Giovanni Pontano’s Library—a Meeting Place with the Auctores Shulamit Furstenberg-Levi, Lorenzo De Medici, Florence ABSTRACT Giovanni Pontano’s library is viewed in this essay as the sum of the various libraries associated with him, either as an individual humanist or as the founder of the humanist circle the Accademia Pontaniana. The essay touches the Neapolitan Aragonese royal library, which played an important role during Pontano’s first years in Naples, and the library of the Convent of San Domenico, which he later frequented. Both served as a place for him to encounter the auctores, his main source of inspiration. It focuses on his private library, which not only allowed him to deepen his level of encounter with the auctores but also permitted him to expand his horizons in the area that interested him most, astrology. The essay also examines the library of the Roman humanist Angelo Colocci, viewing it as a reflection of the actual activity of the Accademia Pontaniana. he early twentieth-century Italian scholar Erasmo Percopo begins his article on Giovanni Pontano’s (1429–1503) library by pointing out a difference of opinion between him and the French scholar Pierre de Nolhac: while the latter had claimed to have found proof of the fact that the fifteenth-century Neapolitan Accademia Pontaniana had its own library, Percopo is convinced that the academy had no library of its own and, if the members of the academy used or met at a library, it was surely at Pontano’s private library.1 There is no doubt that Percopo’s claim is technically more solid. Legally, Pontano owned a private collection that contained valuable manuscripts and printed T 1. Erasmo Percopo, “La biblioteca di Giovanni Pontano,” Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana 56 (1926): 103–39. For more recent accounts of Pontano’s private library, see Mauro de Nichilo, “Per la biblioteca del Pontano,” in Biblioteche nel Regno fra Tre e Cinquecento, Atti del convegno, Bari, 6–7 febbraio 2008, ed. Claudia Corfiati and Mauro de Nichilo (Lecce: Pensa Multimedia Editore, 2009), 151–69; Michele Rinaldi, “Per un nuovo inventario della biblioteca di Giovanni Pontano,” Studi Medievali e umanistici 5/6 (2007-8): 163–97; Pierre de Nolhac, La bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini: Contribution d’histoire des collections d’Italie et à l’étude de la Renaissance (Paris: Vieweg, Boullion, 1887), 234. History of Humanities, Volume 5, Number 2. https://doi.org/10.1086/710283 © 2020 by Society for the History of the Humanities. All rights reserved. 2379-3163/2020/0502-0009$10.00 487 FORUM 488 | HISTORY OF HUMANITIES FALL 2020 books, while the Accademia Pontaniana did not possess its own library. Yet, both views can be seen as reflecting a certain reality about Pontano’s library. As Pontano’s interlocutors and intellectual heirs, the members of the Accademia Pontaniana viewed Pontano’s library as associated with their common activity and, therefore, as connected to them too. In fact, after Pontano’s death, the central accademici got together in an attempt to prevent Pontano’s library from getting into the hands of his legal heirs, in this case, his two daughters. We will not enter into the formal legal question of ownership but will instead focus on some of the relevant crucial questions: Who used the manuscripts and books of this collection? Whose writings can be considered a product of this library? Whose interests and intellectual lives are reflected in this library? In addition, this discussion will offer some reflections on the relationship between academies and libraries, on the question of the dividing line between private and public libraries for the humanists, and on the central role of libraries that are open to the public. Among the Italian humanists of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, we find various models of private library owners. On the one hand, we encounter Pico della Mirandola, who had the “largest of the private libraries of the period,” which was constructed around the concept of a “total library”—as “a complete thesaurus of the written culture.”2 On the other hand, we find a humanist like Angelo Poliziano, who owned what Augusto Campana defined as a “small and poor library” and “studied more from other people’s books than from his own.”3 He used and took care