Reaserach Paper

Bond University
School of Social Sciences

Department of Psychology

Is it because Im gay? The effect of sexual orientation on perceived discrimination
A cross-cultural study

Sarang Kim

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Master of Arts (Research)
in the School of Social Sciences

Bond University, Australia
August, 2008
Sexual orientation and perceived discrimination

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Bond University
School of Social Sciences
Department of Psychology

I, Sarang Kim acknowledge that this research thesis, completed under the supervision of
Professor Richard Hicks, results from my own work and the authorship of the document
herein is mine.

Signature: __________________
Date: __________________

The undersigned examiners certify that they have read this research thesis entitled
Cross-cultural study

Submitted by
Sarang Kim

And recommend its acceptance in fulfilment of the requirement for the award of Master
of Arts (Research)

_______________________ Date: _________________
Signature of First Examiner

_______________________ Date: _________________
Signature of Second Examiner

iii

Acknowledgements

My thanks extend to all of the following:

My supervisor, Professor Richard Hicks, who took me as his student when I was lost. I
would like to thank him for his guidance, support, warmth and encouragement. I am so
glad that I have you as my supervisor.

The participants who took time to complete the questionnaires for me. Without them,
this paper could not have been completed.

My parents and my loving brother who are always there for me, although they are
physically so far away. Thank you for your trust, support and love. I will always try to
be your daughter/sister who makes you proud. I love you all so much.


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Table of Contents
Contents Page Number
Title Page 1
Abstract .. 2

CHAPTER 1
Introduction .... 4
Overview 4
Aims and research questions .. 7

CHAPTER 2
Stigma, prejudice, heterosexism, internalized homophobia, invisible social identity,
outness, previous experience of discrimination, priming and perceived
discrimination.. 10
1. Stigma . 10
2. Prejudice, stereotype, discrimination and perceived discrimination 11
3. Heterosexism .. 13
4. Internalized homophobia .... 17
5. Invisible social identity ... 20
6. Self-disclosure (Outness) .... 23
7. Spotlight effect ... 26
8. Priming ... 27
9. Past experience of discrimination and its effects 30
10. Cultural difference .. 32
10-1 LGBs in Australia ... 33
10-2 LGBs in Korea .... 36

CHAPTER 3
Study 1: Perceived discrimination and sexual orientation in non-discriminatory
situations . 42
Introduction 42
Pilot Study .. 46

v
Method ... 47
Participants . 47
Materials . 48
Sexual orientation .. 49
Gay identity stages . 49
Internalized heterosexism ... 50
Marginalization .. 51
Self-esteem 52
Alienation .. 52
Isolation . 53
Satisfaction with life .. 53
Awareness of sexual orientation 54
Perceived discrimination scenarios 54
Procedures ... 55
Design . 57
Results 57
Descriptive statistics ... 57
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (a) . 59
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (b) . 60
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (c) . 61
Study 1 Hypothesis 2 ... 61
Discussion .. 68
Hypothesis 1 68
Hypothesis 2 69
Hypothesis 3 70
Hypothesis 4 71
Conclusion .. 71


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CHAPTER 4
Study 2: Perceived discrimination in discriminatory and non-discriminatory
situations . 74
Introduction ... 74
Method ... 77
Participants . 77
Materials . 78
Sexual orientation .. 78
Outness .. 79
Experience of discrimination . 79
Perceived discrimination ... 80
Procedures ... 81
Design . 81
Results 82
Descriptive statistics ... 82
Study 2 Hypothesis 1 (a) ..... 84
Study 2 Hypothesis 1 (c) . 87
Study 2 Hypothesis 1 (d) . 87
Discussion .. 89
Hypothesis 1 ... 89
Hypothesis 2 ... 92
Hypothesis 3 ... 93
Conclusion . 93

CHAPTER 5
Discussion of key findings and conclusions ... 95
Overview 95
Key findings and conclusions . 96
Limitation ... 98

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Recommendation for future research . 100

REFERENCES .. 103
APPENDICES ... 125

List of Tables
Table Number Table Title Page Number
Table 3.1 Correlations between mental well-being and
perceived discrimination . 64
Table 3.2 Correlations between mental well-being and
perceived discrimination in Australia and Korea 65
Table 3.3 The unstandardised and standardised regression coefficients
for the variables entered into the model .. 65
Table 3.4 The unstandardised and standardised regression coefficients
for the variables entered into the model in Australia and Korea 67
Table 4.1 Characteristics of participants . 83
Table 4.2 Comparison of heterosexuals and LGBs in discriminatory
experience 85

List of Figures
Figure Figure Title Page Number
Number
Figure 3.1 Rainbow flag .. 57
Figure 3.2 Mean perceived discrimination for stage 2 to 6 .. 62

Sexual orientation and perceived discrimination 1

A cross-cultural study


Abstract
Previous research have theorized that causes of the psychological distress faced by
lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals (LGBs) are stigma and discrimination they face in the
society. Perceptions of discrimination, whether it actually occurs or not, also affect
behaviours. This project investigated whether non-heterosexuals (LGBs) perceive
more discrimination than do heterosexuals in the same given situations. In Study 1,
LGBs levels of perceived discrimination in non-discriminatory situations (those where
no actual discrimination took place) were compared with the responses of
heterosexuals. In addition, Study 1 also examined which psychological well-being
related variables (internalized heterosexism (homophobia), marginalization, isolation,
alienation, self-esteem, and satisfaction with life) contributed most to perceptions of
discrimination. Five hundred and sixty adults (355 Korean, 205 Australian)
participated in the study through an online survey. Major findings were: only the
Australian LGBs but not the Korean LGBs showed significantly higher levels of
perceived discrimination than did heterosexual counterparts. Using a priming stimulus
did not increase the perception of discrimination; heterosexuals were more aware of
others knowing their sexual orientation than LGBs. Alienation was the variable that
most related to perceived discrimination. Study 1 had used only situations where no
actual discrimination was included or intended. This study also showed that there were
a number of differences between the Australian and Korean samples: Korean LGBs
had significantly lower psychological well-being; and most of the Korean LGBs were
in Stage 4 (acceptance) whereas the majority of Australian LGBs were in Stage 6
(synthesis). Further cross-cultural studies are needed. Study 2 examined the responses
of perceived discrimination using an actual discriminatory scenario and a non-

discriminatory scenario. It also examined the relationships between outness and
perceived discrimination; and between previous experience of discrimination and
perceived discrimination. Sixty six Australian university students (44 females, 21
males, and one gender unidentified) participated in this second study. Major findings
were: significant differences were found in perceived discrimination between the non-
discriminatory and discriminatory scenario situations for all participants, between
heterosexuals and LGBs, between lesbians and heterosexual women, but not between
lesbian women and gay men. No correlation was found between outness and perceived
discrimination in either the discriminatory or the non-discriminatory situations.
However, previous experience of discrimination was correlated sharply with
perceptions of discrimination in both scenarios.


CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
A significant change in researchers and practitioners perceptions of
homosexuality has occurred over the past four decades. Traditionally, the
psychopathological model of homosexuality was followed which labelled
homosexuality as a mental illness (Gonsiorek, 1991). Homosexuality was also
considered a sin and morally wrong rather than an individual difference or an
alternative lifestyle. However, in the late 1960s and early 1970s considerable efforts
were devoted to investigating whether homosexuality per se was a mental illness
(Gonsiorek). As a consequence of the investigation, homosexuality was removed from
the second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM; American Psychiatric Association, 1973), declaring that a same-sex orientation
was not inherently associated with psychopathology (Minton, 2002). The American
Psychological Association (APA) also declared homosexuality no longer a
psychological disorder but a viable lifestyle in 1975 and issued Guidelines for
Psychotherapy with Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Clients in 2000 (Fassinger &
Arseneau, 2007).
A shift in focus and attention also followed, from curing homosexuals to
emphasising their psychological health and well-being (Cochran, 2001). Research
studies have shown that compared with heterosexuals, lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals
(hereafter, LGBs) have a significantly higher prevalence of mental disorders (Bailey,
1999; Fergusson, Horwood, & Beautrais, 1999; Herrell et al., 1999; Meyer, 2003a) and
suffer more mental health problems including substance use disorders, affective

disorders, anxiety disorders, and suicide (Cabaj, 2000; Cochran; Cochran & Mays,
2000; Gilman et al., 2001; Herrell et al.; Sandford, de Graaf, Bijl, & Schnabel, 2001).
However, it is not clear whether these psychological distresses are due to their
sexual orientation status or due to other factors, such as lack of social support, being
stigmatised and facing heterosexism and discrimination. One of the possible
explanations for LGBs low psychological well-being is their having less social
support and few role-models. Stigmatized people, such as people of colour, are born
into families and communities that bear the same marks, and become clearly aware of
potential prejudice that results from the stigma. Therefore, such groups provide some
guidance for how people might respond to prejudice when it occurs in their groups
(Corrigan, 2005). On the other hand, families of lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals
typically are heterosexual. They thus generally do not provide useful role models or
information to LGB individuals for same-sex relationships, intimacy, and parenting
(Meyer, 2003). Moreover, family disruption frequently results when a gay, lesbian, or
bisexual sexual orientation is revealed (Garnets, 2002). This lack of social support and
role models would make LGBs uncertain about how to respond to prejudice based on
sexual orientation and this uncertainty may make them more vulnerable to
psychological distresses and illness.
Researchers also have theorized that the cause of LGBs psychological distress
is not the individuals sexual orientation per se but rather the social stigma (Smith &
Ingram, 2004; Waldo, Hesson-McInnis, & DAugelli, 1998) and the discrimination
that these marginalized groups often face (Allison, 1998; Freidman, 1999; Meyer,
2003b; Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991). In other words, the elevated
emotional distress of LGBs is seen to be due to their experience of a unique set of

stressors related directly to being sexual minorities within a heterosexually oriented
society (Hunter, 1990; Rosario, Rotheram-Borus, & Reid, 1996). Meyers (1995) study,
with 741 adult gay men, found significant associations between prejudicial events and
subsequent psychological distress. These findings were replicated and supported by
Garnets, Herek, and Levy (1992), and Savin-Williams (1995) who hypothesized that
psychological distress in LGB populations often results from negative life experiences
such as discrimination and harassment based on sexual orientation.
From these different explanations of LGBs lower psychological well-being,
the present research focused on discrimination as the main factor contributing
negatively to LGBs psychological well-being. The focus was especially on perceived
discrimination rather than a general discrimination. Thus, the relationship between the
perception of being discriminated against (rather than presence of the actual
discrimination) and LGBs psychological well-being was examined. Moreover,
whether LGBs really did feel more discriminated against than heterosexuals was tested,
because theoretically, if the situation was not seen to be discriminatory, their
psychological well-being could not be affected by it. Therefore, this research project
investigated whether LGBs really face more discrimination or perceive more
discrimination than do heterosexuals in the same given situations. The situations or
scenarios studied included those which could be seen to be discriminatory (Study 1)
and those which had one scenario non-discriminatory and one scenario actually
discriminatory (Study 2).
The current research aimed to clarify whether different sexual orientation
groups perceived discrimination more readily, and whether individual characteristics
and circumstances of sexual minorities make them more likely to perceive

discrimination. By identifying and using these characteristics or factors, interventions
to reduce perceived discrimination and to increase psychological well-being might be
able to be developed.
In this current project, target samples were from two different countries:
Australia and South Korea. These two countries were selected not only because they
were a Western and an Eastern country, but they have different cultural backgrounds as
well: Australia is an individualistic society whereas Korea is a collectivistic society.
Therefore, individuals sexual orientation may play a different role in these two
societies. For instance, being gay or lesbian would be a personal issue or an identity in
Australia, whereas in Korea, it would be family business, not personal. The duty of
being a son or a daughter would also weigh Korean LGBs down since every Korean
child grows up with an expectation of getting married and having child(ren) of his/her
own to continue the blood stream (Aoki, Ngin, Mo, & Ja, 1989). This duty is even
stronger for boys and especially for those who are the only boy in a family. This
cultural difference could make a difference in the findings of perceived discrimination,
or in how the issue of coming out as an LGB is approached. It would also be valuable
to know more about Korean (Asian) LGBs since studies on sexual minorities in this
country are lacking. Thus, this current research aimed to contribute to the literature in
the social as well as the cross-cultural area in the study of sexual orientation.
Aims and Research Questions
The aim of the current research was to explore the relationship between sexual
orientation and perceived discrimination, by comparing heterosexuals and non-
heterosexuals (lesbians, gay men and bisexuals) on whether or not discrimination
existed in given scenarios/situations. The perceived discrimination was measured both

in discriminatory and non-discriminatory situations. Psychological well-being/self-
perception and other factors might be related to perceived discrimination, and these
were also examined.
In order to achieve the overall aim, two research questions linking sexual
orientation and perceived discrimination, guided the overall research. The first research
question, addressed in study 1, asked: Would LGBs show significantly higher
perceived discrimination than heterosexuals in what were mainly non-discriminatory
situations/scenarios? Two countries, Australia and South Korea were examined and
compared for this first study. The second research question, addressed in study 2,
asked: would there be a difference in the level of perceived discrimination between an
actual discriminatory scenario and a non-discriminatory scenario? In this second study,
only the Australian samples were examined.
The following chapter, Chapter 2, provides a review of the relevant empirical
and theoretical literature and addresses the definitions of prejudice, stereotype,
discrimination and perceived discrimination. It then addresses the factors that might
influence and be related to perceived discrimination, including heterosexism;
internalized heterosexism (homophobia); invisible social identity; self-disclosure
(outness); and previous experience of discrimination. Chapter 3 presents the first study,
answering the first research question of whether LGBs would perceive higher levels of
discrimination in non-discriminatory situations than would heterosexuals. It lists
hypotheses related to the first research question, the method, results and discussion.
Chapter 4 presents the second study, expanding study 1 by comparing the level of
perceived discrimination in non-discriminatory and discriminatory situations. Finally,
Chapter 5 offers an integration of the results of the research, articulating the main

findings, and conveying the contributions that the research outcomes offer. This
chapter also identifies some of the limitations of the research and offers
recommendations for future research.

CHAPTER 2
STIGMA, PREJUDICE, HETEROSEXISM, INTERNALIZED HOMOPHOBIA,
INVISIBLE SOCIAL IDENTITY, OUTNESS, PREVIOUS EXPERIENCE OF
DISCRIMINATION, PRIMING AND PERCEIVED DISCRIMINATION
Lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals have more psychological disorders and have
lower psychological well-being than heterosexuals. Researchers believe that the causes
for these include social stigma (Smith & Ingram, 2004; Waldo et al., 1998) and
discrimination or prejudice that LGBs face (Allison, 1998; Friedman, 1999; Meyer,
2003b; Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991). These two areas (stigma and
prejudice) are examined next, followed by a discussion of heterosexism, internalized
heterosexism, invisible social identity, outness, previous experience of discrimination,
and priming in relation to perceived discrimination.
1. Stigma
Goffman (1963) referred to stigma as an attribute of a person that is deeply
discrediting, and reduces him or her in our minds from a whole and usual person to a
tainted, discounted one (p.3). The person who is stigmatized is therefore a person
whose social identity or membership in some social category, calls into questions his or
her full humanity. The social identity is devalued, spoiled or flawed in the eyes of others
(Jones et al., 1984) where social identity refers to the groups, statuses, or categories to
which (an individual) is socially recognized as belonging (Rosenberg, 1979; p.10).
However, the judgment of people belonging to a certain group can also be made
subjectively by an observer. Thus, not only people be stigmatized who possess
devaluing attributes or characteristics, but also those who are believed to possess these
characteristics can be judged or stigmatized. Therefore, Crocker, Major, and Steele

(1998) defined stigmatized individuals as those who possess (or are believed to
possess) some attribute or characteristic that conveys a social identity that is devalued in
some particular context (p. 505).
According to Steele, Spencer, and Aronson (2002), when people who possess a
stigmatized identity enter situations in which the potential for devaluation based on their
identity exists, they experience identity threat, or are vigilant for cues that they will be
devalued or marginalized in a particular context. Thus, stigmas are incorporated into the
targets self-concept through environmental interactions and these stigmas influence the
targets cognitions, behaviours, and social interactions (Jones et al., 1984). Being
stigmatized can also lead to the possibility that one will be the target of prejudice and
discrimination (Goffman, 1963; Jones et al., 1984).
2. Prejudice, stereotype, discrimination and perceived discrimination
Prejudice is generally defined as an enduring negative attitude toward a social
group and its individual members (Herek, 2004). Stereotype on the other hand can
overlap with and be used in the same way as prejudice. However, stereotype is a belief
about the personal attributes of a group of people (Myers, 2005). These prejudices and
stereotypes are developed through social learning from parents, teachers, peers and the
media (Smith & Mackie, 2000). For example, all the beautiful people shown by the
media are slim, toned and tall. Overweight people on the other hand are portrayed as
lazy and unattractive. Homosexuality appears to be no exception. Negative stereotypes
about homosexuals are learned through these mechanisms early in life (Troiden, 1989).
Examples of these negative stereotypes toward homosexuals are that they are abnormal,
deviant, mentally and socially unstable and sick, and even child molesters (Greenberg
& Brand, 1994). Such stereotypes can be easily portrayed in the mass media, such as

television shows, movies and books. However, positive images of homosexuals in the
media have emerged and increased dramatically in recent years. One good example of
this is the image of gay men being fashion leaders in the popular American TV show
Queer eyes for straight guys, which was sold to and broadcast in many countries
including Australia and South Korea.
Although there has been a recent change in peoples perception toward LGBs,
negative attitudes and stereotypes about LGBs persist. One consequence of the
pervasiveness of these negative stereotypes is that they are so familiar, and so
overlearned due to repeated exposure, that they can be easily or even automatically
accessed, even by those who do not consciously endorse or agree with them (Banaji &
Greenwald, 1994, 1995; Devine, 1989; Gilbert & Hixon, 1991; Macrae, Milne, &
Bodenhausen, 1994), and even by individuals who are the targets of those negative
stereotypes (Banaji & Greenwald, 1995; Steele & Aronson, 1995). These stereotypes
are also spread so widely that they are known not as stereotypes, but in some cases as
facts (Bodenhausen & Macrae, 1996). Furthermore, because people often perceive
the world selectively, attend to information that supports their stereotypes and ignore
information that contradicts them (Herek, 1991), it is hard to avoid mistaking these
stereotypes as facts.
Discrimination, an unfair behavioural bias demonstrated against a specific
social group and its members (Allport, 1954; Dion, 2001; Dipboye & Colella, 2005;
Myers, 2005; Smith & Mackie, 2000) is formed from these prejudices and stereotypes
(Smith & Mackie). However, perceived discrimination occurrences and expectations
that discrimination is likely to occur in particular environments (Mays, Cochran, &
Rhue, 1993) are not always consistent with actual discrimination and can differ in

degree from individual to individual. Not all individuals with a stigmatized or
marginalized status have the same expectations or reactions to prejudice and
discrimination (Lewis, Derlega, Clarke, & Kuang, 2006). Pinel (1999) used the term
stigma consciousness to describe this phenomenon of individual differences in the
degree to which individuals expect to be stereotyped and discriminated against by
others. Therefore, the current project tested whether there is a real difference between
individuals in the heterosexual and the LGB groups in their perceived discrimination
scores (to confirm or otherwise the literature findings).
Variables or factors that may contribute to or modify the difference if any
were also examined. The sections below discuss factors that might lead to or be related
to a higher stigma consciousness and therefore, to a higher perceived discrimination in
different contexts.
3. Heterosexism
One of the crucial reasons why LGBs might feel discriminated against from the
majority of society is the phenomenon called homophobia or heterosexism that exists in
the society. Weinberg (1972) originally defined homophobia as an irrational fear,
intolerance, and hatred of homosexuality. He considered homophobia a form of
prejudice directed by one group at another.
However, in recent years, the term homophobia has been criticized in that it is
not an accurate description of the societal phenomenon. Firstly, the homophobia appears
not to include fear (Herek, 1994) like other phobias do. Instead, homophobia appears to
encompass negative attitudes and emotions about homosexuality. The emotional
components of a homophobia are anger and disgust whereas the emotional component
of phobia in general, is anxiety (Bernat, Calboun, Adams, & Zeichner, 2001; Haaga,

