on technical communicators to be symbolic analysts and user/public
advocates who move “between ranges and varieties of experts and nonexperts” (p.
434.). Simmons (2007) added that technical communication specialists can help
citizens and citizen groups build technical capacity for information sharing and
policymaking involvement, including in both institutional and extra-institutional
contexts. Huiling Ding (2009) later critiqued some more participatory models
and roles as overly idealistic and Western-centric, noting that they assume “that
technical communicators play key roles in risk communication processes” (p. 331)
and that they overlook “larger power issues such as national/regional protectionism, corporate interests, and systematic governmental censorship” (p. 332).
256 Scott
In addition to more social and rhetorical models of risk communication, technical and professional communicators have turned to its cultural, material, and political dimensions. Some have examined these dimensions in specific workplace
contexts fraught with risk. Beverly Sauer’s (2002) work on risk communication
in hazardous mining environments is noteworthy for its nuanced, contextualized
analysis of how miners manage the “dynamic uncertainty” of their environments
and the multiple levels and types of institutional and cultural knowledges at play.
In discussing ways to improve technical risk communication in such contexts, including for visual representations and embodied forms of training, Sauer resisted
an easy separation between risk analysis, risk communication, and user uptake and
negotiation. In another study of safety communication, in this case for Latino construction workers, Carlos Evia and Ashley Patriarca (2012) argued that additional
considerations of language and other differences among stakeholders are needed to
develop more responsively designed and culturally attuned forms of communication.
Other scholars have examined cultural and material dimensions of stakeholder-driven risk assessment and decision-making in medical/health communication
contexts, aiming to empower patients, health consumers, and health publics.
For example, Candice Welhausen (2017) examined consumers’ localized, “doit-yourself ” (DIY) risk assessment through disease-tracking apps such as “Flu
Near You.” Lora (Arduser) Anderson (2017) similarly studied how people with
diabetes re-articulate and manage information about their risk factors through,
among other mechanisms, patient-produced communication and online patient
networks. Kelly Pender (2018) extended this focus on patient-generated, materially enacted risk assessment by examining the various embodied and technological practices through which women enact BRCA+ risk, arguing that such risk
“should be understood as something that women do” (p. 73). Heidi Y. Lawrence
(2020) examined the material exigencies of vaccines to locate alternative discourses and deliberative spaces for responding to vaccine skepticism based on
more nuanced research about how practitioners, parents, and local communities
perceive and experience uncertainties as risks but also as “benefits, questions, or
other preoccupations regarding the best way to retain personal health” (p. 103).
In his rhetorical-cultural analysis of HIV testing rhetorics and contexts, J. Blake
Scott (2003) critiqued identity-based risk communication focused on risky people rather than practices, also advocating for alternative communication that enables people to make nonnormative identifications with risk and vulnerability (p.
116) based on interdependent “needs, concerns, and contexts” (p. 232).
Some TPC scholars have further foregrounded a social justice approach to
documentation and technology design and use for health-related contexts fraught
with risks. In separate studies, Godwin Agboka (2013) and Lucía Durá and colleagues (2019) dimensionalized participatory approaches to creating health-related
documentation to more fully account for communities’ localized uses and “sociocultural, economic, linguistic, and legal needs” (Agboka, 2013, p. 44); this echoed
Sauer’s (1996) imploration for technical and professional communicators to more
Risk Communication 257
thoroughly investigate stakeholders’ local experiences and broader political, scientific, and historical dimensions of their cultural knowledges (p. 326). In other studies, Kristen R. Moore and colleagues (2018) and Maria Novotny and Les Hutchinson (2019) called for TPC specialists to help users repurpose technologies to enable
practices of racial justice and women’s reproductive empowerment, respectively.
TPC scholars have increasingly called for cultural-political approaches to
communication design that respond to environmental risks, too. Donnie Sackey (2020) argued for employing value sensitive design based on environmental
justice principles as a means of empowering wearable users. Lynda Olman and
Danielle DeVasto (2020) proposed an adaptation of environmental risk visualization to better address hybrid and collective risks for the anthropocene. Aydé
Enríquez-Loya and Kendall Léon (2020) offered a “cultural rhetorics approach
to environmental justice” through “facilitatory writing” that similarly “engages . .
. a constellated terrain of participants and actions” in response to environmental
risks associated with “natural” disasters (p. 457).
In another expansion of risk communication’s purview, technical and professional communicators also have turned our attention from specific cultural sites
and their material and political considerations to transnational and transcultural
dimensions and movements. Ding (2014) analyzed what she describes as transcultural, extra-institutional, and unauthorized forms of risk communication (e.g.,
personal narratives, proclamations) around the emerging SARS epidemic in China and North America; these forms, and the “guerilla” and alternative media in
which they circulated, enabled professionals, citizen groups, and other members
of transnational publics “to send out risk messages even when professional codes
or official orders forbid such communication” (Ding, 2009, p. 344). Erin A. Clark
Frost (2013) analyzed the risk communication after the Deepwater Horizon disaster, examining the mostly digital work by “complex transcultural networks” of
various levels (from local to international) that challenge dominant narratives
and understandings. As these studies demonstrate, technical and professional
communication scholars have expanded the field’s traditional focus of risk communication tensions between risk officials and publics to include intercultural
communication among publics and stakeholders.
The progression of risk communication in technical and professional communication has paralleled broader developments both in the larger interdisciplinary
area of risk communication and in technical and professional communication
studies. Just as the multidisciplinary field of risk communication has shifted from
the transmittal of narrow, technical analyses and assessments of risk to psychological, social, and broader cultural considerations and models, approaches to
TPC about risks have expanded to better account for sociocultural (including
embodied, material, and political) contexts of risk meaning-making and experience. Our field has also increasingly developed approaches to risk documentation
and design that empower users’ consequential participation and redress inequitable harms. Just as TPC has recognized the expanded roles and contributions of
258 Scott
technical communicators as authors (Slack et al., 1993), scholars of technical risk
communication have expanded our considerations of technical and professional
communicators as co-shaping risks and their meanings by learning from, engaging, and facilitating the empowerment of risk stakeholders.
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31. Science
Kathryn Northcut
Missouri S&T
Science is a complex term, being defined in the Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford
University Press, n.d.) in about 6,000 words, and by scholars of technical communication and rhetoric in even more extensive presentations (e.g., Taylor, 1996;
Longo, 2000). Science is expected to observe facts, extrapolate to universal truths,
solve problems, and answer our questions about the universe through research and
theories. For technical communicators, science can be one of the most important key
terms of our careers, entailing a domain of knowledge and activity that supports
millions of jobs. In our current landscape featuring the COVID-19 pandemic, catastrophes propagated by climate change, and increased human reliance on technology, science literacy has become a fundamental need for all citizens.
Science as we understand it today is the distillation of intellectual traditions
from multiple civilizations. In the 20th century, science was cemented as a key
term of the Anthropocene by scientists themselves, including well-known authors
such as Thomas Kuhn, E.O. Wilson, and Stephen Jay Gould. Science inextricably
intersects with history, knowledge, research, ethics, rhetoric, and technology. Science is a dominant theme of our age, critical to the understanding of technical
communication both as a discipline and a profession, intertwined throughout all
the greatest hopes for, and threats to, life on Earth in the 21st century.
The French derivation of the term science is glossed as “knowledge, understanding, secular knowledge, knowledge derived from experience, study, or reflection, acquired skill or ability, knowledge as granted by God . . . , the collective
body of knowledge in a particular field or sphere . . . ” (Oxford University Press,
n.d.). These definitions lend an air of authority and immutability to science, an
expectation that scientific knowledge is final and absolute. This perception has
been challenged extensively in more recent scholarship and literature about science where the nature of the collective or the community is deemed important to
viewing the workings of both science and scientific communication as culturally
constructed enterprises (Kuhn, 1970). Thomas Kuhn (2000), notably, defined science as follows in The Road Since Structure:
Science is a cognitive empirical investigation of nature that exhibits
a unique sort of progress, [which] . . . cannot be further explicated
as “approximating closer and closer to reality” . . . rather, progress
takes the form of ever-improving technical puzzle-solving ability,
operating under strict—though always tradition-bound—standards of success or failure. (p. 2)
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Kuhn (2000) refers to science as requiring “extraordinarily esoteric” and “often expensive” investigations which make possible “astonishingly precise and detailed knowledge” (p. 3). Kuhn (1970) also addresses the inherent difficulty in
defining a concept as robust as science in a single definition such as a Keywords
entry: “A concept of science drawn from [textbooks] is no more likely to fit the
enterprise that produced them than an image of a national culture drawn from a
tourist brochure or a language text” (p. 1).
Within the narrower field of technical communication, our research includes excellent scholarship focusing on various aspects of science. New theories
of communication are developed based on the ways that science communicates
findings and modern thinking. Such new theories include Kenneth Baake’s
(2003) metaphor harmonics and Maria Gigante’s (2018) portal images. Examining contemporary and historical artifacts and genres in science enables us to
better understand the influence of science on technical communication, and the
interplay between fields (Brasseur, 2003; Gross et al., 2002). Case studies, pedagogical practices, and communication strategies involved in scientific communication comprise a robust area of scholarship (e.g., Fountain, 2014; Graves, 2013;
Walsh, 2013; Yu, 2017; Yu & Northcut, 2018).
Some rhetorical theorists have sought to regularize and norm the ways we describe scientific thinking and logic. For example, Richard Lanham (1991), in the
classical rhetorical text A Handlist of Rhetorical Terms, refers to “scientific proof ”
and cites Aristotle’s classification of a type of knowledge that develops universally
“true conclusions” (p. 122) proven by syllogistic (mathematical or deductive) logic
and demonstration. Contemporary and emerging thought, by contrast, focuses
on the ephemeral contingency of such “Truth,” positing that scientific knowledge
is culturally constructed and changes over time, both in response to new data and
in response to cultural realities. As Kuhn (1970) theorized, science is paradigmatic, and paradigms are shared bodies of knowledge both reflecting and constituting community members (p. 176). Paradigmatic knowledge changes over time,
supplanting the notion of singular, stable scientific Truth; paradigm changes can
be abrupt and irregular, not steady and predictable. Such a philosophical bent is
reflected in most of our field’s rhetorical and critical scholarship about science
and science communication. Understanding of paradigmatic changes in sciences
is helpful when citizens struggle with what appears to be indecisiveness of scientists facing new phenomena, especially when adherence to ethical research or
medical standards is the cause for delay or disagreement.
Canonical 20th century texts expand the argument that science is wholly
dependent on and constructed by the human scientists who reify it (e.g., Latour
& Woolgar, 1979; Taylor, 1996). Contemporary research builds on those themes.
For example, in her articulate analysis of physics laboratory life, Heather Graves
(2013) points out how the processes that enable scientific research are products of
fallible and vested humans, and the experience of doing or understanding science
is inextricably bound to the equipment, processes, and language used (p. 89). In
Science 263
another excellent book about the power of visual communication, Lee Brasseur (2003) explains both the over-valorization and the dismissal of scientific and
technical visual communication through a critical historical lens. Brasseur’s book
enables students of rhetoric and technical communication to understand how our
fields rely on science, while at the same time asking key questions about whether
reductive scientific interpretations of the world shortchange humanity.
Further, the reputation of science and scientists has been tainted by a history
of crimes against humanity, committed in the name of scientific research, and
targeting the most vulnerable. One of the most famous incidents involved Nazis
studying legitimate research questions about military operations, but through
illegitimate means: painful, humiliating, and often lethal methods of torture carried out on Jewish prisoners at camps including Dachau and Ravensbrueck. The
Nuremberg trials of 1946–1947 found 15 defendants guilty and led to the development of the Nuremberg Code, which seeks to proactively protect people from
such victimization (Dunn & Chadwick, 2012). In the US, the African American
population was exploited for a span of four decades in an extraordinarily longterm medical study of syphilis. Black men with syphilis were tracked by medical
professionals, and long after antibiotics were known to cure the disease, were
deprived of such treatments (Dunn & Chadwick, 2012). In cases of such abuses of
the tools and methods of science, it has sometimes been an instrument of further
marginalization of minoritized persons.
The belief that scientists are primarily engaged in “establishing true and absolute
descriptions of the nature of things” is losing favor as sociological research reveals
that “empirical research rarely makes direct claims about the unmediated nature of
the world” (Taber, 2018, p. 6). Today, emphasis is placed on recognizing that the work
of science is largely claim, not fact; proposing relationships and hierarchies; identifying laws that may not be final; and, sometimes, promoting and/or protecting the
reputation and status of science and scientists collectively and individually.
Scientific communication, similarly, struggles with an identity crisis because
it is also expected to be objective, under the faulty assumption that scientists
themselves are objective (Yu & Northcut, 2018). Facts (and findings), no matter
how important, literally do not speak for themselves. Therefore, scientists face
the continuous challenge of first interpreting, then arguing for the importance
and morality of their work and the reliability of their findings to each other, to
stakeholders, to sponsors, and sometimes even to themselves. Scientists are not
equally adept at doing so (Baake, 2003; Woolston, 2020), which is inherently
fascinating to fields including technical and scientific communication, linguistics,
and journalism. Studying the cultural and communicative processes of science
and scientists gave rise to various social science and humanities subdisciplines in
the 20th century, including sociology of scientific knowledge, rhetoric of science,
and science and technology studies.
Aside from the nature of science, another interesting question with an answer that varies across historical periods is “who is a scientist?” Science was not
264 Northcut
professionalized until the early 19th century. The gate-keeping functions of professional science (e.g., licensure and formal membership) promote a culture of
insiders and outsiders. The culture is reinforced by the requirements of independent federal agencies, such as the National Science Foundation, and the larger
federal bureaucracy, such as the Department of Health and Human Services,
which oversees the Office of Human Research Protections (OHRP) and the
Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Both the OHRP and FDA require that
research ethics boards include “scientist” and unambiguously “non-scientist” voting members, although the FDA’s own guidance documents are vague about why
the distinction is necessary or useful (FDA, 1998).
Other gate-keepers include academic institutions and the cultures of the academic departments within them. Gate-keeping serves to homogenize scientific
thinking by requiring common credentials and education of practitioners, but it
also tends to reinvent itself in repetitive and potentially damaging ways—for example, through bias and practices that maintain existing power structures (Cole
& Hassel, 2017, Northcut, 2017). Scientific communication is an area where the
gate-keeping function of jargon has been identified, and many scientific journalists and popularizers (both with and without formal science credentials) endeavor to make scientific knowledge understandable by the interested non-expert
public (Woolston, 2020).
Dividing people through various gate-keeping mechanisms into categories
of “scientist” and “non-scientist” feels artificial to social scientists and trans-disciplinary workers, and the constructed definition of scientist can serve to alienate
non-scientists, presenting science as a clannish, closed culture hostile to outsiders.
Placing, and keeping, much of the population on the margins has perpetuated understandings and definitions of science that may haunt us more than they help us.
In our current era of strict credentialing and demarcation of those who are
qualified to call themselves scientists, great public tension has emerged between
science and politics, starkly apparent during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although
scientists (including national academies and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention) knew by April 1, 2020 that face coverings (surgical masks, cloth
face coverings, and hard plastic shields) were likely to reduce infection rates of
the virus, Republican-led state and federal governments were slow to recommend
and require them in the US. Initially, alarm about the virus led governments globally to either recommend or force schools, businesses, and transportation to shut
down, and travel restrictions were imposed. Reopening began months later, despite
little evidence that the virus was less of a global threat, and increased socializing
led to outbreaks, particularly in the US. Not until July 2020 did the number of
states with a mask mandate exceed the number of states without one, leaving the
mask-mandate decision to municipalities and private businesses such as grocery
and department stores. Political party identification was shown to be correlated to
attitudes about the pandemic (Pew Research Center, 2020). The ongoing impacts of
COVID-19 are attributed by many researchers to result from the failure of elected
Science 265
leaders to encourage scientifically validated precautions such as mask-wearing, at
a time when evidence demonstrated efficacy of masks against transmission of a
virus that travels and infects primarily as aerosolized particles or airborne droplets
(National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2020).
The COVID-19 pandemic has clarified the perils of an anti-science population suspicious of, or hostile to, science, and enabled us to imagine benefits
that might emerge if science were understood more richly and broadly, and if
science were a culture that all citizens, regardless of vocation, were expected to
understand, participate in, and critique. The COVID-19 pandemic illustrated the
importance of understanding audience when conveying emergent theory (Baake,
2003)—in this case, the theory of transmission of a virus no one had ever studied.
We also see the unfortunate consequences of ineffective communications about
risk, as COVID cases in 2023 topped 676 million worldwide, and the US, with
four percent of the world’s population, contains over 15 percent of the cases, and
has logged more than its proportion of the deaths ( Johns Hopkins, n.d.). Technical communicators possess the academic and professional credentials to be ideally situated to facilitate scientific communication, especially if we are familiar
with the history, epistemologies, and cultural studies of science that have shaped
the current enterprise.
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32. Social Justice
Natasha N. Jones
Michigan State University
Rebecca Walton
Utah State University
A relatively recent keyword in the field of technical communication (TC), social
justice extends our field’s longer-term focus on critical analysis, which acknowledges the complicity of TC in normalizing and codifying oppression. But social
justice has been conflated with “generally good,” rather than informing notions
of fairness (paradigms of justice) by amplifying the agency of oppressed people
(social justice). Some of this conflation may be due to the relative newness of the
term within TC. In TC scholarship, the first explicit definition of social justice
appeared in 2013 and was borrowed from communication studies (Agboka, 2013).
We introduced a field-specific definition two years later ( Jones & Walton, 2018)
and, with Kristen Moore, further fleshed out the relation of social justice to the
field (Walton et al., 2019). Here, we trace that brief history and tease out nuances
in how social justice can inform broader paradigms of justice which underlie our
scholarship and activism. Since social justice in TC should engage social justice
“in the world,” we use contemporary movements to defund/abolish the police as
an example of how layering social justice onto broader justice paradigms allows
for both flexibility (in selecting the justice paradigms best suited to a particular
goal) and precision (in pursuing fairness that accounts for oppression).
Before the keyword social justice became widespread in TC, related and overlapping waves of scholarship laid the groundwork for the rise of social justice as
a central consideration of the field. For example, the 1990s and early 2000s saw
a sociocultural turn in which scholars debunked the myth that TC is neutral
(Kynell-Hunt & Savage, 2004; Scott et al., 2007). Much of this early scholarship
was pedagogical in focus, calling for TC instructors to equip students to become
critical actors within their employing organizations rather than unthinkingly
perpetuating harm through their professional practice (e.g., Herndl, 1993).
Another wave of relevant scholarship called for diversifying our academic
programs, faculty, and students. These calls for diversity asserted that contributions and expertise of underrepresented groups would improve the field. At
the 2004 Council for Programs in Technical and Scientific Communication
(CPTSC) national conference, Samantha Blackmon gave a keynote address that
explicitly called for increased diversity and inclusion in academic programs, but
the call was largely ignored until a wave of similar scholarship less than ten years
later provided traction for her arguments. For example, 2011 and 2012 saw several
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268 Jones and Walton
individual journal articles on programmatic diversity (Savage & Mattson, 2011;
Savage & Matveeva, 2011) as well as a journal special issue on race and ethnicity
in TC (Williams & Pimentel, 2012).
