Copyright © 2013 by Charles W. Thompson.

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Rev. date: 05/06/2013

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CONTENTS

Preface

An Introduction Is the United States worth saving?

Chapter 1 Why Is the United States Worth Saving?

Chapter 2 To Form a More Perfect Union

Chapter 3 To Establish Justice

Chapter 4 Insure Domestic Tranquility

Chapter 5 Provide for the Common Defense

Chapter 6 Promote the General Welfare

Chapter 7 Secure the Blessings of Liberty to Ourselves and to Our Posterity

Chapter 8 A Bill of Liberty

Epilogue

To my children

Charles Randall

Craig Jonathan

Linda Leigh

I know neither North nor South; I know only the Union… . In politics I am an old fogey, because I cling devotedly to those primitive principles upon

which our government was founded.

Sam Houston, quoted in

Profiles in Courage by John F. Kennedy

PREFACE

W hy am I writing this book ? First, it is for my love for my country and being devoted to the cause and blessings of liberty. Since early childhood, I have wanted to serve in some capacity to benefit society. Secondly, my personal creed and ambition is to leave this world a better place for having had the privilege of being here. The third reason is, I am a firm believer in the concept of a republic as outlined in the Constitution’s preamble. Finally, I have lived long enough to witness our nation in very good times and have benefited from those noteworthy times. Regretfully, I have also witnessed a breakdown in democratic governance.

Having studied government and economics and having served government in a professional capacity in four states over a span of four decades, I have witnessed the decline in representative government. I have seen congressmen elected from gerrymandered districts, pursuing their public trust, pandering to special interests without a worry or concern about major issues or being reelected. I have seen congressmen who appeared more interested in personal pleasures and garnering as much personal wealth as lobbyists—favor seekers—could provide them.

I do not wish to leave the impression that the scene has been totally bleak. There have been many well-intentioned representatives who have endeavored to bring about positive public policy. Some have been disillusioned in the process; it is an arduous task to get meaningful improvements adopted, but many of them keep trying. It takes a herculean effort to make changes that are critically needed in our time. Foremost among these needed changes is to wake up to the fact that current issues today cannot be treated as if we were still thirteen colony states, a mindset that defies twenty-first-century reality. It is essential to accept and address the reality that serious complications abound for the continuance of republican rule.

From all that I have observed and studied in my lifetime, it is my conclusion that our representative system needs a modern overhaul to meet twenty-first-century requirements. We must force political parties to serve the public interest and compel those who represent the people to become responsible to those who elect them. We must develop ways and means to hold political parties responsible to their words, and we need to update our representative system to better represent people rather than tracts of land or campaign contributors. We need to reinforce our judiciary, find a way to utilize the nation’s intelligence, develop and maintain the world’s best public educational system, and take a very, very serious look at our social values.

In the pages that follow, I have endeavored first and foremost to make a case to update our Constitution, bring concerted public attention on our social mores, and present some provocative ideas so that we might realize the benefits of a true republic, not only for ourselves but for our posterity. We owe this not only to ourselves and our posterity but to those early colonists, who at great personal sacrifice gave us independence from monarchy. Do we ever think about, realize, and appreciate what those early Americans gave us?

The freedoms we enjoy, we owe to our Founding Fathers, who gave us a constitution, the likes of which had never been known in the history of humankind. I still wonder with amazement how they did it against all odds. I wonder if we have retained the devotion to liberty and self-government and whether the passion for liberty and freedom still flows in our veins. Will we, can we, maintain and enhance what they entrusted to us, or will we squander it as the prodigal heir?

In my zeal to present a case for the continuance of liberty, opportunity, and an improved society, it is possible I may have gone too far for some people. If this is the case, please accept my apologies, ignore those parts, and concentrate only on fundamental ideas to improve the framework of a new republic. My objective has been to arouse Americans to the debasement of democratic practices, to the growth of poverty, to the diminution of our middle-class, and to how the slow, almost imperceptible erosion of the republic is occurring year by year.

Also, it is my hope and fervent wish to motivate all citizens to think about and participate in our governance and consider their individual importance in a free society; no chain can be stronger than its weakest links. These are issues on which all true Americans and believers in democracy should be able to find ways to reach agreement for the benefit and welfare of every one—no exclusions.

There can be no question that our Constitution has provided a beacon of freedom to the world for more than two hundred years. And there is no question that we now live in a totally different world compared to colonial America of 1789. The eighteenth-century way of life is gone forever, and our focus must be upon twenty-first-century reality. My wish is that all Americans, those with a devotion to liberty, will unite for the single purpose to insist on constitutional corrections to guarantee liberty, justice, and opportunity for the next two centuries—an enormous task, but no greater than what our forefathers accomplished against much greater odds.

All of us should emulate Sam Houston, who knew only the union, not just some part of it. It is only our union that has made America great. We are Americans; we live where we want to live, north, south, east, west, to the mid Pacific or to the subarctic. Do we continue to have someone like that lifelong Southerner who sacrificed his career, trying to stave off a civil war, a far greater cause than winning the Battle of San Jacinto, capturing a Mexican general, and winning independence for a Republic of Texas?

There are always numerous problems and difficulties to be faced in order to accomplish any great and worthwhile goal; the status quo will not yield easily. But the barriers that will be encountered will exact a far lesser sacrifice than the loss of our liberties and self-governance or the loss of a beacon of human freedom for the world to see.