1991; Herek). Therefore, the dysfunctional behaviour involved in a phobia is avoidance
whereas in homophobia, it is aggression (Haaga). Secondly, unlike other phobias that
see ones fears as excessive or unreasonable, the fear is not necessarily unreasonable
(Herek, 1996) or associated with expected physiological symptoms (Shieds & Harriman,
1984) for homophobia: homophobic sees their anger as justified (Haaga). Thus,
homophobia cannot meet the requirements for diagnosis of a phobia (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000). In addition, sufferers of a phobia themselves are
motivated to change this condition, whereas the main impetus to reduce homophobia
comes from the targets of people holding such attitudes. Thirdly, the term denotes
individual pathology rather than a cultural phenomenon and ignores its cultural roots
and manifestations (Herek, 1994). People with phobias generally have no such agenda,
whereas homophobia is linked with discrimination against targets (Haaga).
Thus, alternate terms such as sexual prejudice (Herek, 2004), homonegativism
(Hudson & Ricketts, 1980), homoprejudice (Logan, 1996), or heterosexism have been
suggested to replace the term homophobia. Among all these terms, the term
heterosexism has become increasingly common (Neisen, 1990) due to the belief that it
is a more appropriate and inclusive concept (Herek, 1989; 1992; Neisen, 1990). In
contrast to homophobia, heterosexism includes a wide range of experiences of
discrimination not limited to those related to phobias or violent episodes, and it
conceptually includes prejudice toward bisexual men and women as well (Herek,
1995). Therefore, in this current study, heterosexism is the chosen term to be used
instead of homophobia.
Herek (1992) defined heterosexism as an ideological system that denies,
denigrates, and stigmatizes any nonheterosexual form of behaviour, identity,

relationship or community (p.89). Therefore, heterosexism refers to a belief that
heterosexuality is the only acceptable sexual orientation and a belief in the inherent
superiority of heterosexuality (rather than merely a fear of homosexuality). Such
beliefs then lead to a belief in the right to dominate others and set societal standards
and norms (Schreier, 1995). Heterosexism is the prejudice that targets gay, lesbian, and
bisexual people or people who are perceived to be gay, lesbian, or bisexual (Elze,
2006).
Heterosexism incorporates both implicit and explicit forms of discrimination.
For example, heterosexism may include implicit events ranging from repeated questions
such as "Why aren't you married? (thereby assuming that a person is heterosexual)" or
failing to recognize the legitimacy of same-sex relationships (Smith & Ingram, 2004).
Some might believe that gay and lesbian relationships are not necessarily inferior to
those of heterosexuals, but who they may also believe that the benefits of marriages
should exist only for heterosexuals or that gay parents should not be permitted to adopt
children. On the other hand, explicit discrimination involves malicious antigay jokes or
bashings. Both implicit and explicit forms of discrimination arise from a culture that
considers heterosexuality the norm and only acceptable sexual orientation. In the current
study, the implicit type is referred to as indirect heterosexism because its intent is less
antigay in nature and, rather, reflects a lack of inclusivity (Cowan, Heiple, Marquez,
Khatchadourian, & McNevin, 2005). This form of heterosexism is more likely to occur
for closed or less out LGBs. The explicit type on the other hand is referred to as
direct heterosexism because of its more straightforward explicit quality and is a clear
expression of negative attitudes toward and dislike of gays and lesbians. This form of
heterosexism is more likely to be experienced by LGBs who are more out (Smith &

Ingram, 2004; Waldo, 1999) or who are perceived to be LGBs by others. Therefore,
indirect heterosexism is a milder form of sexual prejudice than direct heterosexism.
However, regardless of the type of heterosexism, each is thought to be stressful for LGB
people to some degree (Waldo). In the current research, previous experience of direct
and indirect discrimination was elicited from participants, and how this experience
affected the level of perceived discrimination was examined.
Previous studies have shown that LGBs who had experienced heterosexism
exhibited significantly higher levels of psychological distress (Myer, 1995; Smith &
Ingram, 2004); anxiety (Diaz, Ayala, Bein, Henne, & Marin, 2001); depression (Diaz
et al.; Smith & Ingram); guilt (Meyer); somatic symptoms; insomnia (Ross, 1990), and
suicidal ideation and behaviour (Meyer). These LGBs also showed decreased
satisfaction with several aspects of their jobs (Waldo, 1999) when studies were
conducted among workers.
Moreover, in heterosexist society, there is an expectation that all are
heterosexual until demonstrated to the contrary (Igartua, Gill, & Montoro, 2003):
people are automatically assumed to be straight by default (Flowers & Buston, 2001).
Heterosexuals are therefore (correctly) assumed to be heterosexual without ever
explicitly revealing their sexual orientation to others; they need not come out as
straight (Herek, 2003). On the contrary, homosexuals go through a tough process of
coming out as a gay, lesbian or bisexual after self-realisation or identification (a
process that can be damaging to their psychological well-being).
Despite the increasing visibility of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) issues in
both popular culture and the psychological literature (Phillips, Ingram, Smith, &
Mindes, 2003), heterosexism remains a real and constant aspect of the lives of many

LGB individuals. Thus, living in a heterosexist society in a sexual minority might
make LGB individuals more aware of the actual discrimination and lead to higher
perceived discrimination as well. The current study examined this proposition.
4. Internalized homophobia/heterosexism
Heterosexism is not only stressful to LGBs, it also makes them adopt the
heterosexuals negative perception towards LGBs and internalize these prejudices
(called internalized homophobia/heterosexism). Sophie (1987) first defined
internalized homophobia as a set of negative attitudes and assumptions toward
homosexuality in other persons and toward homosexual features in oneself. Mayfield
(2001) added that it is the most frequently used term to describe the internalized
negative attitudes that gay men and lesbians possess about homosexuality. These
features include same gender sexual and affectional feelings; same-gender sexual
behaviour; same-gender intimate relationships; and self-labelling as lesbian, gay, or
homosexual. Although according to Sophies definition, internalized homophobia can
be used to describe both heterosexuals and LGBs negative attitudes toward non-
heterosexuals, the current research only focused on LGBs internalized homophobia.
The term internalized heterosexism instead of internalized homophobia is used in this
thesis in order to reduce confusion and have a consistency with the term heterosexism.
Internalized heterosexism arises from the context: due to individuals being
surrounded by members of a majority group who exhibit negative views toward them
(Waldo, 1999). Regardless of sexual orientation, individuals are raised in a
predominately heterosexual society in which they learn negative attitudes regarding
homosexuality long before they comprehend their own (homo)sexuality (Gonsiorek,
1995; Meyer, 1995; Shidlo, 1994). The process of learning heterosexism occurs as

easily as learning which words go with which colors (Russell, 2007). Just as easily,
people in society participate in the transmission of heterosexism narratives, often
before they know exactly what they mean. As an example, words like queer or gay are
being used to insult others rather than to refer to LGBs.
Gay people come to realize their sexual orientation later in life and because of
this, they may have internalized the negative attitudes toward homosexuality learned
from the culture (Malyon, 1982). Thus, before a gay man identifies himself as gay, his
negative associations with homosexuality may be similar to the negative associations
and beliefs held by many heterosexual individuals. Furthermore, even after gay people
identify themselves as homosexual, they would continue to encounter others negative
gay prejudice throughout their life (Jellison, McConnell, & Gabriel, 2004). However,
as LGBs grow older and have first hand experience of gay or lesbian lifestyles as well
as LGB individuals, they realize that the stereotypes and prejudices they learned are
not all true. Unfortunately however, even after this realization, it is hard to alter beliefs
that have been deeply engrained inside them, which might turn into internalized
homophobia. Additionally, despite social change in recent years, many in our society
continue to feel that homosexual or bisexual behavior is morally wrong and believe
heterosexuality is the only norm and the right way to be. Many lesbians, gays, and
bisexuals (LGBs) have internalized such values, and some become significantly
distressed regarding their sexual orientation (Flowers & Buston, 2001; Lasser &
Gottlieb, 2004). Thus, internalized heterosexism is a normative consequence for those
who were exposed to heterosexist norms (Williamson, 2000). Therefore, if
heterosexism persists so does internalized heterosexism. In the absence of external
homophobia, internalized homophobia would not exist at all (Russell, 2007).

As the definition of internalized heterosexism shows above, it is extremely
threatening to the individuals psychological well-being (Wagner, Brondolo, & Rabkin,
1996). Internalized heterosexism can lead to guilt, shame, depression, and feelings of
worthlessness (Meyer, 1995). The psychologically injurious effects of societal
heterosexism take effect. Internalized heterosexism was found to be positively
correlated with all self-report measures of psychological distress (Russell, 2007;
Wagner et al.) and to be significantly associated with overall psychological distress
(Igartua et al., 2003; Meyer, 2003; Shidlo, 1994; Smith & Ingram, 2004; Williamson,
2000). Lower self-esteem, lower levels of self-concepts of physical appearance and
emotional stability, higher levels of sex guilt, psychological distress manifested by
depressive and anxious symptoms, substance abuse, and suicidality may all be
associated with internalized heterosexism (Igartua et al., 2003; Peterson & Gerrity,
2006; Ross & Rosser, 1996; Szymanski, Chung, & Balsam, 2001). Szymanski and
Chung (2003) also showed that people with high internalized heterosexism feel more
lonely and isolated. Moreover, Rowan and Malcolm (2002) showed that higher levels
of internalized heterosexism were correlated with lower stages of homosexual identity
formation (HIF) (LGBs who are uncertain or who do not accept their sexuality are
more likely to have higher internalized heterosexism). However, although internalized
heterosexism is likely to be the most acute early in the coming-out process, it is
unlikely that internalized heterosexism completely abates even when the person
accepts his or her homosexuality (Cass, 1984; Troiden, 1989).
As indicated above, previous research has shown that internalized
heterosexism has negative effects on LGBs psychological well-being. However, there
have been no studies looking at the relationship between levels of internalized

heterosexism and perceived discrimination. Because internalized heterosexism would
mean negative perceptions toward LGBs, LGBs themselves with higher internalized
heterosexism would believe others have the same negative perceptions toward LGB
individuals. Therefore, LGBs can be expected to see even a small unjust feeling in
social situations as a response to the discrimination they face. The relationship between
levels of internalized heterosexism and levels of perceived discrimination seen in the
given scenarios was investigated in the current project.
5. Invisible Social Identity
Another unique feature of lesbians, gays, and bisexuals is that their social
identity is relatively invisible unlike the more visible social identity such as gender,
race, age and ethnicity (Beatty & Kirby, 2006; Clair, Beatty, & MacLean, 2005;
Ragins & Wiethoff, 2005). The invisibility of sexual orientation sets gay men and
lesbians apart from most other marginalized groups (Ragins, 2004) and they face
unique challenges not faced by those with visible stigmas (Clair et al.; Pachankis,
2007; Quinn, 2006; Ragins, Singh, & Cornwell, 2007). People with visible stigmas
know that others can use their visible identity as a basis for judging them and this
awareness itself may influence their thoughts, feelings, and behaviours (Kleck &
Strenta, 1980).
However, unlike in the case of other minority status groups, sexual orientation
can be concealed by choice (Waldo, 1999) or the orientation may pass as
heterosexual (Herek, 1991) (to avoid discrimination). Passing here refers to a cultural
performance whereby one member of a defined social group masquerades as another in
order to enjoy the privileges afforded to the dominant group (Leary, 1999: pp.85).
However, passing or concealing processes may have pressures and costs of their own

(Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998). Passing as heterosexuals and concealing stigma can
create psychological stress and affect psychological well-being negatively.
Moreover, passing is only for those who do not fit the stereotype and who do
not look obviously gay. On the other hand, those who fulfil stereotypic expectations
or display stereotypic traits become publicly visible (Hammersmith, 1987; Russell,
2007). For those who do not meet the stereotype of LGBs, their identity become
known only through the process known as coming out (Appleby, 2001) or by
outing. Coming out is a process of identifying to self and to others ones
homosexuality or bisexuality whereas outing means publicizing the fact that a
specific person is gay or lesbian when that person has actively tried to stay in the closet
(Corrigan, 2005). Until either coming out or outing occurs, lesbians, gays, and
bisexuals can interact with others without their negative social identity influencing
how everything about them is understood (Crocker et al., 1998). Thus, they may avoid
being targets for direct discrimination. Individuals may not experience direct
discrimination if no one knows or suspects that they are gay, even though they may
indirectly experience discrimination through the presence of a hostile environment
(Ragin & Cornwell, 2001). This thesis examines in part aspects correlated with coming
out.
Successfully preventing others from learning about their stigma, requires
considerable effort. LGBs who are in the closet may have to monitor their speech
and behaviour to avoid revealing their social identities unconsciously (Frable,
Blackstone, & Sherbaum, 1990). For example, when LGBs talk about their same
gender partner, they may have to be careful with their use of pronoun and may have to
change he to she or she to he to pass as heterosexuals. Managing information

like this may cause people to become obsessively preoccupied with thoughts of their
stigma (Smart & Wegner, 2000). In some languages like Korean however, it is possible
to talk about their same-sex partner without using gender dividing pronouns (it is
perfectly normal and even more common to use the pronoun person instead of
he/she). Gay people may also need to avoid situations that bear on their sexual life to
conceal their sexual orientation. This includes a whole range of activities, from casual
sex talk among colleagues of the same sex to office parties where some kind of
heterosexual indications are expected, especially from single men and women.
Therefore, it cannot be denied that passing requires a person to live a double
life (Clair et al., 2005) since hiding ones sexual orientation creates a discrepancy
between public and private identities. It interferes with normal social interaction,
creates a multitude of practical problems, and requires psychological as well as
physical work. Therefore, gay people who are passing may feel inauthentic, that they
are living a lie, and feel others would not accept them if they knew the truth (Jones et
al., 1984). The need to pass is also likely to disrupt longstanding family relationships
and friendships as lesbians and gay men create distance from others in order to avoid
revealing their sexual orientation (Beatty & Kirdy, 2006; Cole, Kemeny, Taylor, &
Visscher, 1996). Moreover, they may still be aware that they could be stigmatized if
their devaluing attribute were discovered (Crocker et al., 1998) and they may still
experience indirect discrimination by watching negative treatment of openly gay and
lesbian persons or by hearing heterosexist comments and jokes (Goffman, 1963).
Also, as stated above, attempts to pass are not always successful and social
identity can also be decided by observers. That is, one might assume anothers identity
based on reading the signs of a gay performance and can act out of hatred toward an

individual, regardless of whether or not the person actually identifies as gay (Moore &
Rennie, 2006). These signs can be effeminate gestures and voice tones for gay men and
boyish or manly clothes by choice for lesbians. People also can acquire information
about others homosexuality from a third party, through astute observation, or simply
by guessing (Herek, 2003). For example, particularly among gay men, there is a belief
that they themselves have an advantage in judging sexual orientation (Ambady,
Hallahan, & Conner, 1999). Ambady et al. studied the accuracy of judging sexual
orientation on the basis of brief observations of nonverbal behaviour. They found that
sexual orientation was judged more accurately than chance from brief video segments,
with judgments being more accurate when based on dynamic nonverbal behaviour (10
second and 1 second silent video segments) than on static information (a series of eight
still photographs). This can mean that the belief that homosexuality can be concealed
by passing may not be correct, at least for some.
Therefore, there are circumstances when the concealment does not work: when
they have come out; when others have outed them; and when others have made a
judgement about their identity based on their appearance and behaviour. In this current
research, LGBs outness was used as a variable that could influence LGBs levels of
perceived discrimination.
6. Self-disclosure (Outness)
As it was stated in the previous section, the most common way to make LGBs
invisible social identity visible is through coming out. Coming out is a short term
for coming out of the closet, meaning gay men, lesbians and bisexuals make their
sexual orientation known to others, and is a form of self-disclosure (Herek, 2003). Self-
disclosure can be defined as the act of revealing personal information about oneself to

another that otherwise is not directly observable (Collins & Miller, 1994). Self-
disclosure is a necessary prerequisite for psychological wellness (Cain, 1991) and self-
disclosing gay men reported more positive self-concepts than non-disclosing gay men
(Schmitt & Kurdek, 1987). Self-disclosing lesbians also reported more personal
integrity (Rand, Graham, & Rawlings, 1982), less anxiety, more positive affectivity,
greater self-esteem (Jordan & Deluty, 1998), and greater subjective well-being
(Luhtanen, 1996). Self-identified LGB individuals may be more open about their sexual
orientation, and greater outness has been shown to relate to positive mental health
(Morris et al., 2001).
On the other hand, those who remained closeted reported lower levels of
psychological well-being and life satisfaction (Garnets & Kimmel, 1993), increased
health risks (Cole, Kemeny, Taylor, & Visscher, 1996; Kalichman & Nachimson, 1999),
and extensive and energy-draining activities focused on covering up their stigmatized
identity (Ellis & Riggle, 1996). When research were conducted at work settings, they
found that out workers had higher job satisfaction, were more committed to their
organization, perceived top management to be more supportive of their rights,
experienced less conflict between work and home, and had lower role conflict and lower
role ambiguity (Croteau, 1996; Day & Schoenrade, 1997; Driscoll, Kelley, & Fassinger,
1996).
However, coming out can be stressful to many LGBs. Lesbians, gay men, and
bisexuals continually confront decisions about whether to reveal or conceal their
identity in environments that may be discriminatory (Garnets, 2002; Rostosky &
Riggle, 2002). Especially in work settings, one of the most critical challenges faced by
workers with invisible stigmas is whether to disclose their stigmatized identity to

others in the workplace. Although this decision can be stressful for many individuals
with invisible stigmas, it has been identified as one of the most difficult career
challenges faced by lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) employees (Griffith & Hebl,
2002; Ragins, 2004). Disclosure has been found to result in reports of verbal
harassment, job termination, and even physical assault (DAugelli & Grossman, 2001).
In fact, one study of 416 gay men and lesbians revealed that 75% reported being
attacked or physically threatened as a result of disclosing their sexual identity
(DAugelli & Grossman). Given this situation, it is not surprising that gay and lesbian
employees fear negative consequences to disclosure and up to one third choose not to
disclose their identity to anyone at work (Croteau, 1996). In fact, the fear of negative
consequences of being out at work may have a greater impact on employees than the
actual act of disclosure (Ragins). This is why people with invisible stigmatizing
differences may choose not to reveal their difference, or they may select the conditions
under which they disclose (Beatty & Kirby, 2006).
Disclosing a sexual minority identity may therefore have costs as well as
benefits depending on the circumstances and the persons LGBs come out to.
Disclosure may, for example, increase the likelihood that a lesbian, gay male, or
bisexual (LGB) worker would be the target of discrimination (Badgett, 2001; Croteau
& Lark, 1995; Croteau & von Destinon, 1994), job loss (Bradford, Ryan, & Rothblum,
1994), verbal attacks (Bradford et al.), or physical threats (Herek, 1995; 2003). LGB
workers who are compelled to hide their sexual orientations expend energy that
detracts from their productivity and even their overall career development (Boatwright,
Gilbert, Forrest, & Ketzenberger, 1996). However, it has also been argued that
willingness to self-disclose is generally beneficial to ones social life and friendships,

whereas patterns of consistent nondisclosure are linked to loneliness and social
isolation (Stokes, 1987). These conflicting findings/arguments did not however show
the link between the outness and the perception of being discriminated against.
Therefore, in the current research, the relationship between the degree of outness and
the level of perceived discrimination was examined to see what effect outness has,
other than on LGBs psychological health. The effect of outness on perceived
discrimination was examined in both discriminatory and non-discriminatory
scenarios/situations to see if outness plays a different role depending on the
circumstances they are in.
7. Spotlight effect
Lesbians, gays, and bisexuals are a minority group as compared with the
heterosexuals in the society (approximately 2-5% of men and 1-2% of women are
exclusively homosexual) (Diamond, 1993). Because when we are part of a small group
surrounded by a larger group, we are often conscious of our social identity, the sexual
orientation of LGBs may play a more important role to them than sexual orientation
does for heterosexuals in social settings. When our social group is the majority, we
tend to think less about it (Myers, 2005). This phenomenon can be explained as the
spotlight effect which means that we tend to believe the social spotlight shines more
brightly on us than it really does and therefore, is the belief that more people are
paying attention to ones appearance and actions than is actually the case (Gilovich,
Medvec, & Savitsky, 2000; Gilovich & Savitsky, 1999). To demonstrate and prove this
effect, Gilovich et al. asked their participants to wear a t-shirt that depicted either
potentially embarrassing or flattering images and to measure how many people they
think would have noticed their t-shirts. The results showed that they overestimated the

number of observers who would be able to recall what was pictured on the shirt. The
more they were aware themselves of the t-shirt, or differences, the more people they
thought would notice their differences. With the sexual minority, LGBs, this concept
can apply in the same sense applying all the time when they are in public.
If this spotlight effect applies to LGBs, they will have higher awareness of
their sexual orientation and they will also believe it is likely that their sexual
orientation status will be known to others with whom they interact. Therefore, the
perception of individuals sexual orientation being known to others may be different
between different sexual orientation groups; such as heterosexuals and non-
heterosexuals. However, there has been no research supporting this proposition. Thus,
the current project examined the proposition.
8. Priming
To enhance participants awareness of their sexual orientation and to maximise
the spotlight effect, priming was used in the current study. The priming effect refers to
stimuli that cannot be consciously detected or recognised triggering response activation
processes and affecting observers behaviour (Eimer & Schlaghecken, 2002).
According to the concept of priming, the prime activates internal representations
associated with that prime in memory (Wittenbrink, 2007). This activation spreads via
existing links in the semantic network to other, associated representations. As a result
of this spreading of activation in the network, the internal representation of a target
related to the prime (but not an unrelated target) already receives some activation prior
to the actual display of the target stimulus. In the current study, one part of the
procedure involved showing a stimulus that is relevant to homosexuality or sexual
minority, and was aimed at activating the target, the sexual identity of respondent.

