Pictographs in The Andes

PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 1
Latin American Indian

Literatures Journal
vol. 12, no. 1, 1996.
Pictographs in the Andes: The
Huntington Free Library
Quechua Catechism
William P. Mitchell and Barbara H. Jaye,
Monmouth University
Introduction
After the conquest of the Americas in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, Roman Catholic clergy developed graphic media to help
surmount the linguistic barriers between them and their varied flocks.
Among the earliest and best known are the Testerian Catechisms of
Mexico, most of which were produced in the sixteenth century (Duran
1984, Glass 1975). These books portrayed the catechism, a standard
handbook of Roman Catholic doctrine, in pictographic form. Less familiar
to scholars are the pictographic catechetical works from the Andes, all of
which were collected in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The
Huntington Free Library's pictographic catechism discussed and partially
reproduced here (referred to in our text as the Huntington Catechism) is
an exceptional example of these Andean works. 1 It is not only one of the
earliest, most beautiful, and complete of the Andean catechisms, but it
helps shed light on two issues concerning their nature and origin. It is,
first, a mnemonic aid rather than a written text that reproduces speech
and, second, its iconography clearly points to Old World rather than New
World origins.
2 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL
!

Figure 1. The Apostles' Creed (recto)
'The Huntington Catechism
The Huntington Catechism consists of twenty-one surviving lined
sheets, each 16 by 11 centimeters in size, covered with inked pictographs.
The pictographs are usually recognizable, provided one knows the
standard text. Captions at the top of each page in European script,
generally in Quechua although a few words are in Spanish and Latin, key
Figure 2. The Sixth Commandment (4R Line 6)
the opening phrase of each doctrine or prayer. These captions or incipits
are crucial to identifying the meaning of the pictographs.
Except for one page (3 verso), the pictographs and captions are found
on the recto (or right hand side) only. The drawings on 3 verso (the back
side of3 recto) and four figures at the bottom of20 recto have been added
in pencil by a different, untrained hand. The inked pictographs are ca. 1.1
centimeters in height. The penciled additions are a little larger, ranging
from 1.4 to 1.7 centimeters. In neither hand do the incipits nor drawings
fit between the notebook lines or follow them closely. Two or three sheets
are probably missing from the beginning of the manuscript, because the
Sign of the Cross, Paternoster, and Ave Maria in the original hand are
absent. These three prayers usually precede the Creed (which begins the
Huntington) in colonial and modern catechisms, although the Sign of the
Cross is sometimes omitted in other Andean manuscripts. The pencil
addition on 3 verso is the Paternoster.
The Huntington Catechism is of both aesthetic and ethnographic
interest. Gracefully drawn, the work is visually unified (except for the two
pages with later 'emendations) by the charming pictographs, a unity that is
evidenced in the Apostle's Creed reproduced here in full (see Fig. I).
Pictographic groups throughout the manuscript are equally engaging. The
dancing figure in a bubbly circle that represents life everlasting at the end
of the Creed (Fig. 1, line 6)2 delightfully expresses the joy in that life.
The sixth commandment's call for chastity is effectively depicted by an
observer's upright hand signifying "do not" to a man whose arms and leg
encircle a woman in an unchaste embrace (Fig. 2). A startling illustration
of "turn thine eyes of mercy toward us" in the Salve Regina shows Mary
as a crowned woman holding an eye in each hand above two kneeling
people (Fig. 3), an iconography that seems unique to the Huntington.
Figure 3. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 3)
The accession history of the Huntington Catechism is dim, but the
manuscript was probably acquired by the library in the 1930s or 1940s.
3
Page 17 recto of the manuscript contains a stamp that was readable in 1978
as "Republica de Chile," but that is now illegible by either natural or
ultraviolet light. The manuscript cannot be precisely dated, but the paper,
binding, handwriting, and details of clothing in the pictographs point to
the mid-nineteenth century, approximatel y the period in which we find the
first clear descriptions of Andean pictographic catechisms. There is no
provenance information, but it is likely that the Quechua in the incipits is
that spoken in the Lake Titicaca area (Teofilo Altamirano, Personal
Communication, 14 February 1996), situating the Huntington in the same
region as the other Andean pictographic catechisms.