For some time, TC scholarship featured terms such as social action (e.g.,
Savage, 1996), civic participation (e.g., Sapp & Crabtree, 2002), public good (e.g.,
Skelton & Andersen, 1993), and diversity (e.g., Savage & Matveeva, 2011), until
Godwin Agboka’s impactful 2013 article. Agboka’s article was widely cited, laying
the groundwork for conference themes, journal special issues, and award-winning scholarship heralding a “social justice turn” in the field (Haas & Eble, 2018).
In 2018, we defined social justice research in TC as research that “investigates
how communication, broadly defined, can amplify the agency of oppressed people—those who are materially, socially, politically, and/or economically under-resourced” ( Jones & Walton, 2018, p. 46). We also noted that collaboration, respect,
and action are fundamental to social justice work. Therefore, social justice centers
the needs of oppressed people by engaging in participatory, strategic action.
Although they are sometimes conflated, justice (a range of paradigms) and
social justice (a specific term defined above) differ in important, nuanced ways.
A key difference between social justice and broader paradigms of justice is that
while social justice actively engages with issues of oppression (recognizing that
what constitutes “just” action is inherently affected by social, political, economic,
and material affordances and constraints), paradigms of justice are predicated
upon “fairness,” without necessarily accounting for the effects of oppression on
what makes something “fair.”1 Thus, we advocate layering social justice upon paradigms of justice. This layering ensures that marginalized perspectives are centered in the pursuit of fairness.
To engage in socially just action, scholars and practitioners of TC must be explicit and intentional about the paradigm of justice guiding their work. Different
paradigms of justice inform and underlie structured societal systems, and each
justice paradigm is embedded with specific values that motivate and constrain action. Thus, justice is simultaneously theoretical, applied, and practiced. We review
four of the justice paradigms below, illustrating each with examples from efforts
in the US to defund and abolish the police.
It is important to note that there are nuances between calls to defund and
calls to abolish the police. As Angela Davis (2020) has noted, under the umbrella of the movement to abolish the police, defunding police departments is
a step toward abolition. Defunding strategically removes financial support from
law enforcement, with full abolition of police departments and the prison-industrial complex being the ultimate goal. However, some activists do ascribe to
the belief that defunding, not total abolition, should be the final objective (with
funding being reallocated to achieve equity with other publicly funded systems
1. As Iris Young (1990) notes, oppression can appear in five primary forms: exploitation, marginalization, violence, cultural imperialism, and powerlessness.
Social Justice 269
like education and healthcare). For the purposes of our discussion here, we acknowledge defunding law enforcement as an abolitionist goal.
Distributive justice focuses on the fair allocation of rewards and burdens. Many
arguments to defund the police are informed by the distributive justice paradigm:
for example, the argument that police budgets are unfairly large and that other
public services, such as education, affordable housing, healthcare, and childcare, are
underfunded. This argument is also informed by considerations of social justice. After all, those most negatively affected by overfunded police forces and underfunded
public services are the marginalized. This example also demonstrates the relevance
of distributive justice to TC because public policy, budgets, resource allocation, and
civic participation are technical topics, and arguments regarding the just allocation
of public funding are often presented in technical genres, such as policy briefs.
Procedural justice requires that the process by which outcomes are determined
is fair. A typical context for the procedural justice paradigm is institutional policies and procedures—a context deeply relevant to the field because policies and
procedures are documented in TC. One important consideration of procedural
justice is transparency: For a process to be fair, it must be known to all relevant
stakeholders. Making processes transparent can increase fairness by broadening
the range of stakeholders whose interests inform those processes and the policies
governing them. For example, when public interests inform procedural documents, such as police use-of-force policies, those policies can be re-envisioned
to reflect an ethic of care focused on protecting vulnerable members of society
(Knievel, 2008). This re-envisioning layers social justice (centering marginalized
perspectives) onto a procedural justice paradigm (enacting fair processes).
In the context of defunding the police, procedural justice is particularly relevant to budgetary reform. Sources of police funding are myriad and confusing.
The opacity regarding how police budgets are planned, approved, funded, and even
measured makes it difficult for activists and policymakers to pose reforms (Auxier,
2020) and trace how assets are acquired (Alexander, 2010). This fiscal complexity
creates procedural opacity, raising questions about how such procedures can be just
when they cannot be widely shared, predicted, or even understood.
Retributive justice paradigms focus on “fair” punishment for crimes and wrongdoing, placing offenders and offense at the center of justice concerns (Walton et
al., 2019, p. 42). However, because retributive justice paradigms rely on ideals like
“fair” and “equal,” these paradigms often fall short—impacting certain groups more
negatively than others. The groups that consistently receive harsher punishments
are predominantly marginalized populations—often stereotyped as offenders and
criminals—who are already at the mercy of biased economic, educational, political, and social systems (Alexander, 2010). TC scholarship can reveal these problems with retributive paradigms: e.g., that “fair punishment” can include death and
dehumanization for alleged offenders, especially those who are members of marginalized groups (Moore et al., 2017, p. 43). Offenses such as the murder of Eric
Garner are enabled by a paradigm of justice that focuses on punishment, creating
270 Jones and Walton
conditions in which agents of the justice system may feel empowered to mete out
violent extrajudicial “punishment” by acting as a conglomerated version of judge,
jury, and enforcer.2 It is partially in response to police violence (notably, the murders
of George Floyd3 and Breonna Taylor4) that the Abolish the Police movement has
reignited. And, given the persistence of police violence in the US, supporters of the
movement argue that the current retributive justice system is violent and oppressive
by design. Thus, it cannot be reformed and must instead be dismantled.
Restorative justice paradigms ask that offenders, victims, and the impacted
community are made “whole” based on ideals of social harmony and peace. Community and collective benefit are at the center of restorative justice paradigms
(Walton et al., 2019, p. 44). Because restorative justice requires respectful collaboration that can include redress of wrongs through economic, material, and
social means, this particular justice paradigm can closely align with and may be
most informed by a social justice orientation. As Angela Davis (2003) argues,
reconciliation and restoration can replace retribution (p. 49). However, to move
toward restoration and reparation, societal institutions like law enforcement, the
legal system, the prison-industrial complex, the healthcare system, and education
systems must be wholly reimagined to account for community need, support,
and repair. Davis (2003) notes that “the most difficult and urgent challenge today
is that of creatively exploring new terrains of justice” (p. 8). For instance, layering social justice upon restorative justice paradigms requires that reparation be
initiated at systemic and institutional levels. Social justice “cannot be limited to
individual actions or perspectives because the oppressions it targets are structural”
(Walton et al., 2019, p. 50).
Embracing Davis’ imperative (recently rearticulated in Davis [2020]), we ask,
how can technical communicators refrain from requiring oppressed individuals to
adapt themselves to society and instead rethink the functioning of society itself as
a way of restoring and repairing oppressed communities? This question is timely
for the field of TC, as illustrated by an incident from the very week we drafted
this keyword entry: A well-respected senior scholar posted a memo by the Department of Homeland Security to the email list for a national TC professional
organization, the Association of Teachers of Technical Writing (ATTW). The
memo announced a new policy that threatened international students studying
2. Eric Garner was murdered at the hands of officers in the New York City Police
Department (NYPD) on July 17, 2014. Garner was placed in an illegal chokehold, and
the encounter, during which Garner stated that he could not breathe over 11 times, was
recorded and highly publicized. Garner’s murderers were not indicted.
3. George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police officers in May 2020. A police
officer kneeled on Floyd’s neck for over nine minutes. Like Eric Garner before him, Floyd
pleaded with officers, repeatedly saying, “I can’t breathe” for a total of 27 times.
4. Breonna Taylor was murdered by Louisville police officers in March 2020. Officers
performed a “no-knock” warrant at the incorrect address (the correct house was over 10
miles away), shooting Taylor eight times in her own home.
Social Justice 271
at U.S. universities with immediate deportation should their classes be moved
online in response to the COVID-19 global pandemic. The memo was shared as
an example of unethical TC that ATTW members could analyze with students
to identify problems with both the policy itself and the memo, highlighting the
literal life-and-death stakes of some TC and revealing the complicity of TC in
oppression. In revealing oppression directly related to the field, the post demonstrated that social justice is deeply relevant to TC.
But this recognition of relevance is not universal. On the same email thread,
a different senior scholar responded with xenophobic comments rejecting the
responsibility of educators for their students’ wellbeing or educational outcomes.
Members of the field immediately spoke out against this oppressive rhetoric and
began to work coalitionally to replace oppressive practices, language, and behaviors. Responses included rejecting the xenophobic comments publicly and in
writing by replying all to the listserv, demanding the retraction of an oppressive
publication in a TC journal, developing anti-racist resources for editors and reviewers of academic manuscripts, and other efforts.
These efforts offer a complex snapshot of what it can look like for our field
to embrace Davis’ imperative above. For technical communication scholars this
would mean refraining from requiring oppressed individuals to adapt themselves
to society. Instead, we should rethink the functioning of society itself to restore
and repair community. Specifically in the example used in this chapter, reimaging
how our field can be more socially just would look like not expecting international students to accept unjust precarity created by an oppressive policy and rejecting
the notion that marginalized TC scholars must simply tolerate racist and otherwise unjust publication practices. We, as a field, would instead publicly call out
and refuse to engage in or entertain xenophobic comments and move to rethink
academic publication practices to intentionally cultivate more just and inclusive
norms. This example also illustrates some broader implications for the field now
that the keyword social justice has entered our disciplinary lexicon. Firstly, recognizing injustice and TC’s complicity in it is a starting place for action, not an end
goal. Secondly, the actions necessary to “amplify the agency of oppressed people”
( Jones & Walton, 2018, p. 46) are contextual, complex, and varied, and therefore
require the work of coalitions. And thirdly, layering social justice onto explicitly
identified paradigms of justice offers a simultaneously theoretical and applied
strategy for centering the marginalized.
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Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness.
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33. Social Media
Liza Potts
Michigan State University
Michael Trice
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Social media describes a diverse, and not always cohesive, array of platforms wherein participants can interact with each other in digital spaces meant to communicate across space and time. Definitions of social media vary, but commonly categorize the technology based on technical features in combination with social purpose
and multitextual possibilities (boyd & Ellison, 2007; Kimme Hea, 2014; Vie, 2008;
Zittrain, 2008). One of the most often cited definitions arises from dannah boyd
and Nicole B. Ellison (2007), who define social networking sites as spaces that
(1) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom they share a
connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and
those made by others within the system. (p. 211)
While this functional description captures apps like Facebook, Twitter, and
Instagram that focus on individual participant feeds, it perhaps is overly exclusionary in regards to topic-centered social sites, like Reddit, Wikipedia, and multitudes of fora across the internet. For this entry, we consider the history and
present of both topic- and participant-centered social media. We also take cues
from Amy C. Kimme Hea’s focus on social media as cultural practices.
The 20th century predecessors of social media included systems used primarily by folks such as academics, technologists, the military, hobbyists, and media
fans. While this group is significantly smaller than today’s social media userbase,
these early systems created space for the exchange of information, ideas, and
materials that hint towards ways in which social media would eventually be deployed. Using technologies such as telenet, dial-up bulletin board systems, and
USENET discussion groups, these users were able to communicate with others
who shared their interests. Our field explored these earlier incarnations of social
media through work on technology and writing (Bolter, 1991), technical communication (Gurak, 2001), and technology and society (Warnick, 2001). Many
studies written during this era focused on the ways in which these technologies
altered our writing processes. Opening up these discussions would later lead to
research on other tools such as wikis, video, and social networks.
Before they were called social media, these technologies were referred to as
social software in the late 1990s and early 2000s. This emphasis on the software
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.33
273
274 Potts and Trice
itself is illustrative of the digital skills needed to implement turn-of-the-century
social tools such as blogs, wikis, and forums. Technical communicators took note,
both in research (Gurak et al., 2004) and practice (Barton & Cummings, 2008;
Jones, 2009; Mader, 2009). The connections between places, cultures, spaces, and
peoples were illustrated through multiple histories of multimedia, hypertext, and
the many digital antecedents of the social web (Ball, 2012; Haas, 2007; Manion &
Self, 2012) that helped us to understand how hypertext holds meaning.
At that time, the term “platform” often referred to operating systems, such
as Windows, MacOS, and Linux. Over the past several years, the term “platform” began to refer to social media spaces such as Twitter, Instagram, Facebook,
Twitch, Snapchat, and WhatsApp. In 2010, Tarleton Gillespie would challenge
the rhetorical use of “platform,” pulling at its computational, figurative, political,
and architectural meanings as a way to illustrate the tensions of corporate social
media platforms striving to be also seen as civic and user-generated platforms.
Gillespie highlighted the need to consider how the metaphor of “platform” served
numerous rhetorical purposes in the way participants, companies, and even the
government shifted meanings depending upon purpose and context. Over time,
this would lead technical communication to consider the rhetoric of platforms
(Edwards & Gelms, 2018; Jones, 2014) as well as the ethics of platforms (Cagle,
2019; Sano-Franchini, 2018).
Around the same time, the term “Web 2.0” delineated the change from static
webpages to interactive websites, deploying techniques like AJAX that allowed
for more advanced tool building and the beginnings of today’s social media platforms. This shift at the turn of the century opened the possibilities of participatory cultures ( Jenkins, 2008), propelling us forward into online spaces where
user-generated content became an area of study, application, and pedagogy (Balzhiser et al., 2011; Barton & Cumming, 2008), bringing about a shift in the distribution of agency, control, and content.
Early discussions around these concerns appeared in books (Spilka, 2009),
articles, and blogs written by researchers and practitioners (Hart-Davidson et al.,
2007; Sidler & Jones, 2008). This focus on agency and content could also be seen
in concepts of delivery particularly suited to considering how messages adapt
across social networks and platforms, such as Jim Ridolfo and Danielle Nicole
DeVoss’ (2009) rhetorical velocity. Rhetorical velocity held that technical communicators and creatives were accountable for anticipating and theorizing the
manner in which third parties might utilize content. In many ways, it applied the
principle of single sourced adaptation within organization to a broader cultural
and social landscape that would anticipate the rise of both memetic content and
cross-platform branding and activism.
Notably, by the turn of the century, many technical communicators were
already connecting the dots between technical writing and usability (Redish,
2010), encouraging us to use our skills to improve interfaces and policies beyond
traditional outputs such as documentation. From there, works focused more on
Social Media 275
technical communication and social media, pointing to its use in workplace settings (Katajisto, 2010), mixed spaces ( Johnson-Eilola, 2004), and across cultures
(Sun, 2012). Entire special issues were dedicated to understanding social media
and technical communication (Dyrud, 2012; Geisler, 2011; Kimme Hea, 2014).
These special issues would bring social media into long-standing discussion in
technical communication about pedagogy, knowledge work, diversity, and rhetorical reach—while engaging with a wide variety of platforms, including Reddit,
Facebook, Twitter, and Wikipedia. They might also highlight a deficit in how
we were slower to sites like YouTube, image boards, and GitHub, though some
progress would occur over time (Winter & Salter, 2020).
Synchronously, more scholarship addressing issues of accountability regarding racism and technology entered our conversations more visibly (Haas, 2012;
Williams & Pimentel, 2014) and connected scholarship across fields (Nakamura,
2007). These trends would foreshadow the move into application accountability
in technical communication that would arise in the most recent decade of work.
Indeed, the ethics of social media has also become a central focus of technical
communication. These examinations include how the design of social media platform interfaces generates political and individual discord (Muhlhauser & Schafer, 2020; Sano-Franchni, 2018), the way surveillance is incorporated into social
media (Cagle, 2019), and the impact of social media as activism and aggression
(Chen & Wang, 2020; Potts et al., 2019; Reyman & Sparby, 2019). One of the
central recent ethical movements has been technical communication’s social justice turn, which has impacted social activism online via concepts of rhetorical
agency ( Jones & Walton, 2017) and ethics of care (Colton et al., 2017).
Increasingly, technical communication in social media has spanned across
topics relating to knowledge work and content strategy, including health communication, disaster communication, environmental activism, and social justice.
Within various strands of interests within technical communication today—user
experience, medical, disaster, and environmental activism framed within the need
for social justice and advocacy ( Jones, 2016, Edenfield et al., 2019)—social media
plays a role as both a conduit for communication among researchers and practitioners and a site of study for our field. It has also included an emphasis on genre
use and context to help us better understand how digitals can empower activity (Ferro & Zachry, 2013, Trice, 2015), support emergency management (Angeli,
2018), and design for global use (Sun, 2020) and platform ideologies (Wang &
Gu, 2016).
Technical communication scholars are currently exploring issues concerning
the owners, moderators, designers, users, and policies that constitute social media
platforms. These perspectives allow us to research the user experience architecture
of these platform structures, the ways in which platform leaders position their
organizations through their policies, and how participants on these systems are
able to communicate across these networks. Our work seeks to understand how
social media intersects and affects the outcomes of social movements, elections,
276 Potts and Trice
disasters, environmental policies, social justice, and the everyday lives of individuals across the globe.
Our classrooms demonstrate how technical communication puts these foci
into praxis with emphases on using the tools available to both build community
within our classrooms (Kaufer et.al., 2011) and prepare students for their futures
(Maggiani, 2011) as professionals and citizens. As pedagogy has long been essential in the field of technical communication, social media has smoothly entered
that conversation as a means for students to demonstrate professionalism, rhetorical agency, activism, and civic leadership. When it comes to teaching, technical
communication focuses upon social media as praxis and skill development (Daer
& Potts, 2014) and “as cultural practices that shape and are shaped by political,
social, and cultural conditions” (Kimme Hea, 2014, p. 2). Scholars like Melody
Bowdon (2014) have focused on the importance of teaching ethos as a factor in
online communication, while others have focused on practitioner praxis (Pigg,
2014) and service learning (Melton & Hicks, 2011).
Looking forward, perhaps one of the most important contributions technical
communication researchers can make to social media is in terms of policy. Our
rich backgrounds and understanding of rhetoric, design, activism, and social justice
uniquely situate our work to make an impact on the ways in which platforms, governments, and organizations deploy these systems, employ design patterns, surveil
users, collect personal and public data, and distribute or sell such data. These interfaces and the data these organizations collect are used to enforce social, political,
and economic policies across the globe. The role of moderation, parameters of accessibility, and the rhetorical impact of knowledge-making systems upon society
and specific communities are areas that technical communication has deep experience addressing. The future of social media will depend upon addressing these
areas, and technical communicators must be present in those decisions.
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34. Structure
Carlos Evia
Virginia Tech
The implementation of structural moves in public and professional discourse
has been practiced and studied in disciplines related to rhetoric for centuries.
In traditional rhetorical treatises, for example, persuasive speeches were not
presented as amorphous sequences of words. Instead, they were assembled
according to specific structures that could include sections announcing, explaining, outlining, supporting, and summarizing the parts of a speech (Cicero, 2014). Each component of those structures served a purpose that eventually
enabled the production of specific modes of discourse beyond persuasive oratory. This process of identifying, documenting, and implementing common
structures to preserve order and rules in discourse established a longstanding
tradition of applied rhetoric in writing studies. Technical and professional
communication continues this tradition, as some of its scholars acknowledge
that “many discourse conventions are, in fact, formalizations of rhetorical
moves” (Flower, 1989, p. 34).