Since priming activates particular associations in memory (Myers, 2005), it is
commonly used to test cognitive ability, such as measuring the reduction in time for
the target to be recognized. However, priming can also be used in activating cultural
norms or values. Specific pieces of cultural knowledge (implicit theories) become
operative in guiding the construction of meaning from a stimulus. Whether a construct
comes to the fore in a perceivers mind depends on the extent to which the construct is
highly accessible (because of recent exposure) (Hong, Morris, Chiu, & Bernet-
Martinez, 2000). Hong and associates simulated the experience of bicultural
individuals (people who have internalized two cultures) by switching between different
cultural frames in response to culturally laden symbols.
Many bicultural individuals report that the two internalized cultures take turns
in guiding their thoughts and feelings, or they switch from time to time from one to the
other. This suggests that (a) internalized cultures are not necessarily blended and (b)
absorbing a second culture does not always involve replacing the original culture with
the new one. Frame switching may occur in response to cues such as contexts (home or
school) and symbols (language) that are psychologically associated with one culture or
the other (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). If this concept is true, it can also
be applied to LGBs, since they may be seen as bicultural individuals (they have
internalized heterosexist societys as well as homosexual lifestyle, value, and norms).
Because of their upbringing, LGBs hold heterosexist values and standards. However,
because of first hand experience with other LGBs or the LGB culture, they have co-
existing alternative values.
Chiu and Hong (2005) stated that individuals with bicultural expertise should
possess and be able to access declarative knowledge (e.g., values, beliefs, norms, and

behavioural scripts), as well as adjust their cognitive processes when navigating
cultures. Thus, they believe that, for example, exposing Chinese American bicultural
individuals to American icons should activate interpretive constructs in their American
cultural knowledge network; however, exposing the same individuals to Chinese icons
instead should activate constructs in their Chinese cultural knowledge network (Hong
et al., 2000). Theoretically, if we assume that LGBs have both heterosexual and
homosexual or bisexual cultures, then we could activate constructs in one of cultural
knowledge networks through priming. Thus, by providing a sexual orientation related
priming stimulus to heterosexuals, it would activate their heterosexual values and
providing a sexual orientation related priming stimulus to LGBs, the
homosexual/bisexual values would be activated.
However, prior to applying the priming effect to LGBs bicultural, a question
whether LGB culture can be seen as culture can arise, because it would be
inappropriate to use conceptual priming if it cannot be proved that LGBs have a culture
of their own while living in a shared heterosexist culture. According to Healey (1997),
culture consists of all aspects of the way of life associated with a group of people. It
includes language, religious beliefs, customs and rules of etiquette, the values and
ideas people use to organize their lives and interpret their existence (p.18). Given this
description of culture, the claim can be made that there is such a thing as LGB culture
and LGBs are in a way bicultural people that have two different cultures. LGBs have
two lifestyles and values in their life, one being that they use in heterosexist society
and the other one that is personal to them. Since they are living in heterosexual
dominated society, their construct on their sexual orientation might be hidden most of
the time. Thus, to activate awareness of their sexual orientation, sexual orientation

related (gay related) priming was used. Out of possible priming stimuli (a rainbow flag,
a pink triangle, a lambda, or male to male or female to female symbols) that could be
used in this study a rainbow flag was chosen and used as a priming stimulus. Exposing
participants (particularly non-heterosexual) to this stimulus should activate constructs
in their sexual orientation knowledge network. On the other hand, showing the LGB
related stimulus to heterosexual recipients is predicted to enhance the awareness of
heterosexuality and to activate heterosexist culture values inside them. However, there
have been no studies examining LGBs using priming and the concept of priming
enhancing the awareness of participants sexual orientation. Thus, it was hoped in this
current study to bring the LGB related culture to the forefront in decisions or responses.
The priming effect (using a rainbow flag) was aimed to investigate the
differences in perceived discrimination for heterosexuals and LGBs: the differences in
their scores for perceived discrimination when priming was applied would be stronger.
By using a priming stimulus that activated their associated sexual orientation status,
participants were made more aware of their sexual orientation and their status as
minorities, and this was predicted to heighten perceived discrimination in neutral
situations (study 1 examined this aspect).
9. Past experience of discrimination and its effects
The last hypothesised factor that may contribute to higher perceptions of
discrimination was the past experience of discrimination. Previous research showed that
lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGBs) reported more discrimination than their
heterosexual counterparts. Nine out of 10 gay men and lesbians have faced verbal abuse
or threats, and more than one in five have been physically assaulted because of their
sexual orientation. Men were more likely to report these experiences if they were

younger, and were more open in disclosing their sexual orientation to others (Heubner,
Rebchook, & Kegeles, 2004). However, the respondents indicated that they were much
more likely to have reported a crime against them that was not based on their sexual
orientation than a bias-related crime. Thus, the official documentation of hate or bias
crimes against gays and lesbians might under-represent the actual prevalence of these
crimes (Cowan, Heiple, Marquez, Khatchadourian, & McNevin, 2005).
Previous studies that have examined discrimination or perceived
discrimination against LGBs have typically been carried out in work settings because
(it was argued) the workplace provides an excellent landscape in which to study
discrimination experienced by LGB individuals (Waldo, 1999). One study suggested
that about one in every fifty people in the workplace is gay (Michael, Gagnon,
Laumann, & Kolata, 1994) but this statistic rose to one in every ten to twenty persons
in major metropolitan areas (Clair, Beatty, & Maclean, 2005). According to Croteaus
(1996) study, 25-66% of participants reported discrimination at workplace. More than
half of those who disclosed their sexual orientations at work experienced
discrimination on the job, including termination of employment. However, the true
estimates of discrimination cannot be assessed from the data due to the unverified self-
report nature of the measurement and due to the sampling problems. Not all LGBs are
out at work so the figure could be underestimated or it could be that LGBs attribute
negative outcomes to discrimination based on their sexual orientation, thus the figure
could be overestimated.
Regardless of whether reported discrimination was under or over-estimated,
perceiving oneself to be a target of prejudice or discrimination (by a majority group in
the society) is a psychosocial stressor and has a demonstrable, and negative impact

upon the individual (Dion, 2001; Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2006). Empirical research has
supported and shown that perceived discrimination leads to lower psychological well-
being for members of low status groups like lesbians and gay men (Herek, Gillis, &
Cogan, 1999; Schmitt & Branscombe, 2002). Moreover, perception of discrimination
is associated with a range of negative work-related reactions: negative work attitudes
among gay and lesbian employees (Ragins & Cornwell, 2001).
LGBs with past experience of discrimination know that discrimination exists
and acts of discrimination can occur against them. However, whether this enhanced
awareness or previous experience of actual discrimination affects the level of
perceived discrimination in other circumstances has not been studied. The current
research, thus, examined the relationship between previous experience of
discrimination and perceived discrimination (in the given scenarios).
10. Cultural differences
Homosexuality and bisexuality are viewed differently across cultures and
countries. The research conducted by Lippincott and associates (2000) showed that
Asians were found to harbour more heterosexism than their Caucasian counterparts,
which indicated that race and ethnicity may have an effect on attitudes toward gays and
lesbians. Examination of historic and cultural variation in stigmatization of sexual
behaviour shows that although some countries like the US and Australia stigmatize
homosexual behaviour, in other cultures homosexual behaviour is considered a normal
stage of development (Archer, 1985) or socially approved and widespread (Garnets,
2002). To contrast these cultural and societal impacts and to examine how the cultural
background can play a role in LGB studies, the current research project examined

historical and societal backgrounds of two countries: Australia and South Korea (South
Korea and Korea are used interchangeably throughout this research).
10-1. LGBs in Australia
There is evidence that the LGB subculture started to exist by the early
twentieth century in Australia (Reynolds, 2002; Wotherspoon, 1991). However, the
formal homosexual rights organisations only emerged in Australia in the late 1960s.
By the mid 1960s, homosexuality could also at least be spoken about and
spoken about as a public issue that needed to be dealt with (Willett, 2000), which
meant homosexuality had moved onto the public agenda. However, in the late 1960s,
homosexual acts even in private were considered an offence. This was why Australias
first gay political organisation, the Homosexual Law Reform Society of the Australian
Capital Territory (ACT), was formed in Canberra in July 1969 (Moore, 2001;
Reynolds). Then an Australian Chapter of Americas Daughters of Bilitis was formed
in Melbourne in January 1970, which in July the same year became the Australian
Lesbian Reform Movement. However, the Homosexual Law Reform Societys
spokespersons were heterosexual and Daughters of Bilitis was originally from America.
For this reason, the first publicly self-identified Australian gays and lesbians were
members of the Campaign Against Moral Persecution Incorporated (CAMP Inc.),
which began in Sydney in September 1970 (Moore).
In terms of the psychopathological view of homosexuality, an Australian
understanding of homosexuality was that it was a psychiatric disorder that needed to be
treated (Reynolds, 2002) following the American medical model. However, by the mid
1970s, the law, the major churches and key sections of the medical profession were
starting to shift their attitudes towards the belief that it is inappropriate to use an

illness model in considering homosexuality (Willett, 2000). Because Australia uses
the DSM as a guideline, and homosexuality was removed from the DSM in1973, the
same pattern flowed onto the Australian medical and legal system a few years later
(Moore, 2001): homosexuality was no longer considered as a disease.
Following the removal of homosexuality from the list of mental illnesses, law
reform also followed. South Australia was the first state to reform its laws and made
homosexual acts no longer illegal in 1972, with further amendments in 1975 (Moore,
2001; Rodgers & Booth, 2004; Willett, 2000). This was despite the fact that the ACT
Homosexual Law Reform Society was the earliest, largest and most public attempt by
liberals to decriminalise male homosexual acts (Willett). The decriminalisation of male
homosexual acts in Australian Capital Territory (ACT) finally took place in 1976,
followed by Victoria in 1980, Northern Territory in 1983, New South Wales in 1984,
Western Australia in 1989, Queensland in 1990, and Tasmania in 1997 (Moore;
Willett). In addition to decriminalising homosexual acts, New South Wales in 1993
extended the states anti-vilification laws to encompass and protect lesbians, gay men
and people living with AIDS, making it illegal to incite hatred or contempt against
them (McLachlan, 1998).
Apace with the legal reforms came other changes in Australian society. A
buoyant gay and lesbian press has developed in Australia, alongside a growing
commercial appreciation of the value of the gay/lesbian dollar by big companies like
Telstra, Toyota and Erickson (Moore, 2001). There are now numerous small gay
tourist resorts, the most successful in Queensland at Turtle Cove north of Cairns, and
an Australia-wide network of gay or gay-friendly accommodation. Sydneys Gay and
Lesbian Mardi Gras which is claimed to be the largest gay and lesbian parade and

festival in the world celebrated its 30
th
anniversary this year. Mardi Gras is a part of
Australian popular culture and plays large part in the tourism industry (Moore;
Reynolds, 2002).
The medias portrayal of homosexuals has changed as well and Australian
television had its first positive imaged gay character in 1973. The character of Don
Finlayson, played by Joe Hasham, appeared in the popular Australian television soap
opera Number 96 (Rodgers & Booth, 2004; Willett, 2000). Instead of presenting Don
as a screaming queen stereotype (gay man who is feminine), he was presented as a
nice, ordinary bloke who just happened to be homosexual. Moreover, there has been a
distinct fillip in the progress of the societal position of homosexually-identified people
in Australia. A justice of the High Court, Kirby, has come out himself and
proclaimed homosexual oppression as a fundamental human rights issue; the chief of a
state police force has marched in support of her lesbian and gay officers in the Mardi
Gras parade; a major Christian church has ruled that practising homosexuals are
welcome in its ministry and a male/male couple has featured, as just another couple,
in a hugely popular television programme on home renovation, The Block. Other
popular TV programmes also had gays and lesbians in their shows such as gay and
bisexual housemates in Big brother, and a drag queen, Courtney Act in Australian Idol.
As the laws against homosexual sex have been reformed in every state and
territory and the positive images of gay people appear in the media, public opinion has
moved, and is still moving, towards a genuine acceptance of gay people.
Homosexuality and the treatment towards homosexual and bisexual people are
different from that of 1970s. In most states, and in the federal sphere, discrimination on
the basis of sexuality is illegal. The federal government now recognises gay de facto

relationships as a legitimate basis for immigration rights and allows open
homosexuals to serve in the armed forces. The Family Court no longer treats
homosexuality as an automatic bar to the custody of children. In most states, official
liaison committees have been set up to foster better relations between the police and
homosexuals, representing a remarkable break with the official practices and attitudes
of the past. Of course anti-gay ideas still exist in society, but a basic liberal tolerance is
the dominant mood (Willett, 2000). The above statements have given a summary of
LGB history in Australia. LGBs culture in Korea is examined next (to see how
different it is from that of Australia).
10-2. LGBs in Korea
Homosexuality as well as sexualities other than heterosexuality have been
practically ignored and were a taboo issue in South Korea (Sohng & Icard, 1996).
Homosexuality does not have any social existence because homosexuals are not seen
as members of the society who can exercise the power to effect social changes (Seo,
2001). Despite this non-existence, a tolerance toward homosexuality in earlier
periods of Korean history can be found. One of the earliest records of homosexuality in
Korea is the Hwarang of Silla in ancient Korea (Choi, 1990; Ji, 1992). The Hwarang
was founded around A.D. 576 as a strategy for recruiting handsome youth to the royal
court who later became ministers and loyal subjects as well as great generals and brave
soldiers. The record of the existence of homosexuality among the ruling class can also
be found in official histories of the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392) (Sohng & Icard, 1996).
An historical analysis of Halim Bylkok noted that homosexual practices were common
among ruling classes, like King Mokchong (997-1009), King Chungsun (1275-1325)
and King Kongmin (1352-1374).

However, changes occurred to the perception and practice of homosexuality
after the fall of the Koryo dynasty. This was due to the Chosun dynasty (1392-1910)
adopting Confucianism, in the form now referred to as Neo-Confucianism, as the
governing ideal (Hahm, 1986; Lee, 1986). Neo-Confucianism has provided Korean
people with their ethical and moral norms as well as suggested methods of government
(Hahm). Unlike Koryo dynastys view, the neo-Confucian doctrine stressed familial
duty, moral asceticism, and moderation of feelings. With the rising Neo-Confucian
views, much of the historical records on homosexual practices shifted from
descriptions of the ruling elites to descriptions of commoners and lower classes.
The above examples show that homosexuality has existed in Korean society
for over 1000 years and these acts were blended into early society without causing any
dramatic scene or issue. Korean society had been ignorant about homosexuality and
homosexuals for long time, that is, had not noted their existence and allowed co-
existence. However, in the early 1990s, the perspectives toward homosexuality
changed as a homophobic ideology began to be formed and the tolerant attitude was
replaced by earlier Western ideas that same sex attraction was abnormal (Park-Kim,
Lee-Kim, & Kwon-Lee, 2006). It was only in the 1990s with influences from Western
countries and culture that people start to recognize the existence of homosexuals and
talk about homosexuality in public in South Korea.
The LGB culture also started to form in the 1990s. Todays gay movement
emerged with Sappho, the first Korean lesbian group, organized by an American
lesbian soldier. Groups for lesbian and gay Korean-Americans founded in New York
and in Los Angeles contacted Sappho suggesting forming Korean gay and lesbian
rights groups. In the meantime, a Korean-American gay man visited Korea and

organized the first Korean gay and lesbian co-gendered group in 1993. Unlike Sappho,
this group was organized by Koreans, and is recognized as the first authentically
Korean lesbian and gay mens support group. After the mid-1990s, homosexual groups
such as Yonsei Universitys come together and Seoul National Universitys maun
001 were formed; this was 20 years later than the formation of Australias groups
(Seo, 2001).
Up until 1995, Koreas gay community had developed at a slow pace but LGB
cultures grew with information technology and spread through the internet, in the
cyber world. Small lesbian and gay discussion groups began to form on the bulletin
board systems (BBS) of Koreas three major internet servers: Hitel, Chollian, and
Nawnuri. First formed in the summer and autumn of 1995, these BBS groups grew at a
rapid pace as information technology improved. They provided members with the
opportunity to have anonymous and relatively diverse contacts with a large number of
fellow homosexuals (Seo, 2001).
From a pathological perspective, Korea in 1995 adopted the ICD-10
(International Classification of Diseases 10) and modified it as Korean Classification
of Disease-3 (Korea National Statistical Office, 1995), which dropped homosexuality
from the list of mental disorders. This was more than 20 years after the removal of
homosexuality in the DSM-II. However, while this de-classification came to exist,
there is an ambivalence over homosexuality.
In terms of legal regulation on the other hand, homosexual relations have
never been criminalized in Korea (Youn, 1996): Korea has had no sodomy laws
proscribing oral or anal intercourse, largely because these acts have traditionally been
considered utterly unmentionable in any public forum or document. This was an

exception in a military situation where military law proscribed homosexual
relationships (Kimmel & Yi, 2004). However in 2000, Korea passed the law of Youth
Protection prohibiting distribution of materials that contained incest, animal sex, and
homosexuality. This was because they believed that information on homosexuality
(referred to as pervert behaviour) has a harmful influence on immature and innocent
younger people (Lee, 2006). Perhaps the biggest victim from this law enforcement was
ExZone. ExZone, the first Korean gay website, was designated as a harmful site to
youths by the Information Communication Ethics Committee in Korea and by the
National Youth Commission. The website has been and still is closed. At schools,
educators prohibited the closeness of friends (same-sex) aiming at protecting them
from turning into non-heterosexuals and they used iban censorship in school (picking
out those who met stereotypes of LGBs and urging them to be good heterosexuals)
(Lee). The term iban refers to LGBs in Korea (Seo, 2001).
In the previous section on LGBs in Australia, it was indicated how advanced
Australian media was in terms of opening a role to LGB characters in TV shows. In
contrast, Korean LGBs witnessed in 2000 what happened to Suk-Chun Hong, a Korean
actor, whose career was demolished straight after his coming out. Hong was the first
Korean celebrity to come out as a gay in Korea in 2000. He was on several shows
including a childrens TV show Bbo bbo bbo. Many parents protested against having
him on the show, and Hong was unable to get any role in any program for the next
three years. This shows what it is like to be gay/lesbian and what happens if you come
out in Korea. This is why almost no LGBs in Korea have come out: to avoid being
abandoned and refused.

One of the crucial reasons preventing Korean LGBs coming out in public is
the Confucianism values deeply rooted in Korean society: family possesses a much
wider significance than that possessed by the extended family of the West (Sohng &
Icard, 1996). Confucianism influences Korean patriarchy and it emphasises ones duty
to parents and family. The most important expression of filial piety, at least for male
children, is to marry and have children (particularly boys) who will carry on the family
name; thus, all children of a certain age are expected to marry and have families of
their own (Aoki, Ngin, Mo, & Ja, 1989). Therefore, when a family produces a child
who is homosexual, it implies that the parents have failed in their role and the child is
rejecting the importance of both family and culture (Aoki et al.). Moreover, because
Korea is family-based society and it is important not to lose face for family, the
coming out process would be vastly different from that of Western LGBs. Indeed,
most Korean homosexuals see family as the biggest problem troubling them (Park-Kim
et al., 2000). Moreover, they see the discovery of their homosexual identity by their
family as the greatest possible calamity threatening their future. More than societys
hatred and prejudice, these homosexuals fear the anxiety and stress that would result
from the breaking of their familial bond. Park-Kim et al.s survey also showed that one
of the most feared things for Korean LGBs was that their identity would become
known to their family and others. They also feared losing jobs and being discriminated
against from the society, and being isolated.
There have been some changes however in Korea in recent years, related to
LGBs and the LGB culture. Firstly, the Rainbow queer festival has been successfully
held for the past eight years and a cable TV program called coming out started in

April 2008; these have encouraged sexual minorities to come out in public. So far, a
small number only (under 15 in three months) have come out through this TV show.
On the other hand, LGBs in Korea are still not legally protected from
discrimination. On October 2, 2007, the South Korean Ministry of Justice announced
the impending legislation of the Anti-Discrimination Bill, which included sexual
orientation as one social status to be protected from discrimination. However, on
October 31, it was confirmed that sexual orientation had been deleted from the Anti-
Discrimination Bill as initially proposed by the Ministry of Justice. LGB organisations
have been and still are fighting against this action.
The above section shows the cultural/societal differences between Australia
and South Korea. There are no published studies known to the researcher that have
compared the sexual minorities in these two countries. Therefore, the current project
aims to compare the two countries and examine differences in the levels of perceived
discrimination, awareness of sexual orientation status, internalized heterosexism and
levels of psychological well-being. The research aims to make a contribution to cross-
cultural and LGB studies.
In summary several research questions regarding perceptions by heterosexuals
and LGBs have been raised. These are addressed in the first study.