4
The lined paper used in the catechism, which looks like ordinary
Andean school-notebook paper, clearly indicates a date no earlier than the
nineteenth century. It is machine-made with pale-green lines 0.8 of a
centimeter apart. There are no chain lines or visible watermarks. These
pages were originally bound in leather, a format that suggests the book
may have been manufactured as a ledger, a widely-used medium for the
production of nineteenth and early twentieth century Native American arts.
The manuscript has been rebound in three stitched gatherings but the
original cover has been preserved separately. This cover is a rough-tanned
leather of which the fur, although in a fragile condition caused by age and
slight insect damage, is still present. It is approximately 16.5 by 12
centimeters, a measurement which is not exact because of wrinkling, but
the hand-cut leather was probably never squared. Leather bindings were
common in nineteenth-century ledgers, although usually smoothly finished
and machine cut. The hand-cutting of the binding, therefore, suggests
some personal care in the manufacture. Before rebinding, the manuscript
had been stitched with white and blue thread.
Figure 4. 1be Sacrament of Baptism (2R, Line I)
The captions similarly point to the last century, because they are
written with black ink in a neat nineteenth-century hand. The style of
clothing depicted in the pictographs narrows the time to the mid-century:
the capes, jackets, pants, and the bicorne (Fig. 1, lines 1 and 2) and
high-crowned wideawake (Fig. 1, lines 3-6) hats worn by the men were
common in Europe from about 1840 to 1850 and may have arrived in the
Andes as early as 1845 (David Fleming, personal communication 26 April
1992).
We have no knowledge of authorship. However, because the
drawings depict the clergy primarily in diocesan clothing, it is unlikely
that the manuscript was produced under the auspices of any of the monastic
orders. These orders were very jealous and competitive (Marfa Benavides,
Personal Communication, 27 September 1993) and it is likely that they
would have provided more evidence of authorship, although one of the
hats depicted (a biretta or bonete) was worn by both diocesan clergy and
the Jesuits (Fig. 4).
The Text of the Huntington Catechism
The official history of approved New World Catechisms begins with
the basic proselytic texts established by the Third Lima Provincial Council
in 1582-1583 and published in 1584 and 1585. These were (in their
sixteenth-century spellings): Doctrina Christiana, Conjessionario, and
Tercer Catecismo (Barnes 1992a; Castillo Arroyo 1966:45, n. 1). Pereiia
(1985) provides a photographic facsimile of all these sixteenth-century
texts, known in this composite form to English-speaking scholars as the
Third Lima Catechism. Fray Luis Jer6nimo de O r t ~ probably worked on
6 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 7
the Third Lima Catechism (Cook 1992, Tord 1992). In 1598, he published
the Symbolo Catholico Indiano that provided additional Quechua and
Aymara translations of the Catechism, as well as much cosmological and
historical material, and gave instructions for the teaching of the catechism
to the natives (Heras 1992:10, O r ~ 1992 [1598:400 ft]). Through the
twentieth century the Third Lima Catechism and the Symbolo Catholico
Indiano (which closely follows the Third Lima Catechism) have remained
the standard works for Catholic clergy working with indigenous peoples
in South America. We have used the Third Lima Catechism wherever
possible to interpret the Huntington and to provide our Quechua texts.
5
Although one tends to think of the Roman Catholic Catechism as
uniform, many variants are found in practice. Indeed, the translators of
the catechism into Quechua and Aymara consciously decided against a
strict reading in favor of a less literal but more understandable one
(Harrison 1989:25-26). In most catechisms, the first four texts are the Sign
of the Cross, the Paternoster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed in that order.