For technical communicators, the formalization of rhetorical moves into
common structures enabled the production of genre-based documents. Instead
of a disjointed collection of paragraphs, a written proposal can have structural
components that propose something to a specific audience, a report can have
structural sections that report on a situation for interested readers, and a set of
instructions can instruct users on how to accomplish a series of tasks. The production of technical communication genres with established conventions and
expected components established the field’s importance in the computing industry, as corporate and academic authors published guidelines for structuring
technical documentation and manuals for software and hardware in the 1970s
and 1980s (Cohen & Cunningham, 1984; Price, 1984; Rigo, 1976).
Applied at a presentational level, structures in technical communication can
create content templates, which have been described as “a kind of wizard for
content development” (Kissane, 2009). Content templates can establish that,
for example, every section in a quick start guide for a new computer should have
a title, a paragraph, and a numbered list. Content templates can be implemented as formatting structures in most desktop publishing software applications
or, for online publication, with presentational tags from Hypertext Markup
Language (HTML), which is foundational to most web-aimed content management solutions.
For technical communicators, the main benefit of using templates to structure content is the availability of pre-determined styles. Writers “don’t spend time
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282 Evia
figuring out how to create particular formatting—they apply styles to add formatting” (Pringle & O’Keefe, 2009, p. 41). For consumers of technical content
created with a template, the main benefits are defined structural patterns that
keep content consistent and make it easier to skim or browse.
At a semantic level, structure supports the practice known as structured authoring, which is “a publishing workflow that lets you define and enforce consistent organization of information in documents, whether printed or online”
(O’Keefe & Pringle, 2017, p. 2). Beyond what a template can establish, structured
authoring dictates that content must adhere to a specific structure. Structured
content “clearly indicates not only the parts of the discourse (the titles, sections,
lists, tables, and phrases that represent organization) but also the semantic intent
of those containers” (Day, 2016, p. 51). Therefore, if a template allows formatting
of a quick start guide, structured authoring can specify that the title is a section
heading, the paragraph is an introduction, and the numbered list is a series of
steps (see Figure 34.1).
Figure 34.1. Structured section from a fictional quick start guide for a washing
machine. No. 1 shows markup tags (using Extensible Markup Language)
that describe the code snippet as a section in what could be a larger guide.
The opening bracket for the section opens at the beginning of the snippet and
closes at the end. No. 2 shows an attribute that gives a unique identifier to the
section. The section element contains block sub-elements for title, introduction,
and steps. No. 3 shows an inline sub-element referencing the product name.
Structure 283
For the past two decades, structured authoring in technical communication
has frequently involved implementations of the Extensible Markup Language
(XML). Particularly, the Darwin Information Typing Architecture (DITA) has
become one of the main XML grammars used for technical communication purposes. DITA started as “a technical documentation authoring and publishing architecture that is based on principles of modular reuse and extensibility” (Priestley et al., 2001, p. 352) at IBM. Since 2004, DITA has been an open standard
maintained by the nonprofit Organization for the Advancement of Structured
Information Standards (OASIS).
The modular structure of DITA is based on a generic topic type that can
describe almost any content. In a DITA authoring environment, writers create
“technical content by assembling topic-oriented information types or blocks of
information that serve particular functions in a document” (Swarts, 2010, p. 133).
Over the years, the DITA standard has specialized the generic topic into information types that “represent the vast majority of content produced to support users of technical information” (Hackos, 2011, p. 7). These topic types for structuring
technical content include concept, task, reference, glossary, and troubleshooting.
The DITA standard also includes topic types designed for structuring learning
and training projects: learning plan, learning overview, learning content, learning
summary, and learning assessment.
Besides the preestablished topic types for technical content and learning
and training projects, DITA topics can be customized (in a process known as
specialization) to create information types unique to any domain. This exercise
in markup flexibility is a direct application of both the extensible part of XML
and the Darwin element in DITA: XML elements can be extended, and DITA
information types can evolve to structure diverse content needs. For example, a
DITA specialization for music composition could have a topic type for song with
predetermined elements for intro, chorus, and bridge.
For technical authors, potential benefits of structured authoring in a workflow using DITA (or a similar standard) include streamlining the content creation process, increasing the quality of content by standardizing it, and allowing
authors to leverage content in many different ways, which include reusing it, publishing it in different formats, and translating it (Samuels, 2014). From a business
perspective, DITA can lead to promoting the reuse of information quickly and
easily across multiple deliverables, which leads to reducing the cost of maintaining, updating, and localizing information (Hackos, 2011).
The reuse capabilities of structured content are the strongest selling points of a
standard like DITA. Kristen Eberlein (2016), chair of the DITA Technical Committee with OASIS, defines reuse as the “practice of using content components in
multiple information products” (p. 54). She adds that in many technical communication workflows, “efficient content reuse does not involve copy-and-pasting;
instead it uses transclusion, whereby content is authored in one location and used
by reference in other locations” (Eberlein, 2016, p. 55)
284 Evia
Content structured in DITA or DITA-like methodologies also opens the possibility of single sourcing, which can be defined as the practice of “creating content once, planning for its reuse in multiple places, contexts, and output channels”
(White, 2016 p. 56). The tags of an XML-based grammar like DITA also can make
content behave like data; as a result, structured content is computable and allows
machine processing (Day, 2016 p. 50). Structured content can include metadata,
which is defined as “‘data about data,’ which means data that isn’t the primary purpose of the content object, but serves some secondary purpose” (Barker, 2016, p. 92).
With an appropriate combination of structure and metadata, for example, the same
task on how to configure a new computer can include introductory steps for inexperienced users and advanced steps for expert users (e.g., <step audience=“introductory”> Turn on the computer</step> and <step audience=“advanced”> Replace the motherboard</step> can be included on the same task). Publishing instructions would then
include filters and routines to produce deliverables aimed at either inexperienced or
advanced users that occlude (but do not delete from the structured source) content
that would be irrelevant for the intended audience group.
Despite its actual and potential benefits for content creators and their business
supervisors, the implementation and enforcement of structure in technical communication authoring workflows is not without its challenges. A major challenge
to widespread adoption is the separation of content and presentation required by
workflows based on DITA or a similar standard. This separation “can create philosophical and cognitive dissonance for technical communicators trained to think
of information as content that is inherently linked to presentation” (Clark, 2007,
p. 36). According to some, writers separating content from presentation “will have
no control over the context in which their information appears or the uses to
which it may be put” (Gu & Pullman, 2009, p. 6). Adopting templates in desktop
publishing applications could, therefore, be an effective introduction to structure
for novice technical communication practitioners, and it might be enough for
situations in which content reuse and single sourcing are not required. If the
reuse needs of a project change or evolve, commercial and open-source tools can
relatively easily convert template-based documents to structured content using
DITA or a similar standard.
Another challenge is the perceived loss of creativity for authors using a structured content type as opposed to a writing environment without restrictions,
or “the perception that XML forces writers into creating cookie-cutter topics
rather than useful technical information” (O’Keefe, 2010, p. 37). Taken to its most
dangerous extreme, the implementation of structure in technical communication could lead to the standardization of cultural products that Theodor Adorno
(1991) presaged. However, taken to its most beneficial extreme, structured content workflows could produce information schemas like those proposed by J.C.R.
Licklider (1965) for cataloging cultural artifacts, which revolutionized the ways
in which technology helps librarians gather, index, organize, store, and distribute
print and digital content. Some scholars tackle this challenge as an opportunity
Structure 285
to acknowledge that “while the technology can hamper some elements of creativity, it can also open up new possibilities for rhetorical expression, for writing
content that can be assembled into new meaningful forms” (Swarts, 2020, p. 171).
The evolution of structure in technical communication is leading to the
development of more flexible methodologies and standards (e.g., Markdown,
JSON, and proprietary solutions for separating content from presentation). Although they do not provide all the capabilities of XML, they can replicate most
of the transclusion and single sourcing features of DITA (Evia et al., 2018). Evolutionary trends also include the practice of content-as-a-service (CaaS), which
“focuses on managing structured content into feeds that other applications and
properties can consume” ([A], 2017). In a CaaS-based workflow, structured content does not necessarily inherit formatting and processing rules from the same
organization where it is developed, but it is available for use in different contexts
and environments via online information requests.
As an explicit change of tone in speech or a new section in a piece of user documentation, or behind the scenes as a command for a computer request sending
content to a voice application, structure is essential to technical communication.
Audiences and authors will continue evolving, and their use of technology will no
doubt become more sophisticated and complex over time. Regardless of medium
and technology, a well-structured document will always be a more effective piece
of communication than a disorganized blob of words.
References
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35. Style
Jonathan Buehl
The Ohio State University
Technical communicators often focus on style—the word- and sentence-level
choices directing how readers will receive and understand a text. For example,
revising to remove distracting “wordiness,” focusing on action verbs in instructions, conforming citations to a style guide, placing information at the ends of
sentences to create cohesion, or writing in registers that either signal expertise
(e.g., scientific writing) or communicate expertise to non-experts (e.g., “plain
language”). However, style is more than close attention to grammar, syntax, and
vocabulary, as Dan Jones (1998) noted in a technical communication textbook
dedicated entirely to style:
Style affects almost all other elements of writing. Style is your
choices of words, phrases, clauses, and sentences and how you
connect these sentences. Style is the unity and coherence of your
paragraphs and larger segments. Style is your tone—your attitude
toward your subject, your audience, and yourself—in what you
write. (p. 3)
This chapter considers the complexities of style in technical and professional
communication (TPC) by examining multiple ways scholars have defined style,
by identifying stylistic traditions in TPC, and by considering how style connects
with TPC issues related to knowledge, ethics, justice, and inclusion.
Categorical definitions have considered both the categories to which style belongs and how style itself can be categorized. Style is one of the so-called canons
of rhetoric—traditionally, the five activities constituting rhetorical performance.
The others are invention (identifying arguments), arrangement (organizing arguments), memory (remembering a text and making it memorable), and delivery
(the material performance of a text). Rhetorical theorists continue to discuss and
question the boundaries between canonical categories, approaching them not as
steps in a rigid process (first we invent, then we arrange, then we choose a style,
etc.) but as interrelated, co-constitutive activities. For example, Jeanne Fahnestock (2002, 2004) has demonstrated how rhetorical figures in scientific communication serve as more than mere ornamental flourishes—they are structures used
to develop, epitomize, and reinforce lines of reasoning (see also Graves, 2005).
Similarly, Paul Butler’s (2008) term “inventional style” acknowledges the fuzzy
boundaries and connections between generating ideas (invention) and choosing the words to express them (style). The TPC takeaway is that style is not
just a late-stage activity (e.g., part of copyediting or proofreading); rather, it is
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288 Buehl
an integral aspect of communication requiring attention at different stages of a
project.
Although canon-based approaches focus on the taxonomies to which style
belongs, other definitions classify styles into operational types. For example, Nora
Bacon (2015) identifies five ways people invoke “style” to describe particular aspects of language use:
• Style 1—Individual Style: “the sound of [an author’s] voice on the
page” (p. 292)
• Style 2—House Style: the conventions articulated and enforced
by a community of editors to achieve consistency; e.g., MLA style,
APA style, or a style codified in a company’s style guide or a project’s style sheet
• Style 3—Usage: a stylistic focus on linguistic etiquette; e.g., injunctions to be precise with such distinctions as “effect” vs. “affect”
or to avoid passive voice
• Style 4—Plain Style: an approach privileging clarity and conciseness; e.g., the advice of William Strunk, Jr. and E.B. White’s The
Elements of Style
• Style 5—Elaborated Style: an approach focused on “sentence variety, syntactic dexterity, and artfulness,” such as the creative use of
rhetorical figures (p. 292)
To Bacon’s list, I add a sixth variant of style invoked in TPC contexts: Style
6—Structural Style or Technologized Style: the digital features facilitating how
computers present content, such as Microsoft Word styles or the style sheets that
transform XML structured content into deliverables. For example, an XML
transformation might specify that top-level headings should appear in Times
font for a PDF but Arial font for a web page presenting the same content. Style
6 also highlights a point relevant to Bacon’s other types of style: Style includes
choices about words themselves as well as formatting, design, and other nonverbal elements that nonetheless shape how words are perceived.
Other means of categorizing styles focus on the occasions of their use. For
example, classical rhetorical theorists identified three types or “levels” of style,
each associated with a specific purpose:
the low or plain style, to be used to instruct an audience
the middle style, to be used to move or persuade an audience
the high or grand style, to be used to please an audience
These levels persist in such contemporary stylistic distinctions as “colloquial,”
“standard,” and “formal” (Fahnestock, 2011, p. 81). As Russell Willerton (2015)
explains, plain style has long been associated with technical communication, with
calls to use “plain English” for expert and non-expert audiences dating back to
Style 289
the 14th century (p. 3). It is important to note that the boundaries between these
levels are not hard lines—even for Cicero, the Roman orator often credited with
the leveling concept (von Albrecht, 2003, pp. 20-25). Moreover, these levels are
not hierarchical—i.e., a grand style is not qualitatively better than a plain style.
As Michael von Albrecht (2003) observes, the real innovation of the levels approach is its recognition of “a close interrelation between subject and style” (p. 22).
The idea of stylistic “levels” took a quantitative turn in the 20th century, when
researchers developed so-called readability formulas to rate texts for reader comprehension. For example, the Gunning Fog Index and the Flesch-Kincaid Grade
Level test calculate the “grade level” of a passage (e.g., a score of 9 indicates a
ninth-grade reading level). The Flesch Reading Ease test assigns a score ranging
from 0 to 100, with higher scores associated with greater readability. Although
they all use the same metrics (sentences, words, and syllables), each varies in how
those features factor into the readability calculation. Table 35.1 demonstrates how
these formulas evaluate passages. The first example, an abstract from a scientific
article, has grade-level scores of 18.2 and 17.4 (i.e., graduate school) and a low
reading ease score of 13.4 (“very difficult”). The other examples are from websites
written for the general public. They present similar content on how COVID-19
spreads, but they demonstrate lower grade levels and higher reading ease scores.
Readability formulas can help less-experienced writers focus on word- and
sentence-level revisions; however, relying on readability scores as indications of
“good” writing is potentially problematic (Selzer, 1981, 1983; Redish, 2000; Redish & Selzer, 1985). Indeed, using shorter words and more-but-shorter sentences will not necessarily result in a better text. For example, if only the italicized
parenthetical statements were deleted from the second example in Table 35.1,
the Flesch-Kincaid grade level would drop from 15.2 to 13.2; however, important
clarifying information would be lost. Janice (Ginny) Redish (2000) has proposed
that usability testing (also known as user experience testing) is a better approach
for assessing reader comprehension.
Another approach for defining style focuses on valued attributes of discourse.
Classical Greek theorists identified five “virtues” of style: clarity, correctness,
vividness (enargeia), appropriateness, and ornateness (Burton, 2007b). Other
theorists valued other virtues; for example, the Byzantine theorist Hermogenes
included grandeur, beauty, rapidity, character, sincerity, and force along with clarity in his list of stylistic virtues (Burton, 2007a). Similar values-based typologies
of style have long been commonplace in professional communication textbooks
(Carbone, 1994). For example, Sada A. Harbarger’s (1923) English for Engineers—
which Robert J. Connors (1982) identifies as the first modern technical communication textbook—promoted three virtues for engineering writing: clearness,
conciseness, and emphasis (Harbarger, 1923, p. 23). Similar lists persist today and
are often expressed through the common mnemonic device of “the [insert number] Cs” of effective writing: for example, clarity, coherence, conciseness (Wasko, 2011) or consideration, clarity, conciseness, coherence, correctness, confidence
290 Buehl
(Howe Writing Initiative, n.d.). (See Carbone [1994] for the long history of “the
Cs” mnemonic in business writing texts.) Stylistic “virtues” are often presented
as universal traits; however, they are scalar and contingent values. For example, a
passage offering an appropriate level of detail for one context might be too wordy
for others. Similarly, a maximally concise passage might be considered curt or
even rude by some readers.
Another traditional approach is to name styles based on sets of features.
For example, the “plain language” style is a specific variation of plain style that
emerged from the plain language movement (Mazur, 2000; Willerton, 2015, this
volume). It is often contrasted with bureaucratic style (Shuy, 1998), which needlessly obfuscates information through unnecessarily complex phrasing, insider
vocabulary, and unclear agency. Conversely, plain language principles regarding
organization (e.g., “address separate audiences separately”), verbs (e.g., “use the
active voice”), nouns (e.g., “don’t turn verbs into nouns”), sentences (e.g., “keep
subject, verb, and object close together”), and paragraphs (e.g., “cover only one
point in each paragraph”) are meant to increase the chances that readers can
find, understand, and use the information in a document (Plain Language Action
and Information Network, 2011). Like plain language, writing with “you attitude”
attends to the needs of the reader through such strategies as preferring “you” as
a sentence subject when addressing what readers can gain or must do; however,
it also protects the reader’s ego through careful attention to avoiding negative
language (Hotchkiss and Drew, 1916; Locker, 1995).
Although scientific style’s purposeful use of passive voice and nominalizations
might seem like the antithesis of plain language, the two styles are otherwise
compatible (see Gopen & Swan, 1990; Green, 2013). Moreover, the “grammatical
problems” that make scientific language challenging for non-experts—such as
lexical density, complex noun phrases (e.g., “severe acute respiratory syndrome
coronavirus”), interlocking definitions, and implicit taxonomies—are actually
discursive features that have evolved to facilitate communication between experts
who share a common base of knowledge (Halliday, 1993a, 1993b). This “scientific
writing” for expert readers is often contrasted with “science writing,” which can
refer to a range of styles used to accommodate science for non-experts (see Buehl,
2013; Fahnestock, 1998).
Although categorical and descriptive approaches can help technical communicators understand style, they do not address the range of epistemological and
ethical entailments related to both definitions of style and stylistic choices. Approaches to style vary in their epistemological assumptions about the relationships between language, knowledge, and reality. Linguists Geoffrey Leech and
Michael Short (2007) identify three main philosophies:
“Dualism”: style is merely the manner in which content is expressed
“Monism”: style and content are inseparable
“Pluralism”: language simultaneously performs different functions
Style 291
Table 35.1. Comparing Popular Readability Formulas*
Passage 1 (Expert Audience): Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARSCoV-2) has spread rapidly throughout the world since the first cases of coronavirus disease
2019 (COVID-19) were observed in December 2019 in Wuhan, China. It has been suspected that infected persons who remain asymptomatic play a significant role in the ongoing
pandemic, but their relative number and effect have been uncertain. The authors sought
to review and synthesize the available evidence on asymptomatic SARS-CoV-2 infection.
Asymptomatic persons seem to account for approximately 40% to 45% of SARS-CoV-2
infections, and they can transmit the virus to others for an extended period, perhaps longer
than 14 days. Asymptomatic infection may be associated with subclinical lung abnormalities,
as detected by computed tomography. Because of the high risk for silent spread by asymptomatic persons, it is imperative that testing programs include those without symptoms. To
supplement conventional diagnostic testing, which is constrained by capacity, cost, and its
one-off nature, innovative tactics for public health surveillance, such as crowdsourcing digital
wearable data and monitoring sewage sludge, might be helpful. (Source: Oran & Topal,
2020. “Prevalence of Asymptomatic SARS-CoV-2 Infection: A Narrative Review.”)
