This paper seeks to contribute to the debate over Malaysia's brain drain by critically examining the role of education as well as the changing socio-economic pressures faced by younger generations. It is argued that specific features of Malaysian education and political economy, with their attendant racial fixations, are contributing to the country's brain drain. Although there is a lack of consensus about the actual economic impact of the brain drain, the Malaysian government continues to dedicate substantial amounts of time, energy and resources into 'talent' initiatives with the aim of training and retaining domestic talent, while simultaneously luring highly-skilled foreign migrants to Malaysia and enticing the diaspora to return home. Drawing on interviews and observations from public universities and the burgeoning civil society sector in Malaysia, and supplemented by content analysis of recent films and theatre performances, this paper argues that most government initiatives have been undermined by a lack of foresight attributed largely to the straightjacket of Malaysian electoral politics and perennially 'sensitive' communal relations.

This article argues that recurring communal problems in Malaysia can be traced to not only economic and social policies undertaken by pragmatically rather than ideologically-inclined National Front-led governments, but they can also be located to weaknesses of their educational policies which have failed to disentangle Malaysians from colonial knowledge which had epistemologically moulded the conceptions of 'race' and 'nation' as prevalent in Malaysia. The article seeks to show that, despite the apparent success of Malaysia's national education system in producing a relatively large number of skilled and semiskilled workers who went on to form constantly expanding vibrant middle classes, these cohorts of new labour market entrants have largely failed to live up to expectations of them as socially progressive in the way envisaged by Wawasan 2020 – a liberal, rational, inclusive, scientific and progressive Malaysian nation. As a matter of fact, after fifty years, Malaysia's educational system remains unsuccessful in tackling its twin problems before independence – communal and class polarisation. We hereby argue that the Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013-2025, notwithstanding the hulabaloo which accompanied its launching, not only also fails to confront the critical issue of identity and nation-building, but it also lacks credible solutions beyond the colonial-designed educational framework which accepts communal divisions as a fait accompli.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Pakatan Harapan's promises to reform the education system have raised expectations for broad meaningful changes in post GE-14 Malaysia. • Buku Harapan¸PH's manifesto, sets out some laudable goals, notably to raise the quality and esteem of national schools. The early pronouncements on enhancing schooling experience, broadening education access, de-politicizing top appointments and safeguarding academic freedom seemed headed in the right direction. • Early policy actions have largely focussed on gaining political mileage with some constituencies, such as easing student loan burdens and promising 1,000 matriculation places to the Chinese community. • The government will need to go beyond such political gestures, to formulate policies for systemic reforms which can balance the twin goals of enhancing the quality of education and pursuing national integration. Some fundamental tensions inherent between these two national objectives will present an extremely daunting challenge for the PH government in the days ahead.

アジア・アフリカ言語文化研究, 1996

The Developing Economies, 1997

Journal of Education and Practice, 2014

Malaysia is a country consisting of various races including Malays, Chinese, Indians and others. Among the many races here in Malaysia, natives or Orang Asli what we call here in Malaysia, is one of them. The people of Orang Asli consist of various different sub ethnics. Officially there were three major group ethnics among Orang Asli which are Negrito, Senoi and Melayu Asli. Our objectives in this study were to investigate the difference in family income for education level and to determine the difference in Orang Asli's attitude for the level of education. With this study we can access the quality of education level amongst Orang Asli considering their unique customs. Besides that, we can understand clearly the development of education amongst Orang Asli throughout years of programs offered by the government of Malaysia. Our population was Orang Asli located in Perak, a state in Malaysia. The target sample was 126 people of Orang Asli from Kampung Batu 5, Batu 6, Batu 8 and Batu 14 in Tapah, Perak. The research design used for this study was cross-sectional research. Convenience sampling was used for the sampling technique in this study. Questionnaires were distributed during the visit to the village. For the statistical technique Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) and Independent t-test we used. Next the difference between income family and education level and differences between education level and total scale of attitude were shown for the findings and results. Based on this study, with the low score levels in the three aspects studied upon the Orang Asli, we can conclude that Orang Asli in Malaysia were still lacking in the level of attitude, family social and family income.

