CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

EPIGRAPH

PREFACE: CREATURES OF A KIND SOMEWHAT INFERIOR

CHAPTER 1. LESS THAN HUMAN

CHAPTER 2. STEPS TOWARD A THEORY OF DEHUMANIZATION

CHAPTER 3. CALIBAN’S CHILDREN

CHAPTER 4. THE RHETORIC OF ENMITY

CHAPTER 5. LEARNING FROM GENOCIDE

CHAPTER 6. RACE

CHAPTER 7. THE CRUEL ANIMAL

CHAPTER 8. AMBIVALENCE AND TRANSGRESSION

CHAPTER 9. QUESTIONS FOR A THEORY OF DEHUMANIZATION

APPENDIX I: PSYCHOLOGICAL ESSENTIALISM

APPENDIX II: PAUL ROSCOE’S THEORY OF DEHUMANIZATION IN WAR

NOTES

INDEX

ALSO BY DAVID LIVINGSTONE SMITH

COPYRIGHT

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

THIS BOOK WAS DIFFICULT TO WRITE, and I couldn’t have completed it without the help of many people. I owe most to my wife, Subrena Smith, whose incisive comments and exacting intellectual standards kept bouts of intellectual enthusiasm from descending into sloppy reasoning. She has helped me avoid many errors and oversights, and her unflagging concern for my well-being gave me the mental and physical space to concentrate on research and writing.

I wouldn’t have considered undertaking this project were it not for the urgings of my friend and colleague Anouar Majid, who insisted that I should devote my energies to investigating dehumanization at a time when I was considering various possible projects, and was uncertain which one to choose. You’ve got to do it, David! he said to me enthusiastically over dinner one evening. Everyone talks about dehumanization, but hardly anyone theorizes it. As I soon discovered, he was absolutely right.

The book that you are reading now would have been nowhere near as readable had it not been for the efforts of Bruce Schneier, who carefully scrutinized and insightfully commented on the penultimate (or rather pen-penultimate) draft of the manuscript.

I would also like to give heartfelt thanks to my literary agent Michael Psaltis, and my editor at St. Martin’s Press, Daniela Rapp, who displayed superhuman patience accommodating my trail of broken promises ("I’ll get the manuscript to you in three months, for certain"). Finally, I’d like to thank all the library staff at the University of New England, who promptly and efficiently responded to my seemingly interminable requests for books and journal articles.

In addition to these individuals, there are many others who have contributed to the writing of this book by generously sharing their ideas, clarifying facts, and directing me to sources of information, including Zadie Beagle, Vahan Dadian, Raymond Evans, Daniel Gilbert, Chris Hedges, Karl Jacoby, Scott MacDonald, David Mandel, Laura Mueller, Paul Roscoe, Michael Sargent, Wolfgang Wagner, Adam Waytz, Charlotte Witt, and Richard Wrangham. Thanks to you all.

I understand

what you want your filthy slave to be. I am

your barbarian, your terrorist;

your monster.

—ALI ALIZADEH, YOUR TERRORIST

PREFACE

CREATURES OF A KIND SOMEWHAT INFERIOR

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.

—THOMAS JEFFERSON, UNITED STATES DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

THESE THIRTY-FIVE WORDS ARE OFTEN QUOTED reverently. The ideal that they express—the principle that all men (that is, all human beings) have certain basic rights just because they are human—is easy to resonate with, and to applaud. But Jefferson’s words beg a vexing question: the question of who, exactly, should be counted as human.