CHAPTER 3
STUDY 1: PERCEIVED DISCRIMINATION AND SEXUAL ORIENTATION IN
NON-DISCRIMINATORY SITUATIONS
Everyone holds some kind of prejudice and stereotype toward specific social
groups. Prejudice and stereotypes, usually associated with negative beliefs and
attitudes, are then used to form discrimination (Smith & Mackie, 2000). Typical targets
of discrimination in society are minority group members and lesbians, gay men, and
bisexuals (LGBs), the sexual minorities, are one of them. The forms of discrimination
LGBs face may range from the daily hassles of hearing jokes or derogatory names to
extreme acts of personal violence and hate crimes (Garnets, 2002). In fact, evidence
suggests that gays and lesbians are more likely to be victims of hate crimes than are
members of many other social groups (Nelson & Kreiger, 1997) such as minority race
or gender.
Hate crimes toward lesbians, gays, and bisexuals are a serious problem and
these can be examples of the actual discrimination that exists in the society. Contrast to
real discrimination, there is also the perceived discrimination (expectations that
discrimination is likely to occur). LGBs are stigmatized individuals, and in general,
stigmatized individuals are likely to be aware of the negative connotations of their
social identity in the eyes of others (Crocker et al., 1998). Being aware of hate crimes
and discrimination can then make LGBs believe they are likely to be potential victims
of such crimes and discrimination. Vorauer and Kumhyr (2001) argued that LGBs may
be more sensitive and alarmed about being discriminated against and may weigh the
negative, subtle signals more heavily than the positive overt signals. Even a small

feeling of unfairness can lead to the sense of being discriminated against. As a result,
perceived discrimination can exist with or without the actual discrimination.
In addition, according to Pinel (1999) who introduced the construct of stigma
consciousness, individuals differ in the degree to which they expect to be stereotyped
by others. This means not all individuals with marginalized status have the same
expectations and belief that others will react negatively to them. Also, LGBs would not
feel discriminated against if they are not aware of discriminatory actions used against
them or when they believe their social identity is hidden. Therefore, there are
differences between one individual and another in their perception of whether acts of
discrimination have occurred.
As stated above, perceived discrimination can exist with or without actual
discrimination. Actual discrimination is not necessarily the same as reported or
perceived discrimination. Self-reports of discrimination reflect perceptions that may
over- or under- estimate actual discrimination (Ragins & Wiethoff, 2005). Gays and
lesbians are somewhat more likely to report incidents as discriminatory in situations
where others would not perceive discrimination (Beran et al., 1992; Levine, 1979).
These studies looked at whether LGBs and heterosexuals perceived discrimination
differently; however, most of these studies have been carried out in work setting and
have been based on self-reported questionnaire. Although these studies showed LGBs
have significantly higher perceived discrimination, there was no way of telling whether
they were responding to true discrimination or not. No studies exist that have examined
or comprehend instances of actual discrimination and non-discrimination. The current
study thus attempts to assess the extent of perceived discrimination in more controlled
non-discriminatory situations, presented in a scenario-type approach.

The research questions for the first study were: Would LGBs show higher
perceived discrimination than heterosexuals in what were mainly non-discriminatory,
neutral situations where no actual discrimination exists? If so, what would be the
factors that relate to and contribute the most to the perceived discrimination? To
answer these questions, examination occurred of the responses of heterosexuals and
LGBs to the set scenarios, and the relationships of these responses to a variety of
factors or variables. Thus, the relationships between internalized heterosexism as well
as pychological well-being/self-perception and perceived discrimination were assessed.
Factors that might influence the perceived discrimination were suggested in Chapter 2,
which were heterosexism, internalized heterosexism, invisible social identity, and the
spotlight effect. The level of perceived discrimination was measured in two settings;
with and without priming used (priming being used to enhance participants awareness
of their sexual orientation). Cultural differences were also examined. Since most of the
existing research on sexual orientation has focused on Caucasian people in America
(Fassinger & Arseneau, 2007), it would also be helpful to understand sexual minorities
in different cultures and countries. This study thus examines two cultural groups and
their responses to scenarios, and to a variety of other questionnaires.
The hypotheses in the first study for the public samples from Australia and
South Korea are that:
H1. (a) LGBs would report a significantly higher level of perceived discrimination
than heterosexuals when there was no actual or objective discrimination
present.

(b) The difference between heterosexuals and LGBs in perceived
discrimination for the Australian sample would be significantly greater than
for the South Korean sample.
(c) When priming was applied, the difference in perceived discrimination
between heterosexuals and LGBs would be significantly greater.
H2. LGBs in later stages of gay identity development would feel significantly less
discriminated against than those in the earlier stages.
H3. There would be a significant difference in conscious or perceived awareness of
sexual orientation between heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals. Specifically,
lesbians, gays, and bisexuals would feel that their sexual orientation was
known to others more than heterosexuals would.
H4. (a) Internalized heterosexism, marginalization, isolation and alienation would
be significantly positively correlated with perceived discrimination and self-
esteem and satisfaction with life would be significantly negatively correlated
with perceived discrimination.
(b) Psychological well-being related variables would contribute significantly
towards perceived discrimination.
This research aimed to enhance the public understanding of which
characteristics of lesbians, gays and bisexuals (their self-perception) influence their
perception of being discriminated against. Thus, it was hoped that this study would be
used to help lesbians, gays, and bisexuals understand the existence of discrimination in
the society without exaggerating or magnifying this discrimination based perhaps on
their own internalized heterosexism and negative self-perception levels.


Pilot Study
A pilot study was carried out before the actual study to test suitability of
materials. Twenty people were involved in the pilot study: half of these were
heterosexuals and half were homosexuals, based on their self reported identity on the
Kinsey scale. Six of the 20 were female, 13 were male and one was unspecified, with
the mean age of 23 years (SD=2.73, range 19-27).
Pen and paper survey questionnaires were distributed to the pilot sample with
general demographic information on age, gender, ethnicity, occupation and education
level; Kinseys (1948) heterosexual-homosexual rating scale; Bradys (1985) Gay
Identity Questionnaire; Wagners (1994) Internalized Homophobia Scale; Barrys
(2001) marginalization items; Rosenbergs (1965) Self-esteem scale; Jessor and
Jessors (1977) alienation scale; Maddi et al. (1979) alienation items; social isolation
items from Deans alienation scale (1961); and four scenarios with 10 questions
following.
The most common comment received from homosexual participants was that
the Gay Identity Questionnaire was confusing. This confusion was due to need to pay
special attention to the instructions.
Both heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals were concerned about two unclear
questions. There were also other comments on the overall negative mood of the pilot
questionnaires and the inconsistent scoring format. Some participants found the
questionnaires too negatively worded because they mainly focused on participants
feeling of marginalization, alienation, isolation and perceived discrimination. The
scoring keys differed also on different pages.

After considering these comments, changes were made to the contents of the
survey to reduce confusion. The instruction for Gay Identity Questionnaire, especially
the part explaining partial agreement was made in bold letters to stand out among other
sentences. Moreover, an additional explanatory statement page was inserted at the
beginning of the questionnaire and the two unclear questions were removed from the
questionnaire. To balance the positive and negative tone of the questionnaires,
Dieners (1985) Satisfaction with life scale along with items measuring general
happiness were added to the questionnaire. Lastly, to make it easier to mark answers to
the questions, the answering format was modified to a consistent 5-point likert scale
with all numbers running in the same direction (from 1 being strongly disagree to 5
being strongly agree). Moreover, the priming technique was added between
questionnaires to enhance the spotlight effect. The revised questionnaires and scenarios
as used in the study are described in method.
Method
Participants
A total of 571 participants completed the whole questionnaire. Data screening
identified incomplete or unsatisfactory questionnaires. These were deleted from the
study. The final sample consisted of 560 adults from Australia and South Korea, 63.6%
(n=355) being Korean and the remaining 36.4% (n=205) being Australian. For the
Australian sample, 42.9% were male and 57.1% were female with the mean age of
26.5 (SD=7.767, range 18-60). For the South Korean sample, 30.4% were male and
69.6% were female with the mean age of 24.6 (SD=4.845, range 18-52).
Nineteen (all female) of these final samples were recruited from the Bond
University Research Pool System and were Bond University psychology students who

participated in the study in exchange for one credit point towards their coursework.
The rest of the participants volunteered in the study without any incentives. Some of
these participants showed keen interest in the study and helped in recruiting additional
participants.
The participants were recruited through electronic advertisements placed on a
number of popular websites in Australia and Korea (South Korea and Korea are used
interchangeably throughout the paper). The advertisement was placed and the data
were collected between August and November 2007. It was gathered in a form of
online survey to protect anonymity. Participants could stop filling out the survey
whenever they wanted to and if they did, the result would not have been sent to the
researcher; only the completed survey was saved and was available to the researcher.
Materials
A research questionnaire (see Appendix B for the text version of the
questionnaire) was available for general public access online, accompanied by the
explanatory statement (see Appendix A). The questionnaire was divided into four
sections. The first section consisted of a series of questions asking for demographic
and personal information, such as participants age, gender, education, occupation and
sexual orientation. The second section consisted of questions related only to self-
identified gays, lesbians, and bisexuals, measuring their internalized homophobia and
gay identity stage. Section three consisted of questions on psychological well-
being/self-perception related variables (marginalization, isolation, alienation, self-
esteem, and satisfaction with life). Section four was comprised of questions related to
four given scenarios measuring awareness and perceived discrimination. The survey
took about 20-35 minutes to complete depending on ones sexual orientation: self-

identified heterosexuals took less time than non-heterosexuals from skipping two sets
of questionnaires (section two). The questionnaires were originally developed in
English and for the Korean participants, the survey was translated and back translated
(Brislin, 1970) by the student researcher and a graduate student who was also a writer
in Korea.
Sexual orientation
One item only was used for this assessment of Sexual orientation based on
Kinseys Heterosexual Homosexual Rating Scale (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin,
1948). This item has been the instrument most frequently used by researchers to
classify subjects sexual orientation (Berkey, Perelman-Hall, & Kurdek, 1990).
Participants self-rated their identity along a 7-point continuum ranging from 0
(exclusively heterosexual) to 6 (exclusively homosexual). No reliability test (only one
item) could be carried out. However, when answers on this item were compared with
the Gay Identity Questionnaire, all 560 participants answered correctly to the validity
questions on homosexual feelings, thoughts, and behaviours, confirming the responses.
Gay Identity Stages
Self-identified non-heterosexual participants, whose answer on Kinseys scale
were 3, 4, 5 and 6, were further measured on their gay identity stages by using Bradys
(1985) Gay Identity Questionnaire (GIQ). The GIQ is composed of 45 true-false items
and it was used to identify respondents developmental stages of coming out. These
stages were proposed by Cass (1979) in the homosexual identity formation (HIF)
model, which is the most frequently cited model in the literature on gay identity
development (Marszalek, Cashwell, Dunn, & Heard Jones, 2004). These stages include
confusion (Might I be homosexual?), comparison (I possibly am homosexual),

tolerance (I probably am homosexual), acceptance (I am homosexual), pride (I
am glad I am homosexual), and synthesis (Being homosexual is one part of my
identity). Three items (Item 4, 22, and 40) are used as validity checks and the
remaining 42 items are used to determine respondents stage designation. Each of the
six stages of HIF is represented by seven items. Every item marked true received one
point toward the specific stage and the total scores for each stage were calculated by
adding all the true items. The stage that has the highest score is the stage the
respondent belongs to. Dual stage designation was also given to those whose highest
scores were in two or more stages. The GIQ is less time consuming and is easier to
score than Casss (1979) HIQ which comprise with 210 multiple choice items, and
therefore was chosen for the current project.
Brady and Busse (1994) showed interitem consistency scores for the GIQ
of .76 for Stage Three; .71 for Stage Four; .44 for Stage Five; and .78 for Stage Six.
The interitem consistency scores were not available for stages one and two because
there were too few subjects in the pilot tests of the GIQ. An internal consistency
analysis of the GIQ from the current study yielded Cronbach Alphas of .62 for Stage
One; .76 for Stage Two; .73 for Stage Three; .83 for Stage Four; .45 for Stage Five;
and .78 for Stage Six, which showed good overall internal consistency figures
comparable with the separated figures.
Internalized heterosexism (homophobia)
Self-identified non-heterosexual participants were also assessed on their levels
of internalized heterosexism (homophobia) using the Wagner et al. (1994) Internalized
Homophobia Scale (IHS). It consists of 20 items, nine of which are from the Nungesser
Homosexual Attitudes Inventory (Nungesser, 1983) and the rest were developed by

Wagner et al. It is intended to measure the extent to which negative attitudes and
beliefs about homosexuality are internalized and integrated into ones self-image and
identity as gay. Each item is scored on a 5 point likert scale where 1 = strongly
disagree and 5 = strongly agree. There are 10 positively worded items and 10
negatively worded items making up total score from 20 to 100. The higher score
represents greater internalized heterosexism in participants. Examples of items are I
wish I were heterosexual, and I have no regrets about being gay (reverse coding).
Wagner et al (1994) tested the scale for internal consistency reliability in a sample of
142 gay men and obtained a Cronbach alpha of .92 for the total score; the current study
supported this internal consistency reliability with a Cronbach Alpha of .93. Research
using the IHS has found that it is positively correlated with global psychological
distress (r=.37) and depression (r=.36) (Wagner et al., 1996; Wagner, Serafini, Rabkin,
Remien, & Williams, 1994).
Marginalisation
The marginalisation scale used in this study is originally from Barrys (2001)
East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM), which was developed as a self-report
instrument to examine the acculturation patterns of East Asian immigrants in the
United States. Questions were altered accordingly to suit the purpose of the present
study, which is the marginalisation of different sexual orientation groups, rather than
migrant people. For example, generally, I find it difficult to socialise with anybody,
Asian or American to generally, I find it difficult to socialise with anybody,
heterosexual and homosexual/bisexual. Marginalisation has nine items and these
items were scored using a 5 point likert scale (1=strongly disagree and 5=strongly
agree). The total score was arrived at by summing nine scored items, the higher score

representing greater feelings of marginalisation. The internal item homogeneity for the
marginalisation was .85 for the original scale (Barry) and was .97 with the sample from
the present study.
Self-esteem
Rosenbergs (1965) Self-esteem scale (RSE) was used to examine
participants self-worth and self-acceptance. RSE is the most widely used self-esteem
measure in social science research and was originally developed for high school
students. It has 10 items that reflect the concept of self-confidence and it normally uses
four point likert scale. However, in this study, it was modified to five point likert scale
from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Of these 10 items, half were
negatively worded items. This test has reported internal item homogeneity figures
ranging from .77 (Dobson, et al., 1979) to .88 (Fleming & Courtney, 1984).
Cronbachs alpha score for self-esteem in the present data set was .89. The RSE also
has very good test-retest correlations of .85 (Silber & Tippett, 1965) over a two-week
interval and .82 (Fleming & Courtney, 1984) over a one-week interval.
Alienation
To measure feelings of alienation, Jessor and Jessors (1977) alienation scale
and the Maddi et al. (1979) alienation scale were used. Jessor and Jessors alienation
scale measures generalised alienation in terms of uncertainty about the meaningfulness
of daily roles and activities and a belief that one is isolated from others. It comprises
15 five point likert type items. Just like EAAM, the wording for questions was altered
to fit adult participants. Internal consistency reliability was .81 for both high school
and the college samples (Jessor & Jessor). Moreover, test-retest or stability reliability

over a 1-year interval was .49. This scale has correlation of -.60 (for female) and -.52
(for males) with self-esteem.
Ten out of 12 interpersonal relations items from the Maddi et al. (1979)
Alienation Test were used to measure alienation as well. Two of items (item 44 and
item 48) were removed from questionnaire after the pilot study showed participants
confusion. Respondents were asked to rate each item from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5
(strongly agree) although the original scale used range from 0 to 100. Maddi et al.
(1979) found .75 and .72 for internal consistency for Study 1 and 2 respectively. Test-
retest correlations of .64 (Maddi et al) over a three-week interval showed moderate
though adequate stability.
The total score on alienation was made up of the total scores from Jessor and
Jessor (1977)s scale and from Maddi et al (1979). From the current study, the overall
internal consistency reliability coefficient was .91, marginally higher than obtained in
the earlier questionnaires.
Isolation
Feelings of isolation were measured with the Friendship scale which was
based on Deans social isolation scale (1961) but changed to fit the study. The
Friendship scale comprised of 10 items presented in a five-point likert format, with
answer alternatives ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree). Internal
reliability for this scale was .79 (Cronbachs alpha).
Satisfaction with life
The Satisfaction with life scale (SWLS) was developed by Diener (1985) to
measure the satisfaction with the respondents life as a whole. The SWLS has shown

strong internal reliability. Reported internal consistency was .87 and two-month
interval test-retest correlation was .82 (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985).
There were moderately strong correlations with other subjective well-being scales
(Differential Personality Questionnaire, Positive Affect Scale, and Negative Affect
Scale) (Diener et al.). The correlations between SWLS scores and scores on the
selected personality measures were self-esteem, .54; symptom checklist, -.41;
neuroticism, -.48; emotionality, -.25; activity, .08; sociability, .20; and impulsivity, -
.03. Therefore, it appears that individuals who were satisfied with their lives were in
general well adjusted and free from psychopathology. The current research added one
item from a General Happiness Scale and obtained a Cronbachs alpha of .90 for the
six items.
Awareness of sexual orientation
The researcher tried to enhance participants awareness of and attention to
their sexual orientation by using a priming stimulus. A rainbow flag was used as the
priming stimulus that strengthens the awareness. This stimulus was only shown to
randomly assigned people in condition 1 (50.5%, n=283). It was shown for two
seconds then the survey automatically progressed to the next set of questionnaires from
the given scenarios. In these four scenarios, first questions for each scenario asked how
aware respondents thought other people were about their (the respondents) sexual
orientation. Alternatives for answers ranged from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly
agree). An internal consistency figure of .89 was found for the current study.
Perceived Discrimination
Perceived discrimination scenarios were developed by selecting situations that
could be ambiguous or perceived differently as possible discrimination events. One

scenario involved a person receiving or not receiving prompt service. Either one or two
question(s) followed the scenarios: the answers were totalled for the score for each
scenario. That is, perceived discrimination was measured by asking whether
respondents felt they were treated differently or were discriminated against due to their
sexual orientation in the given scenario situations. These scenario situations were
neutral or non-discriminatory but could have created perceptions of discrimination for
some individuals. The total score for perceived discrimination ranged from 6 to 30, the
higher score representing greater feelings of perceived discrimination being present.
The internal consistency for the set of four scenarios (yielding the total score) was .85.
The four scenarios and the questions are shown in Appendix B.
Procedures
Prior to conducting the study, ethical clearance was obtained from the Bond
University Human Research Ethics Committee (BUHREC). The text format
questionnaire (Appendix B) was changed to a flash format and it was posted on the
designated website with a link from Bond University psychology research website. The
flash format of the survey was chosen to enable the priming stimulus to be shown for
the set duration of time, and to allow the move to next question automatically.
The participants were informed about the nature of the study and were given
the web address for the questionnaire through the advertisement. Potential participants
clicked on to this address and they were led to the Bond University psychology
research website where they found the explanatory statement and the links to the
questionnaires, depending on the country they were living in: Australia or Korea. The
explanatory statement (see Appendix A) explaining the study, including statements
about confidentiality and voluntary participation were shown before they were asked to

proceed. If participants agreed with the purpose of study and conditions, they
proceeded by clicking language version appropriately depending on their country of
residence.
Participants then filled in the questionnaire which consisted of: the
demographic information; the Kinsey Sexual Orientation Scale (Kinsey, 1948); Gay
Identity Questionnaire (Brady & Busse, 1994); Wagners (2004) Internalized
Homophobia Scale; Marginalisation scale (drawn from Barrys (2002) East Asian
Acculturation Measure (EAAM); Rosenbergs (1965) Self-Esteem Scale; Alienation
scale (Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Maddi et al, 1979); friendship scale; and Satisfaction with
Life Scale (Diener et al, 1985). From these scales, heterosexual participants (those
whose answer for the sexual orientation scale were 0 to 2) skipped the Gay Identity
Questionnaire and the Internalized homophobia scale. After completion of the above
questionnaires, and before moving on to next set of questions, half of randomly
assigned participants (50%) were shown a designed priming stimulus of a rainbow flag
(see Figure 3.1). The rainbow flag was chosen as a priming stimulus since it represents
pride for being in the sexually minority group (LGBs) and the image is known to
LGBs and heterosexuals as well. The fact that it has the same meaning across countries
and can be recognized internationally was another reason for the selection of the
stimulus. Only one stimulus was used with an attempt to highlight the priming effect if
any differences were detected. After showing the priming image, participants were
given the four scenarios of neutral social situations with the 10 following questions.
The participants were asked to imagine themselves in those social situations and then
were asked to rate how much they felt they were being discriminated against in those
situations and how much they attributed those perceived discriminations to their sexual

orientation. They were also asked to rate the extent to which they thought that other
people were aware of their sexual orientation status.
Figure 3.1. Rainbow flag
Design
The dependent variable (DV) in this study was perceived discrimination,
measured by four scenario related questions. The independent variables (IVs) were
sexual orientation, gay identity stage, internalized homophobia, marginalisation,
isolation, alienation, satisfaction with life, self esteem and priming. The data were
entered and analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS)
version 15.0.
Results
The results are presented in two sections. The first section is a presentation of
descriptive statistics, for all variables. The second section then tests specific
hypotheses.
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics showed that the majority of participants were students
(n= 333, 59.5%). Of these students, almost half of participants (47.7%) were currently

completing undergraduate degrees and only small percentages of participants (13.4%)
had completed high school or less. Overall, the current participants were a well-
educated sample. Full detailed descriptive statistics can be found in Appendix C, Table
C.1.
Most of the participants were either exclusively heterosexual (34.6%) or
exclusively homosexual (32.5%). The ratio of heterosexuals to non-heterosexuals was
43: 57. For non-heterosexual participants, the majority were in Stage 4, 5, & 6 (74.4%)
of the Gay Identity Development.
Descriptive statistics were run after dividing the data into two groups based on
the participants origin of country, to see if there were any obvious differences in
variables across the two countries (see Appendix C, Table C.2). There were a number
of significant differences between these two groups and one of them was that for the
Australian sample, the proportion of male and female was approximately half and half
(male=88, 42.9% and female=117, 57.1%) whereas for the Korean sample, the
proportion of female was more than double that of male (male=108, 30.4% and
female=247, 69.6%). Australia, a multiracial country, had participants who were Asian
and other races (although the majority (80.5%) were Caucasian). On the other hand, all
of participants were Korean for the Korean sample. Another difference was that the
Australian sample had wider range of educational level, in that they had more people
who had less than undergraduate (24.9%) and more people who were doing or had
completed postgraduate studies (n=51, 24.8%) than the Korean counterparts. Koreans
were highly centralized in currently completing undergraduate studies level (n=199,
56.1%). Australians or those who were living in Australia who also self-identified
themselves as exclusively homosexual (42%) were 15% more than their Korean

counterparts (27%) although the actual numbers of people in this category were similar
(the Australian sample having 86 and the Korean sample having 96 participants each).
The most interesting difference found was that more than half of the non-heterosexual
Koreans were in Stage 4 (56.3%) whereas the highest percentages of Australian non-
heterosexuals (65.9%) were in Stage 6 in the Gay Identity Stages. This means that
more than half of the Korean LGBs accepted their minority status whereas more than
half Australian LGBs integrate into the society as sexual minority; the Australian non-
heterosexuals see their sexual identity as one part of who they are. Moreover, more
participants belonged to earlier stages (stage 2 and 3) for the Korean group (12.2%)
than for the Australian group (3.2%) and fewer Koreans (12.2%) belonged to later
stages (5 and 6) than for the Australians (71.6%).
Appendix C shows the differences in means and standard deviations for
Australian and Korean participants in age, internalised heterosexism, marginalisation,
self-esteem, alienation, isolation, satisfaction with life, awareness of sexual orientation
and perceived discrimination (see Table C.3). Australians had higher means in self-
esteem, and satisfaction with life. On the other hand, Koreans had higher means in
internalised heterosexism, marginalisation, alienation, isolation, and awareness of
sexual orientation. The mean for perceived discrimination for the two countries was
same. From a brief look at these analyses, the Australian sample seemed to have
slightly better mental health than the Korean sample. Therefore, to test how significant
these differences were, and to test the hypotheses, several analyses were conducted.
Study 1 Hypothesis 1:
(a) LGBs would report a significantly higher level of perceived discrimination than
heterosexuals when there was no actual discrimination present.