of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s collection more than of his own. We also find a number of humanists’ libraries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that are the product of a special type of collector who “collects, conserves and passes on memorabilia and testimonies of the literary tradition and of the philological activity of the previous generations.”4 This character can be found, for example, in the collection of Bernardo Bembo, a collection that was passed on to Pietro Bembo. Very often, the private library of a humanist can reflect his personal interests and the philosophical debates he took part in. Bessarion’s private library is an interesting example: while his collection of Greek texts reflects the role he took upon himself after 2. See Pearl Kibre, The Library of Pico della Mirandola (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936). 3. Augusto Campana, “Contributi alla biblioteca del Poliziano,” in Il Poliziano e il suo tempo, Atti del IV Convegno internazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, Firenze, Palazzo Strozzi, 23–26 settembre 1954 (Florence: Sansoni, 1957), 175–76. 4. Augusto Campana, “Angelo Colocci conservatore ed editore di letteratura umanistica,” in Atti del Convegno di studi su Angelo Colocci (Jesi: Amministrazione comunale, 1972), 257. | 489 the fall of Constantinople to preserve them, in his Latin collection, he was free from restrictions, and therefore the library mirrored his actual interests.5 EPISODES FROM PONTANO’S BIOGRAPHY VIEWED THROUGH THE LENS OF LIBRARY HISTORY Where should we place Pontano among these models of library owners? Did his library fit the image of a total culture, or did it reflect a partial one? Was Pontano a collector? What can one learn from Pontano’s collection of books regarding his particular intellectual interests? In order to approach these questions, I would like to begin with a short biography of Pontano, narrated from the point of view of library history. A variety of sixteenth-century sources supplies us with an outline of Pontano’s biography, based on the libraries that were significant for him. Paolo Giovio, in his Gli Elogia dei Letterati Illustri (Praise of illustrious men of letters) of 1546 explains Pontano’s most crucial move as a young man—choosing Naples as his destination when escaping his hometown Cerreto—as follows: “He knew that here, after the foundation of a famous library due to the generous interest of King Alfonso, literature would become very highly regarded.”6 And indeed, in an oration of Adamo di Montaldo to Pope Calixtus, in which he praises Alfonso, we hear how the king would retire after dinner to the library and listen there to the literary and historical discussion of learned men.7 When in Naples, in service of the king, Pontano also tutored the king’s grandson Alfonso II, to whom he dedicated his De principe. In this educational treatise, he describes Alfonso’s special attachment to libraries, which evidently impressed him. Among its expressions were the daily readings aloud of ancient texts by the humanist Antonio Beccadelli (Panormita, 1394–1471), which took place in the Neapolitan royal court, or the king’s “portable library”—a collection of manuscripts that accompanied the king on his various expeditions and that were housed in a special tent.8 5. See Concetta Bianca, “La formazione della biblioteca latina del Bessarione,” in Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento (Vatican City: Vatican School of Paleography, Diplomatics and Archivistics, 1980), 106–7. 6. “Aveva saputo che qui, dopo la fondazione di una celebre biblioteca per il generoso interesse di re Alfonso, la letteratura era molto considerata” (Paolo Giovio, Elogi degli uomini illustri, ed. Franco Minonzio, trans. Andrea Guasparri and Franco Minonzio, preface Michele Mari [Turin: Giulio Einaudi, 2006], 139); unless otherwise noted, translations into English are mine. 7. See Tammaro De Marinis, La Biblioteca Napoletana dei re d’Aragona, 6 vols. (Milan: Hoepli, 1952–69), 1:225–27. 