Send Lazarus

CATHOLIC PRACTICE IN NORTH AMERICA

SERIES EDITOR:

John C. Seitz, Associate Professor, Theology Department, Fordham University; Associate Director for Lincoln Center, Curran Center for American Catholic Studies

This series aims to contribute to the growing field of Catholic studies through the publication of books devoted to the historical and cultural study of Catholic practice in North America, from the colonial period to the present. As the term practice suggests, the series springs from a pressing need in the study of American Catholicism for empirical investigations and creative explorations and analyses of the contours of Catholic experience. In seeking to provide more comprehensive maps of Catholic practice, this series is committed to publishing works from diverse American locales, including urban, suburban, and rural settings; ethnic, postethnic, and transnational contexts; private and public sites; and seats of power as well as the margins.

SERIES ADVISORY BOARD:

Emma Anderson, Ottawa University

Paul Contino, Pepperdine University

Kathleen Sprows Cummings, University of Notre Dame

James T. Fisher, Fordham University (Emeritus)

Paul Mariani, Boston College

Thomas A. Tweed, University of Texas at Austin

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First edition

Contents

List of Abbreviations

Introduction

Introducing Neoliberalism • Catholic Critique of Neoliberalism • Chapter Outlines • Send Lazarus

PART I: CATHOLIC SOCIAL THOUGHT AND THE ECONOMY

1 Catholic Social Thought against Economism

Modern Catholic Social Thought • John Paul II on Economism • Benedict XVI: Against an Impersonal Economy • Francis: No to a Faceless Economy • Papal Continuity

PART II: NEOLIBERALISM

2 Neoliberal Capitalism

Neoliberalism as Political Economy • Neoliberalism as Common Sense • Ethos of Mercilessness

3 Sacrifice, Race, and Indifference

Sacrifice Zones, Earth, and Slums • Racial Neoliberalism, Mass Incarceration, and Mass Deportation • Neoliberalism as Culture of Indifference

PART III: CATHOLIC MERCY INA NEOLIBERAL AGE

4 A Theology of Mercy

Trinity, Mystery, and Mercy • Anthropology, Ecclesiology, and Mercy • The Works and the Politics of Mercy

5 The Politics of Mercy against Neoliberal Sacrifice

Universal Destination of Goods • Visit the Sick • Give Food, Drink, and Clothing • Abolitionism • Ransom the Captive • Welcome the Stranger

Conclusion: For Holistic Mercy

Acknowledgments

Notes

Bibliography

Index

Abbreviations

All references to the Bible, unless otherwise noted, are from the New American Bible, the translation used in the worship and prayer of US Catholics, available on the US Conference of Catholic Bishops website at http://usccb.org/bible/index.cfm.

Send Lazarus

Introduction

Pope Francis’s message for Lent from 2016 has as its epigraph Jesus’s saying, I desire mercy, not sacrifice (Mt 9:13; cf. Hos 6:6).¹ He explicates this saying by making a plea to Catholics to turn toward God and to evangelize through the spiritual and corporal works of mercy. He proceeds to discuss the reality of this mercy, which is made incarnate in Jesus Christ, which changes hearts and enables us … to become merciful in turn.² Francis exhorts his readers to practice this mercy, especially toward the poor, in whom Christ’s tortured flesh becomes visible.³ In doing so, they oppose people with great power and wealth, in whom a temptation often becomes overwhelming, to the point of being blind to Lazarus at their doorstep (see Lk 16:19–31).⁴ Such blindness, Francis contends, may be seen in the sinful structures linked to a model of false development based on the idolatry of money, which leads to a lack of concern for the fate of the poor on the part of wealthier individuals and societies; they close their doors, refusing even to see the poor.⁵ The implication of Francis’s Lenten message is clear: Lent, often seen as a season of sacrifice, should be a time of mercy—prophetic mercy proclaiming the Gospel to a world that idolizes knowledge, power, and riches, and that risks refusing Christ and plunging into the eternal abyss of solitude that is Hell.⁶ Francis expresses hope that a Lent defined by the works of mercy will bring conversion.⁷

Jesus’s saying on which Francis reflects begins in noteworthy fashion. Jesus states, "Go and learn the meaning of the words, ‘I desire mercy, not sacrifice.’ " This book aims to facilitate such learning. It asks what mercy and sacrifice look like today. It does so by examining the dominant social order in today’s world, which we call neoliberalism.