Handbook on Economics of Discrimination and Affirmative Action, 2023

Malaysia maintains one of the world's most extensive affirmative action regimes, buttressed by the transformative and iconic New Economic Policy (NEP). Constitutional provisions, political imperatives and socioeconomic conditions gave rise to the establishment of preferential policies in four broad sectors-higher education, employment, enterprise and ownership-favouring the political dominant but economically disadvantaged Bumiputera majority. This chapter elucidates the origins, programmes, outcomes and implications of affirmative action in Malaysia. A brief historical overview explains the language and context of the constitutional authorization of Bumiputera quotas and the modest implementation in the early post-independence years, followed by policy expansion, centralization and intensification from 1971 under the NEP, which was forged in the aftermath of May 13 th , 1969 racial conflagration. The NEP judiciously conceptualized a two-pronged strategy of poverty eradication regardless of race, and "social restructuring" through Bumiputera-targeted affirmative action, as distinct but complementary elements of the ultimate goals of national integration, which entails redressing imbalances and ultimately rolling back overt preferential treatment. However, the NEP lacked a systematic articulation of policy objectives, instruments and outcomes. Malaysia has registered immense progress in facilitating Bumiputera access, participation and upward mobility in the four designated policy sectors. Recent discourses have popularized misguided notions of reform that conflate the NEP's twin elements, and omit attention to the decisive shortfall of affirmative action-its inefficacy in building capability and competitiveness among the Bumiputera beneficiaries, which are requisite for Malaysia to attain the ultimate NEP goals. Malaysia has substantially remedied destabilizing inequalities, but moving forward, must fundamentally rethink affirmative action.

The purpose of the study is to determine factors that influence the development of future Malays in relation to their economic status, personal identity and leadership position. The study was conducted amongst 505 Malaysian Malays to understand their views about the important elements of emerging Malay. Malay self-attributes, education system and contribution of other parties play different but unique roles in the formation of the emerging Malays. This paper is written with two main objectives: 1) to determine the factors that contribute to emerging Malays with strong identity, economic power and leadership attributes 2) to examine whether the factors of personal attributes, education system, and the role of the community, economic and government support (subsidy) have a significant effect towards the future development of Malays. The authors found that Malaysian Malays are optimistic about the emerging Malaysian culture and are adapting well to the cultural elements of other ethnic groups despite some differences in opinions about what constituted the Malaysian culture.

Academia Materials Science, 2024

The researchers pioneered incorporating waste materials exhibiting pozzolanic properties and waste fibres from diverse industrial/ agricultural fields into the construction industry to formulate enhanced, greener supplementary cementitious composites (SCMs). "Novel, Alternative, Fibre-Reinforced Iron-Based Binary/ Ternary Pozzolanic Composites (NAFRIC)" have been formulated using iron powder (Fe), metakaolin (MK), pulverised fly ash (PFA) and limestone, which is anticipated to absorb CO2 to produce siderite (ferrous carbonate FeCO3). All the NAFRIC mixes formulated in this study demonstrated up to 4-13% improvement in compressive strength and 70-130% in flexural strength with an enhanced rupture modulus/ post-crack ductility. The ternary pozzolanic iron-based FRC composites containing 8%MK+10%PFA+10%GGBS and steel/ polypropylene/polyethene terephthalate (PET) fibres performed the best with attaining up to 70 MPa compressive and up to 8.9 MPa flexural strengths. Carbonation testing using phenolphthalein demonstrated the absorption of CO2 from the environment by NAFRIC to form FeCO3, thus reducing the embodied CO2 potential. The sulphate testing evaluated the durability of NAFRIC SCMs formulated in a 1:2:3 ratio better than cement concrete control mix with a 1:1:3 ratio. NAFRIC specimens demonstrated minimal surface deterioration/ elongation and negligible/ no strength reduction after 270 days of concentrated sulphate attack. The microstructural analysis using XRD/ XRF/ SEM/ EDAX supported the strength and durability parameters by showing minimal/ no ettringite formation and increased C-S-H gel formation due to using FeCO3 and pozzolans. The study demonstrated the sustainable use of these better-performing NAFRIC SCMs with 10-12 % reduced embodied CO2 as eco-friendly high-strength SCMs with enhanced engineering/ environmental benefits.

Supplier relationship management (SRM) refers to managing all interactions with other organizations those supply good or services to the business in order to maximize the value of those transactions. SRM creates closer and more collaborative relations with the main suppliers to improve the value of the chain, and reduces the risks and smooths the flow of goods and services through exchanging the information. SRM does a systematic assessment of suppliers' assets and capabilities to optimize the effectiveness of the suppliers for the business through added value into the chain and for planning and execution of the all the activities with the suppliers to achieve the maximum efficiency and effectiveness. The main objective of the SRM is to establish mutually beneficial relationships to create more innovative product, processes and competitive advantage. SRM helps the business to manage the functions of negotiation, quality, contracting, designing, product development, purchasing, logistics and delivery with the suppliers. SRM emphasizes the understanding that these functions are not discrete or independent but should be managed in a coordinated fashion across the functional and business unit at all meeting points and throughout the life cycle of the relations. SRM provides a consistency in actions and behaviour which foster trust with the time and not only institutionalize the new ways of collaboration but also try to dismantle the existing and traditional practices which are impediment to the collaboration and coordination with key suppliers and help to reciprocate the changes inside the business viz a viz the suppliers.