8. See Giovanni Giovano Pontano, De principe, in Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento, ed. Eugenio Garin (Milan: Einaudi, 1952), 1034. FORUM PONTANO’S LIBRARY FORUM 490 | HISTORY OF HUMANITIES FALL 2020 After establishing himself in Naples, Pontano founded the Accademia Pontaniana, thus continuing the intellectual exchange between humanists that had commenced in the royal library. The meetings took place in Pontano’s various homes, and according to Percopo it is possible that the meetings took place in Pontano’s private library.9 One of the most eye-opening sources related to the importance of libraries in Pontano’s life is a sixteenth-century biography of Pontano, written by Calisto Fido, who also hailed from Cerreto.10 Fido had heard stories about Pontano from his father, grandparents, and other townspeople. In addition, much of the information included in the biography came from Pontano’s young servant, who was a childhood friend of Fido, also from Cerreto. Among the information he received from this servant regarding Pontano was: “Every day, he went to the library of San Domenico in order to dedicate himself to the reading of works of various authors; there he would stay for two hours, as I know from that same valet.”11 According to Liliana Monti Sabia, it was possibly here that Pontano had the opportunity to enter into a deep relationship with Egidio da Viterbo, a figure whose sojourn in Naples left a strong imprint on the accademici pontaniani.12 What is clear, however, is that at the library of San Domenico Maggiore, Pontano encountered the ancient authors, the auctores. What seems clear is that Pontano had established a constant and close tie with the library of San Domenico Maggiore. It is therefore understandable that after the death of Pontano in 1503, the accademici pontaniani perceived as a natural course that Pontano’s “private” collection of manuscripts and printed books, which his daughters inherited, should move to Pontano’s “public” place of encounter with books.13 Accordingly, after Pontano’s death, the humanist Pietro Summonte, who took charge of having Pontano’s writings published, deposited the originals in the San Domenico Maggiore library. Symbolically, we might say that Pontano had joined the auctores. This process would have been complete if both sisters (or “queste donne,” as Summonte refers to them in a letter to Angelo Colocci) had collaborated with the “Accademici’s scheme.”14 It seems that it was Sannazzaro, the official successor of Pontano, 9. Erasmo Percopo, Vita di Giovanni Pontano, ed. M. Manfredi (Naples: I.T.E.A., 1938), 120. 10. Calistus Fidus, De Natali Solo ac Vita Iohannis Ioviani Cognomento Pontani. This and another biography were published and commented on in Liliana Monti Sabia, Un profilo moderno e due “Vitae” antiche di Giovanni Pontano (Naples: Accademia Pontaniana, 1998), 71–90. 11. Monti Sabia, Un profilo, 87. 12. Ibid. 13. In addition to Pontano’s personal motivation for donating his collection to San Domenico Maggiore, it is interesting to add that during the Renaissance it was a common pattern to donate ones private library to a religious house, as it was regarded as a reliable and secure timeless place. 14. Later, in 1519, Summonte will write to Colocci that it was he who saved Pontano’s manuscripts from the hands of “those women,” referring to Pontano’s daughters. See Erasmo Percopo, “Una lettera italiana inedita di P. Summonte ad A. Colocci (1519),” Studi di Letteratura Italiana (50) 1899: 388–95. | 491 who managed to convince the younger sister Eugenia, or more precisely her husband, and on June 4, 1505, in the presence of Sannazzaro, Francesco Elio Marchese, Caracciolo and Marino Tomacello, a notary document was signed, reading as follows: “Eugenia Pontano, wife of Messer Loise of Casalnuovo and heir of Messer Giovanni her father, donates to the library of the convent of San Domenico of Naples a few parchment and paper manuscripts as well as various printed books that she inherited from her illustrious parent.”15 To this notarial deed a catalogue of the books was attached, and on each of the books Eugenia appended a type of ex libris. These two acts would eventually become useful for scholars in trying to reconstruct Pontano’s library, since many of the books and manuscripts that were donated to the library of the Convent of San Domenico disappeared (they were stolen, sold, or donated), only to reappear much later in unexpected places. From an inventory of the library of San Domenico, composed in the middle of the eighteenth century by librarian Vincenzio Gregorio Lavazzoli, we may gather that by