After these texts, however, changes in section order are frequent, as are
alterations in the number, order, and grouping of questions and responses
in the Shorter Catechism (the brief set of catechetical questions known as
the Catecismo Breve in Spanish) and the Longer Catechism (the larger set
of questions called the Catecismo Mayor in Spanish). In the influential
Symbolo Catholico Indiano. Luis Jer6nimo de O r ~ omitted the Longer
Catechism and added a Catechism of the Holy Sacrament. Variations in
the interrogations of the Conjessionario are also frequent (Barnes 1992a).
Such variations in standard catechisms have complicated our
identification of the texts in the Huntington manuscript. As already
mentioned, the Huntington lacks the Sign of the Cross and the Ave Maria,
while the Paternoster has been added in a different hand. Table 1 illustrates
the difference in order between the Huntington and Third Lima Catechism.
The pictographs in the Huntington, moreover, do not always follow the
standard Quechua and Spanish catechisms exactly. For example, in the
Credo (Fig. 1, line 2) the catechism in Quechua, Spanish, and English
clearly specifies Jesus Christ as the Son of God the Father, but the
pictographic grouping depicts a child with a woman, portraying Jesus,
therefore, as the son of Mary. Our greatest problems in interpretation,
however, resulted from the fact that the grouping of catechetical questions
and responses in the Huntington on pages 9R through 17R does not
coincide with those in any of the standard catechetical texts that we
TABLE I: THE DIFFERING ORDER OF THE HUN11NGTONAND mlRDUMA CATECHISMS
Ur, Hu"lin,ton Callrism TIl. TId" IJmq Cateclrum
I R: The Apostle's Cre<:d (Credo) Por la SelIaI :Ie la Sanda Cruz (The Sign of the Cross)
2R The: Seven Sacraments EI Pater Noster (The Paternoster)
3RThe Salve Regin. (H.il Holy Queen) EI Ave Maria (The Ave Maria)
3V The Our Father (Paternoster, inserted by a diITm:nt hand) EI Credo (The Credo)
4 RThe Ten Commandments La Salve (The Salve Regina)
5R The Commandments of the Chureh Los Artieulos De La Fe: Los Que Pertenescen a la divinidad
(The Articles of Faith Concerning the Divinity of Christ)
6R The Articles of Faith Concerning the Humanity of Christ Los Articulos De La Fe: Los Que Pcrtcnescen a la sancta
humanidad de nuestro selIor Jesu Christo (The Artiel"" of
F"ilh Conccmins the Humanity or Chri!ft)
7R The Seven Corporal Works of MeTcy Los Mandamientos de La Icy de Dins (The Ten
Commandments)
RR The Seven Spiritual Works of Mo-cy Los Mandamientos De la saneta madn: ygl""ia (The
Commandments of the Church)
9R Catechism Questions on the ExiSlence and Nature of God Los Sacramcntos De La saneta madre ygles;a (The Sc\-en
Sacraments)
lOR Ca""'hism Qu""tion.. 00 the Nature of the Trinity Las Obras De Misericordia (The Spiritual and Corporeal
Works of Mo-cy)
II R Calechism Questioos 00 Nature and Int=ioo of Mary Las Virtudes TheoIogales (The Theological Virtues)
12R C.techism Qucstioos 00 Humanity and Death of Christ Las Virtudes Cardinal.. (The Cardinal Virtuc:l)
13R Ca""'hism Questions on Christ and the Lasl Judgment Los Peccados Capital"" (The Seven Deadly Sins)
14R Catechism Questions on the Nalure of the Eucharist Los Eno-nigos Del Alma ( The Enemies of the Soul)
1:S RCalcchism Questions on Administration of Ihc Eucharist Los Cuatro Novissimos (The Four Last Things: Death,
Judgement, Hell and Heoven)
16R Catechism Questions on the: SlICrament of Penance La Coof""'ion General (The Coofitror or I Coof""'l
17R Catechism Questions on Salvation La Summa De La Fe Catholica (Summary of the Catholic
hith)
IRR The Theological and Canlinal Virtues Catecismo Breve Para Los rudos y occupados (The Shorter
Catechi,m)
19R The Seven Deadly Sins (and Ro-nedial Virtues') Platica Breve En Que Se Cootienc La Summa De Lo Que Ha
de saber el que se hlW: Christiano (What You Have to Know
in Order to Be a Christian)
20R The Confi.oor (I Coofessl Alphabet and Vowel Sounds
21 RThe Ac. of Contrition Calecismo Mayor del Symbolo, Para Los Que Son Mas
Capaces (Longer Catechism)
consulted. The texts on these pages, therefore, reflect our interpretation
of the incipits and pictographs.