For the convenience of analysing, participants were divided into two groups,
heterosexuals (those whose answers for the sexual orientation scale were between 0-2)
and non-heterosexuals, LGBs (those whose answers for sexual orientation scale were
between 3-6). The independent samples t-test was used to test the first hypothesis that
non-heterosexuals would score more highly on perceived discrimination than
heterosexuals in neutral scenarios/situations.
Because of violation of the assumption of homogeneity of variance, the t test
for unequal variances was computed (see Appendix D). An independent-samples t-test
revealed that there was no significant difference in scores for heterosexuals (M = 9.51,
SD = 3.94) and non-heterosexuals (M = 10.02, SD = 4.58), t (547) = -1.39, p = .16
(two-tailed).
(b) The difference between heterosexuals and LGBs in perceived discrimination for the
Australian sample would be significantly greater than for the South Korean sample in
neutral scenario situations.
Subjects were divided into two groups according to the countries they
belonged to and an independent samples t-test was conducted to test whether there
were any differences between the countries in the relationship between sexual
orientation and perceived discrimination. For the Australian sample, there was a
statistically significant difference in scores for perceived discrimination for
heterosexuals (M=8.96, SD = 3.83) and non-heterosexuals (M = 10.34, SD = 4.66; t
(194) = -2.31, p< .05 (two-tailed)). The magnitude of the differences in the means
(mean difference = -1.38, 95% CI: -2.55 to -.20) was small (eta squared = .03). On the
other hand, the Korean sample exhibited no significant difference in the level of
perceived discrimination for heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals, t (353) = -.03, p

= .97 (two-tailed). The magnitude of the differences in the means (mean difference = -
.02, 95% CI: -.92 to .89) was insignificant.
(c) When priming was applied, the difference in perceived discrimination between
heterosexuals and LGBs would be significantly greater.
An independent-samples t-test was conducted to compare the difference
between heterosexuals and LGBs in their perceived discrimination scores in conditions
with and without use of the priming stimulus. The results showed there was no
significant difference in scores for heterosexuals (M = 9.36, SD = 3.84) and for LGBs
(M = 9.94, SD = 4.66); t (268) = -1.14, p = .26 (two-tailed) when the condition no
priming stimulus was applied. In the condition where a priming stimulus was applied,
there was also no significant difference in scores for heterosexuals and for LGBs.
Therefore, the use of the priming stimulus did not lead to a statistically significant
difference in perceived discrimination.
LGBs in later stages of gay identity development would feel significantly less
discriminated against than those in the early stages.
A one-way between groups analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to
explore the impact of gay identity stage on levels of perceived discrimination. Subjects
were divided into five groups at stage 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6: dual stages were excluded from
analysis and no one belonged to stage 1. There was no statistically significant
difference in the level of perceived discrimination for the five gay identity stages: F (4,
261) = 1.34, p = .25. The effect size, calculated using eta squared, was .02, small.
Although the differences between gay identity stages in perceived
discrimination were not significant, Figure 3.2 showed an interesting pattern in

perceived discrimination among the groups; stage 5 had the highest level of perceived
discrimination compared with other stages.
Figure 3.2. Mean perceived discrimination for Stages 2 to 6.

LGBs would feel that their sexual orientation status would be known to others
significantly more than heterosexuals would.
An independent-samples t-test was conducted to compare the difference in
perceived awareness of sexual orientation between heterosexuals and non-
heterosexuals. There was a significant difference in scores for heterosexuals (M = 9.29,
Gay ldentity Stages Gay ldentity Stages Gay ldentity Stages Gay ldentity Stages
Stage 6 Stage 5 Stage 4 Stage 3 Stage 2
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SD = 4.90) and LGBs (M = 6.88, SD = 3.17); t (384) = 6.64, p< .0005 (two-tailed).
The magnitude of the differences in the means (mean difference = 2.41, 95% CI: 1.70
to 3.12) was moderate (eta squared = .07). However, the outcome was the opposite of
what it was expected: instead of seeing higher perceived awareness values in non-
heterosexuals, stronger awareness of their sexual orientation being known to others
was found among heterosexuals.
An independent-samples t-test was conducted again after dividing subjects
into two country based groups, to compare the perceived awareness of sexual
orientation for heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals. There was a significant difference
in scores for heterosexuals (M = 10.27, SD = 5.04) and non-heterosexuals (M = 6.55,
SD = 2.89); t (238) = 8.26, p< .0005 (two-tailed) for the Korean sample. The
magnitude of the differences in the means (mean difference = 3.72, 95% CI: 2.84 to
4.61) was large (eta squared = .16). No significant difference was found for the
Australian sample (see Appendix F).
(a) Internalized heterosexism, marginalization, isolation and alienation would be
significantly positively correlated with perceived discrimination and self-esteem and
satisfaction with life would be significantly negatively correlated with perceived
discrimination.
The relationships between the psychological well-being/self perception (as
measured by the internalized homophobia scale, marginalisation scale, self-esteem
scale, alienation scale, friendship scale, and satisfaction with life scale) and perceived
discrimination, were investigated using Pearson product-moment correlations. Table
3.1 showed these correlations; there were statistically significant but low correlations

between psychological well-being and perceived discrimination (r = between .15 to .23,
n=560, p<.01) except for internalized heterosexism (homophobia) and satisfaction with
life.
The relationship between psychological well-being and perceived
discrimination was investigated separately for the Australian and Korean samples.
However, an independent samples t-test revealed that there was a significant difference
in internalized heterosexism scores for Australian (M = 33.98, SD = 12.26) and Korean
participants (M = 47.57, SD = 14.08), t (318) = -8.82, p< .0005 (two-tailed). This
difference did not change the strength in relationship between internalized homophobia
and perceived discrimination. The magnitude or effect size of the differences in the
means was small (eta squared = .20).
Table 3.1 Correlations between mental well-being and perceived discrimination
** p< .01
Table 3.2 shows these correlations; there were small but significant
correlations between alienation and perceived discrimination (r =.21, n=560, p<.01)
and between isolation (measure by friendship scale) and perceived discrimination (r
= .15, n = 560, p< .05) for the Australian group. On the other hand, for the Korean
group, there were statistically significant but low correlations between all self-
perception variables and perceived discrimination (r = .18 to .27, n = 560, p< .01)
except for internalized homophobia scale and satisfaction with life scale.

Internalized
heterosexism
Marginalization
total
Self esteem
total
Alienation
Total
Friendship
Total
Satisfaction
with life total
Perceived
discrimination
total
.02 .15(**) -.17(**) .23(**) .18(**) -.04

Table 3. 2 Correlations between mental well-being and perceived discrimination in Australia and Korea
Country
Internalized
Heterosexism
Marginalization
total
Self esteem
total
Alienation
Total
Friendship
Total
Satisfaction
with life total
Australia Perceived
discrimination
total
.10 .13 -.12 .21(**) .15(*) -.05
Korea Perceived
discrimination
total
.02 .18(**) -.21(**) .27(**) .21(**) -.04
** p< .01
* p< .05
(b) Psychological well-being related variables would contribute significantly towards
A linear regression analysis was conducted to evaluate the prediction of the
levels of perceived discrimination from six measures (internalised homophobia scale,
marginalisation scale, self-esteem scale, alienation scale, friendship scale which
measures isolation, and satisfaction with life scale). These six variables explained 9%
of the variance in perceived discrimination, F (6,313) = 5.44, p < .001. While
significant, the results account for only a small amount of the total variance. Table 3.3
additionally shows only two control measures were statistically significant, with the
Alienation scale and the Satisfaction with life scale contributing significantly.
Table 3. 3. The unstandardised and standardised regression coefficients for the variables entered into the
model.
Variable B SE B
Alienation Total .11 .03 .38*
Satisfaction with Life Total .19 .07 .23**
Self-Esteem Total -.10 .05 -.16
Marginalization Total -.07 .05 -.13
Internalized Homophobia Total -.03 .02 -.11
Friendship Total .04 .05 .06
*p= .001. **p= .005.

Hierarchical multiple regression was used next to assess the ability of the two
control measures (Alienation and Satisfaction with Life scales) to predict levels of
perceived discrimination, after controlling for the influence of Self-esteem,
Marginalization, Internalized heterosexism and Isolation measured by the Friendship
scale. Self-esteem, marginalization, internalized heterosexism, and isolation were
entered at Step 1, explaining 5% of the variance in perceived discrimination. After entry
of the alienation and satisfaction with life scale at Step 2 the total variance explained by
the model as a whole was 9.4%, F (6, 313) = 5.44, p< .0005. Therefore, the two control
measures explained an additional 5% of the variance in perceived discrimination, after
controlling for self-esteem, marginalization, internalized heterosexism and isolation, R
squared change = .05, F change (2,313) = 8.09, p< .0005. In the final model, only the
two control measures were statistically significant, with both the alienation scale and the
satisfaction with life scale achieving significance levels at or beyond p = .005.
A linear regression analysis was conducted again with the two country-based
groups and as can be seen in table 3.4, the six variables explained 11% of the variance
in perceived discrimination, F (6,190) = 3.93, p = .001 for the Korean sample. As with
the regression conducted with whole participants, only the alienation scale (beta = .30, p
< .05) and the satisfaction with life scale (beta = .22, p < .05) significantly predicted
perceived discrimination. For the Australians, only the alienation scale (beta = .40,
p< .05) significantly predicted the level of perceived discrimination.


Table 3.4. The unstandardised and standardised regression coefficients for the variables entered into the
model in Australia and Korea.
Variable B SE B
Aus Alienation Total .11 .06 .40*
Satisfaction with Life Total .16 .12 .19
Self-esteem Total -.03 .10 -.05
Kor Alienation Total .10 .04 .30*
Satisfaction with Life Total .21 .09 .22*
Self-Esteem Total -.13 .07 -.20
*p= .05.

A discriminant function analysis was also performed with perceived
discrimination as the dependent variable and internalized heterosexism, marginalization,
self-esteem, alienation, friendship, and satisfaction with life as predictor variables.
Perceived discrimination was transformed into categorical variable, with no perceived
discrimination and perceived discrimination, for the purpose of this analysis.
Univariate ANOVAs revealed that the people in no perceived discrimination and
perceived discrimination differed significantly on alienation, friendship and
marginalization scales. A single discriminant function was calculated and the value of
this function was significantly different for perceived discrimination and no
perceived discrimination people (chi-square = 22.86, df = 7, p<.0005). The correlations
between predictor variables and the discriminant function suggested that alienation and
marginalization were the best predictors of perceived discrimination. Alienation was

positively correlated with the discriminant function value, suggesting that people with
higher feelings of alienation were more likely to feel discriminated. Therefore,
alienation contributed the most to perceived discrimination: those who feel highly
alienated would be more likely to have higher levels of perception of discrimination.
Discussion
This first study aimed to investigate whether non-heterosexuals (gays, lesbians,
and bisexuals) would perceive more discrimination than heterosexuals when no actual
discrimination presented in the case scenario. It further aimed to study whether the
variables that were related to psychological well-being/self-perception were related to
levels of perceived discrimination.
Hypothesis 1
The first hypothesis of the first study was that there would be significant
differences between heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals in their level of perceived
discrimination in neutral scenarios/situations. More specifically, it was predicted that
LGBs would have a higher level of perceived discrimination than heterosexuals
because of their minority status in the society. The results however showed that there
were no statistically significant differences between heterosexuals and LGBs.
However, a statistically significant difference between heterosexuals and non-
heterosexuals was found within the Australian sample even though the difference was
small. Therefore, it could be interpreted that LGBs in Australia were more likely to
feel discriminated against than heterosexuals when no actual discrimination presented.
On the other hand, Korean LGBs did not show a significant difference from those who
were heterosexuals in the level of perceived discrimination. Therefore, only the
Australian sample supported previous research that LGBs have higher levels of

perceived discrimination than do heterosexuals (Beran et al., 1992): not only when the
real discrimination was presented, but also when it was missing, LGBs felt more
discriminated against than heterosexuals. This between country difference could be
explained using the concept of the outness of LGBs living in these two countries. As
stated in the introduction, the majority of the Korean LGBs may not out as LGBs,
especially in public. The Korean LGBs may find it hard to come out because they
know they are going against the family value and expectation that are set in the society.
Therefore, even if they feel or perceive discrimination in social situations, they are less
likely to attiribute this to their sexual minority status believing that no one knows about
their sexual orientation and therefore, people cannot use their social identity to act
against them. However, the Australian LGBs are more likely to come out in public to
various extend depending on how comfortable they feel. Consequently, if they
perceive discrimination, they would be more likely to reason about it from the basis of
their sexual orientation status.
It was also hypothesized that using a priming stimulus would enhance the
spotlight effect and therefore, increase the perception that others are aware of their (the
participants) sexual orientation status and this increase the perceived discrimination.
However, the results showed no statistically significant difference between the with
priming stimulus condition and the without priming stimulus condition. This could be
due to the weakness of the priming stimulus used in this study; one stimulus may not
be enough, or may not be strong enough.
Hypothesis 2
The second hypothesis predicted that those in later stages of gay identity
development would be significantly less likely to perceive discrimination being present.

However, the results showed that there was no statistically significant difference in the
level over the five gay identity stages.
Hypothesis 3
Hypothesis 3 predicted that non-heterosexuals and heterosexuals would be
different in terms of their awareness of their sexual identity becoming known to others:
non-heterosexuals would be significantly more aware of others knowing their sexual
orientation than heterosexuals because of the spotlight effect. This hypothesis was not
supported; the spotlight effect, which suggested that when we are part of a small group
surrounded by a larger group we are more conscious of our social identity (Myers,
2005), was also not supported. There was a significant difference between
heterosexuals and non-heterosexuals in the level of awareness. However, the group
who had higher awareness was the heterosexual group, not the LGB group. This could
be explained using heterosexism. According to heterosexism, everyone is thought to be
heterosexual unless proved otherwise, thus people may automatically assume everyone
is heterosexual. Moreover, people think others would hold the same belief of
heterosexism and would automatically assume participants are heterosexual. When
comparing countries, it was found that a significant difference was found only among
the Korean participants. Due to the higher percentages and numbers of the Korean
participants involved in the study, they affected the overall outcome. Only the Korean
heterosexuals were significantly more aware of others perception of their sexual
orientation. This finding is in line with the previous study that stated that Asians have
higher heterosexism than do Caucasions (Lippincott, Wlazelek, & Schumacher, 2000).


Hypothesis 4
Hypothesis 4 related to the relationship between psychological well-being/self-
perception. As measured by internalized heterosexism, feelings of isolation,
marginalization, alienation, self-esteem and satisfaction with life, were hypothesized to
be correlated with perceived discrimination. In short, the lower the perception of self,
the higher the perceived discrimination. This hypothesis was weakly supported for four
of the six scales (the exception being the internalized homophobia and satisfaction with
life scale) since correlations shown in Table 3.1 were low.
Furthermore, when respondents were placed into two groups (Australian and
Korean), these overall correlations between self-perception and perceived
discrimination changed. For the Australian group, only the feeling of alienation and
isolation (measured with friendship scale) were significantly correlated with perceived
discrimination whereas for the Korean group, marginalization, self-esteem, alienation,
and isolation were all correlated with perceived discrimination as for the overall
combined outcome.
Six variables were predicted to be related to the level of perceived
discrimination. To find out which variables contributed the most to perceived
discrimination, a multiple regression was conducted. The results showed that only
alienation and satisfaction with life significantly contributed to perceived
discrimination; alienation being the most influencing variable. These variables were
stronger for the Korean group as significant predictors of perceived discrimination.
Conclusion: Findings of Study 1
The study aimed to examine whether LGBs have perceive significantly more
discrimination (have higher levels of perceived discrimination) than heterosexuals do

in non-discriminatory scenario situations (neutral situations where no actual
discrimination was present). The relationships between psychological well-being
variables and perceived discrimination were also studied.
A significant difference was found in perceived discrimination between LGBs
and heterosexuals for the Australian sample but not for the Korean sample. The
priming effect was not supported in this study: using a priming stimulus did not
enhance the level of perceived discrimination.
Study 1 also showed that non-heterosexuals who were in Stage 5 on the gay
identity development questionnaire had the highest level of perceived discrimination
and heterosexuals were more aware of their sexual identity becoming known to others
than were LGBs.
Significant relationships were found between psychological well-being (as
measured by internalized heterosexism or homophobia, isolation, marginalization,
alienation, self-esteem, and satisfaction with life) and perceived discrimination except
for internalized homophobia and satisfaction with life. Among these variables,
alienation was the variable which contributed most to perceived discrimination.
However, the current study examined perceived discrimination only in
neutral/non-discriminatory situations. Therefore, both non-discriminatory and
discriminatory situations needed to be examined to see if there were any differences in
the level of perceived discrimination. The second study responded to this proposition.
It was also suggested that the reason for the significant difference in perceived
discrimination in the Australian group was that the Australian LGBs are more out
about their sexual orientation than Korean group. Therefore, the relationship between
outness and perceived discrimination was also examined in the second study.

In addition, previous experience of discrimination was suggested to be a factor
that may contribute to higher levels of perceived discrimination: if people had
experienced discrimination before, they would be more likely to perceive situations as
involving discrimination. The relationship between previous experience of
discrimination and perceived discrimination was therefore also examined in Study 2.