Jefferson’s contemporaries weren’t certain.¹ The uneasy relationship between the economic attractions of slavery and the Enlightenment vision of human dignity was a long-standing one, and for those torn between the demands of conscience and the seductions of self-interest, there was a way out of the dilemma. They could deny that African slaves were human, and in this way they could square the moral circle. By dint of a sleight of mind, the very men who insisted on the God-given right of all humankind to liberty could, in good faith, countenance and participate in the brutal and degrading institution of slavery. Many of the great thinkers of the Enlightenment, who had championed the concept of individual human rights and defined the philosophical underpinnings of the great American experiment, routinely excluded nonwhites from the category of the human. The idea that the towering figures of the eighteenth century were champions of liberty for all is, in the words of Northwestern University philosopher Charles Mills, profoundly misleading, deeply wrong. It radically mystifies the recent past, and … needs to be confronted and discredited if our sociopolitical categories are to be true to the world that they are supposed to be mapping.²

It wasn’t just the highbrows who thought of blacks as less than human. The theoretical views of the intellectuals—the philosophers, statesmen, and politicians—merged seamlessly with ideological beliefs which, however poorly articulated, had long been entrenched in the popular consciousness. Thus, the pseudonymous author of Two Dialogues on the Man-Trade, an abolitionist tract published in 1760, observed that:

[T]hose who are concerned in the Man Trade have … a confused imagination, or half formed thought, in their minds, that the Blacks are hardly of the same Species with the white Men, but are Creatures of a Kind somewhat inferior …

I do not know how to think that any white Men could find it in their Hearts, the author continued, that the common Sentiments of Humanity would permit them to treat the black Men in that cruel, barbarous Manner in which they do treat them, did they think and consider that these have rational, immortal Souls.³ Subhumans, it was believed, are beings that lack that special something that makes us human. Because of this deficit, they don’t command the respect that we, the truly human beings, are obliged to grant one another. They can be enslaved, tortured, or even exterminated—treated in ways in which we could not bring ourselves to treat those whom we regard as members of our own kind.

This phenomenon is called dehumanization. It is the subject of this book.

Before I began to investigate dehumanization, I assumed that there was substantial research literature devoted to it. The fact that dehumanization is mentioned so frequently, both in popular journalism and in academic writings, led me to believe (wrongly, it turned out) that it had already been extensively studied. Then, as I began to hunt for writings on dehumanization, it dawned on me that although scholars from a wide range of disciplines are convinced that dehumanization plays a crucial role in war, genocide, and other forms of brutality, writings on the subject are shockingly thin on the ground. I found that it’s usually mentioned only in passing—a page here, or a paragraph there. Apart from a few dozen articles by social psychologists, there is scarcely any literature on it at all.⁴ If dehumanization really has the significance that scholars claim, then untangling its dynamics ought to be among our most pressing priorities, and its neglect is as perplexing as it is grave. I wrote this book to bring dehumanization out of the shadows, and to jump-start a conversation that is centuries overdue. To do this, I’ve drawn from a rich palette of sources—including history, psychology, philosophy, biology, and anthropology—to paint a portrait of dehumanization and the forces and mechanisms that sustain it.

It’s sometimes said that dehumanization is a social construction that’s at most a few centuries old. According to this story, dehumanization was, paradoxically, a child of the doctrine of universal human rights. This idea was the moral and political touchstone of the Enlightenment, but it conflicted with the brutal colonialism perpetrated by Europeans. As the example with which I began this chapter suggests, the dissonance between theory and practice was resolved by denying the humanity of the oppressed.

This story expresses a truth, but it is a partial truth that obfuscates the real nature, history, and extent of the dehumanizing impulse. Dehumanization is neither uniquely European nor uniquely modern. It is far more widespread, vastly more ancient, and more profoundly intertwined with the human experience than the constructionist view allows. To understand its workings, it’s not good enough to examine some contingent facts about a particular historical period. We must look much deeper.

Of course, particular manifestations of dehumanization are social constructions, in the sense that they appear in a given culture and historical epoch which leave their distinctive stamp on it. Eighteenth-century Europeans embraced a certain type of dehumanization, but so did the Athenians during the fourth century before Christ, the Germans of the 1930s and ’40s, and the Eipo tribesmen of highland New Guinea, who refer to their enemies as dung flies, lizards, and worms.⁵

In this book, I will argue that dehumanization is a joint creation of biology, culture, and the architecture of the human mind. Grasping its nature and dynamics requires that we attend to all three elements. Excluding any of them leaves us with a hopelessly distorted picture of what we are trying to comprehend.

