PREFACE: ‘CLANGING BELFAST’

The docks and quays are busy with their craft and shipping, upon the beautiful borders of the Lough; the large red warehouses stretching along the shores, with ships loading, or unloading, or building, hammers clanging, pitch pots flaming and boiling … [author’s emphasis]

William Makepeace Thackeray.¹

A Belfast councillor, Dr Henry O’Neill, wrote at the start of the twentieth century on the ‘progress of sanitary science’, stating that ‘there is not a city in Ireland (if indeed any in the United Kingdom) which has so rapidly developed itself from insignificance to vast importance as Belfast’.² This book will consider Belfast’s journey from the mid-eighteenth century to the eve of the Great War. The first chapter deals with Belfast’s growth. The engine driving the town (then city) along this path was industry and that topic forms the subject matter of Chapter 2. That the engine did not carry all groups and people to ease and prosperity will become clear, especially when political and social issues are discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 respectively.

Anybody writing about Belfast in the period covered here must acknowledge having benefited from the works of modern scholars, whose publications will be cited appropriately below. Many of these scholars are historians but this author is a geographer. Such a distinction may strike the reader as arcane, but maybe there is some truth in the old (and gendered) adage that history is about chaps and geography about maps. Perhaps a geographer does bring to the table a sense of place, an appreciation of the significance of location, a realisation that decisions, from where to locate a shipyard to where to run in a riot, are affected by spatial considerations. Certainly, an historian who has read the author’s work reported on his ‘different approach’, which was attributed to his geographical leanings. Perhaps the subtitle, ‘Clanging Belfast’, is part of this – a reference to contemporary activity rather than contemporary discourse. The title was chosen to try to particularise Belfast in its industrial era, when (and where) the soundscape would have emanated from the factories and shipyards. Early engineering and manufacture was characterised by much noisy physicality, by machines and people manipulating resources to make finished products, be they delicate linen handkerchiefs or mighty ships. Thackeray captured some essence of this with his observation of the hammers clanging in the shipyards, from which comes the subtitle.

Where possible, primary documentation has been consulted as a source of information for this study. This has included the minute books of Belfast Corporation and a hitherto little-used source, the annual reports of the Linen Merchants’ Association. Newspapers, particularly the Belfast News Letter, have been very useful. The author was in receipt of a Small Research Grant from the British Academy to assist in the primary research. The grant meant that Dr Edwin Aiken could be employed as research assistant; to him, and not for the first time in print, the author records his thanks.

In addition, the author has turned to contemporary commentators who left much of inestimable value, such as two clergymen who detailed the life and conditions of the poor in Belfast in the 1850s, William O’Hanlon and Anthony McIntyre. Drs Andrew Malcolm and Henry O’Neill wrote on health and sanitation, D.J. Owen on the port, William Topping on life in the linen mills. There is material from contemporary fiction or commentary to add insight; some of which has been accessed via Patricia Craig’s collection, The Belfast anthology.³ There are various parliamentary papers to wade through. The two fascicles of the Irish historic towns atlas on Belfast contain much data and detail. Another source was W.R. Rodgers’s 1955 radio broadcast, The return room, really a long poem reminiscent of Under Milk Wood, which evoked his early century Belfast childhood. Its welcome publication by Blackstaff Press came in 2010.⁴

This book is illustrated principally in two ways. There are a number of reproductions from historic Ordnance Survey maps of Belfast, whilst Figure 1.6 was drawn especially for this work by Maura Pringle of the School of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology at Queen’s University Belfast, to whom thanks are due. With one exception, the other figures are photographs taken by the author in an attempt to get away from the almost over-familiar Victorian and Edwardian images – to emphasise that, despite its post-modern, post-industrial glass and steel manifestation, Belfast still reflects many aspects of that remarkable era of its development: the ‘clanging city’, the industrial settlement of the late eighteenth to early twentieth centuries.

NOTES

¹ William Makepeace Thackeray, The Irish sketchbook (London, 1842), p. 353 (Collins ed.).

² Henry O’Neill, ‘The progress of sanitary science in Belfast’ in Journal of the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, xi (1901), p. 36.

³ Patricia Craig (ed.), The Belfast anthology (Belfast, 1999).

⁴ W.R. Rodgers, The return room (Belfast, 2010) (broadcast by Northern Ireland Home Service, 23 December 1955).