then only three manuscripts of Pontano’s library remained. Today only fifteen items of the original catalogue have been actually identified. In addition, the second half of Pontano’s collection, which the other sister Aurelia had inherited, remains almost unknown to us. The task of reconstructing the lost part of Pontano’s library, which we believe will contribute to our understanding of Pontano’s thought, has been advancing slowly. At times this occurs by chance, when one of the actual volumes or manuscripts resurfaces—either a volume from Eugenia’s half that got lost or other volumes, written in Pontano’s hand or containing his comments, that are assumed to be from Aurelia’s half.16 At other times, the reconstruction does not involve physically seeing the item but instead is a product of a hypothetical scholarly analysis, based on references made by the humanists themselves, of manuscripts that Pontano owned.17 THE CONTRIBUTION OF LIBRARY HISTORY TO OUR UNDERSTANDING OF PONTANO’S THOUGHT What books and manuscripts were actually in Pontano’s private library, and what can we learn about Pontano’s interests and intellectual world from these findings? The 15. Prot. 1504–1505 of Not. Cesare Malfitano, cart. 292, in Archivio del Museo Civico Gaetano Filagieri, Naples. See Gaetano Filangieri, Documenti per la storia, le arti e le industrie delle provincie napoletane (Naples: Tip. dell’Accademia Reale delle Scienze, 1885), 3:50. 16. See, e.g., Liliana Monti Sabia, “Un nuovo codice Pontaniano il Vat. Lat. 14675,” in Filologia Umanistica: Per Gianvito Resta, ed. Vincenzo Fera and Giacomo Ferraù (Padua: Antenore, 1997), 3:1339–58. 17. See, e.g., Julia H. Gaisser, “Pontano’s Catullus,” in What Catullus Wrote: Problems in Textual Criticism, Editing and the Manuscript Tradition, ed. Daniel Kiss (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2015), 53–92. In this essay we find a fine analysis of two of Pontano’s manuscripts: Pontano’s transcription and annotations of Tibullus, which is at the Wolfenbüttel library, and a manuscript of Pontano’s transcription and annotations of Catullus, which has not been found. Gaisser’s analysis leads her to the conclusion that the former manuscript must have belonged to Aurelia Pontano. FORUM PONTANO’S LIBRARY FORUM 492 | HISTORY OF HUMANITIES FALL 2020 catalogue of Pontano’s library—which consisted of fifty-one volumes: thirty-six written on parchment and the other fifteen on paper, of which five were printed—was destroyed together with many other archival documents during World War II. Fortunately, it had been previously documented by Erasmo Percopo.18 Examining the list, it might seem “unbalanced” and “lacking a plan,” as Mauro de Nichilo describes it.19 It includes, aside from four manuscripts of Pontano’s writings,20 literary, philosophical, and rhetorical works, especially from Greco-Roman antiquity: Homer, Ovid, and Aristotle, though not Plato. We do note an emphasis on astrological works from a variety of periods—antiquity, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance— and some theological works appear on this list.21 On the other hand, we do not find in the catalogue many examples of other categories of writings that Pontano obviously had read, such as the vernacular works from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries or the works of contemporary humanists.22 The particular emphasis placed on astrological thought in Pontano’s library is expressed not only in the purely astrological works that were in his library but also in the importance that the other works in his library had for his astrological works. For example, thanks to Michele Rinaldi’s scholarship, we learn of the importance that Giulio Firmico Materno’s Neoplatonic astrological work Matheseos had for Pontano’s various astrological writings, a volume that was listed as number 32 on Eugenia’s legal document of her donation.23 18. Percopo, “La biblioteca.” 19. See de Nichilo, “Per la biblioteca del Pontano,” 156. 20. Charon, Antonius, De liberalitate, and his Commentationes to the Centiloquio (ibid.). 21. Interestingly, while Pontano shows a certain impatience toward medieval scholasticism, which is expressed in his negative attitude toward the grammarians, when it comes to astrological thought, he shows broad interests which include medieval treatises on astrology. On Pontano’s particular interest in astrology, see Shulamit Furstenberg-Levi, The Accademia Pontaniana: A Model of a Humanist Network (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 31–32. 