Dehumanization is too important a topic to be left to the experts, so I’ve tried to make this book appealing and accessible to a broad general readership while at the same time addressing the concerns of specialist scholars in several disciplines. In doing this, I’ve done my best to balance academic rigor with engaging prose, on the principle that anything worth explaining is worth explaining in a clear and interesting way. In general, I’ve avoided technical jargon as much as possible, and have included explanations on the occasions when its use was unavoidable. However, there are a couple of exceptions to this rule. There are two ordinary words that I sometimes use in out-of-the-ordinary ways. The words are person and human. This isn’t a self-indulgent plunge into academic obscurity. It’s motivated by the need for a vocabulary to capture ideas that are hard to put into ordinary speech.

Let me explain …

Think of the word dehumanization. It literally means something like removing the human-ness. Now, take someone and imagine that their humanity has been stripped away from them. What’s left? When the founding fathers dehumanized their slaves, what remained of them? When European colonists dehumanized Native Americans or Nazis dehumanized Jews, what remained? In their eyes, what was left was a creature that seemed human—had a human-looking form, walked on two legs, spoke human language, and acted in more-or-less human ways—but which was nonetheless not human. As I will explain in detail later on, dehumanization is the belief that some beings only appear human, but beneath the surface, where it really counts, they aren’t human at all. The Nazis labeled Jews as Untermenschen (subhumans) because they were convinced that, although Jews looked every bit as human as the average Aryan, this was a facade and that, concealed behind it, Jews were really filthy, parasitic vermin. Of course, Jews did not wear their subhumanity on their sleeves. They were regarded as insidiously subhuman. Their ostensible humanity was, at best, only skin deep.

It’s clear from these considerations we need a vocabulary to express the conceptual distinction between appearing human and being human. In defiance of the norms of common speech as well as time-honored academic convention, I reserve the word person for any being that appears human. You, the reader, are a person in this sense, and if Dracula, the Terminator, or any other man-shaped monster existed, they would be persons, too. I use human for beings that are members of our own kind, irrespective of their appearance (although what’s meant by our own kind won’t become fully clear until Chapter Seven). You are human, but Dracula and the Terminator aren’t, even though they look human. John Merrick, the Elephant Man was human, in spite of his nonhuman appearance.*

I also want to address what may seem like a major omission. I have little to say about the role of dehumanization in the oppression of women. This is because the particular form of dehumanization that typically has been directed against women is fundamentally different from the form of dehumanization that I explore in this book. Since the 1980s, a number of feminist scholars, including Andrea Dworkin, Catherine MacKinnon, and Linda LeMoncheck, have argued that women are dehumanized by being objectified. When men objectify women they perceive them as things rather than human beings, as desirable lumps of flesh rather than human subjects.⁶ In this book I am concerned with the kind of dehumanization associated with war, genocide, and other forms of mass violence. The objectification of women is produced by a different concatenation of forces, and its analysis demands a somewhat different set of conceptual tools. Apart from some dubious speculations by scholars working within a psychoanalytic framework, the psychological dynamics of objectification have been given short shrift in favor of its sociopolitical dimension. From time to time I gesture toward ways that a psychological analysis of dehumanization of women might be approached, but this is a large topic and requires a book of its own to do it justice.

Another omission concerns certain groups—sexual minorities (notably gay people), immigrants, mentally and physically handicapped people, and various specific ethnic groups (for example, the Roma, the Italians, and the Irish)—all of whom have, at one time or another, been victims of dehumanization. I say little or nothing about them in this book, not because I minimize their importance, but rather because the sheer pervasiveness of dehumanization made it impossible to discuss all of its manifestations while keeping the book to a readable length. So, I’ve had to deliberately restrict my focus. I’ve chosen to concentrate largely (but not exclusively) on the dehumanization of Jews, sub-Saharan Africans, and Native Americans, for a couple of reasons. One is their immense historical significance. The human story is filled with pain and tragedy, but among the horrors that we have perpetrated on one another, the persecution and attempted extermination of the Jewish people, the brutal enslavement of Africans, and the destruction of Native American civilizations in many respects are unparalleled. The other reason is that they have been richly documented, which makes them excellent paradigm cases for discerning the core features of the dehumanizing process. What we learn from them can then be applied elsewhere.