Gunning Fog Index (Grade Level): 18.4 | Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level: 17.4 |
Flesch Reading Ease: 13.3
Passage 2 (Public Audience - General): COVID-19 spreads mainly from person to person
through respiratory droplets produced when an infected person coughs, sneezes, talks, or
raises their voice (e.g., while shouting, chanting, or singing). These droplets can land in the
mouths or noses of people who are nearby or possibly be inhaled into the lungs. Recent
studies show that a significant portion of individuals with COVID-19 lack symptoms (are
“asymptomatic”) and that even those who eventually develop symptoms (are “pre-symptomatic”) can transmit the virus to others before showing symptoms. (Source: Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 2020. “About Cloth Face Coverings.” Emphasis added.)
Gunning Fog Index (Grade Level): 10.5 | Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level: 15.2 |
Flesch Reading Ease: 35
Passage 3 (Public Audience - Parents): Most commonly, the virus that causes COVID-19
enters people’s bodies when it’s on their hands and they touch their mouths, noses or eyes.
A virus is so tiny that you can’t see it. This is why it’s important to wash your hands often
and try not to touch your mouth, nose or eyes. If someone who has the infection coughs
or sneezes on you from a close distance — closer than six feet — then that also can spread
the virus. (Source: Mayo Clinic, 2020. “How to Talk to Your Kids about COVID-19”)
Gunning Fog Index (Grade Level): 10.1 | Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level: 7.6 |
Flesch Reading Ease: 75.4
* Each of the passages describes similar content on the spread of COVID-19 but for very different
audiences—scientific experts, the general public, and parents of small children. Each passage has been
scored according to three popular readability formulas:
•
•
•
Gunning Fog Index = 0.4 [(total words / total sentences) + 100 (complex words / total
words)]
◦ “Complex words”: Words with more than three syllables (excluding proper nouns,
“familiar jargon,” and compound words)
Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level = 0.39 (total words / total sentences) + 11.8 (total syllables /
total words – 15.59)
Flesch Reading Ease Score = 206.835 – 1.015 (total words / total sentences) – 84.6
(total syllables / total words)
292 Buehl
Understanding these distinctions is important because technical communicators might encounter people with particularly rigid views of language; for example, an “objective” style represents objective thinking.
Style is often discussed in relation to ethics, the politics of language, and relationships between language, power, and identity. Although TPC discourses are
often regarded as objective or neutral, a seemingly neutral style does not necessarily mean a text is ideologically neutral or ethical. As Steven B. Katz (1992) demonstrated, the Nazis wrote clear and precise documentation of their technologies of
genocide. Similarly, Nigerian military officers wrote in precise, audience-appropriate vocabulary about murdering innocent civilians to benefit an oil company
(Agboka, 2018). As Michael J. Zerbe (2007) has observed, scientific discourse is
the dominant “power” discourse of our time, and thus, it is crucial for students to
be able to read, write, and critique it. However, we also have an obligation to help
students recognize and navigate stylistic diversity without marginalizing specific
dialects (Conference on College Composition and Communication, 1974; Wilson
& Crow, 2017). In TPC classes, we often task students with performing styles typical for contemporary workplaces; however, “standard” styles should not be held
out as objectively standard or ideal. Rather, they are sets of discursive moves that
have become conventionalized as appropriate and expected for particular contexts.
And “standard” conventions evolve as contexts evolve.
Consider, for example, shifts in conventions regarding gender and language.
It was once acceptable to use masculine pronouns and male terms generically
(e.g., “Each applicant must sign his name.”). Most style guides now promote the
use of sex-inclusive language (“Each applicant should sign his or her name.”) or
gender-neutral language (“Applicants must sign their names.”). However, specific
guidance on removing gender bias varies widely. For example, The IBM Style Guide
(2012) discourages using plural pronouns as gender-neutral replacements for singular nouns (“Each applicant must sign their name.”). The Microsoft Writing Style
Guide (2020) states, “it’s OK to use a plural pronoun (they, their, or them) in generic references to a single person” if there’s no other option, while the Mailchimp
Style Guide (2020) explicitly permits the singular “they.” As Allen Smith (2020)
observes, more and more companies are updating employee handbooks with gender-neutral pronouns to make these documents more inclusive of nonbinary individuals. Although approving of the singular “they” is the more common stylistic
change, some companies (including the financial firm Goldman Sachs [2019])
openly support other singular nonbinary pronouns (ze / zer / zirs or ze / zem /
zes). Such changes in stylistic conventions have social justice implications for professional communication and can support commitments to inclusion.
Calls for language diversity are other sites where style intersects with inclusive
communication practices. As the field expands its understanding of the sites of
TPC activity, the range of styles that “count” as technical and professional communication are also expanding. For example, in describing the possibilities of
hip-hop pedagogies for TPC, Marcos del Hierro (2018) observes how rap songs
Style 293
can communicate technical information through hip-hop styles. Krystle Danuz
(2014) noted how Spanglish—the often-disparaged dialectal blend of Spanish and
English—can actually be more effective than writing in a “standard” professional style when communicating technical information to some multilingual readers.
As Temptaous T. Mckoy (2019) has demonstrated, even TPC scholarship can be
performed effectively and insightfully through a diverse range of styles, which for
Mckoy include “traditional” academic prose as well as African American Vernacular English (AAVE) and multimodal trap-music videos. In short, recognizing linguistic and stylistic diversity is entirely compatible with the core goal of TPC (as
a field and as a profession)—to share expertise effectively with diverse audiences.
To conclude with a stylistic flourish, just as style affects all aspects of writing,
all aspects of writing affect style. Categorical, descriptive, operational, epistemological, ethical, and inclusive perspectives on style can help TPC scholars,
students, and practitioners make meaningful choices to craft effective and ethical
texts.
References
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Burton, G. O. (2007a). Hermogenes’ On Style. Silva rhetoricae: The forest of rhetoric.
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Connors, R. J. (1982). The rise of technical writing instruction in America.
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org/10.1177/004728168201200406
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Danuz, K. (2014). Spanglish: A new communication tool. In M. F. Williams & O. Pimentel
(Eds.), Communicating race, ethnicity, and identity in technical communication (pp. 121132). Baywood Publishing Co.
Del Hierro, M. (2018). Stayin’ on our grind : What hiphop pedagogies offer to technical
writing. In A. M. Haas & M. F. Eble (Eds.), Key theoretical frameworks: Teaching
technical communication in the twenty-first century (pp. 163-184). Utah State University
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Fahnestock, J. (2011). Rhetorical style: The uses of language in persuasion. Oxford University
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Graves, H. B. (2005). Rhetoric in (to) science: Style as invention in inquiry. Hampton Press.
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discourse. Southern Illinois University Press.
36. Technology
Bernadette Longo
New Jersey Institute of Technology
The root of the word technology is the Greek term tekhne, which Aristotle defined as an art or “reasoned habit of mind in making something” (1991, p. 320).
In 17th-century post-classical Latin, the term technologia (Greek tekhne + Latin
logia, the study of ) was used to describe the systematic study of an art or practical
craft (R. Williams, 1985, p. 315). By the 18th century, technology was not only a
study of practical arts, but particularly of the mechanical arts and applied sciences
(Oxford University Press, n.d.). By the mid-19th century, this term implied not
only the study, but also the active application, of mechanical arts, especially in
manufacturing and industry (Technology, 2020). By the 20th century, the use of
the term had expanded to include the products of people applying mechanical
arts in manufacturing and industry (Oxford University Press, n.d.). In this sense
of the term, technology can mean both the knowledge to make a mechanical
object, as well as the object itself, as in this sentence: “Technology is starting to
behave in intelligent and unpredictable ways that even its creators don’t understand” (Bridle, 2018, p. 1). This contemporary sense of the word technology blurs
the boundary between the person who has the knowledge and ability to make
an object and that human-made object itself. As Steven B. Katz (1992) argued,
“Technology becomes both a means and an end in itself ” (p. 266), thus creating
ethical implications that technical communicators should consider as they work
with and write about technologies.
In Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle argued that a person could lead a good life by
pursuing virtuous knowledge and carrying out virtuous acts. He discussed tekhne
as an intellectual virtue comprising one element of a good life. If the person who
had technical knowledge was virtuous, the product of that tekhne would result in
civic good: “The first principle is in the maker but not in what is made” (as cited
in Kennedy, 1991, p. 289). In this early sense, the product of tekhne was the result
of human agency, and the product could be evaluated according to the nature of
its human creator. Thus, the product of tekhne—or what we might today call “a
technology”—reflected its human maker and was under human control. Written
communication can be considered to be an early technology in this sense (e.g.,
Havelock, 1986; Ong, 1992; Postman, 1993).
As relationships between humans and technology have evolved, the question of who is in control of technology has become contested. For example, this
definition of how a thermostat works gives agency to the device: “While a thermometer is a tool to read a room’s temperature, a thermostat is able to control it” (Hometree, n.d.). This attribution of agency to a technology in technical
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2023.1923.2.36
297
298 Longo
communication discourse is so naturalized as to appear as common sense. Yet the
implications of placing this device in the subject position of a sentence open the
door to metaphorically considering a technology as having independent agency
to carry out actions in the world. This metaphorical need to place a device in the
subject position of an active verb points to a limitation in the English language
inherent in defining a technology as both the human know-how and the object
created by that know-how: It confuses subject and object in the text. Take, for
example, this account of what happened when software engineers added a “Like”
button to the Facebook interface: “The ‘like’ button, it turns out, transformed
the social media experience” (Newport, 2020, p. 51). Cal Newport’s attribution of
agency to a social media feature aptly illustrates his exploration of technological
determinism. This sentence attributes the transformation of users’ experiences to
a software feature, not to the people who programmed the feature. The “Like”
button is the hero of this small story about technology and society. When people read text, they look for stories. Technical and professional communicators
provide these stories about people and technologies, as well as determining the
subjects taking actions in these stories.
A new technology can change the way that people view (im)possible relations
between humans and machines. What seemed impossible in the past —that machines can learn and make independent decisions impacting people’s lives—is
now a relationship that seems natural. When intelligent machines can have linguistic agency in sentences, people are taught to consider machines as actors in
the physical world. When intelligent machines then have actual agency in that
physical world, distinctions between technology and human become blurred. As
Langdon Winner (1992) observed, “the nature of man’s own creations has now
emerged as a source of genuine perplexity” (p. 5). He continued, technology is
“the totality of rational methods . . . that stands at the center of modern culture. . .
. Some of the most intriguing new technologies have to do with the alteration of
psychological or spiritual states” (Winner, 1992, p. 9), especially when we consider
intelligent systems that can learn and act autonomously. Machine learning has
already been implemented to take on some commercial operations as described
by technical writer Jennifer Kite-Powell (2017):
Bots can already be trained to answer and respond to simple queries. Over time, Bots will be able to respond to more complex queries and their ability to solve complex problems will continue to
increase, allowing them to interact in more meaningful ways with
customers. (n.p.)
In this example, an intelligent technology is acting in the physical world, as
well as being represented linguistically as an agent acting in a sentence. Once a
technology can take actions that impact people in a physical world, ethical questions arise, especially regarding technological systems that have the potential for
lethal outcomes. When a technology can act independently and potentially take
Technology 299
an action that can kill a human, who is responsible for that action? Winner (1992)
argued that “Autonomous technology is ultimately nothing more or less than the
question of human autonomy held up to a different light” (p. 43). Technical and
professional communicators are necessarily implicated in these ethical relationships when we write about technologies.
If an intelligent technology can take independent action similar to a person,
can the consequences of that action be judged by the same ethical principles
whether it is taken by a machine or a person? In considering human actions,
Keith Abney (2012) distinguished between actions taken through instinct and
those taken after deliberation. He concluded that machines are not subject to
ethical judgement because their actions are programmed and therefore instinctual, not deliberative (Abney, 2012, p. 46). The question remains unanswered,
though: “Who is responsible for an action taken by an intelligent technology?”
The designer? The programmer? The operator? The technical communicator who
enables the operator to use the machine? This question comes into sharp focus when we consider intelligent military systems known as “lethal autonomous
weapons” that are designed to fight, defend, and kill. This lethal defense technology is undoubtedly embedded in a complex network of people who design, produce, and implement the system, as well as people who are targets of the system.
As Winner (1992) argued, such autonomous technological systems seem out of
the control of any one person or group of people. More than a question of direct
implementation, the question of responsibility becomes more about underlying
values than direct action. When the technological system is so complex as to be
beyond the control of any one human organization, the implication is that the
values embodied in the technology are social values.
Technical and professional communicators participate in systems of social
values when we give voice to technological knowledge. What is our responsibility
in this knowledge/power system? Although technical communication has historically been viewed as functional and instrumental, more recent cultural studies
conclude that technique and correctness in themselves do not represent the influence that technical communicators exert on people’s understanding of their (im)
possible relations with technologies (e.g.,; Jones, 2016; Jones et al., 2016; Longo,
1998, 2000; Slack et al., 1993). Because technical and professional writers work
within institutions, such as businesses, governmental agencies, and academia, our
practices “serve to (de)stabilize important rational and scientific knowledge/power structures in our culture” (Longo, 2006, p. 22). We work at the intersection of
institutions and publics; whose interests do we serve? “Only when technical communicators accept responsibility as authors within our cultural context can we
begin to understand and control our practices and the technologies in which we
are complicit” (Longo, 2006, p. 22). Only when we look for the interests of people
whose experiences have traditionally been marginalized because they threatened
to destabilize the dominant knowledge/power system—such as the half of the
world’s population who are currently not connected to the internet or people who
300 Longo
live with very low incomes that do not allow them full online access to opportunities and services—can technical communicators add social justice concerns to
our professional values and our “reasoned habit of mind in making something”
(Aristotle, 1991, p. 320).
Technology as a means and an end becomes in itself a rationale for action,
since it shapes a society’s values while it is, in turn, shaped by those values. Neil
Postman (1993) argued that “every culture must negotiate with technology” (p.
5) because “radical technologies create new definitions of old terms . . . that have
deep-rooted meanings” (p. 8), such as human and technology. Postman further argued that a technology “creates the ‘conditions of intercourse’ by which we relate
to each” (p. 14). In examining one documentary example of how society shapes
and is shaped by technological values, Katz (1992) asked how some people in the
Third Reich could come to view other people as subhuman objects for extermination. He determined that their rationale was “grounded not in the arrogance
of a personal belief in one’s superiority, but rather in a cultural and ethical norm
of technology . . . the ethic of technological expediency” (Katz, 1992, p. 265). On
a textual scale, this case illustrated the importance of word choice and syntax in
reflecting cultural values. On a societal scale, it illustrated an ethical system in
which humans and technologies were intertwined in institutional systems with
far-reaching consequences for people’s lives.
As long as the word technology obscures human and machine agency, the use
of this term contains the possibility of ethical ambiguity. This term can also reveal societal values that place convenience and practicality over the messiness of
human nature (e.g., Dilger, 2006). As technical and professional communicators
are increasingly called upon to consider questions of social justice as well as institutional stability (e.g., Haas & Elbe, 2018; Walton et al., 2019; Williams & Pimentel, 2012), we should use the word technology with caution because adopting a
machine-based ethic has important, life-and-death implications for other people
and the world we perpetuate. We should use what Natasha N. Jones and Miriam
F. Williams (2020) call the “just use of imagination” to safeguard the humanity
of all people and counteract oppressive practices that could be contained in relationships between humans and machines.
References
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P. Lin, K. Abney, & G. A. Bekey (Eds.), Robot ethics: The ethical and social implications
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Aristotle. (1991). On rhetoric: A theory of civic discourse (G. A. Kennedy, Trans.). Oxford
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Bridle, J. (2018, June 15). Rise of the machines: Has technology evolved beyond our
control? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/jun/15/rise-of-themachines-has-technology-evolved-beyond-our-control-
Technology 301
Dilger, B. (2006). Extreme usability and technical communication. In J. B. Scott, B.
Longo, & K. V. Wills. (Eds.), Critical power tools: Technical communication and cultural
studies (pp. 47-70). State University of New York Press.
Haas, A. M., & Eble, M. F. (Eds.). (2018). Key theoretical frameworks: Teaching technical
communication in the twenty-first century. Utah State University Press.
Havelock, E. A. (1986). The muse learns to write: Reflections on orality and literacy from
antiquity to the present. Yale University Press.
Hometree. (n.d.). How does a thermostat work? https://www.hometree.co.uk/energyadvice/central-heating/how-does-a-thermostat-work.html
Jones, N. N. (2016). The technical communicator as advocate: Integrating a social
justice approach in technical communication. Journal of Technical Writing and
Communication, 46(3), 342-361. https://doi.org/10.1177/0047281616639472
Jones, N. N., Moore, K. R., & Walton, R. (2016). Disrupting the past to disrupt the
future: An antenarrative of technical communication. Technical Communication
Quarterly, 25(4), 211-229. https://doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2016.1224655
Jones, N. N., & Williams, M. F. (2020). The just use of imagination: A call to action.
ATTW. https://attw.org/blog/the-just-use-of-imagination-a-call-to-action/
Katz, S. B. (1992). The ethic of expediency: Classical rhetoric, technology and the
Holocaust. College English, 54(3), 255-275. https://doi.org/10.2307/378062
Kite-Powell, J. (2017, December 29). The next technology shift: The internet of actions.
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Longo, B. (1998). An approach for applying cultural study theory to technical
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Longo, B. (2000). Spurious coin: A history of science, management, and technical writing.
State University of New York Press.
Longo, B. (2006). Theory. In J. B. Scott, B. Longo, & K. V. Wills. (Eds.), Critical power
tools: Technical communication and cultural studies (pp. 21-24). State University of New
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Newport, C. (2020, May). When technology goes awry. Communications of the ACM,
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Ong, W. J. (1992). Writing is a technology that restructures thought. In P. Downing,
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Walton, R., Moore, K., & Jones, N. (2019). Technical communication after the
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302 Longo
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thought. The MIT Press.
37. Translation
Bruce Maylath
North Dakota State University
The word translation has long roots in Latin, and the act of translation goes back
centuries further, with equivalent terms in other ancient languages. In their book
Found in Translation, Nataly Kelly and Jost Zetzsche (2012) observe that “Translation comes from the Latin translatus, which means ‘to carry over,’ as across a
river . . . ” (p. 41). Noting the same in its etymology of the word, The Oxford Etymological Dictionary offers two definitions of translate: “A. remove from one place
to another; B. turn from one language to another” (Onions, 1966, p. 937). Drawing
likewise on river imagery, Kirk St.Amant (2019) describes translation as “Transfers of meaning [which] often involve bridging different systems of conveying
ideas” (p. 5). While the Latin word, and its anglicized form, are rooted in a crossing, the equivalent words in English’s close Germanic cousin languages provide
a slightly different image, e.g., übersetzen in German, oversette in Norwegian, in
both cases meaning literally to “overset” or, more idiomatically, set over.
Translation studies, as a discipline, is a relatively recent development of mainly the past half century. Drawing on earlier theorists, James Melton (2008) identifies three types of translation: 1) intra-lingual (“within a single language or sign
system”), 2) inter-lingual (“from one language into another”), and 3) inter-semiotic (“from verbal signs into non-verbal sign systems”; pp. 189-190). Federica
Scarpa (2019) incorporates these three types within the discipline’s more expansive and comprehensive taxonomy:
Translation refers to
•
The process of transferring meaning from an original text
written in a source language to another language according
to the specific socio-cultural context of that language
• The product resulting from that process: The target (i.e., final,
translated) text that should address the socio-cultural context of the intended audience reading in the target language
The word translation can also refer to other activities and products
based on criteria such as
•
•
Medium: Written, oral, audiovisual, etc.