This book is a work of systematic theology aimed at elucidating the reality of mercy in a world marked by practices, social structures, and cultures of pathological sacrifice. It upholds the works of mercy as practices out of which new structures can be fashioned and cultures renewed. As a whole this book aims to enact the spiritual works of mercy. It admonishes sinners, or all of us—for all have been enlisted in some way, as subsequent chapters will show—who perpetuate an economic, political, legal, and cultural system founded on indifference toward the needs and desires of people and God’s creation. It instructs the ignorant, bringing thematically to light this system that all of us know notionally, but most not really. It counsels the doubtful, by giving an account of Christian hope (1 Pet 3:15) to all of us who live in a period of obvious unrest and social upheaval. It comforts the sorrowful, namely, those who suffer the sorts of injustices discussed throughout the book. It bears wrongs patiently by carefully analyzing social crises and a culture of indifference and pathological sacrifice and pointing to theological and practical ingredients for alternatives. It forgives injuries by seeking conversion from those who perpetrate injustice, thus channeling Jesus’s saying, Go and sin no more (Jn 8:11). All of this it does in a spirit of prayer for the living and the dead, meditating upon the scriptures, teachings of the popes, theories of theologians, practices of Christians, and ideas of all people of good will. Key, though, to addressing today’s dominant sacrificial system, neoliberalism, is reimagining the corporal works of mercy. This will be the conclusive dimension of our theological proposal, discussed in the book’s final chapter.

Introducing Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is notoriously difficult to define, even to the point that some scholars claim that it is merely a label for whatever I do not like.⁸ It is true that the particular term neoliberalism is generally used by its critics on the left side of the political spectrum. This presents some difficulty for defining the term, given that those who describe neoliberalism could be dismissed for being biased. Also, given that in the United States, liberalism tends to be associated with leftist, social welfare policies, it is difficult to figure how neoliberalism was originally a product of the Right.⁹ Even worse, those who espouse the political-economic ethos that others call neoliberalism refuse to use that name.¹⁰

As we see it, the main difficulty is neither that neoliberalism does not exist nor that it exists only as a figment of a biased imagination. Instead, it is this: defining neoliberalism is like trying to define water to a fish. It is the political-economic-cultural order in which we live, move, and have our being—and for people younger than forty years old, they always have, since neoliberalism has been the dominant political and cultural ethos in our world since the 1980s. As Wendy Brown observes, neoliberalism is so pervasive that the relevant question is not who is a neoliberal today, but "who is not a neoliberal today?"¹¹ Ideas and practices that we will identify as indisputably neoliberal—such as the idea of freedom we tend to hold in the United States (lack of restrictions on our consumer and lifestyle choices and an unstated yet categorical imperative to invest well in all areas of existence)—pervade our lives. Nevertheless, as journalist George Monbiot points out, for many people neoliberalism remains anonymous, unnamed, and unidentified.¹² So pervasive has neoliberalism become, Monbiot observes, that we seldom ever recognize it as an ideology.¹³

Perhaps the best way of recognizing neoliberalism is to address it as neo. A recent definition of neoliberalism can assist here. Neoliberalism [is the] return to the principles of classical liberalism, writes Roger Scruton. In particular, the defence of the free economy, free trade, and small government.¹⁴ Indeed, neoliberals (especially in the line of Friedrich A. Hayek [1899–1992]) claim at times to be renewing classical liberalism in an age of socialist dominance or, after 1989, the threat of socialist resurgence. But in large measure this is deceiving. We will note as we go forward that neoliberalism makes at least two important innovations on the liberal tradition. First, the free in free economy and free trade is drastically relativized, inasmuch as neoliberalism consists not in unleashing the economy and allowing trade to transpire as it will but rather vigilantly cultivating, supporting, and sustaining the world economy through political and legal measures and structures. Second, in keeping with the first, government cannot be small, but must be large and interventionist, not in the socialist mode of anticipating and providing for human needs but in a hypercapitalist mode of responding to the needs of capital as an abstract, inscrutable force.