22. Aside from Pontano’s works listed in n. 20, the following writings on parchment are listed in Eugenia’s catalogue: the Iliad and Odyssey in Greek; Xenophon’s Cyropaedia in Greek; Aristotle’s De animalibus in Greek; Aristotle’s De caelo et mundo, translated into Latin by Argyropoulos; Ptolemy’s astrological work Tetrabiblos in Greek; Arabic astrological writings in medieval Latin translation; a Greek dictionary; the Gospel in Greek and Latin; Gregory of Nyssa’s Super evangeliis; Augustine’s Homiliae and De trinitate; Cicero’s Brutus, De divinatione, De legibus, De amicitia, De senectute, and De officiis; Seneca’s epistles to Lucilius; Plautus; Catullus and Tibullus; Propertius; Ovid; Claudian; Valerius Flaccus; Pliny the Elder; Manilius and Aratus; Hyginus; Solinus; Frontinus’s De aquaeductibus; Julius Maternus; Priscian; Giles of Rome’s De regimine principium; Leonardo Bruni’s De temporibus suis; and a miscellanea of Oraciones Donati Acciaiuli et multorum. The list includes the following writings in print: the Metaphysics of Aristotle, in Greek; Theophrastus in Greek; Plotinus’s Opera omnia; and Ammianus Marcellinus’s and Lucio Bellanti’s In disputationes Iohannis Pici adversus astrologos responsiones. 23. See Michele Rinaldi, “Sic itura ad astra”: Giovanni Pontano e la sua opera astrologica nel quadro della tradizione manoscritta della Mathesis di Giulio Firmico Materno (Naples: Loffredo Ed., 2002), 109–45. | 493 Pontano’s library, therefore, can be seen to represent his particular interests, which, in our opinion, might be considered as the “plan” of the library, more than reflect the “balanced” knowledge of a Renaissance humanist or the activity of his academy . COLOCCI’S LIBRARY Interestingly, the library that is most useful for Accademia Pontaniana scholars, as it reflects the actual activity of the Accademia Pontaniana, is not Pontano’s library as much as the library of the Roman humanist Angelo Colocci, who was closely connected to Pontano and to his academy. Some of the elements that we are most missing in Pontano’s library in Naples, such as the works of the accademici and other humanists of the period, can be found in that of Colocci, located far from the Accademia. The elaborate ties between Colocci and the Pontano circle are revealed in Colocci’s library, to which we have access in the Vatican library.24 It offers us, in my opinion, a type of “human laboratory” where the relationships between Colocci’s Roman circle and Pontano’s Neapolitan academy can be observed and studied.25 In this library we find the works of ancient and humanistic authors that Colocci collected, conserved, transcribed, and edited, including exchanges of letters, bibliographical lists, and personal notes. It combines the work and passion of a bibliophile, whose main concern is collecting and preserving, with that of a scholar, who is in search of specific themes and interests around which his own research revolves. If not for Colocci’s library project and for his involvement in the publication of certain works, many humanistic and poetic writings would have remained unknown.26 Colocci’s library shows a strong relationship with the accademici pontaniani, whose writings are abundantly represented in the form of autographs, manuscripts, published books, and correspondence, as well as notes and lists written by Pontano relatating to members of his circle. A perusal of the collection shows that special attention is given to the humanist Elisio Calenzio, and one encounters a large quantity of Calenzio’s poems throughout the manuscripts,27 as well as some notes regarding his biography.28 The 24. Fulvio Orsini purchased a part of Colocci’s library, and by 1582 he had made the decision to donate his entire book heritage to the Vatican library. See de Nolhac, La bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini. 25. The term “laboratory” here indicates a virtual space in which human interrelationships can be observed. It can be considered a part of the fuller and more substantial use of the term in Cynthia Pyle’s contribution to this forum (“Libraries as Laboratories for the Humanities”). 