Every citizen needs to present their views to those in political office and never fail to follow up to check for results; concerted citizen action is a powerful force. Let us never accept piecemeal efforts as a response, as a crumb for our efforts. To achieve the fundamental corrections in our governance will require prolonged and determined effort. All worthwhile goals exact a price; liberty has already cost human sacrifice in uncountable numbers. Our sacrifice will be measured by the strength of our devotion to democracy.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

N o one ever accomplishes anything worthwhile entirely on one’s own. This was certainly true in my case. I will first acknowledge my mother, who encouraged me to read, to never give up on a project, and to respect all people. Certainly, there were several university professors to whom I owe more than can be easily expressed—opening my consciousness to what education and democracy means to humanity. Next, my wife, Luz Maria, without whom there would have been a much lesser result; she encouraged, critiqued, and made many helpful suggestions. I am indebted to Dr. Terry Timmins of Orange Coast College for several meaningful suggestions and his encouragement for my efforts. I owe Mrs. Carmen Smith a vote of thanks for her suggestions, and Theodore J. Gotsch, retired administrative law judge, thanks for his comments and information on chapter 3, To Ensure Justice. Finally, President David Boren of Oklahoma University without his knowledge, motivated me to write this book when I read his book A Letter to America .

Charles W. Thompson

Huntington Beach, California, 2013

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

AN INTRODUCTION*

Is the United States worth saving?

If men were angels no government would be necessary.

—James Madison

T his treatise directs itself to the dangers America faces in losing representative government and to propose some ideas to improve and perhaps save our republic. If our republic is to be saved, we need to be provoked into taking meaningful steps to address obvious deficiencies in our present governmental practices by getting a clear picture of what our governance is today compared to the intent and purpose as expressed in the Declaration of Independence and our Constitution’s preamble. These are our founding values, which define our national purpose, those ideals that bind us together and to which we pledge allegiance, values that our Constitution is expected to implement. We must never lose sight of our founding values.

What our present generation can contribute is the fundamental question of our time. Consider that totalitarian regimes are on the rise and that the vast majority of people in the world now live under autocratic or theocratic governments. We can’t afford to wait for a new generation to correct problems that we have passed along to them, if indeed the opportunity still exists!

What is at stake in saving our American government? The answer is actually in our hands today, in our determination to correct, to improve, and to reinvent a modern republic—to save the best efforts that have ever been made by mankind to form that more perfect union. Let us ask ourselves whether our attitudes and our actions coincide with our dedication to liberty. If there is a major disconnect, then our way of life is indeed facing dire problems.

Stop to consider that our Founding Fathers were men of substantial material wealth as well as being predominant figures of government. Then seriously, ask why would they sacrifice their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor for the belief in and hopes to form a republic? Are there any senators, governors, congressmen, or major CEOs who would do a similar thing today?

There is a fundamental question that confronts us: which is more important in our lives, a republic or the economy? Both are indispensable, but we must decide whether we live to work or we work to live. In the socioeconomic order, one or the other will predominate. Facing reality, if our goal is democracy, then the economy must be in harmony with republican principles. When the economy controls government policy, it becomes corporatism, and rights become subservient to that cause. At issue is whether democratic principles and ideas or vast amounts of money, derived from unknown sources, will dominate state and national governments. If our mission is to preserve our liberty and the rule of law, then we the people must find ways to reclaim control of our government.

The United States must now thrive in a world unknown and undreamed of by our constitutional framers. They knew of a laissez-faire economy that had little to do with public governance of that day. Since that time, our economy grew into the world’s largest producer, and now it has mutated into a part of a world economy. The result is that we are now faced with two basic choices. One is to become a pseudo-republic dominated by multinational business interests with unlimited financial resources, with supremacy over a class-divided society. Predictably, this future would lead toward hybrid corporatism under our present constitutional framework—or a sort of pseudo-democratic oligarchy.

The remaining choice is to amend our Constitution to guarantee true representative government, to develop our educational system back to world prominence, and using the intelligence we have in our national institutions, to explore ways and means to improve our lives in order to realize the American dream. We can do this by correcting our course toward a true republic. We should not fail to recognize and comprehend the vast differences between the two choices.

The challenge is to seriously and honestly ask ourselves whether we really want to live in a democracy. Should the reply be affirmative, then be prepared for the follow-up question: what are you going to do about it? How this question is answered actually answers the first one: are we capable, as a society, of intelligently determining and designing our republic as our constitutional framers did? The alternative is to just go along with things, oblivious to a fast-moving world, and let things happen as they will. Does such a decision sound like a sagacious, thoughtful response? Our republic will not persist under such conditions.

Such a venture inevitably introduces the necessity to question our social mores, our economic practices, as well as our political governance. We must candidly consider what makes us what we are and intelligently consider what we want to be. Only when we know and can define what kind of society and what kind of government we desire and demand can our goal be made clear and achievable. When the goal is in sight, all actions, programs, and proposals can be assessed as favorable or detrimental to that goal. Let us with open minds investigate some ways to reach the goal of a true republic.

We must question the rights and responsibilities of the individual, as well as how our governmental structure and arrangements protect and serve us. What new legal arrangements can realistically be made if a new birth of freedom is to be realized? To achieve this, it becomes incumbent upon us to face issues, without bias, endeavoring to put aside preconceived political and economic preferences, which will allow us to examine new arrangements to meet changed requirements and conditions of a new age. Our forefathers were not encumbered by being brainwashed by numerous isms, and focused on