CHAPTER 4
STUDY 2: PERCEIVED DISCRIMINATION IN DISCRIMINATORY AND NON-
DISCRIMINATORY SITUATIONS
The first study examined perceived discrimination in non-discriminatory
situations and the factors that were related to this perceived discrimination. The major
finding was that there was a statistically significant difference in the level of perceived
discrimination between heterosexuals and lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals (LGBs).
LGBs felt more discriminated against when there was no apparent discrimination
present. However, this difference was found only in the Australian sample. The Korean
sample showed no differences between heterosexuals and LGBs.
This finding led to further questions that the first study could not answer.
Study 1 used four situations or scenarios all of which were non-discriminatory (no
actual discrimination could be seen objectively to have occurred). Therefore the
question was: would there be a significant difference in the level of perceived
discrimination between an actual discriminatory scenario and a non-discriminatory
scenario? To answer this question, perceived discrimination scores in both the
discriminatory situation and the non-discriminatory situation were examined for a full
population. These scores were also examined between several subgroups:
heterosexuals and LGBs; heterosexual women and lesbian (and bisexual women); and
gay (and bisexual) men and lesbian (and bisexual women).
Because the sexual orientation difference in perceived discrimination was
found only in the Australian sample, it was thought that this could be due to the
outness (self-disclosure) of the subjects in Australia. Australian LGBs might be more
likely to come out to family, friends, and at work and school whereas Korean LGBs

might be more likely to be in closet except for close friends and/or other LGBs.
Although there has been no research examining the direct relation between outness and
perceived discrimination, outness is believed to make the otherwise invisible social
identity of LGBs become visible (Appleby, 2001). Therefore, LGBs who come out in
public face theoretically more prejudice and discrimination than when they had not
come out. The current study aimed to test this concept. The correlation between
outness and perceived discrimination was investigated.
Previous experience of discrimination was also identified as a potential factor.
Waldo (1999) conducted research with two community samples (N = 287) of gay,
lesbian, and bisexual people and showed that outness was positively related to
experiences of direct heterosexism (e.g., failure to win a special appointment) and
negatively related to indirect experiences (e.g., failure to be welcomed in
conversations). Therefore the correlation between previous experiences of
discrimination (if any) and perceived discrimination in the set scenarios was examined
(to determine whether previous experience might lead to increased sensitivity to
perceived discrimination).
Studies of perceived or reported discrimination have been mainly carried out
in work settings focusing on LGB workers in organisations or companies where the
LGBs are minorities compared to heterosexuals (Elze, 2006; Ragins & Wiethoff, 2005).
These studies measured reported discrimination which might have been accurate
reports of real discrimination or might have been reports of perceived discrimination.
The studies commonly asked a single simple question such as "Have you been
discriminated against in your workplace because of your sexual orientation?" (Levine
& Leonard, 1984). The limitation in these studies was therefore, that they did not use a

clear method of measuring true/real discrimination. As a result, situations subjects
faced were manipulated in the current study to make it clearer whether the subjects
were in either an actual discriminatory or a non-discriminatory situation.
The hypotheses in the second study for a sample of Australian tertiary students
were that:
H1. (a) The level of perceived occurrence of discrimination in the actual
discriminating situation would be significantly higher for all respondents
than in the non-discriminatory situation (consistent with the actual
situations as presented).
(b) LGBs would show significantly higher levels of perceived
discrimination than heterosexuals.
(c) Lesbian and bisexual women would score significantly more highly on
levels of perceived discrimination than heterosexual women when they
imagined the character in scenarios as having the same sexual orientation as
they have.
(d) Lesbian and bisexual women would exhibit significantly higher levels
of perceived discrimination than gay and bisexual men, when they
imagined the character in scenarios as having same sexual orientation as
they have.
H2. (a) LGBs who came out to more people (family members, friends, and
colleagues) would have significantly lower level of perceived
discrimination than LGBs who were less out, in the non-discriminatory
situation.

(b) In the discriminatory situation, outed LGBs would feel significantly
more discriminated against than closeted LGBs would.
H3. LGBs with past experience of discrimination would exhibit significantly
higher level of perceived discrimination.
This study aimed to expand the knowledge on whether LGBs higher level of
discrimination is the response to the actual discrimination they faced or the response to
the discrimination they perceived to be present. It also aimed to enhance understanding
on the extent to which LGBs outness and previous experience of discrimination
influenced their perceptions of discrimination (perceived discrimination) in the set
scenarios.
Method
Participants
A total of 73 university students in Australia participated in the second study.
Seven records were deleted from the study after data screening due to being
incomplete or unsatisfactory. Therefore 44 females (66.7 per cent), 21 males (31.8 per
cent) and one gender unidentified person, giving a total of sixty six university students
made up the final sample. The mean age was 21.9 years (SD=4.51, range 18-42 years).
Of this final sample, 57.6% self-identified as heterosexuals and 42.4 % self-identified
as either homosexual or bisexual. For the heterosexual group, 79% were females and
21% were males. On the other hand, for the LGB group, half were females and half
were males.
Participants were recruited in the same way as they were in Study 1 for the
Australian based sample. However, additionally, a number of university queer
associations were contacted in Study 2. Thirty four participants (all heterosexuals) of

the final sample were recruited from the Bond University Research Pool System and
were Bond University psychology students who participated in the study in exchange
for half credit point towards their coursework. The remainder of the participants
volunteered in the study without any incentives. Study 2 was conducted using a printed
word document questionnaire instead of a web-based questionnaire and the data were
collected between March and May 2008.
Materials
A questionnaire (see Appendix H) was distributed either through email or in
person, accompanied by the same explanatory statement (see Appendix A) that was
provided in Study 1. The questionnaire was divided into three sections. The first
section consisted of a series of questions asking for basic demographic information
such as participants age, gender, ethnicity, education and occupation. The second
section consisted of questions asking for personal information such as their sexual
orientation; outness (if they were LGBs); and previous experience of discrimination.
The last section was comprised of questions related to one discriminatory and one non-
discriminatory scenario measuring perceived discrimination. The survey took about
10-15 minutes to complete depending on sexual orientation and previous experience:
those who self-identified as LGBs and who had had previous experience of
discrimination took longer to complete the questionnaire than those who were
heterosexuals and without previous experience of discrimination.
Sexual orientation
Kinseys (1948) Heterosexual Homosexual Rating Scale was used for the
assessment of sexual orientation, as described in Study 1 (see Method, Materials
section, p. 49).

Outness
Self-identified non-heterosexual participants, whose answers on Kinseys scale
were in the ranges 3 to 6, were measured on their outness by using questions asking
whether they came out at home, to friends, at school and at work (if applicable). For
instance, Have you come out at home? LGBs whose answer was yes to any of these
four questions were asked to indicate to whom and how many people they came out as
LGB to, in each category. For the convenience of analyses, a score of 0 was given to
those who had not come out to anyone; a score of 1 for those who had come out to
only few people; a score of 2 for those who had come out to almost all; and a score of
3 for those who had come out to everyone. The total score for outness was made up by
summing given scores in each category and ranged from 0 to 12, the higher score
representing more out participants.
Due to the characteristic of the questions, self-identified heterosexuals whose
answer for the sexual orientation question were 0, 1 or 2 skipped the following
questions and moved onto the questions on past experience of discrimination.
Experience of discrimination
The researcher used two questions, asking for the participants previous
experience of discrimination. The first question (To what extent have you experienced
discrimination of any kind? ) did not give any specific time frame when the
discrimination occurred whereas the second question gave a specific time frame of
within the last year. The participants were asked to indicate the frequency of
discriminatory experience on a seven-point likert response format with 1 being never
and 7 being a lot. By stating discrimination of any kind, not only sexual orientation
related discrimination but discrimination in general was considered. The participants

who reported previous experience of discrimination were also asked to describe the
discrimination they experienced (physical or verbal discrimination and direct or
indirect discrimination). Lastly, there was an additional question for those who
reported that they had experienced discrimination in the past, asking whether they
reported the incident(s) to relevant authorities and if they did, what the
outcome/consequence of the report was.
Perceived Discrimination
Perceived discrimination was measured using two scenario situations and their
related questions. The first scenario situation was the same as one of scenarios used in
Study 1, a neutral or non-discriminatory situation that could have created perceptions
of discrimination for some individuals. A different scenario was developed for Study 2.
The second scenario was discriminatory and would lead to the perception of the
existence of the discrimination for most people. Instead of asking how much
participants felt they were being or would have been discriminated against in the given
situations, as in Study 1, participants were asked to imagine themselves as a specified
character in the scenarios. They were then asked to rate the likelihood that the
character in the scenario was discriminated against based on their sexual orientation,
using a seven-point likert scale (1 being not at all and 7 being very likely). Three
sexual orientation statuses were suggested and used to make up three related questions
in each scenario: being heterosexual; being gay man; and being lesbian.
Two scores were drawn from each scenario, to measure perceived
discrimination: the total score and a representative score. The total scores of perceived
discrimination in each scenario (non-discriminatory and discriminatory) were
calculated by summing the responses to the three scenario related questions. The

representative scores were drawn by examining the responses for the question having
matched sexual orientation status as participants. For example, the heterosexual
participants representative score for perceived discrimination was the score for the
question asking the participants perception of discrimination when the character was
imagined to be heterosexual (as was the participants: thus a representative).
Procedures
In the second study, only those who were currently university students in
Australia were invited to participate through posting advertisements on the internet.
Potential participants contacted the student researcher and the questionnaire along with
the explanatory statement was given to them either through email or in person.
Participants then filled in the questionnaire which consisted of the demographic
information; the Kinsey Sexual Orientation Scale (Kinsey, 1948); outness questions (if
they were self-identified LGBs); previous experience of discrimination questions; and
perceived discrimination questions. At the completion of the questionnaire, the
participants could return the completed questionnaire through email, by putting it in
the principal researchers mail box, or posting it or they could return it in person (if
they were from the Bond University participation pool). Anonymity was maintained
for all questionnaires received.
Design
The dependent variables (DVs) in this study were perceived discrimination in
one discriminatory and one non-discriminatory scenario situation, measured by
responses to set questions. The independent variables (IVs) were sexual orientation,
outness of LGBs, and previous experience of discrimination. The data were analysed
using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 15.0.

Results
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics showed that the majority of participants in Study 2 were
Caucasians (77.3%) followed by Asians (16.7%). Participants were current tertiary
students and the majority of them were completing degrees in the Bachelor of Social
Science (28.8%) or Bachelor of Arts (18.2%). When the year of full-time study they
were in was examined, approximately equal numbers of participants were in years 1, 2,
3, and 4 or more. Please see Table 4.1 for the characteristics of participants.
Regarding the past experience of discrimination, 16.7 % of the 66 participants
reported experiencing direct verbal discrimination; 10.6 % indirect verbal
discrimination; 4.5 % direct physical; and 4.5 % indirect physical discrimination. Table
4.2 showed that more LGBs have reported verbal discrimination (both direct and
indirect) than heterosexuals and 10.7 % of LGBs reported experiencing direct physical
discrimination whereas no heterosexuals experienced similar discrimination.
The percentages of the participants reporting experienced discrimination over
the last year were 18.2%, 12.1%, 1.5% and 12.1% for direct verbal, indirect verbal,
direct physical and indirect physical respectively. When the data were divided into two
groups according to their sexual orientation (heterosexuals and LGBs), more LGBs
than heterosexuals had experienced discrimination of all four types in the past year
(see Table 4.2). However, only three participants, who were all LGBs, reported the
incident(s) to the relevant authorities. The outcomes of reporting the incident(s) were
either the matter got worse or nothing at all happened or changed after the
reporting.

For the LGB participants, almost all came out at home (89.3%) and all of them
came out to their friends, although the number of friends they came out to varied
between individuals. Only one participant had not come out to anyone at school and
32.1 percent of the LGB participants had not come out at work or did not have work.
See Table 4.1.
Table 4.1 Characteristics of Participants
Characteristics Percentages
Ethnicity
Caucasian 77.3
Asian 16.7
Mixed race 4.5
Other 1.5
Degree
Bachelor of Arts 18.2
Bachelor of Business 13.6
Bachelor of Social Science 28.8
Bachelor of Medical Science 9.1
Bachelor of Art 4.5
Bachelor of Science 6.1
Bachelor of Engineering 3.0
Bachelor of Law 6.1
Bachelor in other faculty 4.5
Postgraduate (Master and PhD) 6.1
Full time study in year
Year 1 28.8
Year 2 19.7
Year 3 24.2
Year 4 or more 27.3
Experience of discrimination
Direct verbal 16.7
Indirect verbal 10.6
Direct physical 4.5
Indirect physical (Threat, exclusion) 4.5

Experience of discrimination in the last year
Direct verbal 18.2
Indirect verbal 12.1
Direct physical 1.5
Indirect physical (Threat, exclusion) 12.1
Out at home
No one 10.7
A few 7.1
Almost all 25.0
All 57.1
Out to friends
Almost all 25.0
All 71.4
Out at school
No one 3.6
A few 14.3
Almost all 10.7
All 64.3
Out at work
No one/ not appreciable 32.1
A few 14.3
Almost all 3.6
All 46.4
Note. Where percentages do not add up to 100%, data was classified as missing.
(a) Levels of perceived discrimination in a discriminatory situation would be
significantly higher than in the non-discriminatory situation for all participants.
A paired samples t-test showed that the level of perceived discrimination in the
discriminatory situation was significantly different from that in the non-discriminatory
situation, t (65) = -7.18, p < .0001. The combined groups clearly perceived that
discrimination was occurring in the scenario developed to show discrimination; the
two situations were seen differently, consistent with the intention in the design of the

scenarios. This validated the use of the two differing scenarios. Subsequent sub-
hypotheses examined the responses for the different groups.

Table 4.2 Comparison of heterosexuals and LGBs in discriminatory experience
Heterosexuals LGBs
(Percentage) (Percentage)
Past experience of discrimination
Direct verbal 13.2 21.4
Indirect verbal 5.3 17.9
Direct physical 0.0 10.7
Indirect physical 5.3 3.6
Past experience of discrimination in the last year
Direct verbal 13.2 25.0
Indirect verbal 5.3 21.4
Direct physical 0.0 3.6
Indirect physical 0.0 28.6
Report of discrimination
Yes 0.0 10.7
Thus, perceived discrimination was examined for the different sexual
orientation groups: (b) LGBs versus heterosexuals, (c) lesbians and bisexual women
versus heterosexual women, and (d) gay and bisexual men versus lesbians and bisexual
women.
(b) LGBs would show significantly higher levels of perceived discrimination than
heterosexuals
Two scores of perceived discrimination were drawn from each scenario for
analyses: the total score of perceived discrimination and the representative score of
perceived discrimination for the identified group orientation (see method p. 84, and
also appendix H). When using the total score for the non-discriminatory situation, an

independent samples t-test showed that there was a significant difference but in the
opposite direction to that hypothesised in total scores for heterosexuals (M = 9.76, SD
= 3.49) versus LGBs (M = 7.07, SD = 4.12). This result indicated that the perception of
discrimination was not higher among LGBs in the non-discriminatory situation as was
expected. There were no differences in the total scores. However, what would happen
if the representative score was used instead of the total score for the analyses? For
example, would heterosexuals, gay men or lesbians respond differently in line with
their own orientation? Thus, heterosexuals were examined in terms of their perceptions
as to whether the heterosexuals were discriminated against; gay men were examined in
terms of their perceptions as to whether the gay men were discriminated against; and
lesbians were examined in terms of their perceptions as to whether the lesbians were
discriminated against.
An independent-samples t-test was therefore conducted to compare the level of
perceived discrimination for heterosexuals and LGBs using the representative score
instead of the total score. There was a statistically significant difference in the direction
expected when the representative score of perceived discrimination for heterosexuals
(M= 1.66, SD=1.12) and LGBs, M=2.63, SD= 1.62; t (43) = -2.69, p=.01 were
compared for the non-discriminatory situation. The magnitude of the differences in the
means was moderate (eta squared = .10).
Two independent samples t-tests were conducted using total and representative
scores of perceived discrimination for discriminatory situation as well. There were
significant differences in the representative scores of perceived discrimination for
heterosexuals (M = 2.21, SD=1.55) versus LGBs (M = 5.70, SD = 1.46). The
magnitude of the differences was very large (eta squared = .57). This difference

suggested that when the participants own sexual orientation was suggested in the
discriminatory scenario, LGBs perceived significantly higher levels of discrimination
than did heterosexuals.
(c) Lesbian and bisexual women would score significantly more highly on levels of
perceived discrimination than heterosexual women when they imagined the character
in scenarios as having the same sexual orientation as they have.
In the non-discriminatory situation, a significant difference in perceived
discrimination score (representative score) was found between heterosexual women
(M=1.63, SD= 1.16) and lesbians and bisexual women (M=2.71, SD= 1.64), t (19) = -
2.22, p= .04. The effect size was moderate (eta squared = .11). In the discriminatory
situation there was also a significant difference in the representative score of perceived
discrimination for heterosexual women (M = 2.17, SD=1.60) and lesbians and bisexual
women (M=6.21, SD=1.05), t (42) = -8.61, p= .0001 (eta squared = .64, very large).
These results showed that lesbians and bisexual women perceived significantly higher
levels of discrimination than heterosexual women in both discriminatory and non-
discriminatory scenario situations when the characters in the scenarios were assumed
to have the same sexual orientation as they do. The difference in perceived
discrimination was greater in discriminatory situation than non-discriminatory situation.
(d) Lesbian and bisexual women would exhibit significantly higher levels of perceived
discrimination than gay and bisexual men when they imagined the character in
scenarios having the same sexual orientation as they have.
When the characters in the scenarios were assumed to have the same sexual
orientation as the participants have, there was no significant difference in scores of
perceived discrimination between gay and bisexual men (M=2.54, SD= 1.66) and

lesbian and bisexual women (M=2.71, SD=1.64); t (25)= -.28, p=.78 in the non-
discriminatory situation. Similarly, the difference in perceived discrimination for gay
and bisexual men (M=5.15, SD=1.68) and lesbian and bisexual women (M=6.21,
SD=1.05) in discriminatory situation was also not statistically significant; t (25) = -
1.99, p= .06. These results did not support the hypothesis that lesbian and bisexual
women would have higher levels of perceived discrimination than gay and bisexual
men due to the double stigmatization they have as sexual minorities and as women.
(a) In the non-discriminatory situation, LGBs who came out to more people would
have significantly lower level of perceived discrimination.
The relationship between the total outness (as measured by the sum of being
out to family, to friends, at school and at work) and the representative score of
perceived discrimination (as measured by the perceived discrimination score when the
character in the scenario is in line with participants sexual orientation in scenario 1)
was investigated using the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient. There was
insignificant correlation between the two variables (r = -.23, n = 27, p = .25). Therefore,
the hypothesis that outness would be negatively correlated with perceived
discrimination in the non-discriminatory situation was not supported although the
relationship (negative) was in the direction hypothesised.
(b) In the discriminatory situation, outed LGBs would feel significantly more
discriminated against than closeted LGBs would.
The relationship between the total outness and the representative score of
perceived discrimination in the discriminatory situation was investigated. The result
showed that there was no significant correlation; r = .21, n= 27, p = .29. Thus,

Hypothesis 2 (b) was not supported. However, the direction of the relationship was the
same as suggested in the hypothesis (positive).
LGBs with past experience of discrimination would exhibit significantly higher level of
The relationships between the past experiences of discrimination and
perceived discrimination in the scenarios were investigated using Pearson product-
moment correlation analyses. As shown in appendix K, there were statistically
significant correlations between experience of discrimination and perceived
discrimination (both in non-discriminatory and in discriminatory situations). This
indicated that the more experience of discrimination was detected in the past, the
higher the perceived discrimination score obtained in response to the scenarios. The
correlation was stronger in the second discrimination scenario presented.
Discussion
The general aim of the second study was to explore the difference in perceived
discrimination scores in non-discriminatory and discriminatory scenario situations for
the Australian tertiary students. The research question that guided the second study
was: would there be a difference in the level of perceived discrimination between an
actual discriminatory scenario and a non-discriminatory scenario?
Hypothesis 1
For the first hypothesis of the second study, a statistically significant
difference was found in the level of perceived discrimination between discriminatory
and non-discriminatory situations. Therefore, people would feel more discriminated

against when the actual discrimination was presented: the feeling of being
discriminated against was the response to actual discrimination rather than the
discrimination they perceived. This finding provided support for the first hypothesis
and for the main subsequent research questions of the second study dealing with
subgroups. It demonstrated that the scenarios were acting as they were designed to do
(one as non-discriminatory, the other as discriminatory or showing the existence of
discrimination).
The sub-groups were compared separately according to their sexual orientation
status. In part (b) of the first hypothesis, sexual orientation groups of heterosexuals and
LGBs were compared for difference in the level of perceived discrimination. The
results showed that heterosexuals perceived higher discrimination levels than LGBs in
the non-discriminatory situation, which was the opposite of what it was predicted. This
higher total score of perceived discrimination for heterosexuals in the non-
discriminatory situation could mean that heterosexuals were more sensitive than LGBs
to the discrimination they believed LGBs received in non-discriminatory social
situation. Heterosexuals may believe that LGBs would feel discriminated against even
when no real discrimination was presented: this could be due to the heterosexual
participants belief in heterosexism. This finding supported a previous study that
showed people believed LGBs were highly likely to be targets of discrimination (Crow,
Fok, & Hartman, 1998). It further suggested that this belief extended to situations
where no real discrimination was present.
However, when the representative score of perceived discrimination was used
instead of the total score of perceived discrimination, there was a statistically
significant difference in perceived discrimination for heterosexuals and LGBs in both

discriminatory and non-discriminatory situations: when the participants own sexual
orientation was suggested in the scenarios, LGBs showed a significantly higher level
of perceived discrimination than did heterosexuals. These findings supported the
hypothesis that LGBs would have higher levels of perceived discrimination than
heterosexuals. The findings also supported previous studies that LGBs reported more
discrimination than did heterosexuals (Beran et al., 1992). Hypothesis 1(b) was
therefore supported with the representative score of perceived discrimination, but not
with the total score of perceived discrimination. It is possible that some previous
studies have used total scores on perceptions of discrimination, but not divided the
samples into their own groups (representative scores) and thus had missed the finding
shown here.
Because of the higher number of heterosexual women who participated in the
study, only women participants were examined for the next part of Hypothesis 1. Part
(c) of the Hypothesis 1 compared heterosexual women with lesbian and bisexual
women in terms of their perceived discrimination in both non-discriminatory and
discriminatory situations. The representative score of perceived discrimination,
meaning the level of perceived discrimination when the participants were imagined to
be characters in the scenarios with the same sexual orientation as they were, was used
in this investigation. The results indeed showed that lesbians and bisexual women
perceived significantly higher levels of discrimination than heterosexual women.
Lesbian and bisexual women felt more discriminated against then heterosexual women
due to their sexual orientation status, not only because of their gender. They perceived
even more discrimination when the actual discrimination was present (scenario 2) than
when it was missing. However, caution should be drawn here because the number of

heterosexual women involved in this analysis was double the number of lesbian and
bisexual women. They may not have been comparative to each other. Also, the overall
number of participants was small (44 participants).
Gender differences were also examined among LGBs. In part (d) of
Hypothesis 1, gay (and bisexual) men and lesbian (and bisexual) women were
compared with each other for their level of perceived discrimination. However, the
result showed no significant difference between these two groups in both
discriminatory and non-discriminatory scenarios/situations. Thus, the concept that
lesbians would suffer double stigmatization and therefore having higher perceived
discrimination scores was not supported. This could mean that having a gender stigma
might not have as much impact as a sexual orientation related stigma might have.
Further studies might be conducted to investigate further the influence of gender and
sexual orientation stigma.
Hypothesis 2
Results after analysis of the second hypothesis of the second study indicated
that the level of outness was not significantly correlated with the level of perceived
discrimination although the direction was present. However, outness of LGBs was
negatively correlated with perceived discrimination in the non-discriminatory situation
and positively correlated with perceived discrimination in the discriminatory situation.
These findings did not provide support for previous studies that LGBs who disclosed
their identity status would be the target of discrimination (Badgett, 2003) and self-
disclosing would be beneficial to their social life. This insignificance could have been
due to the small sample size used in this current study. A larger sample size should be
used in future studies for clearer results.