26. See Campana, “Angelo Colocci conservatore ed editore,” 257–72. 27. In the following manuscripts: Vat. Lat. 2833, 2874, 3352, 3352, 3353, 3367 and 3309. These manuscripts are especially valuable since the only printed edition of Calenzio’s writings, the Opuscola Elisii Calentii poetae clarissimi (1503), published with Colocci’s help, has been lost. 28. Vat. Lat. 3903, f.377. Colocci’s library contains biographical notes of other Italian and Provençal poets in Vat. Lat. 4831. There are also notes for a biography of Colocci’s family, in Vat. Lat. 4787. FORUM PONTANO’S LIBRARY FORUM 494 | HISTORY OF HUMANITIES FALL 2020 library contains many works of Sannazzaro as well,29 mainly poetic works in Latin.30 In addition, the works of other members of the Accademia Pontaniana, such as Gabriele Altilio,31 Pietro Gravina,32 Girolamo Carbone,33 Michelle Marullo,34 and Luigi Vospisco35 are prevalent in Colocci’s library. Colocci’s close connection with the Neapolitan intellectual circle is especially evident in the particular bond between Colocci and Pontano. In fact, Colocci’s library contains many of Pontano’s works,36 including autographs and manuscripts of works with annotations written in Colocci’s handwriting as well as various lists of Pontano’s works, such as a bibliographical list titled “libri di Pontano.”37 CONCLUSION As opposed to great humanists such as Petrarch, Pico della Mirandola, Bessarion, and others, Pontano did not own a magnificent library, and, unlike his close friend and admirer Angelo Colocci, he was not a bibliophile. He also did not have the urgent desire to pass his book collection on to the next generation of humanists, as Bernardo Bembo did. At the same time, in contrast with Poliziano’s “small and poor” library, Pontano’s was valuable and contributes to our understanding of his intellectual world. Returning to our earlier discussion between the scholars Percopo and de Nolhac, Percopo’s position receives a stronger backing now. Percopo, who had thoroughly studied the catalogue of Pontano’s library, was aware of the specific areas of interest that this collection supplied, and of its close correspondence with Pontano’s interests. He was probably aware of the fact that the common themes discussed in the framework of the academy, as well as the accademici’s actual writings were not expressed in this collection. Therefore, not only did the library legally “belong” to Pontano and not to the academy, but it also reflected Pontano’s more private realm of interest and not that expressed in the academic meetings. On the other hand, de Nolhac captured one important aspect of the academy, namely, the academy members’ sincere commitment to and concern for the fortune of Pontano’s writings. If we look at the academy as a framework that gives support (intellectual and 29. In the following manuscripts: Vat. Lat. 2833, 2836, 2847, 2874, 3353, 3388. 30. See Carlo Vecce, “Sannazzaro e Colocci,” in Angelo Colocci e gli studi romanzi, ed. C. Bologna and M. Bernardi (Vatican City: Vatican Library, 2008), 487–96. 31. Vat. Lat. 2836, and a letter which he wrote to Cariteo in Vat. Lat. 2847. 32. Vat. Lat. 3352, 3353. 33. Vat. Lat. 2836, 3388. 34. Vat. Lat. 3352, 3353. 35. Vat. Lat. 2836, 3388. 36. Vat. Lat. 2837, 2838, 2839, 2840, 2841, 2842, 2843, 3353, 7192. 37. Vat. Lat. 3217. | 495 otherwise) to the humanists so that they might publish their writings,38 then Colocci can be seen as a leading figure of the Accademia Pontaniana. He collected and published works of the accademici pontaniani, including Elisio Calenzio. Any serious research on the Accademia Pontaniana during the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries must, therefore, pass through Colocci’s library. However, the investigation of Pontano’s actual library should be considered the sum, the ensemble, of the various libraries that were important to him. Here we find ourselves moving between the Neapolitan Aragonese royal library, which played an important role during his first years in Naples, and the library of the Convent of San Domenico, which he later frequented. Both served for him as a place of encounter with the auctores, his main sources of inspiration. Yet, to this we must add his private library, where he delved into the study of astrology, a field that profoundly interested him. In conclusion, Pontano, the head of the Accademia Pontaniana, was best known for his public persona—for his political and social theories as well as for his high political positions (reaching a position corresponding to that of prime minister).39 Less attention, however, has been devoted to his deepest personal interests, and the library thus serves to illuminate his private intellectual realm. WORKS CITED Bianca, Concetta. 