Relationship to Other Native American
Pictographs
Although the pictographic catechisms of the Andes and of Mexico
are sometimes likened to the ledger art of the nineteenth-century North
American Plains (see, for example, Ibarra 1953, 1991), there is little
resemhlance other than the ledger medium of some catechisms (Lettner
1973). Plains ledger art, usually depicting recent historical events and
hunting and battle scenes, differs in both iconography and content (Dunn
1969, Mallery 1883, 1963, Young 1986:59). The pictographic
catechisms have also been compared to the ledger art of the Cuna of
Panama, but the Andean catechisms differ considerably in both appearance
and meaning from this genre, which was used to record magical
incantations and songs (NordenskiOld 1979 [1928-1930]).
Andean catechisms also differ from the pictographic Testerian
catechisms from Mexico. Although their content is similar, temporal and
stylistic differences make it unlikely that the two traditions are closely
related historically, aside from being manifestations of Roman Catholic
missionary technique. Franciscan missionaries created the first
pictographic catechisms in Mexico in the mid-sixteenth century, initiating
the genre generally known as Testerian Catechisms (Dur<1n 1984: 104-106;
Glass 1975; Robertson 1994 [1959]:53-55).6 We know very little about
the production of these Testerian Catechisms (Glass 1975:283). There are
thirty-five known Testerian manuscripts from Mexico, all produced
between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries (Galarza 1992, Glass
1975:285). The Testerian manuscripts reflect both European and native
iconography, for historical evidence tells us that Franciscan missionaries
adapted native writing to their teaching needs (Galarza 1992, Glass 1975).
The majority of the Andean catechisms are from a much later period.
We have identified forty-three Andean pictographic catechisms in the
literature or in private collections (see Appendix 1).
7
Most of these were
descrihed and presumably produced in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. The oldest extant example is nineteenth century. Any connection
between these catechisms and the sixteenth and seventeenth-century
Testerian manuscripts, therefore, must be remote.
Nonetheless, a few spotty references mention possible Andean
pictographs prior to the nineteenth century. Acosta (1962 [1590]:288-29?)
made the earliest reference to pictorial religious materials in the Andes m
the sixteenth century, but we suspect that the common interpretation ?f
this account as testifying to Peruvian pictographic catechisms may be m
error. Following his detailed account of Mexican pictographic texts, he
tells us in an aside: "by the same means of painting and characters" as in
Mexico, "I saw written in Peru, the confession of all his sins an Indian
brought to confession. Each of the ten commandments was pamted a
certain means followed by signs something like numbers that were the SinS
that had been committed against the commandment. ..
8
The context
indicates that this was a pictographic text. However, Acosta is describing
a single observation (Hartmann 1991:184) about a single text, the Ten
Commandments. Since he was probably responsible for producing the
Third Lima Catechism in 1584 (Barnes 1992a:71), we suppose that he
would have provided more information if pictographic catechisms had
been widely used in Peru at that time. Acosta first wo.rk;d in Peru
then Mexico. Given the fallibility of human memory, It IS also poSSIble
that he reinterpreted his Peruvian experience on the basis of his more recent
encounter with pictographic catechisms in Mexico.
Acosta's brief reference to some graphical form of confessional aid
is the only mention of Roman Catholic pictographs ("painting and
characters") in the sixteenth-century Andes that we have been able to find.