Having set the stage, and cleared up a few potential sources of misunderstanding, here is a preview of how the story will unfold.

In Chapter One, I explain why investigating dehumanization is worthwhile. To do this, I make use of some examples from World War II. Although most educated people are aware that the Nazis dehumanized Jews, Gypsies, and others, it’s less commonly known that all the major players in the war, including the Allied forces, dehumanized their enemies. After delving into these historical examples, I talk about the role of dehumanization in the contemporary world, focusing on how it manifests in the mass media, particularly in coverage of the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East and the battle against terrorist organizations.

Most discussions of the history of the concept of dehumanization begin with the work of twentieth-century social psychologists. But these were latecomers: the story actually begins many centuries earlier. My mission in Chapter Two is to describe how the concept of dehumanization evolved over the centuries, starting with ancient authors such as Aristotle, Augustine, and Boethius, then moving forward through the Middle Ages and Enlightenment right up to the present. This hitherto unwritten piece of history also gives me an opportunity to introduce a key theoretical idea that will play an important role later on in the book: the notion of essence.

In Chapter Three, I tell the story of the colonization of the New World, and the dehumanization of its indigenous peoples. The question of whether Native Americans were human had been simmering ever since the Spanish arrived in the Caribbean. It came to a head in 1550, when campaigner for Indian rights Bartolomé de Las Casas clashed with Spanish humanist Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in a debate that has been described as one of the most extraordinary events in Western political history.⁷ I use these events as a springboard to discuss and assess ideas about dehumanization that have been advanced by psychologists since the early 1970s, and finally round off the chapter with a brief discussion of the notions of essence and appearance introduced in Chapter Two.

Chapter Four focuses on the role of dehumanization in slavery. I discuss the history of slavery, from ancient times onward, including both the trans-Saharan and the transatlantic slave trades, all the while focusing on how slaves were considered subhuman animals. I also touch on race and racism in this chapter (a subject to which I return in Chapter Six), and then turn to the issue of moral disengagement, looking at how dehumanization weakens our inhibitions against behaving cruelly toward our fellow human beings.

Chapter Five takes up the role of dehumanization in genocide. I survey the part it played in six major genocides: the German genocide of the Herero in 1904, the Armenian genocide of 1915–16, the Holocaust, the Cambodian genocide, the Rwandan genocide of 1994, and the recent genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan. I then go on to examine a Nazi publication of the 1940s entitled The Subhuman, and use this text to identify some of the core features of the dehumanizing process.

The next three chapters pull together many of the strands from the preceding chapters, and weave them into a theory of dehumanization that is sensitive to its cultural, psychological, and biological dimensions.

Chapter Six looks at the concept of race, and the connection between racism and dehumanization. Although everyday notions of race are scientifically groundless, most people continue to take the idea of race seriously. Social constructivists see race as an ideological category, but they ignore its psychological underpinnings. I argue that, understood correctly, the notion of race (together with the psychological processes responsible for our tendency to view people through racially tinted spectacles) is crucial for making sense of the dehumanizing process. Dehumanization feeds on racism; without racism, it probably couldn’t exist.

It’s often said that war is not uniquely human, and that ants as well as chimpanzees also wage war on one another. In Chapter Seven, I critically assess this assertion, and argue that same-species killing by these animals should not be considered a form of war, basing my conclusion on a comparison of intercommunity violence or raiding by chimpanzees and raiding by the Yanomamö of Amazonia. I then go on to explore Jane Goodall’s claim that humans are the only animal capable of being cruel. I closely scrutinize the concept of cruelty and argue that Goodall is right. This leads to a deeper understanding of how dehumanization causes moral disengagement.