With these preliminaries in place, let us provisionally define neoliberalism as follows: neoliberalism is a politicized mutation of capitalism, where the state’s primary function is to foster market processes, each person’s freedom in civil society is defined in terms of market logics of investment (which does not necessarily implicate direct monetization), and the needs of people and the earth are secondary to those of capital, because the world economy rules supreme as omniscient and unwaveringly just. Neoliberals purport that this redesigning of the state, reconfiguration of human freedom, and privileging of the market over personal demands represents, ultimately, the best means of serving human welfare and society.

This book raises a variety of theological objections to neoliberalism. We define neoliberalism theologically as a comprehensive program of market sacrifice. Our objections to this sacrificial system center on mercy, as we have already indicated. But the final clause of our longer definition of neoliberalism should suggest that we coordinate mercy with justice. Neoliberalism’s justice cannot accord with God’s justice because it leaves no room for God’s mercy, and for God, justice and mercy always act together.¹⁵ Obviously no human system will seamlessly comport with divine justice, but neither should any system close itself to or replace divine justice. We detail in this book how neoliberalism is a system that enables, expedites, and necessitates violations of the love of God, be they active idolatry (placing economic value at the center of life) or shaping people in such a way that true worship becomes undervalued and unpracticed. So, too, does neoliberalism form people who violate love of neighbor, or who are indifferent toward such violations. Perhaps worse, neoliberalism ingrains social structures predicated upon violations of love of neighbor and an attitude that insists that no one should, reasonably speaking, be neighbor to anyone else. The quintessential neoliberal question is Cain’s: Am I my brother’s keeper? (Gen 4:9). Put otherwise, neoliberalism enables and even encourages that Jesus’s twofold formulation of the greatest commandment be violated by everyone everywhere.

Catholic Critique of Neoliberalism

Among other things, this book is a contribution to Catholic social thought, by which we mean a tradition of commentary on Catholic social teaching. This latter term designates official, magisterial teaching by popes, bishops, and other church leaders tasked with making official pronouncements on faith and morals regarding issues impinging upon people’s lives (in groups, public, and so on). Chapter 1 examines specifically papal teaching on the economy.¹⁶ This will provide some principles for further analysis.

Catholic social thought does not offer perfect models for society, and it remains ever suspicious of this-worldly utopias.¹⁷ Catholic social thought does not offer ready-made answers to the questions the world raises; instead, it raises questions precisely to social systems that style themselves as answers. In our time, neoliberals proclaim that there is no alternative to a world that revolves around the market economy. There is, supposedly, no other answer that so suits human social order than the neoliberal one. Catholic social thought should, in the face of this answer, raise questions.¹⁸ We do just this.

We have closely circumscribed our task. In this book, we put neoliberalism through a critique, in the etymological sense. As Wendy Brown notes, the Greek word at the root of critique, "krisis, connotes the process of making distinctions in order to rectify an alleged disorder."¹⁹ Critique, in this sense, involves distinguishing the true from the false, the genuine from the spurious, the beautiful from the ugly, and the right from the wrong, distinctions that involved weighing pros and cons of particular arguments—that is, evaluating and eventually judging evidence, reasons, or reasoning. For Brown, the goal of critique is not negative as it is often perceived, but rather restorative. It involves the attempt to set the times right again by discerning and repairing a tear in justice.

This sense of critique defines our present undertaking, which is threefold.

First, an important dimension of critique is carefully defining terms and the proper bounds of the conversation. Here we do not engage in a totalizing criticism of capitalism—an approach that would not be supported by Catholic social teaching, which does not reject capitalism as such, but only unbridled, radical forms of it (e.g., the form that brought on the Great Depression). Instead, we focus on neoliberalism as its most recent and pernicious form. We acknowledge that there have been some positive outcomes to capitalism more generally, and even that Catholic arguments can be made in favor of different variants of capitalism.²⁰ But as we will show, the three most recent popes express critical reservations about the world’s current dominant form of capitalism, which, on occasion, they name specifically as neoliberalism. We worry, too, that over the past four decades, capitalism generally has become increasingly neoliberalized.²¹ Neoliberalization, as a term, is the key here. Obviously, there is no actual economy that is fully neoliberalized. At the same time, the trajectory in the majority of the world’s economies has been toward increasing neoliberalization. Furthermore, over this relatively brief period of time, neoliberalism has widely become economic, political, legal, and even cultural common sense, and as common sense has an air of permanence and necessity.

