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    State of the Union Addresses
    State of the Union Addresses
    State of the Union Addresses
    Ebook104 pages1 hour

    State of the Union Addresses

    By Richard M. (Richard Milhous) Nixon

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    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherArchive Classics
    Release dateNov 26, 2013
    State of the Union Addresses

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      Book preview

      State of the Union Addresses - Richard M. (Richard Milhous) Nixon

      The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses by Richard Nixon (#34 in our series of US Presidential State of the Union Addresses)

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      *****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!*****

      Title: State of the Union Addresses of Richard Nixon

      Author: Richard Nixon

      Release Date: February, 2004 [EBook #5043] [Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] [This file was first posted on April 11, 2002] [Date last updated: December 16, 2004]

      Edition: 11

      Language: English

      *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF ADDRESSES BY RICHARD NIXON ***

      This eBook was produced by James Linden.

      The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***

      Dates of addresses by Richard Nixon in this eBook: January 22, 1970 January 22, 1971 January 20, 1972 February 2, 1973 January 30, 1974

      ***

      State of the Union Address

      Richard Nixon

      January 22, 1970

      Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues in the Congress, our distinguished guests and my fellow Americans:

      To address a joint session of the Congress in this great Chamber in which I was once privileged to serve is an honor for which I am deeply grateful.

      The State of the Union Address is traditionally an occasion for a lengthy and detailed account by the President of what he has accomplished in the past, what he wants the Congress to do in the future, and, in an election year, to lay the basis for the political issues which might be decisive in the fall.

      Occasionally there comes a time when profound and far-reaching events command a break with tradition. This is such a time.

      I say this not only because 1970 marks the beginning of a new decade in which America will celebrate its 200th birthday. I say it because new knowledge and hard experience argue persuasively that both our programs and our institutions in America need to be reformed.

      The moment has arrived to harness the vast energies and abundance of this land to the creation of a new American experience, an experience richer and deeper and more truly a reflection of the goodness and grace of the human spirit.

      The seventies will be a time of new beginnings, a time of exploring both on the earth and in the heavens, a time of discovery. But the time has also come for emphasis on developing better ways of managing what we have and of completing what man's genius has begun but left unfinished.

      Our land, this land that is ours together, is a great and a good land. It is also an unfinished land, and the challenge of perfecting it is the summons of the seventies.

      It is in that spirit that I address myself to those great issues facing our

      Nation which are above partisanship.

      When we speak of America's priorities the first priority must always be peace for America and the world.

      The major immediate goal of our foreign policy is to bring an end to the war in Vietnam in a way that our generation will be remembered not so much as the generation that suffered in war, but more for the fact that we had the courage and character to win the kind of a just peace that the next generation was able to keep.

      We are making progress toward that goal.

      The prospects for peace are far greater today than they were a year ago.

      A major part of the credit for this development goes to the Members of this Congress who, despite their differences on the conduct of the war, have overwhelmingly indicated their support of a just peace. By this action, you have completely demolished the enemy's hopes that they can gain in Washington the victory our fighting men have denied them in Vietnam.

      No goal could be greater than to make the next generation the first in this century in which America was at peace with every nation in the world.

      I shall discuss in detail the new concepts and programs designed to achieve this goal in a separate report on foreign policy, which I shall submit to the Congress at a later date.

      Today, let me describe the directions of our new policies.

      We have based our policies on an evaluation of the world as it is, not as it was 25 years ago at the conclusion of World War II. Many of the policies which were necessary and right then are obsolete today.

      Then, because of America's overwhelming military and economic strength, because of the weakness of other major free world powers and the inability of scores of newly independent nations to defend, or even govern, themselves, America had to assume the major burden for the defense of freedom in the world.

      In two wars, first in Korea and now in Vietnam, we furnished most of the money, most of the arms, most of the men to help other nations defend their freedom.

      Today the great industrial nations of Europe, as well as Japan, have regained their economic strength; and the nations of Latin America—and many of the nations who acquired their freedom from colonialism after World War II in Asia and Africa—have a new sense of pride and dignity and a determination to assume the responsibility for their own defense.

      That is the basis of the doctrine I announced at Guam.

      Neither the defense nor the development of other nations can be exclusively or primarily an American undertaking.

      The nations of each part of the world should assume the primary responsibility for their own well-being; and they themselves should determine the terms of that well-being.

      We shall be faithful to our treaty commitments, but we shall reduce our involvement and our presence in other nations' affairs.

      To insist that other nations play a role is not a retreat from responsibility; it is a sharing of responsibility.

      The result of

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