Mode: Conversion of a text from one language to another
including
◦ Intralingual translation: Within the same language
◦ Interlingual translation: Between different languages
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304 Maylath
◦ Intersemiotic translation: Between different verbal/
non-verbal systems, such as from a novel to the medium of film. (pp. 19-20)
Because this volume focuses on keywords as technical communicators are
likely to encounter them, the rest of this essay dwells on the most common types
of translation, interlingual and intralingual.
Throughout history, translation has generally and most commonly been understood to refer to transferring meaning from one human language to another,
especially when written. (In the translation industry, translators work with written texts while interpreters convey oral renderings between languages.) Translation as an occupation has its earliest roots in religious texts, especially in the
West, where translation focused on fidelity or faithfulness of Latin translated
from Greek (Windle & Pym, 2011, pp. 8-9). In parallel, Scott Montgomery (2013)
demonstrates how crucial a role translation has played in spreading scientific
knowledge throughout the centuries by allowing the transfer of ideas from Greek
into Syriac, Latin, and Arabic; from Arabic into Latin; from Latin into Chinese
and European vernaculars (including English); and from Chinese into Japanese
and other East Asian languages (p. 158). In time, as the industrial revolution took
place, translation historically became viewed, especially before the era of globalization, as Jeremy Munday (2016) describes it:
The process of translation between two different written languages
involves the changing of an original written text (the source text
or ST) in the original verbal language (the source language or SL)
into a written text (the target text or TT) in a different verbal language (the target language or TL). (p. 8)
Demand for translation of technical documents has soared since the late 20th
century as global trade surged in the wake of such trade pacts as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA, now replaced by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement [USMCA]) and the World Trade Organization (WTO).
As technical documentation has increasingly involved translation, many technical
communicators have taken on the role of translation project managers. Some
have sought cross-training as translators, while even more translators have sought
cross-training as technical communicators (Gnecchi et al., 2011). Thus, over time,
“Technical communication researchers are increasingly pushing for a move away
from thinking of translation as an afterthought to content design and development” (Gonzales, 2017, p. 96).
Simultaneously, translation theory has moved from conceptions of faithfulness of the target text to the source text and instead emphasized equivalency of
meaning. Examining the history of translation studies, Sandra Halvorson (2010)
notes that this move transpired by the mid-20th century. Birthe Mousten and
Dan Riordan (2019) credit this move to the theorist Ernst-August Gutt, who
Translation 305
“switches translation from meaning ‘two language versions of the same text’ to
meaning ‘two texts with similar purpose and understanding’” (p. 160). Thus, as
Patricia Minacori (2019) puts it, “Translation is a process that relates first and
foremost to meaning, as opposed to words. In that regard it is fundamentally a
process focused on comprehension” (p. 39). Among the best known of translation
theorists, Lawrence Venuti (2008) sums up the current theoretical stance in this
way: “Translation is a process by which the chain of signifiers that constitutes the
foreign text is replaced by a chain of signifiers in translating language which the
translator provides on the strength of an interpretation” (p. 13).
In focusing on equivalencies of meaning, translation theorists have also increasingly acknowledged the importance of accounting for culture: “The apparent
division between cultural and linguistic approaches to translation that characterized much translation research until the 1980s is disappearing,” observes Susan
Bassnett (2014, p. 3), “for translation is not just the transfer of texts from one
language to another, it is now rightly seen as a process of negotiation between
texts and between cultures” (p. 6). This new view, of translation as intercultural
communication, has begun to seep into the thinking of the technical communication community as well. As Josephine Walwema (2018) observes, “At its most
basic level, language is intertwined with culture, which itself comes with a set of
values and belief systems” (p. 24). Or, as international technical communication
specialist Timothy Weiss (1997) has put it, “translation, in the broadest sense of
the term . . . is the fundamental process by which we interpret and express our
reading of reality” (p. 322).
All languages display a continuum of formal to informal registers—with the
latter sometimes interpreted as “plain language”—between which speakers and
writers sometimes “translate” intralingually (Lanham, 1983). However, native English speakers—so many of whom have never bothered to learn other languages—
are often unaware that English is unique among major languages in the extent to
which its vocabulary is largely two languages merged into one: Germanic (Anglo-Saxon/Old English) and Latinate (Latin and its offspring Romance languages,
including French), a result of the Norman Conquest. (For parallels, only a few
minor languages exhibit extensive dual-language vocabularies, e.g., Luxembourgish, with German and French; Maltese, with Arabic and Italian; Romansch, with
German and Latin.) The result has been frequent intralingual translation between
Latinate and Germanic vocabularies. In the centuries since 1066, Latinate vocabulary, typifying the jargon of the educated professions, has been translated into
Germanic “everyday English” or “plain language” for the masses (Crystal, 2004).
As David Corson (1985, 1995) has shown in depth, such intralingual translation is
necessary because the Latinate vocabulary in English remains foreign to so many
native English speakers. They encounter what he calls a “lexical bar,” resulting in
“lexical avoidance” and “lexical apartheid,” even though Latinate vocabulary is the
most accessible lexicon for English language learners whose first language is Spanish or another Romance language (Maylath, 1997, 2000; Thrush, 2001).
306 Maylath
Lexical apartheid in English-language cultures, and the history of French
being required in the public affairs of England, has held staying power much
longer than the vast majority of English speakers realize. Debate in England’s
parliament was conducted chiefly in French for hundreds of years post-Conquest. Furthermore, cases in common-law courts were argued in French until
1731, when parliament required that they be pleaded in English (albeit with many
stock French terms incorporated wholesale in the proceedings; Fisher, 1992, p.
1169). Even as late as 1892, when delivering his “Introductory Lecture” at University College, London, A. E. Housman “translated” by repeating each point twice,
once in Latinate English and once in Germanic English (Lanham, 1983). In our
own time, a student’s use of highly Latinate vs. highly Germanic English predictably can yield highly different assessments from college-level writing instructors
of the quality of students’ writing (Maylath, 1996).
The Plain Language Movement, as it exists in English, rests largely on the
presumption of a dual vocabulary that requires intralingual translation. In fact,
the U.S. government’s current plain language guidelines webpage (“Choose Your
Words Carefully,” 2011) quotes H. W. Fowler’s 1906 rule, “Prefer the Saxon word
to the Romance word.” The rise of scientific and technical communication as a
profession, especially in English-speaking lands, can be seen as a response to the
need to provide users of new technologies with intralingual translation. Carol
Barnum and Saul Carliner (1993) stated so plainly as the profession blossomed:
Technical communication is translation. Technical communicators
must take complicated subject matter, easily understood by subject-matter experts, and “translate” it into a language, a format, a
style, and a tone that can be easily understood by non-specialists.
. . . It requires recognizing jargon—the specialized vocabulary of
one group—and reducing it to terms and expressions that can be
understood by those outside the group. (pp. 3-4)
We see a similar view taken toward science communicators/journalists, when
Kira Dreher (2020) writes,
the scientific paper has traditionally had a gatekeeping function,
inaccessible both in terms of language, rhetoric, and restricted access (via paid journals). In the past, the public has relied primarily
on translators—science communicators and journalists—to bridge
this gap.
When encountering or using the term translation, technical communicators,
especially in the United States, need to be aware that in some subfields, such as
risk communication, the intended meaning is intralingual, or even intersemiotic,
rather than interlingual, as one can see in such risk communication literature
as “Translating Risk Management Knowledge” (Maule, 2004) or Social Media
in Disaster Response (Potts, 2014). Indeed, the meaning of the term can go well
Translation 307
beyond language and culture in this subfield of technical communication. Such
usage is especially apparent in Liza Potts’ work (2014), where “participants in the
social web” become “‘translators’ who perform ‘translations’” (p. 28), as defined by
Michael Callon (1986), across four stages:
1.
Problematization: Establishing and defining the event
2.
Interessement: Encouraging participants to accept the
network definition of the event
3.
Enrollment: Actors align themselves with anchor actors
and accept definition of the network.
4. Mobilization: Actors assemble across the network and
mobilize to validate and distribute content. (paraphrased
and summarized from Potts, 2014, pp. 28-29)
Language seems to be at some remove in this rendering of translation. Language can certainly be employed in “defining an event,” but even there, defining
can occur through still or moving images, thus falling into intersemiotic translation. At no point is there clear reference to interlingual translation.
Employing multiple meanings of translation might seem innocuous, but without explicit operational definitions, their use can halt communication. Such became apparent in 2015 during technical communication conferences held in quick
succession. The first, in Austria, drew participants mainly from Europe. During the
concluding session, winners of a European Union grant announced that they had
just received the funds to carry out groundbreaking research on translating social
media messages during disasters. They explained that such messages are typically
transmitted in the national language, without regard for speakers of other languages in the disaster locale. The next week, during a conference in Ireland that
drew mainly Americans, a participant in the conference in Austria relayed the prior
week’s news. American participants objected, saying that translation had long been
addressed in risk communication, as evident in Potts’ recent book. Europeans in
the audience were surprised but held their tongues. Sadly, not until after the conferences did anyone realize that the Americans were using a far different definition
of translation than Europeans were accustomed to—intralingual, or perhaps even
intersemiotic, instead of interlingual. Without explication, what could have been a
fruitful discussion was squandered and lost without translation.
Will translation take on new meanings in the future, perhaps especially as
artificial intelligence develops and spreads? Only time will tell. However, as linguists since Ferdinand de Saussure are fond of pointing out, 1) the sign is arbitrary, and 2) language is in a constant state of flux. As words are signs, their meanings are unfixed and almost inevitably evolve and multiply as living speakers alter
living languages, making translation necessary even between older versions of a
language (e.g., Old English, Middle English) and newer versions (e.g., Modern
English, in its many varieties around the world).
308 Maylath
References
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Bassnett, S. (2014). Translation studies (4th ed.). Routledge. https://doi.
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Callon, M. (1986). Some elements of a sociology of translation: Domestication of the
scallops and the fishermen of St Brieuc Bay. In J. Law (Ed.), Power, action and belief: A
new sociology of knowledge? (pp. 196-223). Routledge.
Choose your words carefully. (2011, May). Plainlanguage.gov. https://www.plainlanguage.
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Corson, D. (1985). The lexical bar. Pergamon Press.
Corson, D. (1995). Using English words. Kluwer Academic Publishers. https://doi.
org/10.1007/978-94-011-0425-8
Crystal, D. (2004). The stories of English. The Overlook Press.
Dreher, K. (2020, July 21). Plain language in the sciences: A qualitative meta-analysis
of research [Presentation]. IEEE ProComm 2020. https://doi.org/10.1109/
ProComm48883.2020.00038
Fisher, J. H. (1992). A language policy for Lancastrian England. PMLA, 107(5), 1168-1180.
https://doi.org/10.2307/462872
Gnecchi, M., Maylath, B., Scarpa, F., Mousten, B., & Vandepitte, S. (2011). Field
convergence: Merging roles of technical writers and technical translators. IEEE
Transactions on Professional Communication, 54(2), 168-184.
Gonzales, L. (2017). But is that relevant here? A pedagogical model for embedding
translation training within technical communication courses in the US. Connexions:
International Professional Communication Journal, 5(1), 75-108.
Halvorson, S. (2010). Translation. In Y. Gambier & L. van Doorslaer (Eds.), Handbook of
translation studies (pp. 378-384). John Benjamins. https://doi.org/10.1075/hts.1.tra2
Kelly, N., & Zetzsche, J. (2012). Found in translation: How language shapes our lives and
transforms the world. Perigee.
Lanham, R. (1983). Analyzing prose. Macmillan.
Maule, A. (2004). Translating risk management knowledge: The lessons to be learned
from research on the perception and communication of risk. Risk Management, 6, 1729. https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.rm.8240177
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38. User Experience (UX)
Guiseppe Getto
Mercer University
User experience, or UX, can be defined as the sum total of activities that need to
occur during a design process to ensure a high-quality user experience is produced
by that process. It is a growing focus of a diverse array of professionals, from academic researchers to technical communicators and web developers working in
industry settings to specialists who focus solely on the UX process. Variously
called UX designers, UX leads, UX researchers, and a host of other titles, these
professionals have experienced considerable job growth in recent years due in
large part to the explosion of the mobile app marketplace and the increasing need
for large-scale (or “enterprise”) applications developed for major corporations. At
the same time, many academic researchers focused on technology have developed
research agendas and courses devoted to UX, as well as full-scale majors, minors,
and graduate programs.
UX is a complex term with a rich history in fields like technical communication, human-computer interaction (HCI), and design. No exploration of the
evolution of UX would be complete, either, without describing the important
contributions of practitioners working in industry. As evidenced by the above
definition, in contemporary usage, the term UX denotes both a design process
focused on the user’s experience and the experience that users have when utilizing the product of that process, be it a website, mobile application, enterprise application, or other type of technology. Closely related terms, such as user-centered
design (UCD), are sometimes used as synonyms for UX and sometimes used as
sub-terms.
The notion that design processes should focus primarily on user needs was
first introduced to broad audiences by Don Norman in his book The Psychology
of Everyday Things, first published in 1988 and later revised and expanded into
The Design of Everyday Things in 2013. Norman called this notion UCD, a term
he referred to earlier in his edited collection with Stephen Draper, User-Centered System Design: New Perspectives on Human-Computer Interaction (Norman
& Draper, 1986). In these works, Norman argued that the products we use on a
daily basis, even simple objects like door handles, will either succeed or fail based
on how much prospective users are incorporated into the processes for designing
them. Positioning users at the center of design processes would become a central
attribute of UX that follows through to this day.
It is much harder to trace the etymology of the second use of the term, the
experience a user has while utilizing a product. Early works such as those by Norman stressed that users have specific experiences when utilizing a product and
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312 Getto
that these experiences matter. Another important touchstone in the evolution of
UX was Jesse Garrett’s 2003 book The Elements of User Experience: User-Centered
Design for the Web. This important book invoked the term UX (as opposed to
UCD) to describe both design processes and users’ experiences, and it described
the many dimensions, or “planes,” of UX, which ranged from “the strategy plane”
at the highest level to “the surface plane” at the level of the interface (pp. 31-34).
The idea that UX has not only a dual meaning but many different levels of
operation and even closely related sub-terms carries through to contemporary
usage. In more recent conceptions of UX, terms like usability, information architecture, content strategy, visual, and design often serve as sub-elements of the
broader term (Buley, 2013; Garrett, 2003; Hartson & Pyla, 2012; Hoober, 2014;
Morville, 2007) and are also explained as workflows that fit within the broader
UX design process.
Most recently, the term UX process (or UX lifecycle) has been used to describe
UX as a series of smaller workflows that represent the sum total of activities that
need to occur during a design process to ensure a high-quality user experience
(Hartson & Pyla, 2012, pp. 55-60). This process is typically depicted as a series of
stages like the following:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Preliminary research
Prototyping
Usability testing
Maintenance
Less a linear process than a recursive and iterative one, the UX process helps
practitioners make decisions when designs reach a certain threshold. A prototype
(Banerjee, 2014), for instance, or “simulation of the final product,” enables designers to “test whether or not the flow of the product is smooth and consistent.”
Similarly, preliminary research can teach designers what kind of prototype will
be best to test with or what specific methods they need to deploy within the
design process (Buley, 2013, p. 86). Maintenance, on the other hand, addresses
what ongoing UX-related activities might look like, including when to engage in
follow-up usability testing or prototyping of new features (Abercrombie, 2019).
Sustainability and iteration are key concerns here, as resources are always finite,
and keeping an entire design team functioning full time isn’t always feasible.
Many developments in UX have been fueled, of course, by the advent of
new technologies. Design processes are increasing in complexity and scope, with
technologies such as social media applications, mobile applications, enterprise
applications, web applications, augmented and virtual reality applications, and
the numerous devices that make use of these applications. Because “we cannot
consistently predict what kinds of information might be important to specific
groups and in specific situations, we need methods by which we can understand
the dynamic relationships between users and technologies” (Potts, 2009, p. 285).
In other words, as digital technologies become more pervasive, the relationships
User Experience (UX) 313
among users and technologies become increasingly complex and increasingly unpredictable. Yet despite or perhaps because of this, “most users are involved in the
design process too late to influence the final product” (Andrews et al., 2012, p.
124). This failure to account for users and their contexts “explains systems which
function technically but fail because of lack of user acceptance” (Albers, 2003, p.
270). In other words, UX is only growing in importance as new challenges arise
in the relationships between users and the technologies they depend on.
As these new challenges arise, a wide variety of individual UX methods have
arisen. Since the publication of Jakob Nielsen’s landmark Usability Engineering
in 1993, usability testing has arguably remained the primary method for assessing
the quality of a product’s user experience. A method devoted to empirical observation of users while they test out an application in semi-controlled settings,
usability testing enables UX experts to assess an application from the user’s point
of view. Typically, testers recruit users who are demographically similar to an
application’s intended user base. These participants are then asked to complete
a series of tasks using the application or a prototype or mock-up of it. Users
are then asked about why they completed the tasks the way they did to give
designers a better grasp of how users navigate the application. Recently, remote,
unmoderated usability testing has grown in popularity as UX experts use apps,
such as UserTesting and UserZoom, to recruit, test, and record sessions with users through a combination of videoconferencing and screen-recording software.
Regardless, the goal remains the same: to test a user interface for intuitiveness,
usefulness, and ease-of-use.
Only a few years after Nielsen popularized usability, Hugh Beyer and Karen
Holtzblatt’s 1998 Contextual Design: Defining Customer-Centered Systems would
introduce a second important method for assessing user contexts: contextual inquiry. Unlike usability testing that typically assesses user responses to an application’s user interface in a semi-controlled environment, contextual inquiry is
a semi-ethnographic method that seeks to observe users in their own context.
Methods for contextual inquiry vary, from simple interviews with users in the
setting in which they intend to use an application to fly-on-the-wall field studies
in which researchers observe users conducting their daily tasks over a period
of time. What unifies these variants, however, is an approach that attempts to
balance the semi-controlled nature of usability testing with a more qualitative
understanding of user behavior in context. Such an understanding is now agreed
to be essential for designing an effective application.
While these two original methods remain important for both researchers and
practitioners alike, a dizzying array of additional methods have since been developed, often by practitioners struggling to deal with the challenges of increasingly complex product development cycles. A complete catalog of UX methods is
beyond the scope of this chapter, but an online list entitled UX Design Methods
& Deliverables purports to be a continually updated collection of UX methods
and associated deliverables, complete with links to fuller explanations of each
314 Getto
method listed (UX Collective, 2016). These methods, which include persona development (Golz, 2014), competitive analysis (Withrow, 2006), and storyboarding (Little, 2013), have largely arisen due to new technological exigencies and
design workflows.
One method that has cropped up largely due to the growing complexity of
applications is customer journey mapping (Gibbons, 2018). This method typically pools information garnered from other methods, such as usability testing
and contextual inquiry, in order to create a map of how different types of users
attempt to navigate and make use of an application. The central deliverable of
this method is a literal map of individual users’ journeys that includes their goals,
pain points, and other details important for improving their flow through the
application.