Hypothesis 3
The third hypothesis of the second study that the previous experience of
discrimination would contribute to the level of perceived discrimination was supported.
There were positive correlations between the discrimination experienced in the past
and the representative score of perceived discrimination in the discriminatory situation.
This indicated that when the character in the discriminatory scenario was assumed to
have the same sexual orientation as did the participants, a higher level of perceived
discrimination was found.
However, it was noticed from the comments participants made on the
questionnaire, that some participants did not fully understand the past discriminatory
experience questions. For example, they only counted the discriminatory experience
that was related to their sexual orientation, although the question stated that
discrimination of any kind. Therefore, this result should be interpreted with caution.
Conclusion: Findings of Study 2
The study aimed to examine whether levels of perceived discrimination would
differ for different sexual orientations in non-discriminatory and discriminatory
scenario situations. The research question that guided this current study was: would
there be a difference in the level of perceived discrimination between an actual
discriminatory scenario and a non-discriminatory scenario? The link between LGBs
outness and perceived discrimination; and the link between previous experience of
discrimination and perceived discrimination were also studied, once the quality of the
scenarios was established.
A significant difference was found in perceived discrimination between non-
discriminatory and discriminatory scenario situations for all participants. Significant

differences were also found in perceived discrimination between heterosexuals and
LGBs, between lesbians and heterosexual women; but not between lesbian women and
gay men.
In Study 2, no links were found between outness and perceived discrimination
in either the discriminatory or non-discriminatory situations. However, strong links
were found between previous experience of discrimination and perceived
discrimination in both scenarios. This result of the second study has shown the value of
using both non-discriminatory and discriminatory situations in studying the
perceptions people have as to whether discrimination exists, especially for those in
minority groups including LGBs. There is argument to suggest that further research is
required using larger sample sizes. The areas needing further study include the link
between outness with perceived discrimination; and the link between different kinds of
discrimination experienced in the past and the current perceptions of discrimination.
The full thesis project is reviewed in the next chapter.

CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION OF KEY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS
Overview
Lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals (LGBs) are believed to receive more
discrimination than heterosexuals in society and such discrimination has great impacts
on their psychological well-being (Garnets, Herek, & Levy, 1992; Savin-Williams,
1995). The majority of research examining the difference in the level of discrimination
between heterosexuals and LGBs has been carried out in work settings. The research
had used self-reported discrimination as a method of measuring discrimination.
Therefore, these earlier research studies could not determine if the discrimination
LGBs reported receiving was the response to the actual discrimination or the response
to the perception of the existence of discrimination. Also, such research had not
examined responses to the same situation by both heterosexuals and LGBs. The
factors/variables that would be related to higher perceived discrimination also had not
been studied. This thesis project set out to address some of these issues.
Therefore, the current research project examined whether different sexual
orientation groups perceived discrimination differently, and whether individual
characteristics and circumstances of sexual minorities made them more likely to
perceive discrimination whether present or not. Perceived discrimination was measured
in the current study in both discriminatory and non-discriminatory situations. The two
main research questions that guided the research were: Would LGBs perceive higher
discrimination than heterosexuals in what were mainly non-discriminatory
situations/scenarios?; and Would there be a difference in the levels of perceived
discrimination between actual discriminatory situations (situations presented in which

discrimination was in fact occurring) and non-discriminatory situations (situations in
which no actual discrimination was occurring).
This project aimed to increase understanding of what characteristics of LGBs
influenced their perceptions of discrimination. By using these identified characteristics
or factors, developing interventions to reduce instances of perceived discrimination
and to increase psychological well-being might be possible.
Key Findings and Conclusions
The levels of perceived discrimination for heterosexuals and LGBs were found
to be significantly different from each other both in non-discriminatory and
discriminatory scenario situations. In Study 1 Hypothesis 1, Lesbians, gay men and
bisexuals (LGBs) were found to perceive more discrimination present than did
heterosexuals in situations where no real discrimination was presented. This finding
supported the literature suggesting that LGBs perceived higher levels of discrimination
than did heterosexuals (Beran et al., 1992) even when actual discrimination was not
present. However, this finding occurred only with the Australian group and not with
the Korean group. Use of a priming stimulus to enhance participants awareness of
their sexual orientation did not make any difference in the perceived discrimination
levels. Therefore, the priming effect theory was not supported.
The second hypothesis of the first study showed no significant difference
between gay identity stages, in the level of perceived discrimination. However,
unusually high perceived discrimination scores were found among those who belonged
to Stage 5 of the gay identity development scale. A positive relationship between
sexual orientation and gay identity stage was found.

According to the spotlight effect, people tend to believe the social spotlight
shines more brightly on them than it really does (Gilovich, Medvec, & Savitsky, 2000)
and the targets of the spotlight effect are more likely to be members of minority groups.
However, Hypothesis 3, examining heterosexuals and LGBs awareness of their own
sexual orientation becoming known to others (spotlight) was not supported.
The fourth hypothesis of the first study indicated that psychological well-being
was found to be correlated negatively with perceived discrimination except for
internalized heterosexism and satisfaction with life. However, for the Australian
sample, only alienation and isolation were significantly correlated with perceived
discrimination whereas marginalization, self-esteem, alienation, and isolation were
correlated with perceived discrimination for the Korean sample. It was further shown
that alienation influenced perceived discrimination the most.
The results from the second study indicated a significant difference in
perceived discrimination between non-discriminatory and discriminatory scenario
situations for all participants. This finding showed that the designed studies were
operating as intended. Significant differences were also found in perceived
discrimination between heterosexuals and LGBs, and between lesbians and
heterosexual women; but not between lesbian women and gay men. These findings
supported heterosexuals belief that LGBs would feel discriminated against even when
no real discrimination was presented; and indeed LGBs did perceive more
discrimination as being present than did heterosexuals. However, the results found no
significant differences in perceived discrimination between lesbians and bisexual
women and gay and bisexual men.

The results also indicated that no significant links existed in this study between
outness and perceived discrimination in either the discriminatory or non-discriminatory
situations. However, strong links were found between previous experience of
discrimination and perceived discrimination in both scenarios.
Overall, the current research project provided support for the propositions that:
sexual minorities such as LGBs do perceive more discrimination than their
heterosexual counterparts; that both heterosexuals and LGBs perceive more
discrimination when the real discrimination presents than when the real discrimination
is missing (the situations determine the levels of perception of discrimination as would
be expected); and variables such as alienation, isolation, marginalization, self-esteem
and previous experience of discrimination all contribute to higher levels of perceived
discrimination.
Limitations
This research project had several limitations which should be taken into
account when considering the results and the implications of those results. One of the
limitations involved the sampling procedures and sample distribution: the
representativeness of participants involved in this project may be questioned. All LGB
participants in these two studies were self-identified LGBs and were connected to
lesbian, gay, or bisexual communities either online or offline. This self identification
could have lead to a potentially biased response to the questionnaire instruments (those
who did not self-identify as LGB skipped two LGB related sets of questionnaires). In
retrospect all individuals could have continued to answer all questions. The overall
result may have been identification of more individuals in Stages 1 and 2 of the gay

identity stages. However, the process used has given results that enable direct
comparison of the self-identified LGBs with those who did not self-identify.
Moreover, the method of recruiting, especially in Study 1, limited participants
to those who had access to computers and the internet. They also had to know about the
websites where the student researcher advertised. The results were representative of
younger LGBs who were more familiar with using the internet and who belonged to
web based communities. This limitation made it easier for the Koreans to participate
than the Australians because Korea has the second fastest internet access service in the
world. Most Koreans also have easier access to the internet and therefore they are more
familiar with using the internet.
Along with the limitation of internet access, using internet explorer as a
browser was a must for completing the questionnaire for the first study. In Korea, the
majority of people use Internet Explorer but in Australia, browsers other than internet
explorer are often used, causing inability to complete the questionnaire (since the survey
was only supported by the internet explorer).
Another limitation was the gender ratios of heterosexual participants which
were not even, whereas the gender ratios of LGBs were almost equal for both Study 1
and 2. More heterosexual women participated than heterosexual men. Thus, these
findings could be explained as the perceptions of heterosexual women more than of
heterosexuals in general. More evenly spread participants and higher numbers in each
category should be obtained in future studies.
Furthermore, the average age for female participants for the Korean sample
was early 20 which is the age when Korean men usually serve compulsory military

service for the country. This could be the reason for the low participation rate for
Korean males.
The questionnaire for the first study was originally written in English and
translated into Korean for the Korean sample (back translation was also used).
However, the questionnaire may have been western culture based and may not have
been suitable for the Korean culture. A pilot study testing the Korean questionnaire
should have been performed prior to conducting the Study 1.
For the second study where the link between the degree of outness and
perceptions of discrimination was examined, most of LGB participants had come out
to people around them. This could be a limitation to Study 2: because LGBs who were
in the closet did not participate in the study comparison could not made clearly
between those with higher outness and those with less outness.
Recommendation for Future Research
Several limitations were listed above and future studies should address these.
One suggestion for future studies is to use a broader range of participants. Different
geographic locations of LGBs should also be examined. For example, those who are in
rural areas may perceive or receive higher levels of discrimination than those who live
in metropolitan areas.
Self-identified heterosexuals should be measured using the gay identity
questionnaire and also outness questions (if they have any sexual
feelings/thoughts/behaviours toward same gender) since a much larger number of men
and women experience same-sex erotic attraction, or act upon it, than identify as gay,
lesbian, or bisexual. In other words, homosexual feeling or thought or behaviour would
be more pervasive among those describing themselves as homosexual. Brady and

Busse (1994) hypothesized that people in Stages 1 or 2 might not yet identity
themselves as gay and, therefore, would be difficult to recruit for studies. Thus, more
subjects in earlier stages would be detected if self-identified heterosexuals were tested
with the gay identity questionnaire instead of automatically being excluded from
assessment: if people wonder about their homosexual thoughts/feelings/behaviour,
they would pass the validity test for the questionnaire and might be placed in Stage 1.
Validation of the use of the two different scenarios occurred in the second
study. However, to test the validity across countries and cultures, similar future studies
conducted in other countries and languages/cultures would be needed. Also, other
alternative scenarios could be developed involving LGB dominated places such as gay
bars, to compare whether heterosexuals in the bars would have the same degree of
perceived discrimination as LGBs have in heterosexual dominated places. If the
heterosexuals reacted in the way expected, then this might provide strong evidence for
the theory that perceived discrimination is due to majority-minority status in the
society rather then sexual orientation per se.
Further examination of the use of a priming stimulus is necessary. In the
current study, use of the rainbow flag did not show any significant influence on
awareness and perceived discrimination. This could be due to the insignificance of
priming stimulus used in this study: one might not have been strong enough to have
priming effect. Thus, a group of stimuli could be used in future studies to investigate if
they have stronger priming effect.
Overall this thesis has shown that sexual orientation has widespread impacts
including on how situations are perceived and on the perceptions of discrimination.
There are cultural differences also as shown in the differences found between the

Australian and the Korean responses. Similarities, however, across the two cultures
included the impacts for those who were the sexual minority compared to
heterosexuals: lower self-esteem, and more feelings of marginalization and alientation.
More studies are needed to address above recommendations and to improve well-being
of LGBs by applying the knowledge gained through them.


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125

Appendix A
Explanatory statement
Project Title: The effects of internalized homophobia on perceived
discrimination.
Project Number: RO505

My name is Sarang Kim and I am undertaking postgraduate research towards a
Master of Arts (Research), under the supervision of Professor Richard Hicks in the
Department of Psychology at Bond University.

The present project is on how we feel about ourselves and others. We hope the result
of this project will allow us to understand more about how our thoughts and beliefs
influence how we perceive the situations in our lives.

We are looking for individuals who are over 18 years of age. The procedures
involved will take approximately 20-30 minutes, and will involve filling in
questionnaires online or in hard copy.

No findings which could identify any individual participant will be published. The
anonymity of your participation will be assured and only aggregate data will be
published. You may withdraw at any time if you do not wish to participate further in
the research. Only my supervisor and I will have access to your data, which will be
combined with those from other participants and stored for five years in accordance
with the university regulations.

If you have any queries or would like to be informed of the aggregate research
findings, please contact rhicks@staff.bond.edu.au
SaRang Kim Dr. Richard Hicks
Student Investigator Principal Investigator

Should you have any complaint concerning the manner in which this research is conducted, please do not hesitate to contact Bond
University Research Ethics Committee, quoting the Project number (above):

The Complaints Officer
Bond University Human Research Ethics Committee
Bond University Research Institute
Level 2, Room 232, Conference Centre
Bond University Gold Coast, 4229.
Telephone (07) 5595 4194 Fax (07) 5595 5009
Email: buhrec@bond.edu.au
School of Humanities & Social Sciences
Bond University, Queensland 4229, Australia. Telephone: +61 5595 2522. Facsimile: + 61 7 55952545. Website: www.bond.edu.au ABN 88 010 694 121
126

Appendix B
Study 1 Questionnaire
Personal attitudes toward sexual orientation

Project number: RO505

This is a survey on how you feel about yourself and others. There are no right or
wrong answers to any question as you will be required to rate your own thoughts and
beliefs. Please follow the given instructions and answer as honestly and openly as
possible.

We hope from this study to gain more understanding on how our thoughts and beliefs
influence how we perceive the situations in our lives.

The procedures involved will take approximately 20-30 minutes and to participate in
this survey, you will need to be 18 years of age or older.

No findings which could identify any individual participant will be published. The
anonymity of your participation will be assured and only aggregate data will be
published. You may withdraw at any time if you do not wish to participate further in
the research.

If you have any queries or would like to be informed of the aggregate research
findings, please contact rhicks@staff.bond.edu.au
127

1. Sex: male/female
2. Age: _______ (years)
3. Ethnicity (Nationality): ______________
4. Occupation: _______
If you are student, what program are you in: ____________
5. Educational level: _______
6. I am (Circle one)
0 Exclusively heterosexual
1 Predominantly heterosexual, only incidentally homosexual
2 Predominantly heterosexual, but more than incidentally homosexual
3 Equally heterosexual and homosexual
4 Predominantly homosexual, but more than incidentally heterosexual
5 Predominantly homosexual, only incidentally heterosexual
6 Exclusively homosexual

(From Q6, if your answer is 0-2, go to page 7 if your answer is 3-6, go to page 3)

128

Direction: Please read each of the following statements carefully and then circle
whether you feel the statements are true (T) or false (F) for you at this point in time.
A statement is circled as true if the entire statement is true, otherwise it is circled as
false.

True False
1. I probably am sexually attracted equally to men and women. T F
2. I live a homosexual lifestyle at home, while at work/school I do
not want others to know about my lifestyle. T F
3. My homosexuality is a valid private identity that I do not want
made public. T F
4. I have feelings I would label as homosexual. T F
5. I have little desire to be around most heterosexuals. T F
6. I doubt that I am homosexual, but still am confused about who I
am sexually. T F
7. I do not want most heterosexuals to know that I am definitely
homosexual. T F
8. I am very proud to be gay and make it known to everyone around
me. T F
9. I dont have much contact with heterosexuals and cant say that I
miss it. T F
10. I generally feel comfortable being the only gay person in a
group of heterosexuals. T F
11. Im probably homosexual, even though I maintain a
heterosexual image in both my personal and public life. T F
12. I have disclosed to 1 or 2 people (very few) that I have
homosexual feelings, although Im not sure Im homosexual. T F
13. I am not as angry about treatment of gays because even though
Ive told everyone about my gayness, they have responded well. T F
14. I am definitely homosexual but I do not share that knowledge
with most people. T F
15. I dont mind if homosexuals know that I have homosexual
thoughts and feelings, but I dont want others to know. T F

129

16. More than likely Im homosexual, although Im not positive
about it yet. T F
17. I dont act like most homosexuals do, so I doubt that Im
homosexual. T F
18. Im probably homosexual, but Im not sure yet. T F
19. I am openly gay and fully integrated into heterosexual society. T F
20. I dont think that Im homosexual. T F
21. I dont feel as if Im heterosexual or homosexual. T F
22. I have thoughts I would label as homosexual. T F
23. I dont want people to know that I may be homosexual,
although Im not sure if I am homosexual or not. T F
24. I may be homosexual and I am upset at the thought of it. T F
25. The topic of homosexuality does not relate to me personally. T F
26. I frequently confront people about their irrational, homophobic
(fear of homosexuality) feelings. T F
27. Getting in touch with homosexuals is something I feel I need to
do, even though Im not sure I want to. T F
28. I have homosexual thoughts and feelings but I doubt that Im
homosexual. T F
29. I dread having to deal with the fact that I may be homosexual. T F
30. I am proud and open with everyone about being gay, but it isnt
the major focus of my life. T F
31. I probably am heterosexual or non-sexual. T F
32. I am experimenting with my same sex, because I dont know
what my sexual preference is. T F
33. I feel accepted by homosexual friends and acquaintances, even
though Im not sure Im homosexual. T F
34. I frequently express to others, anger over heterosexuals
oppression of me and other gays. T F
35. I have not told most of the people at work that I am definitely
homosexual. T F
36. I accept but would not say I am proud of the fact that I am
definitely homosexual. T F
130

37. I cannot imagine sharing my homosexual feelings with anyone. T F
38. Most heterosexuals are not credible sources of help for me. T F
39. I am openly gay around heterosexuals. T F
40. I engage in sexual behaviour I would label as homosexual. T F
41. I am not about to stay hidden as gay for anyone. T F
42. I tolerate rather than accept my homosexual thoughts and
feelings. T F
43. My heterosexual friends, family, and associates think of me as
a person who happens to be gay, rather than as a gay person. T F
44. Even though I am definitely homosexual, I have not told my
family. T F
45. I am openly gay with everyone, but it doesnt make me feel all
that different from heterosexuals. T F

131

Instructions: The following are some statements that individuals can make about
being gay. Please read each one carefully and decide the extent to which you agree
with the statement, then circle the number which best reflects how much you agree or
disagree with the statement.
1. Strongly Disagree
2. Disagree
3. Neutral
4. Agree
5. Strongly Agree
1. Male/female homosexuality is a natural expression of sexuality in
human males/females. ______
2. I wish I were heterosexual. ______
3. When I am sexually attracted to another gay man, I do not mind if
someone else knows how I feel. ______
4. Most problems that homosexuals have come from their status as an
oppressed minority, not from their homosexuality per se. ______
5. Life as a homosexual is not as fulfilling as life as a heterosexual. ______
6. I am glad to be gay. ______
7. Whenever I think a lot about being gay, I feel critical about myself. ______
8. I am confident that my homosexuality does not make me inferior. ______
9. Whenever I think a lot about being gay, I feel depressed. ______
10. If it were possible, I would accept the opportunity to be completely
heterosexual. ______
11. I wish I could become more sexually attracted to opposite sex. ______
12. If there were a pill that could change my sexual orientation, I would
take it. ______
13. I would not give up being gay even if I could. ______
14. Homosexuality is deviant. ______
15. It would not bother me if I had children who were gay. ______
16. Being gay is a satisfactory and acceptable way of life for me. ______
17. If I were heterosexual, I would probably be happier. ______
18. Most gay people end up lonely and isolated. ______
19. For the most part, I do not care who knows I am gay. ______
20. I have no regrets about being gay. ______
132