Metraux (1963: 14) gives a seventeenth-century date for religious
pictographs, but it is difficult to assess this dating because it is provided
in a side comment that lacks supporting information or citations. During
a discussion of the post-Colombian nature of Andean writing, he tells us
that the graphical representation of Catholic prayers was popularized by
seventeenth-century Jesuits working in Juli around Lake Titicaca.
9
In
context, his graphical representation (representation refers to
the pictographic catechisms. Although the FranCIscans (as well as
Dominicans, Augustinians, secular clergy, and to some extent
Mercedarians) were active in colonial Indian education in Peru, and
although it was the Franciscan Jer6nimo de Ore who the
used catechetical text found in the Symbolo Cathollco [ndlano, It was
certainly the Jesuits who dominated Andean intellectual life (Wood
1986:34-36). They also had great success in teaching the catechism (Armas
two pictographic hides from Bolivia depicting Roman Catholic texts in
Aymara that he had observed during his travels in the Andes between 1838
and 1842. Wiener (1880:772-775) briefly and somewhat fancifully
described two texts a short time later. All of the other examples in
Appendix 1were collected in the twentieth century, although some of them
were certainly made earlier. If our mid-nineteenth century date for the
Huntington is correct, it is one of the oldest extant examples of pictographic
Andean catechetical texts.
The most thorough descriptions of Andean pictographic works are
given by Ibarra (1941, 1953, 1991:482-491) and Hartmann (1984, 1989,
1991), who describe material from southern highland Peru and the
Bolivian altiplano. 13 Ibarra (1953) saw Quechua and Aymara catechisms
still being made in the 19408. He also observed pebbles used as mnemonic
aids in the recitation of prayers (1953: 17-18). Ibarra also provides useful
commentary on and reproductions of many of the other texts, material that
we have utilized in our Finding List found in Appendix 1 (see also Lettner
1973, Kauffmann Doig 1973, and Naville 1966).
Because the first detailed descriptions of Andean Catechisms and alI
the extant examples (with the possible exception of number 2 in the Finding
List) are nineteenth century or later, the connection between these
catechisms and either pre-Columbian society or the earlier Testerian
Catechisms must be remote (Duran 1984, Glass 1975). The Mexican
heritage may have influenced the Andean works, perhaps by encouraging
the idea of pictographic catechisms, the use of rebuses, and certain
iconographies. Andean clerics, for example, may have been stimulated by
the Mexican use of a full or half circle to indicate heaven. 14 On the whole,
however, the differences in region and era, and the significant differences
in style, suggest that both catechetical traditions were more or less
independent responses to the Roman Catholic desire to teach the catechism
by means of pictures. Most of the signs common to the two traditions,
such as the cross and church, probably arose coincidentally as an
ubiquitous part of the Christian missionary's stock in trade.
The Andean catechisms also differ from one another, and it is likely
that many of these catechisms, while drawing on shared iconographical
themes, are distinctive products of particular persons or at least ofdiffering
local traditions. The Huntington manuscript is certainly unique. Most of
the Andean texts are on paper (Ibarra 1991:482), like the Huntington, but
some are modeled in clay (see the drawing in Hartmann 1991: 175 and
1953:280-281). Juli was an important Jesuit center. In the
sIxteenth century, the Jesuits established there the second press in South
America (Medina 1906). In the seventeenth century they also ran two
schools. in JUli. (Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 2:509). The Huntington
certaInly follows the peculiar Jesuit pattern of the seven deadly
SInS .1967:86), but this pattern had already been used by
Jer6mmo de In the late sixteenth century.