For decades within the field of technical communication, scholars focused primarily on usability and how it should inform the practice and teaching of technical
communication (Breuch et al., 2001; Cooke, 2010; Redish, 2010; Skelton, 1992; Sullivan, 1989). This focus remains strong in the field. However, recent work has broadened the scope of UX beyond usability (Getto & Beecher, 2016; Lauer & Brumberger, 2016; Potts, 2013; Redish, 2011; Sun, 2013). This work often seeks to identify
new relationships between technical communicators and UX specialists, with many
scholars arguing that these roles are beginning to blur in productive ways.
Within related fields like HCI and design, UX has similarly begun to take
center stage over the last few decades as the predominant term for describing
design processes that center users (Benyon, 2019; Bevan, 2005; Kreitzberg et al.,
2019; Vermeeren et al., 2016 ). This shift builds on a long history of UCD being
the predominant term—and continuing to be an important term—to describe
user-focused design processes (Karat, 1997; Lazar, 2005; Silva da Silva et al., 2011).
Meanwhile, within the broad community of industry practitioners, it is almost
undeniable that UX has taken center stage as the primary term describing work
to improve user experiences. Indicative shifts include the Usability Professionals
Association changing its name to the User Experience Professionals Association
(UXPA) in 2012 as well as the ever-expanding list of industry-hosted conferences
in UX (https://uiuxtrend.com/events/). In addition, much of the work cited in
this chapter, including that from Arijit Banerjee (2014), Leah Buley (2013), Jesse
James Garrett (2003), Steven Hoober (2014), and Peter Morville (2007), is from
industry practitioners, all of whom seem to use UX as their primary term, though
many still refer to the associated terms mentioned above as components of the
UX umbrella. This shift can also be witnessed in important trade publications
and presses such as User Experience Magazine (the publication of the UXPA:
https://uxpamagazine.org/), Boxes and Arrows (https://boxesandarrows.com/),
UX Matters (https://www.uxmatters.com/), Rosenfeld Media (https://rosenfeldmedia.com/), A List Apart (https://alistapart.com), and Nielsen Norman Group
(https://www.nngroup.com/)—publications representing the collected knowledge of hundreds, if not thousands, of UX practitioners.
User Experience (UX) 315
Overall, in the past several decades, UX has grown from a relatively novel
term to an important one within a wide range of conversations and practitioner
workflows. It has become the de facto descriptor for design processes that put human needs before other concerns. And it has begun to represent a discipline in its
own right, a discipline devoted to improving the experiences users have when utilizing any form of technology, from a website to a household appliance. During
this time, it has also permeated other, more established fields, such as technical
communication, HCI, and design. And, perhaps most persuasively, it has become
a kind of rallying cry for user-focused practitioners working in a variety of industry contexts who contribute to the development of the ever-broadening array of
products and services we use on a daily basis.
That being said, UX is also an emerging field, given the pace at which technologies change. With new advances in augmented reality, virtual reality, wearables, and the Internet of Things, the interfaces that users use to access technologies, not to mention the organizing principles behind them, are multiplying every
year. It is possible, if not probable, that UX experts will continue to specialize
in the future into different applications of UX, such as conversational UX for
voice-activated systems, wearable UX for items users attach to their bodies, even
social justice-related UX for contributing to activist causes. One thing is certain:
UX will continue to grow and evolve as technologies and their attendant design
processes grow and evolve. The UX we have today may very well be completely
different only a few years from now. That is the exciting challenge, but also the
predicament, of a field devoted to adapting new technologies to human needs.
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39. Visual
Han Yu
Kansas State University
From illustrations and photographs to principles of document design, visual elements are an essential part of technical communication. But what does it mean
for something to be “visual,” and how have theories of the visual shaped technical
communication scholarship and practice?
The earliest uses of the term visual recorded in the Oxford English Dictionary
include “visual beams” and “visual rays,” which reflect the ancient (and incorrect)
belief that we see by shooting a beam of light from our eyes—or by the eyes
receiving beams emanating from objects. For example, in Nathanael Carpenter’s
1625 Geography Delineated Forth in Two Books, “The visuall Ray wherein the sight
is carried, is alwaies a right line” (Oxford University Press, n.d.). The contemporary meaning of “pertaining to sight or vision” became prevalent after the 18th
century, as in “a clear and settled idea of visual beauty,” from Edmund Burke’s 1757
A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful
(Oxford University Press, n.d.). It was not until well into the 19th century that we
saw increasing use of the word visual to refer to non-physical imageries conjured
up by a viewer, as in Thomas Carlyle’s 1845 Letters and Speeches: “Let the reader try
to make a visual scene of it as he can” (Oxford University Press, n.d.).
This etymology, in some ways, predicts the two major theoretical frameworks
used by our field in its study of visuals. If vision is caused by physical beams that
seize an object or seize the eye, then what one sees is a material reality. Studies
of visuals thus become an attempt to understand how the eye—and the optical
nerve and visual cortex behind it—automatically reacts to that reality. The framework employed by these studies is variably called perceptual or cognitive. On the
other hand, if, instead or in addition, visual means the formation of an imagined,
self-constructed view, then studies of visuals become an attempt to understand how
individuals—replete with different experiences, knowledge, and assumptions—
make sense of what they see. The framework employed by these studies is variably
called critical, social, or cultural. These two frameworks have competing—but also
complementary—focuses and applications in technical communication.
The cornerstone of the perceptual/cognitive framework is the Gestalt theory. Originated from the 20th century Gestalt psychology, Gestalt is the study
of visual perceptual organization—with the German word “Gestalt” translating
loosely to “shape” or “pattern.” The theory includes a set of principles that govern
our perception. The principle of proximity, for example, states that visual elements
close to each other tend to be perceived as belonging to one group and conveying related information; by contrast, elements that are set apart are perceived as
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conveying unrelated information. Other commonly applied Gestalt principles
include closure, similarity, continuation, enclosure, and figure-ground, which are
summarized in Figure 39.1.
Drawing upon or overlapping with the Gestalt theory are various other perceptual/cognitive lenses: for example, Edward Tufte’s (1990) concepts of layering,
separation, and small multiples; Charles Kostelnick and David Roberts’ (1998)
ideas of emphasis and clarity; Evelyn Goldsmith’s terms of syntactic and semantic unity, location, emphasis, and text parallels (Dragga, 1992); and Stephen
Kosslyn’s (2006) principles of salience and discriminability.1
Local differences aside, the overriding goal of these perceptual/cognitive lenses is to expedite the workings of the human eye and brain, to design visuals in
such ways that a viewer can derive information from them most swiftly and accurately. This goal has obvious relevance and value to technical communication, a
field concerned with communicating complex information where it is expedient
(and reassuring) if viewers follow a consistent process in visual processing. The
process starts with viewers sensing visual stimuli (lines, colors, etc.) on the retina, which are processed by working memory where visual queries and pattern
searches allow viewers to recognize the stimuli as, say, a human face.
Figure 39.1. Commonly applied Gestalt principles.
1. It is important to note that most theoretical lenses are not 100 percent perceptual/cognitive or 100 percent social semiotic. Kostelnick and Roberts, for example, also
emphasize visual tone and ethos, while Goldsmith speaks of pragmatic, all of which implicate factors beyond biological processing of sensory data. Even Edward Tufte is not
straightforwardly positivistic (see Kimball, 2006).
Visual 321
With this predictable process, targeted (and thereby effective) interventions
become possible. Because viewers may not optimally sense visual stimuli (due to
color vision deficiency, visual impairment, or environmental conditions), technical communicators are instructed to practice universal design principles: for
example, using adjustable fonts, accessible color schemes, or redundant visual
cues (Chaparro & Chaparro, 2017; Chisnell et al., 2006; Wong, 2011). Even when
viewers can physically sense stimuli, problems may arise at the stage of working
memory, which has a low capacity and can only “hold” a few items at a time
(Kosslyn, 2006; Miller, 1956; Ware, 2012). Thus, excessive visual details or failures
to configure those details vis-à-vis Gestalt will confuse—even harm—viewers,
deterring their comprehension of popular science visuals, for example (Yu, 2017),
or failing to alert them of safety warnings (Paradis, 1991).
Despite its valuable applications in technical communication, the perceptual/
cognitive framework runs the risk of espousing a positivist visual outlook, which
assumes that visuals embody an objective reality and should help (universally
conceived) viewers decode that reality through a transparent conduit. Ben Barton
and Marthalee Barton (1985) were among the first in our field to critique this
visual outlook and to emphasize visuals as contextualized, rhetorical productions
subject to ideological and cultural consensus.
Since then, various critical, social, and cultural lenses have been applied to
studying technical and scientific visuals: the anti-positivist, anti-hegemonic, feminist, environmental, ethical, or the more broad-ranging humanistic, which acknowledge a range of human-centered factors from emotions to lived experiences
(e.g., Barton & Barton, 1993; Brasseur, 2003; Kimball, 2006; Mellor, 2009; Robles,
2018; Ross, 2008; Welhausen, 2017; Yu, 2017).
These individual lenses can be comprehended through the larger framework
of social semiotics. Originated from the work of Swiss linguist Ferdinand de
Saussure, semiotics is, put simply, the study of signs. A sign contains two parts:
the signifier, which is originally a sound pattern (e.g., the pronunciation /pn/),
and the signified, which is the concept denoted by the sound pattern (a writing
device). “Signifier” was later broadened so that signs become “anything which
‘stands for’ something else” and can “take the form of words, images, sounds,
gestures and objects” (Chandler, 2007, p. 2).
Social semiotics believes that in a given sign, the signifier (e.g., an image of
a pen), rather than the signified (the actual pen), assumes primacy (Chandler,
2007). This is because signifiers set the stage and create the parameters for us to
conceptualize, imagine, and deliberate the signified. In other words, reality is actively constructed rather than passively reflected in signs, the construction driven
by sign-makers’ interest tied to social-cultural histories and contexts (Kress &
van Leeuwen, 2006).
These beliefs profoundly complicate the way we look at visuals. For example,
the abundant rectangles in contemporary life—in the shapes of buildings and devices—are not random. Rather, with their parallel lines and controlled angles, they
322 Yu
support and perform a rational, disciplined, and impersonal modern society (Kress
& van Leeuwen, 2006). Similarly, stunning photographs of prepared dishes in Elle
magazine—“golden partridges studded with cherries” or “a faintly pink chicken
chaud-froid”—are less about cooking and foodstuffs and more about petit-bourgeois’ preoccupation with gentility and ornamentation (Barthes, 1991, p. 78).
Once invested in social semiotics, we realize perceptual/cognitive principles
are precisely some of the means by which visuals conceal their social/cultural
values. For example, the iconic map of the London Underground depicts routes
in straight lines connecting stations of homogenous distances—when, in reality,
routes are meandering and stations are congested (Barton & Barton, 1993). In the
name of clarity and consistency, the map, Barton and Barton (1993) argued, belies
nationalist and capitalist attempts to depict urban London as orderly (when it
isn’t) and to persuade tourists that travel is easy (when it isn’t).
The perceptual/cognitive and the social semiotic frameworks more visibly
clash when scholars attempt to reveal visuals for the ideological signs that they
are and to articulate individual, social-cultural, and humanistic values in established technical genres. Sam Dragga and Dan Voss (2001), notably, suggested
using pictorial human icons and other means to combat the absence of human
emotions and lives in Cartesian graphs and technical illustrations. The suggestion
invited considerable criticism from technical communicators who called the idea
“off-base,” “almost laughable,” and “totally wrong-headed” (“Correspondence,”
2000, pp. 9-10). Similar attitudes can be found in the writings of renowned information designer Edward Tufte (1990, 2001), who coined the term chartjunk to
denigrate non-data-ink or redundant data-ink—anything from dark grid lines
to pictorial elements—that does not directly contribute to perceptual/cognitive
processing. Symbols of patrons and religious orders in 17th century diagrams,
rather than seen as fabrics of social-cultural identities, are deemed “strident, contradicting nature’s rich pattern” (Tufte, 1990, p. 21).
But nature’s pattern is never truly detached from human interference. The
moment a pattern is visualized—is deemed worthy of visualization—it always
already is wrought with subtle or unsubtle signs of beliefs and interests. Consider
the making of scientific visuals, the quintessential endeavor to portray nature.
Prior to the 19th century, natural philosophers aspired to achieve “truth to nature”—by peeling away nature’s spurious elements and revealing its divine and
hidden truth (Galison, 1998). Thus, in Andreas Vesalius’ De Humani Corporis Fabrica, muscle men line up for a dance of death (Hildebrand, 2004). As each layer of
their bodily tissues is stripped away, Vesalius reveals the structure and purpose of
the human body as the Creator intended—whilst the last muscle man collapses
to his fate. Circa 1830, such artistic attempts to reveal nature’s truth gave way
to mechanical objectivity (Galison, 1998). In making visuals, scientists aspired
to rely not on humans but machines—first, the camera lucida; later, increasingly sophisticated apparatuses from electron microscopes to DNA sequencers—
with the hope of producing objective evidence. But machines are made and set by
Visual 323
humans: Even without obvious re-touching, factors such as position, zooming,
exposure time, and shutter speed can manipulate images into publishable evidence (Knorr-Cetina & Amann, 1990; Meyer, 2007). In opening the black-boxed,
machine-made inscriptions (Latour, 1986, 1998), we can expect to find one visual
no more strident than another and all a result of interpretation.
It is in acknowledging—and celebrating—“interpreted images” (Galison,
1998) that we can start to synthesize the perceptual/cognitive and the social semiotic, to consider viewers’ information needs as well as emotional state, cultural
beliefs, political ideologies, economic interests, and more. In her study of popular
science visuals, for example, Yu (2017) combined perceptual/cognitive discussions
of shapes, colors, and layouts with social semiotic considerations of female bodies,
genetic determinism, and citizen science. Such integrated approaches are more
likely to result in visuals that are persuasive, compelling, and useful—as opposed
to merely easy to use (Mirel, 2002).
An integrated approach also enriches our understanding of visual ethics.
Many agree that misleading readers in perceptual/cognitive processing—by
drawing what one didn’t observe or omitting what one did observe, for example—is unethical (Dombrowski, 2003). But what about removing human bodies
from accident reports (Dragga & Voss, 2003)? “Staging” experimental contexts
for scientific photographs (Buehl, 2014)? Underrepresenting women and minorities in popular science images (Yu, 2017)? Selecting perfect as opposed to representative visual evidence for publication (Frow, 2012)? Or asking readers to take
responsibilities in scrutinizing visuals (Dragga, 1996)? We cannot broach—or
even conceive—these questions without seeing visuals as social/cultural artifacts.
As new (and old) visual types and technologies find their relevance in technical communication, we will benefit by approaching them from the interrelated
domains of the perceptual/cognitive and the social/cultural. For example, comics,
with their abundant pictorial images (including staple technical communication
genres such as illustrations), make rich sites for multi-pronged studies (Yu, 2015;
Bahl et al., 2020). Interactive visuals—from web-based 3D molecular modeling
tutorials (Yu, 2017) to geovisualization risk communication tools (Stephens &
Delorme, 2019)—represent another important (and underdeveloped) area for
integrated studies to prioritize users’ diverse needs and contexts. Ultimately, visual technical communication, whether between experts or between experts and
non-experts, relies on the interplay between the perceptual/cognitive and the
social/cultural to make and share knowledge, reflecting the dual empirical and
humanistic values that undergird our field.
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Afterword: Diversity, Equity, and
Inclusion Through Citational Practice
Kristen R. Moore
University at Buffalo
Lauren E. Cagle
University of Kentucky
Nicole Lowman
University at Buffalo
Up until the late 2000s, if not later, the very idea of diversity as a central concept
for the field of technical communication (TC) would have been laughable. Now,
in 2023, diversity, defined as representation of multiple populations across race,
class, gender, sexuality, ability, and other identity markers, is understood as “necessary but insufficient” for achieving an inclusive field with ethical and equitable
practices at its center. Pursuing equity and inclusion in the field of technical
communication comprises a range of practices that consider how our work—
described throughout this collection—might contribute to and/or combat the
systems of oppression that do harm to particular groups of people. As Natasha N.
Jones, Kristen R. Moore, and Rebecca Walton (2016) articulate, the social justice
turn has emerged from these pursuits. This afterword considers a narrow slice of
the field’s attempt to address equity and inclusion: how our citation and writing
practices amplify and suppress particular perspectives. More specifically, this afterword takes up the meta-analytic question of what the citations in this very
book you’re reading right now tell us about TC’s nonlinear movement towards
establishing itself as a diverse, equitable, and inclusive field.
When I (Kristen) was accepted into this collection, I wondered how a book
like this, with its focus on identifying and defining the field’s keywords, might
become a tool for either the amplification or suppression of ideas that emerge
from groups who have been historically marginalized in our field and beyond. It’s
not a stretch to think that such collections are not just descriptive, but also normatively definitional. Johndan Johnson-Eilola and Stuart Selber’s (2004) Central
Works in Technical Communication, as an example, serves as a key text in many TC
graduate courses (Faris & Wilson, 2022), providing TC students with perhaps
their first overview of the field. Although the text provides some of the more forward-looking texts from the field, it presents TC as a field informed primarily by
white scholars, though we know from Edward A. Malone’s entry in this volume
on the history of technical communication that this is hardly accurate. Without
attention to whose story of TC the keyword collection is telling, then, there is a
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328 Moore, Cagle, and Lowman
major risk of reifying and committing to an exclusionary, limited story about the
field and its contributors.
Storytelling is a collective political act, and limiting the stories we tell about
ourselves and the fields we belong to is a political act of exclusion. In a project like
this Keywords collection, our citation practices can function as a proxy for understanding mechanisms of a story’s exclusion. So even as the “social justice turn” has
been widely celebrated in the field of technical communication, close attention to
citational practices can reveal that our everyday scholarly politics and practices,
such as citing the same central homogeneous canon by default, have not caught up.
This close attention is an example of what Walton et al. (2019) call “recognizing” in their book Technical Communication After the Social Justice Turn. Recognizing is the first of four steps they recommend for addressing injustice; the
remaining three are Reject, Reveal, and Replace. At times, recognizing can be an
anticipatory move; rather than recognizing where inequity is already entrenched,
we might strive to recognize where inequity threatens to creep in. This anticipatory recognition allows us to address inequity before harm is done. Knowing this,
we undertook these four steps, beginning with recognizing the role of diverse
citations in inclusionary field-building, as an anticipatory move to push for this
collection to tell an inclusive story about TC. Here are some specific examples of
how our process followed the 4Rs steps:
Recognize: A text like this has the potential to amplify particular voices
that have been silenced;
Reveal 1: Kristen reveals to Han Yu and Jonathan Buehl her concern;
Coalitional Rejection: Han and Jonathan confirm that they recognize the
concern and accept Kristen’s offer to consider representation and amplification as a part of the editorial process;
Reveal 2: Kristen reveals to a coalition of scholars Han and Jonathan’s
response;
Coalitional Rejection 2: Cagle recognizes and agrees this is a potential
harm that needs to be anticipated and agrees to help Kristen consider
opportunities for amplification.
The following citation audit consisted of further iterations of recognizing and
revealing, and after we completed it, the ball was then in the editors’ and authors’
courts to decide if and how to reject and replace any of their own potentially exclusionary citational practices.