Chapter Eight has three parts. In the first, I focus on human beings’ ambivalence about killing. On one hand we slaughter members of our own kind with gusto, while on the other hand we express a horror of spilling human blood. I argue that this isn’t mere hypocrisy, but expresses two sides of human nature, each of which is authentic. In the second part, I examine how the capacity for dehumanization might have arisen in our species. I suggest that it was probably a by-product of several other developments, and that it was (and is) a solution to conflicts generated by the uniquely human ability to reflect upon our own thoughts.

Finally, in Chapter Nine, I recapitulate the major elements of the theory of dehumanization proposed in this book, and reflect on the question of where we need to look for solutions to the problem of dehumanization.

1

LESS THAN HUMAN

Palestine is our country.

The Jews our dogs.

—PALESTINIAN NURSERY RHYME

Arabs are the same as animals. There is no animal worse than them.

—RABBI OVADIA YOSEF, HAARETZ ¹

COME ON DOGS. Where are all the dogs of Khan Younis? Son of a bitch! Son of a whore! Your mother’s cunt! Degrading taunts in Arabic rang out from behind the fence that divided the Palestinian side of the Khan Younis refugee camp from the Israeli side. Located near the southern tip of the Gaza Strip, just outside the ancient town of Khan Younis, the camp was established to house 35,000 of the nearly one million Arabs who had been displaced by the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. By the beginning of the twenty-first century its population had swelled to over 60,000 souls housed in thirteen squalid cement blocks.

The torrent of invective did not come from the mouth of an angry Muslim; it was broadcast from a loudspeaker mounted on an armored Israeli Jeep. New York Times journalist Chris Hedges was in the camp that day, and watched as Palestinian boys began to lob stones at the Jeep in a futile gesture of defiance. Hedges recounts:

There was the boom of a percussion grenade. The boys, most no more than ten or eleven years old, scattered, running clumsily through the heavy sand. They descended out of sight behind the dune in front of me. There were no sounds of gunfire. The soldiers shot with silencers. The bullets from M-16 rifles, unseen by me, tumbled end-over-end through their slight bodies. I would see the destruction, the way their stomachs were ripped out, the gaping holes in their limbs and torsos, later in the hospital.²

Four children were shot. Only three survived. One of them, a boy named Ahmed, explained to Hedges what had happened. Over the loudspeakers the soldiers told us to come to the fence to get chocolate and money, he said. Then they cursed us. Then they fired a grenade. We started to run. They shot Ali in the back.³

Khan Younis had long been a stronghold of Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement, and when the Israeli troops pulled out of the Gaza Strip in the fall of 2005, the bright green banners of Hamas fluttered from the asbestos rooftops of the camp. Hamas was founded in 1987 to end the Israeli presence in the region and to establish an Islamic state with Jerusalem as its capital. Although Hamas is devoted mainly to supporting schools, hospitals, and cultural activities, it is best known for its violence—its abductions, assassinations, suicide bombings, and rocket attacks against Israeli civilians. Osama Alfarra, the mayor of Khan Younis and a member of Hamas, was one of the many Palestinians who rejoiced when Israel relinquished control of the Gaza strip. Gaza was a beginning, he told a reporter from the British Guardian newspaper. You know how you hunt foxes? You dig them out of their holes. The fox is gone from Gaza to the West Bank. The resistance will dig him out of his hole there.⁴

Osama Alfarra and the anonymous soldiers in the Jeep stood on opposite sides of a single conflict. And yet, their attitudes were uncannily alike. Each portrayed the other as a nonhuman animal. The soldier represented Ali and his companions as dogs, unclean animals in both Jewish and Islamic lore. Likewise, Osama Alfarra’s depiction of Israel as a fox represents a whole nation as vermin, fit to be hunted down and destroyed. The sly fox, an amalgam of greed and guile, has much in common with the traditional derogatory stereotype of the Jew, as exemplified by thirteenth-century Muslim writer Al-Jaubari’s characterization of the Jewish people in The Chosen One’s Unmasking of Divine Mysteries:

Know that these people are the most cunning creatures, the vilest, most unbelieving and hypocritical. While ostensibly the most humble and miserable, they are in fact the most vicious of men. This is the very essence of rascality and accursedness.… Look at this cunning and craft and vileness; how they take other people’s moneys, ruin their lives.…

And more recently, the remarks of Imam Yousif al-Zahar, a member of Hamas, conveyed the same idea. Jews are a people who cannot be trusted, he remarked. They have been traitors to all agreements—go back to history. Their fate is their vanishing.⁵

The soldier in the Israeli military Jeep dehumanized his Palestinian targets, and Osama Alfarra and his comrades dehumanized their Israeli enemies. In both examples—and in many, many more that I will describe in this book—a whole group of people is represented as less than human, as a prelude and accompaniment to extreme violence. It’s tempting to see reference to the subaltern other as mere talk, as nothing more than degrading metaphor. I will argue that this view is sorely misguided. Dehumanization isn’t a way of talking. It’s a way of thinking—a way of thinking that, sadly, comes all too easily to us. Dehumanization is a scourge, and has been so for millennia. It acts as a psychological lubricant, dissolving our inhibitions and inflaming our destructive passions. As such, it empowers us to perform acts that would, under other circumstances, be unthinkable. In the pages and chapters to follow, I will do my best to explain what this form of thinking consists in, how it works, and why we so readily slip into it.

Before I get to work explaining how dehumanization works, I want to make a preliminary case for its importance. So, to get the ball rolling, I’ll briefly discuss the role that dehumanization played in what is rightfully considered the single most destructive event in human history: the Second World War. More than 70 million people died in the war, most of them civilians. Millions died in combat. Many were burned alive by incendiary bombs and, in the end, nuclear weapons. Millions more were victims of systematic genocide. Dehumanization made much of this carnage possible.

Let’s begin at the end. The 1946 Nuremberg doctors’ trial was the first of twelve military tribunals held in Germany after the defeat of Germany and Japan. Twenty doctors and three administrators—twenty-two men and a single woman—stood accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They had participated in Hitler’s euthanasia program, in which around 200,000 mentally and physically handicapped people deemed unfit to live were gassed to death, and they performed fiendish medical experiments on thousands of Jewish, Russian, Roma, and Polish prisoners.

Principal prosecutor Telford Taylor began his opening statement with these somber words:

The defendants in this case are charged with murders, tortures, and other atrocities committed in the name of medical science. The victims of these crimes are numbered in the hundreds of thousands. A handful only are still alive; a few of the survivors will appear in this courtroom. But most of these miserable victims were slaughtered outright or died in the course of the tortures to which they were subjected.… To their murderers, these wretched people were not individuals at all. They came in wholesale lots and were treated worse than animals.⁶

He went on to describe the experiments in detail. Some of these human guinea pigs were deprived of oxygen to simulate high-altitude parachute jumps. Others were frozen, infested with malaria, or exposed to mustard gas. Doctors made incisions in their flesh to simulate wounds, inserted pieces of broken glass or wood shavings into them, and then, tying off the blood vessels, introduced bacteria to induce gangrene. Taylor described how men and women were made to drink seawater, were infected with typhus and other deadly diseases, were poisoned and burned with phosphorus, and how medical personnel conscientiously recorded their agonized screams and violent convulsions.

The descriptions in Taylor’s narrative are so horrifying that it’s easy to overlook what might seem like an insignificant rhetorical flourish: his comment that "these wretched people were … treated worse than animals." But this comment raises a question of deep and fundamental importance. What is it that enables one group of human beings to treat another group as though they were subhuman creatures?