1980. “La formazione della biblioteca latina del Bessarione.” In Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento, edited by C. Bianca, P. Farenga, G. Lombardi, A. G. Luciani, and M. Miglio, 106–7. Vatican City: Vatican School of Paleography, Diplomatics and Archivistics. Campana, Augusto. 1957. “Contributi alla biblioteca del Poliziano.” In Il Poliziano e il suo tempo, 173– 229. Atti del IV Convegno internazionale di studi sul Rinascimento, Firenze, Palazzo Strozzi, 23–26 settembre 1954. Florence: Sansoni. ———. 1972. “Angelo Colocci conservatore ed editore di letteratura umanistica.” In Atti del Convegno di studi su Angelo Colocci, 257–72. Jesi: Amministrazione comunale. De Marinis, Tammaro. 1952–69. La Biblioteca Napoletana dei re d’Aragona. 6 vols. Milan: Hoepli. Filangieri, Gaetano. 1885. Documenti per la storia, le arti e le industrie delle provincie napoletane. Naples: Tip. dell’Accademia Reale delle Scienze. Furstenberg-Levi, Shulamit. 2016. The Accademia Pontaniana: A Model of a Humanist Network. Leiden: Brill. Gaisser, Julia H. 2015. “Pontano’s Catullus.” In What Catullus Wrote: Problems in Textual Criticism, Editing and the Manuscript Tradition, edited by Daniel Kiss, 53–92. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales. 38. See Shulamit Furstenberg-Levi, The Accademia Pontaniana: A Model of a Humanist Network (Leiden: Brill, 2016). 39. In fact, various monographs on Pontano focus on these aspects. See, e.g., Matthias Roick, Pontano’s Virtues: Aristotelian Moral and Political Thought in the Renaissance (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017); and Carol Kidwell, Pontano: Poet and Prime Minister (London: Duckworth, 1991). FORUM PONTANO’S LIBRARY FORUM 496 | HISTORY OF HUMANITIES FALL 2020 Giovio, Paolo. 2006. Elogi degli uomini illustri. Edited by Franco Minonzio and translated by Andrea Guasparri and Franco Minonzio, with a preface by Michele Mari. Turin: Giulio Einaudi. Kibre, P. 1936. The Library of Pico della Mirandola. New York: Columbia University Press. Kidwell, Carol. 1991. Pontano: Poet and Prime Minister. London: Duckworth. Monti Sabia, Liliana. 1997. “Un nuovo codice Pontaniano il Vat. Lat. 14675.” In Filologia Umanistica: Per Gianvito Resta, edited by Vincenzo Fera and Giacomo Ferraù, 3:1339–58. Padua: Antenore. ———. 1998. Un profilo moderno e due “Vitae” antiche di Giovanni Pontano. Naples: Accademia Pontaniana. Nichilo, Mauro de. 2009. “Per la biblioteca del Pontano.” In Biblioteche nel Regno fra Tre e Cinquecento, edited by Claudia Corfiati and Mauro de Nichilo, 151–69. Atti del convegno, Bari, 6–7 febbraio 2008. Lecce: Pensa Multimedia. Nolhac, Pierre de. 1887. La bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini: Contribution d’histoire des collections d’Italie et à l’étude de la Renaissance. Paris: Vieweg, Boullion. Percopo, Erasmo. 1899. “Una lettera italiana inedita di P. Summonte ad A. Colocci (1519).” In Studi di Letteratura Italiana, 88–95. Naples: Tip. Francesco Giannini e Figli. ———. 1926. “La biblioteca di Giovanni Pontano.” Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana 56:103–39. ———. 1938. Vita di Giovanni Pontano. Edited by M. Manfredi. Naples: I.T.E.A. Pontano, Giovanni Giovano. 1952. De principe. In Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento, edited by E. Garin, 1021–63. Milan: Einaudi. Rinaldi, Michele. 2002. “Sic itura ad astra”: Giovanni Pontano e la sua opera astrologica nel quadro della tradizione manoscritta della Mathesis di Giulio Firmico Materno. Naples: Loffredo Editore. ———. 2007–8. “Per un nuovo inventario della biblioteca di Giovanni Pontano.” Studi Medievali e umanistici 5/6:163–97. Roick, Matthias. 2017. Pontano’s Virtues: Aristotelian Moral and Political Thought in the Renaissance. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Vecce, Carlo. 2008. “Sannazzaro e Colocci.” In Angelo Colocci e gli studi romanzi, edited by C. Bologna and M. Bernardi, 487–96. Vatican City: Vatican Library.