An Imperfect Methodology
To address the potential for harm in the citation and writing practices in the collection, we developed an imperfect methodology that draws on the accountability
framework used in Catherine D’Ignazio and Lauren Klein’s (2020) Data Feminism. In their book, the authors (two white women) hold themselves accountable
Afterword 329
for considering intersectionality by establishing quantifiable metrics and criteria
for the projects and authors they cite. In the afterword of their book, they include both their metric table and an audit, which was conducted by Isabel Carter
“in the interest of remaining accountable to the values statement for this book”
(D’Ignazio & Klein, 2020, p. 223).
Using their heuristic as a starting place, we began reviewing early drafts of
keyword entries using three major questions to guide our reading: 1) Who did the
authors cite? 2) How did the authors write about others? and 3) What themes or
examples revealed a commitment to or acknowledgement of the need for diversity, equity, and/or inclusion (broadly construed) in TC? The second question was
fairly easy to assess: We found that most entries were inclusive in the way the
authors wrote about others, using inclusive language.
The first question proved tricky: Unlike with Data Feminism, the authors
weren’t instructed from the outset of their drafting to purposefully construct an
inclusive entry or strive to be accountable to an explicit value statement. Perhaps some authors (this is true of Kristen, for example) considered the politics
of citation and amplification in the drafting, but given the recentness of the turn
towards seeing diversity, equity, and inclusion as an integral part of the field, it
seems likely that other authors did not build reference pages with an inclusive
imperative. Additionally, few constraints were placed on authors as they constructed their keyword entries in order to (we presume) enable academic freedom
and support authorial autonomy. Finally, we reviewed only the initial drafts of the
keyword entries, which varied considerably in their level of completeness.
As a result, using citation metrics as a proxy for inclusivity was complicated
by the astonishing variation simply in the total number of citations across entries.
The spread of total raw citation count for a single entry ranged from four to nearly 150 citations (initial drafts with extremely low citation counts increased their
citations in final drafts). Therefore, “counts” were only useful in the context of an
individual entry.
Even trickier was the difficult project of deciding how to “count” authors;
indeed, our own experience reflected Carter’s difficulty in Data Feminism. She
warns, “Future attempts to replicate this audit should take seriously the difficulty
of clearly establishing these identity categories without formally consulting with
those who are being referenced and therefore classified” (as cited in D’Ignazio &
Klein, 2020, p. 224). Further, although intersectional scholars (like us) resist the
idea that marginalizing identity characteristics can be disarticulated, the act of
auditing the citation practices of authors left us to do this very thing: to count
how many total women, women of color, etc.
Our method attempted to account for these two intractable challenges, but
it did so imperfectly. We began by pulling out the references from each keyword
entry’s draft to create a set of citation lists sorted by entry. We also built a comprehensive list of citations for the entire collection, in order to identify and manage
duplicate citations of the same work across multiple entries. Having these different
330 Moore, Cagle, and Lowman
datasets to work with allowed us to analyze both the diversity of citations within
any given entry and the diversity of citations across the entire collection. For the
cross-collection citation diversity, we were interested both in whether the authors
being cited represented the true diversity of the field and in how many different publications by marginalized or multiply marginalized and underrepresented
(MMU) scholars were cited across the collection. In other words, hypothetically
speaking, each entry might cite at least one article by a Black woman, but if each
entry’s citation is of the same article by a Black woman, then the appearance of diversity across the full collection would be more tokenization than inclusion.
We put each citation list for individual entries through three analytic phases.
In each phase, we used a different tool to determine how and if an entry amplified voices via citation of those who have traditionally been marginalized or are
MMU scholars: Phase One relied on our personal knowledge to identify scholars
across race, gender, sexuality, etc.; Phase Two relied on pre-existing lists of MMU
scholars; and Phase Three sought out “knowable” information by conducting a
public search of authors through their faculty pages, personal/professional websites, social media bios, or other sites of online presence. Table 40.1 provides an
overview of these phases and their imperfections.
Because the collection focuses on technical communication, we benefited
from three established lists of self-identified MMU and Black, Indigenous, and
People of Color (BIPOC) scholars:
1. Chapter 7 of Rebecca Walton, Kristen R. Moore and Natasha N. Jones’
Technical Communication after the Social Justice Turn: Building Coalitions
for Action (Walton et al., 2019).
2. Cana Uluak Itchuaqiyaq’s MMU Scholar List (Itchuaqiyaq, 2020).
3. Jennifer Sano-Franchini, Sweta Baniya, and Chris Lindgren’s “Bibliography of Works by Black, Indigenous, and People of Color in Technical and
Professional Communication” (Sano-Franchini et al., 2021).
After coding the author identities for each citation in each entry draft using
each of these tools, we tallied the numbers. To align our findings with a more
intersectional approach, we also added an MMU marker. We tabulated the percentages by dividing the numbers by the total number of citations in the chapter.
We additionally made a notation for authors who clearly failed to include MMU
scholars in their citation list.
In addition to quantifying diversity and inclusion via the citation count, we
attempted to answer our third research question through a more holistic approach. We read each of the entries multiple times and offered suggestions about
missed opportunities to create a more inclusive entry. For example, some entries
missed the opportunity to amplify the work of MMU scholars, and we used
Sano-Franchini et al.’s list along with our own knowledge of work in the field to
suggest additions to the citation lists. We also tried to note where neutrality was
assumed as a part of the entry and, where appropriate, provide suggestions for
Afterword 331
acknowledging the role of power differentials and/or oppression in the treatment
of the keyword. In doing so, we followed Cecilia Shelton’s (2020) call for TC
instructors (along with practitioners and researchers) to “shift out of neutral” by
giving explicit attention to inequities related to TC.
Table 40.1. Overview of the Three Analytic Phases
Phase One: Author
Knowledge
Phase Two: MMU
Lists
Phase Three: Knowable
Information
What We
Did
Cagle and Kristen
identified any cited
authors in terms of
gender, race, and class.
Cagle and Kristen
cross-checked all citation entries with three
MMU lists (details below). Using the MMU
lists, we marked authors
who self-identified on
the lists into a separate
category: MMU.
A research assistant,
Nicole, searched all unknown citations using
Google and Twitter. If
the author self-identified as a member of
a minoritized group,
Nicole marked them as
such; if the author was
clearly marked, Nicole
labeled them as marked.
Example
Cagle and Kristen
know that Rebecca
Walton is a white
woman and were able
to mark her as such; in
a different way, Cagle
and Kristen both know
that Dorothy Winsor
self-identifies as a
woman in her work,
and so we were able to
mark her as a woman.
Although Cagle and
Kristen do not know all
scholars personally, we
were able to mark them
as MMU based upon
these lists.
Nicole saw that “Wegner, D.” was unmarked,
searched for their name,
and found that their bio
uses she/her pronouns.
These pronouns are
then taken as a proxy
for gender identity,
which is itself of course
imperfect, as she/her
pronouns may be used
by cis women, trans
women, nonbinary
people, and others.
The MMU lists don’t
differentiate among
marginalized and
multiply marginalized
scholars. Additionally,
these lists are limited in
their inclusion of scholars outside the field of
TC and prior to the
most recent generation
of writers.
So many imperfections here: We cannot
actually know anyone’s
identity by looking
at them. Our objective here was to be as
inclusive as possible, so
we wanted to give the
benefit of the doubt to
authors and amplify as
many choices to include
women and MMU
scholars as possible.
Why It Is
We don’t know everyImperfect
one. And even with
and Flawed those we do know, we
aren’t necessarily keen
on assuming that we
are privy to how they
self-identify.
332 Moore, Cagle, and Lowman
What We Found and Did
Our methodology is imperfect. Resources such as the three lists of self-identified
MMU and BIPOC scholars we mentioned previously can be an asset for inclusionary citation practices, but these lists are imperfect. So too is performing internet searches and attempting to determine whether a person is marginalized or
MMU based on appearance and what their online bios might say. One’s sexuality
and gender identity can go unmarked, as can their disability status and their race.
In other words, someone might “look like” a cisgender, heterosexual white female
but might use they/them pronouns. One’s economic background is also unmarked;
it’s difficult to tell from a picture whether someone is a first-generation student, for
example. It’s also true that an MMU scholar might choose not to self-identify to
avoid the material effects of exclusionary hiring, tenure, publication, and citation
practices. There are these and more issues with trying to determine a person’s identity based on internet presence, so what we “found” is also imperfect. However, we
want to offer here some observations about the drafts we feel confident in noting:
White women authors were well cited among the authors in the collection; scholars of color were not. In the drafting stage at which we reviewed, for example, white women comprised at least 20 percent of more
than 25 entries’ citations; scholars of color, on the other hand, were only
prominent (more than 20%) in two entries.
Men were less likely than women to cite MMU scholars. For example,
although men were responsible for 49 percent of the total citations and 60
percent of the entries, their entries accounted for only 34 percent of the
citations of MMU scholars.
The numbers of MMU scholars we counted represent only a select few
authors, not a wide range of MMU scholarship. Five scholars (Natasha
Jones, Miriam Williams, Godwin Agboka, Angela Haas, and Huiling
Ding) are repeatedly cited.
The citation numbers suggest that most entries could meaningfully engage with
more MMU authors, even by simply consulting the lists of MMU scholars we referred to in Phase Two. This additional step may be beyond some of our traditional
research practices, but David L. Wallace (2006) reminds us of our duty to frame
our arguments with a new awareness, a multiplicity that acknowledges and transcends what has been taken as normative, that gets
beyond the presumption that the way we have always done things
is more or less neutral and well enough informed to be adequately
inclusive. (p. 503)
That is, it is incumbent upon each of us to reconsider how we are making our
arguments and who we are citing to support our claims, and this may require a
bit of extra work.
Afterword 333
In reading the early drafts of the keyword entries, we noted missed opportunities in multiple entries, and we created a table that offered concrete suggestions
for topical or scholarly inclusion for these authors. After we collated our data and
analyzed it, we met with the editors to discuss our findings and shared a brief report. The editors were enthusiastic about recommending more inclusive practices
to authors. From there, the editors provided our individual feedback to respective
authors in addition to recommending that all authors consider additional citations and the integration of MMU scholars.
While we heard from one author as a follow up, aside from that author, we
don’t know how or if authors integrated our suggestions for more inclusive entries. In the course of writing and revising this afterword, we have learned that
many authors seriously considered suggestions, implemented changes, and used
the feedback to shape their projects.
An Invitation to Readers
We have elected not to conduct a second audit on the final version of this collection. The point of such an audit lies in its relevance to the revision process; an
audit doesn’t serve our goals of creating a more inclusive narrative of the field
when conducted after the fact on a final, fixed text. But as we close our afterword,
we invite you as a reader to engage with this collection through the lenses we
brought to our mid-process audit: Whom and what does this text, entry, collection include? Whom does it amplify? And whose knowledge does it suppress?
As relatively early career scholars, we acknowledge that we are junior to many,
if not most, of the well-established authors in this text. You might be, too. But we
hold that the social justice turn in TC empowers readers to consider how and if
texts acknowledge systems of power and oppression and represent difference and
diversity. We have agency as readers, and we can push back in our own reading
practices, in our review practices, and in our willingness to accept the limits of
particular narratives. Moreover, we should push back. An audit such as ours is
one way to push back; others include methods such as antenarrative ( Jones et al.,
2016) and counterstory (Martinez, 2020), both of which center the questioning of
and writing against established narratives as critical knowledge-making practices.
What’s lovely about the story of this audit is that it’s incomplete: We hand
this story off to you. Our invitation for you is to not see these keywords as the
whole story of the field. When you read anything that claims to be essential
about a field, it is crucial to know that that claim is always coming from a particular place, always shaped by power, and always subject to amendment. Even
as we finalize this afterword and reflect on the process, we recognize our own
positions of privilege and the limits of what we can and can’t know about authors’
decisions. We see this work as a part of the long-term work of coalition-building
in the field, and we hope this flawed effort provides a generative roadmap for
interrogating our writing and reading practices in technical communication.
334 Moore, Cagle, and Lowman
References
D’Ignazio, C., & Klein, L. F. (2020). Data feminism. The MIT Press. https://doi.
org/10.7551/mitpress/11805.001.0001
Faris, M. J., & Wilson, G. (2022). Mapping Technical Communication as a Field: A
Co-Citation Network Analysis of Graduate-Level Syllabi. In J. Schreiber & L.
Melonçon (Eds.), Assembling critical components: A framework for sustaining technical
and professional communication (pp. 69-115). The WAC Clearinghouse; University
Press of Colorado. https://doi.org/10.37514/TPC-B.2022.1381
Itchuaqiyaq, C. U. (2020, August 5). MMU scholar list. Cana Uluak Itchuaqiyaq. https://
www.itchuaqiyaq.com/mmu-scholar-list
Johnson-Eilola, J., & Selber, S. A. (Eds.). (2004). Central works in technical
communication. Oxford University Press.
Jones, N. N., Moore, K. R., & Walton, R. (2016). Disrupting the past to disrupt the
future: An antenarrative of technical communication. Technical Communication
Quarterly, 25(4), 211-229. https://doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2016.1224655
Martinez, A. Y. (2020). Counterstory: The rhetoric and writing of critical race theory.
National Council of Teachers of English.
Sano-Franchini, J., Baniya, S., & Lindgren, C. A. (2021). Bibliography of works by BIPOC
in TPC. Retrieved June 16, 2021, from https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ybStE
rUgIQcE5toof_1hGuOVh50lCx080qBcXnH2nf8/edit?usp=sharing&usp=embed_
facebook
Shelton, C. (2020). Shifting out of neutral: Centering difference, bias, and social justice
in a business writing course. Technical Communication Quarterly, 29(1), 18-32. https://
doi.org/10.1080/10572252.2019.1640287
Wallace, D. L. (2006). Transcending normativity: Difference issues. College English, 68(5),
502-530. https://doi.org/10.2307/25472168
Walton, R. W., Moore, K. R., & Jones, N. N. (2019). Technical communication
after the social justice turn: Building coalitions for action. Routledge. https://doi.
org/10.4324/9780429198748
Contributors
Rebekka Andersen is Associate Professor in the University Writing Program at
the University of California, Davis, where she teaches courses in professional and
technical communication and serves as the Associate Director for Professional
Writing. Her research focuses on strategies for building stronger connections
between academia and industry as well as on implications of digital transformations, particularly around content, for education and research in professional
communication. She serves on the Advisory Council for the Center for Information-Development Management (CIDM) and is an Associate Editor for IEEE
Transactions on Professional Communication.
Elizabeth L. Angeli is Associate Professor of English at Marquette University and a spiritual director. A leading expert in prehospital healthcare communication, Liz has partnered with clinicians and educators to research and improve
writing training and practice. Her first book, Rhetorical Work in Emergency Medical Services: Communicating in the Unpredictable Workplace, won the 2020 NCTE
CCCC Best Book in Technical and Scientific Communication Award. Liz’s work
has appeared in JEMS: Journal of Emergency Medical Services, Wisconsin Medical
Journal, Jesuit Higher Education: A Journal, and Presence: An International Journal
of Spiritual Direction. As a spiritual director, Liz accompanies people on their personal and professional journeys, teaches discernment-based writing classes and
workshops, and serves on retreat leadership teams.
Tatiana Batova is Associate Professor of Business Administration in the
Communication area at the University of Virginia’s Darden School of Business,
where she teaches Leadership Communication, Storytelling with Data, and User
Experience (UX). Her research focuses on cross-cultural communication with
applications to business and healthcare; data visualization; user and customer
experience; social psychology; content strategy; and rhetoric of technology. Her
articles appeared in the International Journal of Business Communication, the Journal of Business and Technical Communication, IEEE Transactions on Professional
Communication, Technical Communication Quarterly, Technical Communication,
and Substance Use and Misuse. Alongside numerous academic conferences, she
presented her research at practitioner-oriented venues such as UXPA, CIDM,
and Congility. She is the recipient of the 2010 Frank R. Smith Outstanding Journal Article Award from the Society for Technical Communication.
Ann M. Blakeslee is Professor of English and Director of Campus & Community Writing at Eastern Michigan University. Blakeslee coordinates the University
Writing Center, WAC, the Eastern Michigan Writing Project, and YpsiWrites.
She has served on the executive committees of AWAC and ATTW and is Associate Publisher for Books for the WAC Clearinghouse. She has published a book
on writing for audiences in physics and a textbook on qualitative research methods.
335
336 Contributors
She has also published articles and book chapters on disciplinary and workplace
writing, learning transfer, and community writing centers. She has been recognized
for her scholarly achievements with the Society for Technical Communication Ken
Rainey Award for Excellence in Research in Technical Communication and with
the Association of Teachers of Technical Writing Fellows Award.
Pam Estes Brewer is Professor of Technical Communication in Mercer University’s School of Engineering. Brewer is a Fellow in the Society for Technical
Communication (STC) and a recipient of STC’s Jay R. Gould Award for Excellence in Teaching, the STC’s President’s Award, and Mercer’s Vulcan Award
for Innovation in Teaching. She researches and trains on remote/hybrid teaming,
and her book entitled International Virtual Teams: Engineering Global Success was
published by Wiley in 2015. With George Hayhoe, she published the 2nd edition
of A Research Primer for Technical Communication with Taylor & Francis.
Tracy Bridgeford is Professor of Technical Communication and editor of
Technical Communication Quarterly. She has published Teaching Professional and
Technical Communication: A Practicum in a Book with Utah State University Press
and four co-edited collections, including Teaching Content Management in Professional and Technical Communication, Academy-Industry Relationships: Perspectives
for Technical Communicators, Sharing Our Intellectual Traces: Narrative Reflections
from Administrators of Professional, Technical, and Scientific Programs, and Innovative Approaches to Teaching Technical Communication. She has contributed chapters to Editing in the Modern Classroom, Resources in Technical Communication:
Outcomes and Approaches, and Teaching Writing with Computers: An Introduction
(awarded the 2003 Computers and Composition Distinguished Book Award).
Jonathan Buehl is Associate Professor of English at The Ohio State University, where he teaches courses on research methods, rhetoric, and technical and
professional communication. He is the author of Assembling Arguments: Multimodal Rhetoric and Scientific Discourse and the co-editor of Science and the Internet: Communicating Knowledge in a Digital Age. His essays have appeared in
such venues as College Composition and Communication, Technical Communication
Quarterly, The Routledge Handbook of Scientific Communication, and Landmark Essays on Archival Research. As a consultant and trainer, he has worked with teams
of writers in organizations ranging from small nonprofits and biotech startups to
business consulting firms and multinational insurance companies.
Lauren E. Cagle is Associate Professor of Writing, Rhetoric, and Digital
Studies and Affiliate Faculty in Environmental and Sustainability Studies and
Appalachian Studies at the University of Kentucky (UK). She is the co-founder
and Director of the Kentucky Climate Consortium, a multi-institutional network
of climate teachers and researchers in Kentucky higher education. Cagle teaches
scientific, environmental, and technical communication, and her research focuses
on overlaps among digital rhetorics, research ethics, and scientific, environmental,
and technical communication, frequently in collaboration with local and regional
environmental and technical practitioners such as the Kentucky Division for Air
Contributors 337
Quality, the Kentucky Geological Survey, the UK Recycling Program, and The Arboretum, State Botanical Garden of Kentucky. Cagle’s work has been published in
Technical Communication Quarterly, Rhetoric Review, and Computers & Composition.