A rough answer isn’t hard to come by. Thinking sets the agenda for action, and thinking of humans as less than human paves the way for atrocity. The Nazis were explicit about the status of their victims. They were Untermenschen—subhumans—and as such were excluded from the system of moral rights and obligations that bind humankind together. It’s wrong to kill a person, but permissible to exterminate a rat. To the Nazis, all the Jews, Gypsies, and the others were rats: dangerous, disease-carrying rats.

Jews were the main victims of this genocidal project. From the beginning, Adolf Hitler and his followers were convinced that the Jewish people posed a deadly threat to all that was noble in humanity. In the apocalyptic Nazi vision, these putative enemies of civilization were represented as parasitic organisms—as leeches, lice, bacteria, or vectors of contagion. Today, Hitler proclaimed in 1943, international Jewry is the ferment of decomposition of peoples and states, just as it was in antiquity. It will remain that way as long as peoples do not find the strength to get rid of the virus. Both the death camps (the gas chambers of which were modeled on delousing chambers) and the Einsatzgruppen (paramilitary death squads that roamed across Eastern Europe following in the wake of the advancing German army) were responses to what the Nazis perceived to be a lethal pestilence.⁷

Sometimes the Nazis thought of their enemies as vicious, bloodthirsty predators rather than parasites. When partisans in occupied regions of the Soviet Union began to wage a guerilla war against German forces, Walter von Reichenau, the commander in chief of the German army, issued an order to inflict a severe but just retribution upon the Jewish subhuman elements (the Nazis considered all of their enemies as part of international Jewry, and were convinced that Jews controlled the national governments of Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Military historian Mary R. Habeck confirms that, soldiers and officers thought of the Russians and Jews as ‘animals’… that had to perish. Dehumanizing the enemy allowed German soldiers and officers to agree with the Nazis’ new vision of warfare, and to fight without granting the Soviets any mercy or quarter.⁸

The Holocaust is the most thoroughly documented example of the ravages of dehumanization. Its hideousness strains the limits of imagination. And yet, focusing on it can be strangely comforting. It’s all too easy to imagine that the Third Reich was a bizarre aberration, a kind of mass insanity instigated by a small group of deranged ideologues who conspired to seize political power and bend a nation to their will. Alternatively, it’s tempting to imagine that the Germans were (or are) a uniquely cruel and bloodthirsty people. But these diagnoses are dangerously wrong. What’s most disturbing about the Nazi phenomenon is not that the Nazis were madmen or monsters. It’s that they were ordinary human beings.

When we think of dehumanization during World War II our minds turn to the Holocaust, but it wasn’t only the Germans who dehumanized their enemies. While the architects of the Final Solution were busy implementing their lethal program of racial hygiene, the Russian-Jewish poet and novelist Ilya Ehrenburg was churning out propaganda for distribution to Stalin’s Red Army. These pamphlets seethed with dehumanizing rhetoric. They spoke of the smell of Germany’s animal breath, and described Germans as two-legged animals who have mastered the technique of war—ersatz men who ought to be annihilated.⁹ The Germans are not human beings, Ehrenburg wrote, … If you kill one German, kill another—there is nothing more amusing for us than a heap of German corpses.

Do not count days; do not count miles. Count only the number of Germans you have killed. Kill the German—this is your old mother’s prayer. Kill the German—this is what your children beseech you to do. Kill the German—this is the cry of your Russian earth. Do not waver. Do not let up. Kill."¹⁰

This wasn’t idle talk. The Wehrmacht had taken the lives of 23 million Soviet citizens, roughly half of them civilians. When the tide of the war finally turned, a torrent of Russian forces poured into Germany from the east, and their inexorable advance became an orgy of rape and murder. They were certainly egged on by Ehrenburg and other Soviet propagandists, writes journalist Giles McDonough:

East Prussia was the first German region visited by the Red Army.… In the course of a single night the Red Army killed seventy-two women and one man. Most of the women had been raped, of whom the oldest was eighty-four. Some of the victims had been crucified.… A witness who made it to the west talked of a poor village girl who was raped by