Second, we raise questions about neoliberalism and judge it in light of the question of mercy. By raising questions, Catholic social thought follows the method set down by the great doctor of the church, Thomas Aquinas, who organized his most important writings around questions rather than preformed answers. In this book, we foreground the question of mercy as a divine reality that repairs a tear in justice. We place under scrutiny neoliberalism’s (re)formation of human groups, individual human subjectivity, and the earth more widely. Our questioning leads us toward the theological assessment that neoliberalism undermines mercy. It does so by constructing a vast architecture of social exclusion and ecocide, sacrificing all but a few winners to the fictitious god of economic growth, and coaxing or coercing a growing global majority into corrupt ways of life.

Third and finally, we offer the works of mercy as concrete means of repairing the tear in justice that neoliberalism has made. We have already pointed out the role that the spiritual works of mercy play in our method (even as the works remain largely in the background in this text). We also argue that the corporal works of mercy represent not only concrete ways of responding to social crises (feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, visiting the sick, etc.), but practices that form people in a distinctive ethos contrary to the neoliberal ethos.

Here we invoke a category that is not necessarily theological and that does not appear (at least not as this specific word) in Catholic social teaching, but that we deploy theologically: ethos. As we employ it, this word denotes a holistic way of life. This holistic (or global) way of life centers on the mercy Jesus Christ preached in his parables and implemented in his life (curing the sick, welcoming the stranger, forgiving the sinner, admonishing the wealthy and powerful, lifting up the poor, and laying down his life for his friends).

We have already contended that neoliberalism has comprehensive pretensions, that it aims to marshal the whole of life toward markets or market logic. As Brown puts it, even when neoliberalism does not directly monetize realities, it reshapes these realities in market terms.²² Neoliberalism’s drive toward comprehensiveness places it starkly at odds with Catholicism. Catholicism’s comprehensiveness claims all things for Christ. Neoliberalism claims all things for the market. Two types of comprehensive ethos are bound, at some time, to come to loggerheads. The way beyond the present impasse, we argue, opens with the works of mercy, deployed not only as discrete acts, but as what we call a politics of mercy.

This threefold process of critique intends to disclose the contingency of neoliberalism as a social formation, to judge or critically evaluate it from the perspective of Catholic social thought and the theology of mercy, and to offer a concrete vision for how we might begin to interpret and shape the world differently. Having made all of these efforts, we can start to imagine alternatives to the system whose adherents proclaim, there is no alternative.

As theologians, we firmly believe that discourse is an important medium through which to spread the Gospel and to transform the world. This involves engaging in dialogue with various disciplines that help to bring neoliberalism to light (especially in our country where it often goes unnamed, being treated simply as economics or business practice) and examining their findings in light of Catholic social thought. In doing so we stand in a long line of theologians like, again, Aquinas, who utilized discourses other than specifically Catholic ones, reconsidering and transforming them where necessary. Through distinctively theological questioning, using the standard of mercy, we believe we can put a finer point on secular critiques of neoliberal ideology, responsibilization, and social exclusion or expulsion.

Chapter Outlines

The book is divided into three parts, which include five chapters.

Chapter 1 explores how during the last three papacies, Catholic social teaching has become particularly sensitized to the danger of capitalist economism, a tendency to reduce the whole of life to economic matters. In so doing, Catholic social teaching has prepared the ground for a certain kind of critique of neoliberalism, namely, as a species of economism. A concern with economism enters in earnest (and by name) into Catholic social thought with John Paul’s first social encyclical, and this concern grows in his subsequent social encyclicals. Benedict XVI links the error of economism to his criticisms of economic utopianism. He works to put the economy in its place as just one social space (with its attendant logic) among three distinct, never separate but unmixed social spaces and logics. He insists on the primacy of love, which pertains to the social space of civil society, over the economy and markets. Pope Francis continues the tradition of John Paul II and Benedict XVI by criticizing the contemporary dominant manifestation of economism, which he calls by various names, including unfettered capitalism, the faceless economy, and the economy that kills. Having described the continuous papal critiques of the danger of capitalist economism, we end the chapter by discussing how neoliberalism has been made to seem friendly to Catholics by Michael Novak, George Weigel, Robert Sirico, and Rocco Buttiglione. We mark these authors’ contributions to Catholic social thought as distortive. This comes most obviously to light in their inability to find authentic harmony between their ideas and the teachings of Benedict and Francis because of their selective readings of John Paul.