1

‘THE TOWN BROKE LOOSE’: GROWTH

‘Foul leprous dens’ and ‘new houses and streets of the best description’: boundaries, housing and socio-spatial patterns in Belfast

‘Under the control which the corporation can exercise’: boundaries

Belfast’s population grew from an estimated 8,549 in 1757 to 386,946 in 1911, the date of the last census before the partition of Ireland, and 415,151 in 1926, the date of the first census afterwards.¹ This was largely through migration; at the 1901 census only twenty per cent of the city’s household heads had been born there.²

At first the newspapers would carry simple factual reports on Belfast’s population total whenever census results came out, as in 1813 and 1821.³ Later, they would express pride at the rate of expansion. In the second half of the eighteenth century, notices would often be placed advertising land being leased for building to accommodate the growing settlement. For example, in 1757 one edition advertised plots at Malone, the Short Strand (just a few perches from the Long Bridge), the Long Strand and ‘two good pasture fields near the end of the Long Bridge and adjoining the new road to Newton [Newtownards Road] very convenient for houses and gardens to be made thereon’.⁴ During that period a notice appeared that Belfast land was to be surveyed ‘according to the best and newest methods’,⁵ although it was to be another eighty years before the Ordnance Survey would do that job so thoroughly. George Benn wrote in 1823:

old inhabitants … look in vain for the haunts of their youth, and at last discover that the places which had peacefully submitted, in their early years, to the spade or ploughshare are now covered with streets and habitations.⁶

One such inhabitant confirmed this, writing in 1827 that ‘the town broke loose beyond its ancient limits … engrossing all the town parks and neat gardens I remember’.⁷ Other land became available as the small docks of the town’s pre-industrial core were filled in, such as May’s Dock in 1844.⁸ It was announced in 1847 that Town Dock, Lime Kiln Dock and Ritchie’s Docks would be reclaimed inside two years,⁹ whilst ‘Victoria Square, now spacious and airy, was used as a timber pond’.¹⁰ Such developments were just part of a more extensive programme of land reclamation that transformed Belfast’s waterfront and provided room for port facilities and much of its industrial growth, especially the shipyards. In similar fashion, the Farset River along High Street, where the original docks were sited, was culverted, ‘arching over in a substantial manner’, as an 1804 report had it. One benefit identified was that accidental drownings would thus be expected to decrease, for which the ‘gentlemen of the Police Committee are therefore entitled to the thanks of the community’.¹¹

Figure 1.1 Belfast, 1833

The pace of growth accelerated; at almost every meeting of the council throughout the second half of the nineteenth century permission was granted to build new streets and often other infrastructural investments, including markets, lighting and sewers, as well as for industrial development and public buildings. Acts of parliament were required on occasion. For example, the Belfast Improvement Act of 1845, amongst other matters, granted the council powers to:

– widen existing streets;

– open new streets;

– regulate the width of future streets;

– provide and illuminate public clocks;

– secure yards and conveniences;

– provide public conveniences;

– enclose open grounds;

– enclose dangerous places;

– provide a pound;

– provide new markets;

– provide weighing machines and measuring houses;

– provide public slaughterhouses;

– construct common sewers;

– suppress gambling and cock-fighting and houses and places of improper resort.¹²

The boundaries of the town had to be adjusted to incorporate this growth, as in 1836. In the proposal for the next extension, an 1853 report by Captain Francis Yarde Gilbert of the Royal Engineers, comments about Belfast’s industrial development, particularly in linen, appeared; it was also noted that the port had grown to become the largest in Ireland. There had been associated population growth. Gilbert remarked that the Boundary Commissioners had estimated Belfast’s population at 68,383 in 1836, but he now calculated it to be 115,294, including some 18,000 who lived outside the earlier boundary – hence the need for the extension. Reporting on his public consultations on the proposals, Gilbert commented that some people opposed any boundary extension just because it would place them ‘under the control which the corporation can exercise as to supervision and taxation’. An appendix to his report listed sixty-two signatories to one such letter of protest.¹³ Nevertheless, most proprietors and mill owners accepted the need for an extension for the general good, for as things stood:

From the number of hands employed in the manufactories and the necessity of their having houses contiguous for residence, buildings are erected in every direction and from want of supervision of a responsible body the streets are deficient in order, paving and sanitary condition. Houses for mechanics in a growing industrial town, built according to the mere object or interest of the owner or builder, or the exigency of the occasion, require constant and stringent control, and on my inspection of the suburbs beyond the present boundary, I found generally in those lately erected, the streets narrow, irregular, unpaved and in many places impassable, no regular system of sewerage, a deficiency of yards and other accommodation and courts narrow and confined, built inside streets.¹⁴