Directions: Indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with each statement
by using the following scale:
1. Strongly disagree
2. Disagree
3. Neutral
4. Agree
5. Agree strongly

1. Generally, I find it difficult to socialize with anybody,
heterosexual or homosexual/bisexual ______
2. I sometimes feel that nobody like me. ______
3. There are times when I think no one understands me. ______
4. I sometimes find it hard to communicate with people,
straight or gay. ______
5. I sometimes find it hard to make friends. ______
6. Sometimes I feel that no one accepts me. ______
7. Sometimes I find it hard to trust anyone,
straight or gay. ______
8. I find that people often have difficulty understanding me. ______
9. I find that I do not feel comfortable when I am with other people. ______

133

1. Strongly disagree
2. Disagree
3. Neutral
4. Agree
5. Strongly Agree

1. I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an equal basis with others.
______
2. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. ______
3. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. ______
4. I am able to do things as well as most other people. ______
5. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. ______
6. I take a positive attitude toward myself. ______
7. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. ______
8. I wish I could have more respect for myself. ______
9. I certainly feel useless at times. ______
10. At times I think I am no good at all. ______

134

Directions: Indicate the degree to which you agree or disagree with each statement by
using the following scale:
2. Disagree
3. Neutral
4. Agree
5. Strongly Agree

1. I sometimes feel that the people I know are not too friendly. ______
2. Most of my work in school/work seems worthwhile and meaningful
to me. ______
3. I sometimes feel uncertain about who I really am. ______
4. I feel that my family is not as close to me as I would like. ______
5. When people I know are having problems, its my responsibility to
try to help. ______
6. I often wonder whether Im becoming the type of person I want to be.
______
7. Its hard to know how to act most of the time since you cant tell
what others expect. ______
8. I often feel left out of things that others are doing. ______
9. Nowadays you cant really count on other people when you have a
problem or need help. ______
10. Most people dont seem to accept me when Im just being myself. ______
11. I often find it difficult to feel involved in the things Im doing. ______
12. Hardly anyone I know is interested in how I really feel inside. ______
13. I generally feel that I have a lot of interests in common with the
other people around me. ______
14. I often feel alone when I am with other people. ______
15. If I really had my choice Id live my life in a very different way
than I do. ______
16. Everyone is out to manipulate you toward their own ends. ______
17. I am better off when I keep to myself. ______
18. Most people are happy not to know that what they call love is really
self-interest. ______
135

19. Big parties are very exciting to me. ______
20. Often when I interact with others, I feel insecure over the outcome. ______
21. There is no point in socializing it goes nowhere and is nothing. ______
22. Why bother to try to love or care for people; theyll only hurt you in
the end. ______
23. What really turns me on about socializing is the challenge of a group
of people disagreeing and arguing. ______
24. I try to avoid close relationships with people so that I will not be
obligated to them. ______
25. Most social relationships are meaningless. ______
26. People who believe that Love makes the world go around are
fooling themselves. ______
27. The best reason for getting involved with other people is
participation in some action that can catch everybody up. ______

136

2. Disagree
3. Uncertain
4. Agree
5. Strongly Agree

1. Sometimes I feel as if I am completely alone. ______
2. Id like to be invited out by friends more often than I am. ______
3. Most people today would feel lonely most of the time. ______
4. Real friends are hard to find. ______
5. We can always find friends if we shows ourselves as friendly. ______
6. Overall, the world in which we live is not a friendly place. ______
7. People do not depend on each other like they used to. ______
8. People are too busy today to be friendly and helpful. ______
9. Id like to have more good friends than I have. ______
10. There are many more lonely people today than in the past. ______

137

Direction: Below are six statements that you may agree or disagree with. Using the 1
- 5 scale below, indicate your agreement with each item by placing the appropriate
number on the line preceding that item. Please be open and honest in your responding.

2. Disagree
3. Uncertain
4. Agree
5. Strongly Agree

1. In most ways my life is close to my ideal. ______
2. The conditions of my life are excellent. ______
3. I am satisfied with my life. ______
4. So far I have gotten the important things I want in life ______
5. If I could live my life over, I would change almost nothing ______
6. I am generally very happy. I enjoy life regardless of what is going on,
getting the most out of everything. ______

*The rainbow flag (priming stimulus) is presented here (see Figure 3.1).
138

As you read the following story, imagine yourself in the social interaction that is
described. Then state how much you agree with each statement that follows (1 =
strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree).

You were invited to Janes, one of your colleagues/friends, house for her
birthday party. The front door had a bell hanging, so as you entered the house,
everyone looked at you to see who has arrived. You did not know anyone except
Jane. Then Jane came to living area and started to introduce everyone. As she
was about to introduce you to other people, her husband called her from the
kitchen so she just gave you a glance and left. After she has left, people started to
talk among themselves while you were standing by yourself.

1 2 3 4 5
Strongly disagree Strongly agree
1. I believe everyone at the party knew about my sexual orientation ______
2. I believe Jane did not introduce me to others because of my sexual orientation
______
3. I believe I was left out by other guests because of my sexual orientation
______
You were going to have lunch with friends at a shopping centre food court.
However, by the time you met up with your friends, there was no table available
for you to sit, since it was the middle of lunch time and there were so many people
having lunch. So you were talking to friends while standing near tables. A few
minutes later, a man at one of the table turned around and told you and your
friends to shut up and go talk somewhere else.

1 2 3 4 5

1. I believe the man knew about my sexual orientation ______
2. I believe the man was being rude because of my sexual orientation ______

139

You were walking along the street on Sunday afternoon. Then a red car drove
past with a very loud engine. As it drove pass you, a man in the car shouted at
your direction. You did not hear what he said clearly because of the noise. As
you turned around to see who the man was shouting at, there were few people
walking on the street all looking puzzled with their eyes following the car.

1 2 3 4 5

1. I believe the man knew about my sexual orientation ______
2. I believe the man was shouting at me because of my sexual orientation ______
3. I believe the man was shouting something discriminatory regarding my
sexual orientation ______

You went to clothes shopping last Friday. As you entered the shop, the assistant
greeted you verbally then turned to the other customer who was in the shop. You
looked around the shop for awhile and then found something you liked. However,
as you tried to reach it so you can try it on, it was hung so high you could not get
it. You wanted to ask the assistant for help, so you called out for her, but she did
not seem to hear you and kept assisting other customers.

1 2 3 4 5

1. I believe the assistant knew about my sexual orientation ______
2. I believe the assistant ignored me because of my sexual orientation ______

THANK YOU FOR PARTICIPATING IN SURVEY.
140

Appendix C
Study 1 Descriptive Statistics
Table C.1
Demographic Characteristics of Participants (N = 560)
Demographic Characteristics Percentages
Gender Male 35.0%
Female 65.0%

Occupation Unemployed 3.9%
White collar 13.9%
Blue collar 5.7%
Professional 13.2%
Student 59.5%
Unknown 3.8%

Educational level High school or less 13.4%
Currently doing diploma 1.3%
Completed diploma 3.6%
Currently doing undergraduate 47.7%
Completed undergraduate 18.2%
Currently doing postgraduate 8.8%
Completed postgraduate 6.8%

Sexual orientation Exclusively heterosexual 34.6%
Predominantly heterosexual,
But, only incidentally homosexual 6.1%
But more than incidentally homosexual 2.1%
Equally heterosexual and homosexual 6.8%
Predominantly homosexual,
But, more than incidentally heterosexual 4.8%
But, only incidentally heterosexual 13.0%
Exclusively homosexual 32.5%

Sexual orientation in two groups
Heterosexual 42.9%
LGB 57.1%

Gay identity stage Stage 2 2.8%
Stage 3 5.9%
Stage 4 39.4%
Stage 5 3.1%
Stage 6 31.9%
Dual stage 16.9%
Note. Where percentages do not add up to 100%, data was classified as missing

141

Table C.2
Demographic Characteristics of Participants (N = 560)
Demographic Characteristics Percentages
Gender
Australia - Male 42.9%
Female 57.1%

Korea - Male 30.4%
Female 69.6%

Ethnicity
Australia - Caucasian 80.5%
Asian 12.7%
Other 5.9%
Unknown 1.0%

Korea - Asian 100.0%

Occupation
Australia - Unemployed 3.4%
White collar 18.0%
Blue collar 9.8%
Professional 18.5%
Student 48.3%
Unknown 2.0%

Korea - Unemployed 4.2%
White collar 11.5%
Blue collar 3.4%
Professional 10.1%
Student 65.9%
Unknown 4.8%

Educational level
Australia - High school or less 19.5%

Korea - High school or less 9.9%
142

Sexual orientation
Australia - Exclusively heterosexual 31.2%
But more than incidentally homosexual l2.0%

Korea - Exclusively heterosexual 36.6%
But more than incidentally homosexual 2.3%

Sexual orientation in two groups
Australia - Heterosexual 40.0%
LGB 60.0%

Korea - Heterosexual 44.5%
LGB 55.5%

Gay identity stage
Australia - Stage 2 1.6%
Stage 3 1.6%
Stage 4 12.2%
Stage 5 5.7%
Stage 6 65.9%
Dual stage 13.0%

Korea - Stage 2 3.6%
Stage 3 8.6%
Stage 4 56.3%
Stage 5 1.5%
Stage 6 10.7%
Dual stage 19.3%
Note. Where percentages do not add up to 100%, data was classified as missing

143

Table C.3
Mean and Standard Deviation of age and self-perception variables
Variables Mean SD
Age
Australia 26.5 7.77
Korea 24.6 4.85

Internalized Phobia Total
Australia 34.0 12.26
Korea 47.6 14.08

Marginalization Total
Australia 21.9 8.16
Korea 27.0 7.79

Self-esteem Total
Australia 39.5 7.24
Korea 35.4 6.54

Alienation Total
Australia 57.8 15.87
Korea 69.8 13.55

Isolation Total
Australia 30.4 7.13
Korea 34.2 5.38

Satisfaction with life Total
Australia 20.8 5.29
Korea 16.2 4.44

Awareness
Australia 7.4 3.71
Korea 8.2 4.40

Perceived discrimination
Australia 9.8 4.39
Korea 9.8 4.29
144
Appendix D
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (a)
Group Statistics
240 9.51 3.944 .255
320 10.02 4.579 .256
Sexual orientation
in 2 groups
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Perceived
discrimination total
N Mean Std. Deviation
Std. Error
Mean
Independent Samples Test
4.827 .028 -1.364 558 .173 -.503 .369 -1.227 .221
-1.394 547.367 .164 -.503 .361 -1.212 .206
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Perceived
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Equality of Variances
t df Sig. (2-tailed)
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
Difference Lower Upper
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
t-test for Equality of Means
145
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (b)
Group Statistics
82 8.96 3.831 .423
123 10.34 4.659 .420
158 9.80 3.984 .317
197 9.81 4.529 .323
Sexual orientation
in 2 groups
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Perceived
Perceived
Language version
English
Korean
Std. Error
Mean
4.183 .042 -2.223 203 .027 -1.378 .620 -2.600 -.156
-2.311 194.145 .022 -1.378 .596 -2.554 -.202
1.964 .162 -.032 353 .974 -.015 .459 -.917 .887
-.033 349.967 .974 -.015 .452 -.904 .875
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Perceived
Perceived
Language version
English
Korean
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
146
Study 1 Hypothesis 1 (c)
Group Statistics
113 9.36 3.841 .361
170 9.94 4.661 .357
127 9.65 4.044 .359
150 10.10 4.499 .367
Sexual orientation
in 2 groups
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Perceived
Perceived
Condition
Without priming
With priming
Std. Error
Mean
4.474 .035 -1.095 281 .275 -.578 .528 -1.618 .462
-1.138 268.249 .256 -.578 .508 -1.579 .422
1.020 .313 -.877 275 .381 -.454 .518 -1.474 .566
-.885 273.993 .377 -.454 .514 -1.465 .557
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Perceived
Perceived
Condition
Without priming
With priming
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
147
Appendix E
Study 1 Hypothesis 2
ANOVA
Perceived discrimination total
114.445 4 28.611 1.344 .254
5556.251 261 21.288
5670.695 265
Between Groups
Within Groups
Total
Sum of
Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Appendix F
Group Statistics
240 9.29 4.897 .316
320 6.88 3.170 .177
Sexual orientation
in 2 groups
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Awareness
Std. Error
Mean
58.250 .000 7.045 558 .000 2.407 .342 1.736 3.079
6.643 384.347 .000 2.407 .362 1.695 3.120
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Awareness
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
148
Group Statistics
82 7.40 4.009 .443
123 7.42 3.513 .317
158 10.27 5.038 .401
197 6.55 2.893 .206
Sexual orientation
in 2 groups
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Heterosexuals
Non-heterosexuals
Awareness
Awareness
Language version
English
Korean
Std. Error
Mean
.836 .362 -.038 203 .969 -.020 .530 -1.066 1.025
-.037 157.737 .970 -.020 .544 -1.096 1.055
63.677 .000 8.734 353 .000 3.724 .426 2.885 4.562
8.262 237.716 .000 3.724 .451 2.836 4.612
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Awareness
Awareness
Language version
English
Korean
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
149

Appendix G
Study 2 Questionnaire
1. Gender: male/female
2. Age: _______ (years)
3. Ethnicity: ______________
4. hat degree are you studying: ____________
5. What year of full-time study are you in (circle one):
Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4 or more
6. I am (Circle one)
0 Exclusively heterosexual
1 Predominantly heterosexual, only incidentally homosexual
2 Predominantly heterosexual, but more than incidentally homosexual
3 Equally heterosexual and homosexual
4 Predominantly homosexual, but more than incidentally heterosexual
5 Predominantly homosexual, only incidentally heterosexual
6 Exclusively homosexual

7. If your answer for question 6 was 0, 1 or 2, go on to question 8; if your answer to
question 6 was 3, 4, 5 or 6, answer the following four parts: have you come out
At home? Yes / NO if yes, to whom (specify)? ___________
To friends? Yes / No if yes, to how many? ________________
At school/university? Yes / No if yes, to how many? ________________
At work? Yes / No if yes, to how many? ________________

150

8. To what extent have you experienced discrimination of any kind?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Never A lot
If you scored 5-7, describe the discrimination you experienced (physical, verbal,
direct, indirect).
___________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________

9. To what extent have you experienced discrimination of any kind within the last
year?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Never A lot
Describe the discrimination if any (e.g. Physical/verbal and direct/indirect)
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

10. If your answers for the above questions listed any discrimination, did you report
the incident(s) of discrimination to the relevant organization (work/school, etc.)?
YES NO
If yes, what was the outcome/consequence for the report?
___________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________

151

Scenario 1: Read the following statement and imagine that you were Jamie.
Jamie was invited to a birthday party for one of his/her friends, Sarah. The front
door had a bell hanging, so as Jamie entered the house, everyone looked at Jamie
to see who had arrived. Jamie did not know anyone except Sarah. Then Sarah
came to the living area and started to introduce everyone. As she was about to
introduce Jamie to other people, Sarahs husband called her from the kitchen so
she just gave Jamie a glance and left. After she has left, people started to talk
among themselves while Jamie was standing by himself/herself.

11. How likely is it, if Jamie were heterosexual, that Jamie would think that
discrimination had occurred because of his/her (Jamies) heterosexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Not at all Very likely
12. How likely is it, if Jamie were lesbian, that she was discriminated against because
of her sexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
13. How likely is it, if Jamie were a gay man, that he was discriminated against
because of his sexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

152

Scenario 2: Read the following statement and imagine that you were Angel.
Angel was looking around the house to rent last Sunday and the owner who was
showing the place was very friendly. Angel said he/she liked the place and wanted
to take it with his/her partner, Chris who had just walked over to them. The owner
suddenly changed his attitude and said there were several people who wanted to
take the place and said Angel can try to put his/her application in but he could not
guarantee he/she will get the house.

14. How likely is it, if Angel were heterosexual, that Angel was discriminated against
because of his/her heterosexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
15. How likely is it, if Angel were lesbian, that she was discriminated against because
of her sexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
16. How likely is it, if Angel were a gay man, that he was discriminated against
because of his sexual orientation?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Thank you for your participation.

153
Appendix H
Paired Samples Statistics
8.62 66 3.972 .489
12.92 66 3.496 .430
S1total
S2total
Pair
1
Mean N Std. Deviation
Std. Error
Mean
Paired Samples Correlations
66 .154 .217 S1total & S2total Pair 1
N Correlation Sig.
Paired Samples Test
-4.303 4.871 .600 -5.500 -3.106 -7.177 65 .000 S1total - S2total Pair 1
Mean Std. Deviation
Std. Error
Mean Lower Upper
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
Paired Differences
154
Paired Samples Statistics
2.06 65 1.424 .177
3.66 65 2.293 .284
S1rep
S2rep
Pair
1
Mean N Std. Deviation
Std. Error
Mean
Paired Samples Correlations
65 .456 .000 S1rep & S2rep Pair 1
N Correlation Sig.
Paired Samples Test
-1.600 2.075 .257 -2.114 -1.086 -6.216 64 .000 S1rep - S2rep Pair 1
Mean Std. Deviation
Std. Error
Mean Lower Upper
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
Paired Differences
155
Group Statistics
38 1.66 1.122 .182
27 2.63 1.621 .312
38 2.21 1.545 .251
27 5.70 1.463 .282
Hete vs LGBs
Heterosexuals
LGBs
Heterosexuals
LGBs
S1rep
S2rep
Std. Error
Mean
9.701 .003 -2.859 63 .006 -.972 .340 -1.651 -.293
-2.691 43.193 .010 -.972 .361 -1.700 -.244
.013 .910 -9.181 63 .000 -3.493 .380 -4.253 -2.733
-9.268 57.963 .000 -3.493 .377 -4.248 -2.739
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
S1rep
S2rep
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
156
Study 2 Hypothesis 1(c)
Group Statistics
30 1.63 1.159 .212
14 2.71 1.637 .438
30 2.17 1.599 .292
14 6.21 1.051 .281
Sexual orientation in
4 groups
Heterosexual women
Lesbian and
bisexual women
Heterosexual women
Lesbian and
bisexual women
S1rep
S2rep
Std. Error
Mean
4.647 .037 -2.519 42 .016 -1.081 .429 -1.947 -.215
-2.224 19.318 .038 -1.081 .486 -2.097 -.065
1.377 .247 -8.614 42 .000 -4.048 .470 -4.996 -3.099
-9.991 36.940 .000 -4.048 .405 -4.869 -3.227
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
S1rep
S2rep
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
157
Study 2 Hypothesis 1(d)
Group Statistics
13 2.54 1.664 .462
14 2.71 1.637 .438
13 5.15 1.676 .465
14 6.21 1.051 .281
Sexual orientation in 4
groups
Gay and bisexual men
Lesbian and bisexual
women
Gay and bisexual men
Lesbian and bisexual
women
S1rep
S2rep
Std. Error
Mean
.023 .881 -.277 25 .784 -.176 .636 -1.485 1.133
-.276 24.785 .785 -.176 .636 -1.486 1.135
3.896 .060 -1.986 25 .058 -1.060 .534 -2.160 .039
-1.953 19.915 .065 -1.060 .543 -2.193 .073
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
Equal variances
assumed
Equal variances
not assumed
S1rep
S2rep
F Sig.
Levene's Test for
Mean
Difference
Std. Error
95% Confidence
Interval of the
Difference
158
Appendix I
Correlations
1 -.231
.246
28 27
-.231 1
.246
27 65
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Outtotal
S1rep
Outtotal S1rep
Correlations
1 .211
.292
28 27
.211 1
.292
27 65
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Outtotal
S2rep
Outtotal S2rep
159
Appendix J
Correlations
1 .667** .716** .377** .384** .408**
.000 .000 .002 .002 .001
65 65 65 65 64 64
.667** 1 .413** .404** .078 .123
.000 .001 .001 .539 .329
65 66 65 66 65 65
.716** .413** 1 .570** .315* .484**
.000 .001 .000 .011 .000
65 65 65 65 64 64
.377** .404** .570** 1 .236 .513**
.002 .001 .000 .059 .000
65 66 65 66 65 65
.384** .078 .315* .236 1 .456**
.002 .539 .011 .059 .000
64 65 64 65 65 65
.408** .123 .484** .513** .456** 1
.001 .329 .000 .000 .000
64 65 64 65 65 65
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Pearson Correlation
Sig. (2-tailed)
N
Discrimination of
any kind
Disctotal
Discrimination
within the last year
Dislasttotal
S1rep
S2rep
Discriminatio
n of any kind Disctotal
Discriminati
on within the
last year Dislasttotal S1rep S2rep
Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). **.
Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). *.

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