Chapter 2 moves the Catholic social thought conversation on neoliberalism forward by rendering the economism critique of contemporary capitalism more precise.²³ In fact, the chapter’s verdict on neoliberalism will both corroborate the papal diagnosis and make it more damning. To see neoliberalism as economism would be to see it as naïve confidence in a market machine, assuming that it will work everywhere if allowed to operate properly. But neoliberalism, both in the principles of its major theorists and in the facts of its execution, is not so much confidence in an efficient machine as it is devotion to an inscrutable deity, which must be protected by legal and political institutions. As Quinn Slobodian puts it, at least with respect to one of neoliberalism’s major schools of thought, it is appropriate to think of it as a negative theology.²⁴ This negative theology entails total commitment to the world economy, whatever the human or environmental costs. The neoliberal project was first conceived in the 1930s, out of a desire by theorists and businesspeople to stave off the threat to global capitalism posed by the demos, the mass of the world’s population. It was first broadly enacted in the 1970s, in an effort to regain power for owners of capital and big business that was diminished during the post–World War II era, when Keynesian mixed economies reigned. Through varied yet overwhelmingly successful efforts to encase capital against the dangers of popular demands (whether political, economic, or cultural), neoliberalism gained a foothold that allowed its broad dissemination of market logic into previously noneconomic spheres. Gradually neoliberalism became common sense, a standard for judging what reality is. Neoliberalism redefined reality and reasonableness in market terms. As such, neoliberalism came to constitute a comprehensive ethos of sacrifice, including even everyday life itself, that now stands in fundamental conflict with the Catholic ethos of mercy.

Chapter 3 treats in greater detail the neoliberal ethos of sacrifice. It describes four social crises that are either generated or exacerbated by the neoliberal revolution: environmental destruction, slum proliferation, mass incarceration, and mass deportation. Using two analytical notions, sacrifice zones and racial neoliberalism, it demonstrates some of the major costs involved in what neoliberals like to call creative destruction. We begin by discussing the global cost of neoliberal creative destruction, or the damage wrought to the planet by the fossil-fuel economy, which has become supercharged under neoliberalism’s encasement of the global economy against demands that could be made in favor of the health of the globe. Coordinate with the destruction of the climate and ecosystems—thus loss of habitat for numerous species of animals, plants, fungus, and so on—is the mass movement of people into urban slums. Slumdwellers are sacrificed to the needs of an increasingly urban world economy, and given neoliberal programs of cutting social welfare, they cannot make viable demands on the urban economy, either. Racial neoliberalism constitutes a mutation of racial capitalism, which utilizes race to justify and normalize differential value attributed to groups in society. Racial neoliberalism strategically deploys discourses and practices—such as colorblindness, securitization, and privatization—to exploit and profit from the punishment of communities of color. Mass incarceration and mass deportation represent two prominent means of managing social disorder and unwanted populations through the mechanisms of punishment and expulsion. We also reflect on how neoliberalism generates a culture of indifference to the sacrifices it makes, and we deepen our analysis of this idea from Pope Francis with his other idea of corruption, which we take as a key characteristic of neoliberal culture and which serves as a benchmark for the type of response that we will construct in chapters 4 and 5.

Chapter 4 describes a systematic theology of mercy. It contests the bedrock neoliberal commitment to impersonal reality (represented by the market) by laying out a Trinitarian theology focusing on the distinctive characters of the three persons of the Trinity. Each Trinitarian person exhibits a reality that is at its core mercy. Next, the chapter resists the neoliberal anthropology of human capital by describing what we call a neighbor anthropology and an innkeeper ecclesiology, that is a theological anthropology and ecclesiology conceptualized out of Jesus’s parable of the Good Samaritan. Finally, against the neoliberal ethos of mercilessness and culture of indifference we direct the works of mercy, presented traditionally as charity, and reimagined as structural and political.