Gilbert noted that Belfast was growing strongly to the west; there were considerable rafts of low-quality housing extending up the Falls and Shankill Roads especially that did lie beyond the old borough boundary. However, his observations perhaps failed to acknowledge the considerable amount of poor-quality housing existing at this period inside the old boundary (which will be discussed below), although he did comment that the council had ‘purchased and pulled down several streets in the old and decayed part of the town and erected new and wide streets in their places’.¹⁵

The council pressed for another extension in 1896.¹⁶ This came about through the operation of the Belfast Corporation Act of that year, which also raised the number of wards within Belfast from five to fifteen. Discussion on this act in the House of Commons veered off course and stimulated a debate on the non-representation of Catholics on the council. Edmund Vesey Knox, nationalist MP for Londonderry City, declared:

Figure 1.2 Belfast, 1858

The Catholics were … almost one-fourth of the population, but yet they were not represented by even a single Member in the Corporation. This was not a chance matter …¹⁷

However, the debate was brought back to the point by Sir James Haslett, Conservative MP for Belfast North (whose statue stands in the grounds of Belfast City Hall). Haslett stated:

The Bill in its simplicity was a Bill simply to extend the borough of Belfast. That extension had been rendered necessary by the unprecedented growth of the city. It was not a question that the Corporation of Belfast had dealt lightly with or for Party purposes. It was a question forced upon them by the growth of the city.¹⁸

In 1898 the Local Government (Ireland) Act made Belfast a county borough and required annual elections for its lord mayor.

‘The joyful acclamations of multitudes’: The Donegalls’ impact on Belfast

The rapid growth of Belfast, perhaps from the 1750s and certainly between the 1820s and the 1850s, can be at least partly ascribed to the ready availability of land. This was thanks to the complicated activities of the Chichester family, whose head, the earl, later the marquis of Donegall, was the sole landlord of the town. These men were descendants of Arthur Chichester, to whom Belfast had been granted by the crown in 1603. The Donegalls had a long tradition of making land available for public buildings in Belfast. Thus, in 1739, it was reported that the fourth earl ‘hath been pleased to tend orders to several workmen here to draw up a plan of a linen hall … and proposes to have such a one forthwith built at his own expense on the ground which his lordship lately caused to be wall’d in off the sea in Catherine Street’.¹⁹ This would have been the Brown Linen Hall in Donegall Street. The family also contracted for St Anne’s Church and the Assembly Rooms, the latter ‘built and highly decorated at the sole expense of the [fifth] earl of Donegall’ to celebrate the birth of his son and heir, George Augustus.²⁰ The chief expense of the fifth earl/first marquis was in funding the Lagan Navigation connecting Belfast by water to Lough Neagh. His obituary estimated expenditure on this to have been above £360,000.²¹

The Donegall family’s influence on Belfast was not always benign, however. The fourth earl of Donegall, who inherited the title as a child in 1705, after his father died serving with the duke of Marlborough in Spain, has been regarded as weak minded. In 1754 he came close to being committed and, under his long period of nominal control of the Chichester estates, which included Belfast, there was little leadership and no programme of development for the town. Few leases had been issued before the trustees of the Donegall estate obtained a private act of parliament to enable them to do so. When these began to be released in the mid-1750s, they contained building or repairing clauses that led to improvements in the townscape. The fifth earl, a nephew of the childless incumbent, who inherited in 1757, took an active interest in the town and from 1765 clauses in the leases he issued helped to transform Belfast further. Raymond Gillespie, in the companion volume to this book, notes that different types of lease were issued. As well as leases for undeveloped land there were renewal leases, which required the property to be kept in good order, repairing leases, which required tenants to repair their properties, and building leases, which required that a property be demolished and rebuilt. Under the terms of this last type, restrictions could be and were imposed by the landlord to dictate the quality of building and thus the social geography of Belfast. High-status areas such as Castle Place had to have houses 28 feet (8.5 metres) high; the figure for High Street was 25 feet (7.6 metres); for Ann Street 18 feet (5.5 metres); cabins on Peter’s Hill on the low-status western periphery had to be only 10 feet (3 metres) high. Gillespie points out that rebuilding clauses had most impact in the suburbs, which by the end of the eighteenth century would have made the entry into Belfast more salubrious than it had hitherto been.²²

Following the burning down of Belfast Castle in 1708, which had killed several