Key Highlights of NITI Aayog's Occassional Paper On "Eliminating Poverty: Creating Jobs and Strengthening Social Programs"
Key Highlights of NITI Aayog's Occassional Paper On "Eliminating Poverty: Creating Jobs and Strengthening Social Programs"
Key Highlights of NITI Aayog's Occassional Paper On "Eliminating Poverty: Creating Jobs and Strengthening Social Programs"
Poverty line and the poverty ratio have three potential uses: identification of poor;
the allocation of expenditures on anti-poverty programs across regions; and
measuring and tracking poverty over time and across regions.
This leaves tracking poverty over time and space as the principal objective
behind measurement of poverty. The current official measures of poverty are
based on the Tendulkar Poverty Line. But this line has been controversial with
many observers criticizing it as being too low. The controversies led the previous
government to appoint the Rangarajan Committee, which recommended higher
rural and urban poverty lines.
Going forward, we can consider four options for tracking the poor: (i) Continue
with the Tendulkar poverty line; (ii) Switch to the Rangarajan or other higher rural and
urban poverty lines; (iii) Track progress over time of the bottom 30% of the population;
or (iv) Track progress along specific components of poverty such as nutrition, housing,
drinking water, sanitation, electricity and connectivity.
While options (iii) and (iv) can complement the measurement of poverty using a
poverty line, they cannot substitute for it. Tracking reduction in poverty requires
a direct measure of poverty. In turn, this requires us to choose between (i) and
(ii).
The main criticism of the Tendulkar line (also applicable to the $1.25 line adopted
by the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals) has been that it is too
low. The counterargument, however, is that if our objective is to assess whether
we are making progress in bringing households out of extreme poverty, it makes
sense to set the poverty line at a level that allows households to get two square
meals a day and other basic necessities of life. It is the households below this
bare subsistence level whose welfare should concern us the most and whose
progress we must monitor. Put differently, if we set the poverty line at too high a
level, we would be tracking how many people who had already achieved a
certain level of comfort have been made yet further comfortable. It will tell us
little about what is happening to households in abject poverty.
The key source of public dissatisfaction with the Tendulkar line was that it would
deprive many households in need of government assistance from such assistance by
classifying them as above poverty line (APL) households. But as just noted, poverty
line is not the basis of identification of the poor in India. Instead, it is the BPL
Census. This fact weakens the case against the Tendulkar line.
At the same time, it must be recognized that judgments on what represents a basic
necessity of life would vary from person to person and this is what makes the choice of
a poverty line difficult. Therefore, the final decision on this question needs to be
informed by further deliberations that pay adequate attention to the fact that the
objective behind an official poverty line is to track progress in combating extreme
poverty and not identification of the poor for purposes of distributing government
benefits.
The strategy for combating poverty must rest on two legs: sustained rapid growth
that is also employment intensive and making anti-poverty programs effective.
Sustained rapid growth works through two channels: first, by creating jobs that
pay steadily rising real wages, it directly dents poverty and, second, it leads to
growth in government revenues which in turn allow the expansion of social
expenditures at faster pace.
The poor predominantly reside in rural areas where incomes critically depend on
agricultural growth. Therefore, this paper endorses and briefly reiterates the
recommendations of the NITI Aayog occasional paper based on the deliberations
of the Taskforce on Agricultural Development.
But given that historically agriculture has not grown in India at rates exceeding 5
per cent per annum on a sustained basis while industry and services have seen
much higher growth rates, in the longer run, the benefits of growth can be share
more equally only by creating gainful employment in the latter sectors. India
needs acceleration in the growth of organized labour-intensive sectors such as
apparel, footwear, food processing, electronic and electrical appliances, other
light manufactures, construction and retail trade.
Among other things, the paper suggests that this can be achieved through the
creation of a handful of Coastal Economic Zones (CEZs) that can provide the
focal point for the location of employment-intensive industries allowing them to
exploit the economies of scale and agglomeration. With a business-friendly
ecosystem, these zones can serve as magnets for the export-oriented largescale firms in employment-intensive activities that are currently exiting China in
response to high and rising wages and declining size of labour force there. The
presence of these highly efficient large-scale firms will also spawn highly efficient
small and medium firms.
For example, keeping in view the fact that poor households lag the most in the
consumption of protein-rich items such as milk and eggs, it may make sense to
offer them option between cash and in-kind transfers under the PDS. This may
be then complemented by an information drive on the importance of a proteinrich diet. This would encourage households to opt for cash and use it to shift in
favour of a protein-rich diet.
Jan Dhan Yojana, Aadhaar, Mobile (JAM) trinity could play a vital role in
widening the reach of Government to the vulnerable sections. Jan Dhan bank
accounts under Prime Ministers Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY), biometric identity
cards under Aadhar and accessibility to the accounts through mobile phones
promise to revolutionize the anti-poverty programmes by replacing the current
cumbersome and leaky distribution of benefits under various schemes by the
Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT).
With the Aadhar account permitting aggregation of the information, this would
give the government an excellent database to assess the total volume of benefits
accruing to each household. In turn, this information can eventually pave the way
for replacing myriad schemes with consolidated cash transfers except in cases in
which there are other compelling reasons to continue with in-kind transfers.
Therefore, we must rapidly expand the use of JAM trinity.
Each Gram Panchayat may be asked to identify five poorest families in the
village and endeavour to lift them out of poverty. Panchayat may ensure that
these families get all government benefits. A modest cash transfer for a prespecified time period may top these benefits. The eventual effort should be to
ensure that the families become capable of earning and sustaining abovepoverty level income within five to seven years.
[The above are highlights of the paper Eliminating Poverty: Creating Jobs and Strengthening Social
Programs, based on the work of the Task Force on Eliminating Poverty constituted by the NITI
Aayog, Government of India in March 2015.
The paper does not represent the views of either the Government of India or the NITI Aayog. It
concentrates on a subset of important initiatives that would contribute to rapid elimination of poverty
and does not try to be exhaustive.]
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