Chapter 5 responds to the neoliberal crises described in chapter 3 in light of the theology of mercy developed in chapter 4. In relation to each crisis, we offer a threefold response. First, we describe theological ideas from the church’s tradition that provide theoretical-critical leverage over against the neoliberal vision for the world: the doctrine of creation, imago dei, the freedom of Christ, and the hospitality of Christ. Second, we examine a principle from Catholic social teaching or secular discourse (if the Catholic church has not developed an adequate response) that offers a moral horizon for discussing the crises and the long-term goal for social transformation. In relation to environmental destruction and slum proliferation we retrieve Catholic social teaching on the universal destination of goods, and in response to mass incarceration and mass deportation we argue for abolitionism. Finally, we describe selected corporal works of mercy as a response to neoliberal sacrifices. Against neoliberal destruction of the environment, we propose reflection and action on visiting the sick; for slum proliferation, feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, and clothing the naked; for mass incarceration, ransoming the captive; and for mass deportation, welcoming the stranger. We contend that these works must be made political by proposing not only direct action as a response to these crises, but also an interlocking set of actions that seek broader social transformation in the short-term, middle-term, and long-term (the universal destination of goods and abolitionism).

In our conclusion, we appeal for further reflection and action on the last work of mercy, bury the dead, since neoliberalism in its corruption of individual lives, social structures, and life on this planet in general faces Catholics with a test of their resurrection faith—whether they will decide to live it or to denounce it by aiding and abetting neoliberalism’s way of death.

Send Lazarus

We titled this book Send Lazarus, evoking a statement by the rich man (sometimes called by the Latin word Dives) in Jesus’s parable of the rich man and Lazarus (Lk 16:19–31). Lazarus is a poor man, covered in sores, who lies each day at the doorstep of a rich man who wears fine clothes and dines luxuriously every day. Lazarus dies and is taken to heaven with Abraham, where he is comforted. The rich man dies and passes to hades, where he is tormented. From his place of torment, he spies Lazarus and Abraham and calls out to the latter, pleading with him to send Lazarus to dip his finger in water and aid him in his thirst (Lk 16:24). Abraham explains that this is impossible, because a chasm now divides Lazarus, in his comfort, from the rich man in his torment. Again, the rich man begs Abraham to send Lazarus to the rich man’s living brothers (presumably also wealthy) to warn them of their impending doom (Lk 16:28). Once more Abraham tells him this is impossible, now adding that they have the warnings of Moses and the prophets to turn around their lives—and that if his brothers do not listen to Moses and the prophets, their hearts will not be changed even should a man rise from the dead (Lk 16:29–31).

Send Lazarus expresses the rich man’s callousness, his disobedience of the Law and the prophets, and, by implication of the parable, recorded by Luke decades after Jesus’s resurrection, of Christ himself. The rich man’s life provided him with ample resources and opportunity to show mercy to Lazarus, who suffered at his doorstep. The rich man did not show mercy. Even worse, his callousness continues in death, as he himself suffers, when he tries to order around Lazarus—and Abraham! His imperative, send Lazarus, implies that Lazarus deserves no comfort; in fact, Lazarus’s sole dignity resides in his capacity for supplying the rich man with comfort. The rich man desires no mercy for Lazarus, he desires only that Lazarus continue to be sacrificed, to enter into hades, so that the rich man can resume, or restore somewhat, the comfort he enjoyed in life.

This book’s central contribution to theology and to discussions of neoliberalism is to reveal Catholicism and neoliberalism as rival systems that support either a politics of mercy or sacrifice. Neoliberalism devalues the human person and disdains creation by callously sacrificing them to an impersonal Market. Catholics must turn against this system by enacting a politics of mercy, modeled on God’s creativity, Christ’s saving love, and a Spirit-enlivened spirituality of structural transformation. We can hardly emphasize it enough: one who understands both neoliberalism and Catholicism is faced with a decision between them, between sacrifice and