Kelli Cargile Cook is Professor and Founding Chair of the Professional
Communication Department at Texas Tech University. Previously, she served as
Professor of Technical Communication and Rhetoric at Texas Tech. Her scholarship focuses on online education, program development and assessment, and
user-experience design. Most recently, she co-edited User Experience as Innovative Academic Practice (2022) with Kate Crane. She also co-edited two collections
on online education: Online Education 2.0: Evolving, Adapting, and Reinventing
Online Technical Communication (2013) and Online Education: Global Questions,
Local Answers (2005). She is a past president of the Association of Teachers of
Technical Writing and the Council for Programs in Technical and Scientific
Communication. She is currently a member of the International Association of
Business Communicators Professional Development Committee.
Huiling Ding teaches technical communication at North Carolina State
University. Her research focuses on intercultural professional communication,
technical communication, risk communication, responsible AI, and epidemic
communication. Her recent projects have been exploring the connections between artificial intelligence, communication technologies, labor market analytics,
job screening, risk communication, and social justice.
Angela Eaton is the owner of Angela Eaton & Associates, LLC. She was previously Associate Professor of Technical Communication and Rhetoric at Texas
Tech University, where she taught grant writing, quantitative research methods,
and technical editing. She designed the Certificate in Grant and Proposal Writing
there. She also co-authored the 5th edition of Technical Editing with Carolyn Rude.
Norbert Elliot is Professor Emeritus of English at New Jersey Institute of
Technology. A specialist in writing assessment, his final academic book was a
co-edited collection with Diane Kelly-Riley—Improving Outcomes: Disciplinary
Writing, Local Assessment, and the Aim of Fairness (Modern Language Association,
2021). In 2021-2023, he completed a series of articles with Mya Poe, Jessica Nastal,
Maria Elena Oliveri, David Slomp, and other colleagues on fairness and justice in
assessment. He remains on the Editorial Board of Assessing Writing.
Carlos Evia is Professor of Communication and Director of the Academy
of Transdisciplinary Studies at Virginia Tech, where he is also Associate Dean
for Transdisciplinary Initiatives, and Chief Technology Officer in the College
of Liberal Arts and Human Sciences. Carlos worked in the intersection of information technology and the humanities as database designer and technical
writer. In his academic career, he has been a Professor of English (Professional
and Technical Writing) and Communication (Digital Publishing and Content
Strategy), and award-winning researcher of transdisciplinary Technical Communication and Content Operations. He authored Creating Intelligent Content with
Lightweight DITA, edited Content Operations from Start to Scale, and worked on
338 Contributors
the development of the Darwin Information Typing Architecture (DITA) and
Lightweight DITA (LwDITA) standards for digital content.
David K. Farkas began teaching technical communication as a graduate student at the University of Minnesota in 1975. After completing his doctorate in
British literature, he taught technical communication at Texas Tech, West Virginia University and, for most of his career, the University of Washington. He
transitioned to emeritus status in 2014 but remains active in the field. He is an
STC Fellow. He received the Society’s Ken Rainey Award for research and Jay
Gould award for teaching. He served as a Fulbright Senior Scholar in Egypt.
He has published on many topics, but his focus in recent years has been developing reading environments (QuikScan) and techniques that can overcome the
increasing resistance of modern readers to long non-fiction documents.
Erin Clark Frost is Associate Professor in the Department of English at East
Carolina University, where she teaches technical communication and rhetoric
with a focus on intersectional feminist issues. She has published in Computers and
Composition, Journal of Business and Technical Communication, Technical Communication Quarterly, Programmatic Perspectives, and Peitho: Journal of the Coalition of
Feminist Scholars in the History of Rhetoric & Composition, and her book Feminist
Technical Communication is due out at the end of 2023.
Guiseppe Getto is Associate Professor of Technical Communication and
Director of the M.S. in Technical Communication Management at Mercer University. His research focuses on utilizing user experience (UX) design, content
strategy, and other participatory research methods to help people improve their
communities and organizations. Read more about him at: http://guiseppegetto.com.
William Hart-Davidson is Professor in the Department of Writing, Rhetoric, and American Cultures and Associate Dean for Research and Graduate
Education in the College of Arts & Letters at Michigan State University.
Brent Henze is Associate Professor of English at East Carolina University,
where he coordinates the internship program and serves as graduate advisor for
technical and professional communication. His research focuses on the rhetoric
of scientific disciplines and the engagement of novice and lay practitioners in
scientific and technical activity.
Johndan Johnson-Eilola is Professor and Chair of Communication, Media
& Design at Clarkson University, where he teaches courses in design. In addition
to more than fifty book chapters and journal articles, he has written, co-written,
or co-edited books including Datacloud, Writing New Media (with Anne Wysocki, Cindy Selfe, and Geoff Sirc), Central Works in Technical Communication, and
Solving Problems in Technical Communication (both co-edited with Stuart Selber).
His work has won awards from the National Council of Teachers of English,
Computers & Composition, Technical Communication Quarterly, Kairos, and the
National Council of Writing Program Administrators.
Richard Johnson-Sheehan is Professor of Rhetoric, Composition, and Professional Writing at Purdue University. He researches rhetoric of science, rhetoric
Contributors 339
of health and medicine, ancient rhetorics, and science and medical writing. He is
the author of Writing Proposals, 3e, Technical Communication Today, 7e, and Writing Today, 5e, among other books.
Natasha N. Jones is a technical communication scholar and co-author of the
book Technical Communication after the Social Justice Turn: Building Coalitions for
Action (winner of the 2021 CCCC Best Book in Technical or Scientific Communication). Her research interests include social justice, narrative, and technical communication pedagogy. She holds herself especially accountable to Black
women and marginalized genders and other systemically marginalized communities. Her work has been published in Technical Communication Quarterly, Journal of Technical Writing and Communication, and Journal of Business and Technical
Communication. She has received national recognition for her contributions and
currently serves as the President for the Association of Teachers of Technical
Writing (ATTW). She is Associate Professor at Michigan State University in
the African American and African Studies department.
Steven B. Katz is Pearce Professor Emeritus of Professional Communication,
and Professor Emeritus of English, at Clemson University. He has published several books (The Epistemic Music of Rhetoric [1996] and Writing in the Sciences [with
Nancy Penrose] 1st-4th editions [2020]), and has several new books forthcoming,
including Plato’s Nightmare (Parlor Press, 2024). Katz also has published numerous articles on scientific and technical writing, medical communication, and ethics. “The Ethic of Expediency: Rhetoric, Technology, and the Holocaust” was the
recipient of the National Council of Teachers of English Award for Best Article
on the Theory of Scientific and Technical Communication (1993), and has been reprinted in different anthologies, most notably in Central Works in Technical Communication edited by Stuart Selber and Johndan Johnson-Eilola (Oxford UP, 2004).
Miles A. Kimball, Professor of Communication and Media at Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute, is interested in the relationships between technology and
humanity, particularly in terms of technical communication. His concept of “tactical tech comm” highlights the unrecognized ubiquity of technical communication in our society. He has published broadly on e-portfolio pedagogy, information design, digital humanities, and the history of data visualization. Kimball is
the coeditor of the SUNY Technical Communication book series. He is also a
longtime member of the Society for Technical Communication, which named
him an Associate Fellow in 2020.
Charles Kostelnick is Professor at Iowa State University, where he has taught
technical communication and a graduate and undergraduate course in visual communication in business and technical writing. He has published several articles and
book chapters on visual communication as well as authored Humanizing Visual
Design: The Rhetoric of Human Forms in Practical Communication (2019), co-edited
Visible Numbers: Essays on the History of Statistical Graphics (2016), and co-authored
Shaping Information: The Rhetoric of Visual Conventions (2003) and Designing Visual
Language: Strategies for Professional Communicators (second edition, 2011).
340 Contributors
Chris Lam is Associate Professor of Technical Communication at the University of North Texas. He studies communication in team projects and examines
the literature on professional and technical communication and its impact on the
profession.
Benjamin Lauren is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of
Writing Studies at the University of Miami. His work focuses on the intersections of learning, professional writing, rhetorical theory, and creative-critical
methods of inquiry, such as design, songwriting, and soundwriting. His work has
been published in journals such as Kairos, Technical Communication, and Reflections. His first book Communicating Project Management was published by Routledge in the ATTW Series. For more information about his work, please visit
http://benlauren.com.
Bernadette Longo recently retired from her position as Associate Professor
in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at New Jersey Institute
of Technology. She is the author of Spurious Coin: A History of Science, Management, and Technical Writing (SUNY Press, 2000), Edmund Berkeley and the Social
Responsibility of Computer Professionals (ACM Press, 2015), and Words and Power: Computers, Language, and U.S. Cold War Values (Springer Press, 2021). She is
co-editor of Transnational Research in Technical Communication: Stories, Realities
and Reflections (SUNY Press, 2022) and Critical Power Tools: Technical Communication and Cultural Studies (SUNY Press, 2006), as well as co-author of The IEEE
Guide to Writing in the Engineering and Technical Fields (IEEE Press, 2017). She
currently enjoys life by a small lake in New Jersey.
Nicole Lowman teaches technical communication in the Departments of
Engineering Education and English at the University at Buffalo. Their research
focuses on rhetorics of race, legal humanities, and contemporary American culture. Their work has been published by The Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric and
The New Americanist and is forthcoming in African American Literature in Transition: 2000-Present.
Edward A. Malone is Professor of Technical Communication at Missouri
University of Science and Technology (Missouri S&T), where he serves as Assistant Chair for Graduate Studies in his department and teaches courses in the
history of technical communication, technical editing, and layout and design.
Bruce Maylath is Professor Emeritus of English at North Dakota State University, where he directed the university’s program in Upper-Division Writing
and taught courses in linguistics and international technical writing. He is the
author of many articles and the co-editor of eight books, the most recent of
which is Translation & Localization (Routledge, 2019). A Fellow of the Association of Teachers of Technical Writing, he is the recipient of the IEEE Professional Communication Society’s Ronald S. Blicq Award for Distinction in
Technical Communication Education, the Society of Technical Communication’s J. R. Gould Award for Excellence in Teaching, the Council for Programs
in Technical and Scientific Communication’s Distinguished Service Award, and
Contributors 341
NDSU’s Faculty Lectureship recognizing “sustained professional excellence in
teaching, scholarly achievement, and service.”
Kristen R. Moore is Associate Professor of Technical Communication in the
Departments of Engineering Education and English at the University at Buffalo.
Her research explores the role of mundane injustices in technical projects and the
academy and has been published in a range of journals, including Technical Communication Quarterly, IEEE Professional Communication, Technical Communication, and The Journal of Business and Technical Communication, among others. Her
award-winning, co-authored book Technical Communication After the Social Justice
Turn and subsequent studies provide an applied theory of addressing inequities
that she uses regularly in her work as the chair of Justice, Equity, Diversity, and
Inclusion initiatives in the School of Engineering and Applied Sciences at UB.
Kathryn Northcut serves as Professor of English and Technical Communication at the Missouri University of Science and Technology. She teaches courses
on proposal writing, visual theory, and technical communication to undergraduate
and graduate students. Among her scholarly works are two edited collections: Scientific Communication: Practices, Theories, and Pedagogies (2018), co-edited with Han
Yu, and Designing Texts: Teaching Visual Communication (2013), co-edited with Eva
Brumberger. She is fascinated with the interplay of science, technology, and text.
Sushil K. Oswal is Professor of Human-Centered Design in the School of
Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences and CREATE Faculty at the Center for Research and Education on Accessible Technology and Experiences at the University of Washington. The broad focus of his HCI research is on the employment of technology in the knowledge industry. His research has encompassed
human-computer interaction design issues in medical devices, distributed web
environments, digital library databases, self-service kiosks, and learning management systems. His current projects include informational access about preparedness for wildfires and flash floods in climate change scenarios and the accessibility of healthcare information for blind users in pandemic conditions. He consults
in the areas of HCI, technology design, and digital accessibility of work spaces.
James E. Porter is Professor of Rhetoric and Professional Communication
at Miami University, where he holds a joint appointment in the Departments
of English and Emerging Technology in Business & Design. He has been
teaching and/or administering programs in the field of technical/professional communication since 1982. His recent research focuses on human-machine
teaming, rhetorical intelligence, and the ethics of AI-based writing systems,
an inquiry that began with his co-authored 2017 book (with colleague Heidi
McKee), Professional Communication and Network Interaction: A Rhetorical and
Ethical Approach (Routledge).
Liza Potts is Professor in the Department of Writing, Rhetoric, and Cultures at
Michigan State University. Her research interests include networked participatory
culture, social user experience, and digital rhetoric. She has published books and
articles focused on disaster response, user experience, and participatory memory.
342 Contributors
Dirk Remley is Professor of English at Kent State University, where he
teaches writing courses that include technical writing and professional writing.
He has authored several books, chapters, and articles on topics related to multimodality and multimodal rhetoric in technical, professional and leadership communication contexts.
Gerald Savage is Emeritus Professor of Technical Communication and
Rhetoric at Illinois State University. He is co-editor of Technical Communication & Social Justice, an online open-source journal (https://techcommsocialjustice.org/index.php/
tcsj
). His articles have appeared in TCQ, JTWC, JBTC, Programmatic Perspectives,
and elsewhere. He is co-editor with Han Yu of Negotiating Cultural Encounters: Stories in Intercultural Engineering and Technical Communication, with Teresa
Kynell-Hunt of Power and Legitimacy in Technical Communication, Volumes 1 &
2, and with Dale Sullivan of Writing a Professional Life: Stories of Technical Communicators On and Off the Job. He is a Fellow of ATTW, and has received the
CPTSC Distinguished Service and the STC Excellence in Teaching awards.
J. Blake Scott is Professor of Writing & Rhetoric at the University of Central Florida. His technical and professional communication (TPC) scholarship
has focused primarily on advancing cultural, community-based, and social justice-oriented pedagogical approaches. His scholarship in the rhetoric of health
and medicine (RHM)--which has included studies of HIV/AIDS risk rhetorics,
rhetorical stigma in clinical healthcare setting, and arguments about transnational pharmaceutical risk conflicts--has been driven by the goal of advancing more
just and effective public health policy arguments and efforts. He is the former
founding co-editor of the journal RHM.
Stuart A. Selber is Professor of English and Director of Digital Education
at Penn State University, where he directs the Penn State Digital English Studio
and the Program in Writing and Rhetoric. His latest book, Institutional Literacies: Engaging Academic IT Contexts for Writing and Communication (University of
Chicago Press), won the Distinguished Book Award from Computers and Composition. Selber is a past president of the Association of Teachers of Technical Writing and the Council for Programs in Technical and Scientific Communication.
Clay Spinuzzi is a Professor of Rhetoric and Writing at the University of Texas at Austin. His research interests include workplace studies, qualitative research
methodology, activity theory, actor-network theory, and genre theory. Spinuzzi has
conducted multiple workplace studies, resulting in several articles and books.
Jason Swarts is Professor of Technical Communication in the Department
of English at North Carolina State University. He regularly teaches courses on
technical document design, networks, and discourse analysis. His research focuses on interrelated areas of genre studies, computer-mediated communication,
networks, knowledge work, and knowledge communities.
Christa Teston is the Andrea Lunsford Designated Associate Professor in
Rhetoric, Composition, and Literacy in the Department of English at Ohio
State University. She mobilizes multiple methods to study how people navigate
Contributors 343
uncertainty in technoscientific and biomedical contexts. Her first book, Bodies
in Flux: Scientific Methods for Negotiating Medical Uncertainty, was published by
University of Chicago Press in 2017 and won two national best book awards. Her
second book, Doing Dignity: Ethical Praxis and the Politics of Care, is forthcoming
from Johns Hopkins University Press and draws on analyses of three case studies
about how in/dignities emerge in contemporary caretaking contexts. Teston also
directs Ohio State’s business, professional, and technical writing courses and is
Vice Chair of the Writing, Rhetoric, and Literacy Program.
Michael Trice received his Ph.D. in Technical Communication and Rhetoric
from Texas Tech University. He is currently a Lecturer II with the Writing, Rhetoric, and Professional Communication (WRAP) Program at MIT. His professional
career includes work for Apple Computer, Hart InterCivic, and Wizards of the
Coast. His work has appeared in IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication
and Present Tense: A Journal of Rhetoric in Society. His research interests include
usability issues related to public deliberation in digital platforms and the ways that
knowledge of system theory influences participant behavior within digital systems.
Rebecca Walton is an associate dean in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences at Utah State University, Professor of Technical Communication
and Rhetoric in the Department of English, and editor of the journal Technical Communication Quarterly. She researches how people intervene for justice in
their workplaces. Her co-authored scholarship has won multiple national awards,
including awards for best book, best collection of essays, best theory article, and
best empirical research article. Her research has informed implicit bias training,
policy revision, and curriculum development at multiple universities.
Russell Willerton is a Technical Writer/Editor for Po’okela Solutions, LLC,
which contracts with federal clients. He graduated from Texas Tech University
with a Ph.D. in technical communication and rhetoric. Before returning to industry, he spent two decades in higher education, earning the rank of Professor
at Boise State University and Georgia Southern University. His book Plain Language and Ethical Action: A Dialogic Approach to Technical Content in the Twenty-First Century (Routledge, 2015) is part of the ATTW Series in Technical and
Professional Communication.
Han Yu is Professor of English at Kansas State University, where she teaches
technical and scientific communication. Her research interests include writing
assessment, intercultural technical communication, visual communication, and
popular science communication. Han has published many books, edited collections, and articles on these topics. She is the co-editor of Negotiating Cultural
Encounters: Narrating Intercultural Engineering and Technical Communication and
Scientific Communication: Practices, Theories, and Pedagogies. Her books on visual
communication include The Other Kind of Funnies: Comics in Technical Communication and Communicating Genetics: Visualizations and Representations. Her latest
work includes two public-facing popular science books titled Mind Thief: The Story of Alzheimer’s and The Curious Human Knee.
Keywords in Technical and Professional
Communication
Keywords in Technical and Professional Communication explores the
multiple and sometimes conflicting uses of terms central to the discipline of
technical and professional communication (TPC). Each keyword was selected
through a multi-stage process that involved corpus analysis of journal
publications and surveys of technical communication scholars, educators,
and practitioners. Written by experts who have published extensively on the
concepts underlying each keyword, each essay provides a history and/or a
summary of the changing contemporary and disciplinary contexts in which
the keyword has been used, discusses the debates surrounding the term,
considers the critical lenses shaping our understanding of it, and discusses
how the term could be used in the future and/or whether it needs to be
rethought in our current environment.
Han Yu is Professor of English at Kansas State University, where she teaches
scientific and technical communication. She is the author of three books,
including The Other Kind of Funnies: Comics in Technical Communication,
and co-editor of two collections. Jonathan Buehl is Associate Professor of
English at The Ohio State University, where he teaches courses on research
methods and technical and professional communication. He is the author
of Assembling Arguments: Multimodal Rhetoric and Scientific Discourse and
the co-editor of Science and the Internet: Communicating Knowledge in a
Digital Age.
Foundations and Innovations in Technical
and Professional Communication
Series Editor: Lisa Melonçon
The WAC Clearinghouse
Fort Collins, CO 80523
wac.colostate.edu
University Press of Colorado
Denver, Colorado 80202
upcolorado.com
ISBN 978-1-64215-192-3
W