. the context of their remarks indicates they are referring to
pIctographIc catechisms, neither Acosta nor are making an
argument the presence of pictographic catechisms in the colonial Andes
per se. TheIr remarks are parenthetical. Other discussions of catechetical
teaching in the colonial Andes omit even parenthetical references to
pictographs (Armas Medina 1953:86-105, 244-252, 294-305; 1992
1598], Var.gas Ugarte 1953, vol. 1:49-61; Wood 1986).10 Because priests
In the were often unable to speak native languages fluently,
they utIlIZed wntten and graphic materials and memorization to teach the
Indians the catechism and Bible stories (Barnes 1992a:67, 69-70; Juan and
Ulloa 1978 [1749]:116-119; Salomon 1991:2; van de Guchte 1992:91;
Wood 1986:51-54). Several sources report that the Jesuits, Franciscans
and others used illustrated religious texts, paintings, music, and theatricai
processions to teach the catechism (Armas Medina 1953:280-281, Heras
1992:13, L6pez-Baralt 1992:24, Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 1:325-327).
Acost.a states that pebbles were used to help in memorizing prayers. Other
colomal authors tell us that the knotted string quipu, an Andean
mnemomc deVIce (see below) was also used in confession and to teach the
catechism and prayers (Acosta 1962 [1590]:290-291, Cummins 1994:213,
note 24, Duviols 1977:305, Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980
[1585-1615]:584-585). In Guaman Poma's drawing of the Sacrament of
Confession, the Indian being confessed may have a quipu draped around
his arm (Cummins 1992:53; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980
[1585-1615]:584), although Barnes (1992b:178-179) has sU/igested that
the depicted may be a headband rather than a quipu. Fray Luis
Jer6mmo de (1992 [1598]), the great Franciscan catechist of the
sixteenth century, advocated memorization and singing to teach the
catechism in native tongues, but he makes no mention of pictographs.
We are uncertain, therefore, about the existence of colonial
pictographs. It is only in the nineteenth century that we find the first clear
reproductions of Andean pictographic catechetical aids. 12
In the mld-mneteenth century Tschudi (1869:282-284,314-317) described
Ibarra 1953: facing page 16) and, less frequently, painted or incised in
leather, wood, or stone (Ibarra 1953: 16-17). The Huntington is drawn in
s i ~ p l e black only, while Ibarra's manuscripts (and those described by
WIener [1880)) are often drawn or decorated with colored inks. The
Huntington follows the familiar European left to right, top to bottom order.
Most of the Andean paper texts (and those from Mexico) are written
boustrophedon; that is, like oxen plowing a field, the pictographs zigzag
back and forth from bottom or top: often beginning at bottom left, they
are read alternately from left to right, right to left, left to right, and so on.
PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES
13
The Huntington is outstanding in the naturalism of its pictographs. It
is usually possible to recognize both the object and the idea represented
once one knows the text. Tschudi's material also contains some easily
recognizable signs like those in the Huntington Catechism. The other
Andean texts, like the Testerian manuscripts, however, contain many signs
so abstract or stylized that it is difficult to recognize the objects pictured
or to discern their meaning. Nonetheless, the Huntington does share a few
symbols with the other Andean catechisms. Although the Huntington
generally employs circles to represent both cardinal and ordinal numbers
(see Fig. 2), in a few cases numbers are shown by vertical strokes (18
recto, lines 1 and 5) similar to those in many of Ibarra's manuscripts. IS
Other common elements are such standard European signs as the cross,
the steepled church, the kneeling man, and the priest. Stick figures (but
differently drawn) are also common in the various Andean catechisms.
The Huntington also differs from some of the other Andean
catechisms in not employing any rebuses. In a rebus, the picture of one
thing represents the sounds of something else. In a common United States
example, found in children's books, the picture of an eye, a carpenter's
saw, and an ant is used to represent the phrase "I saw [my] aunt." In the
case of some of the catechisms studied by Ibarra and others, the Aymara
and Quechua names of the objects pictured are homonyms of one or more
syllables of the words that make up the prayers and instructions (Tamayo
1911; Ibarra 1991:47, 1953:28-29; Hartmann 1991; and Holmer,
Miranda, and Ryden 1951). Rebus signs, therefore, are used to create
rough syllabaries, a process similar to the method sometimes used in the
Testerian manuscripts, but conforming to the sounds, meanings, and
symbolic associations of A/mara and Quechua rather than Nahuatl and
other Mexican languages. I
In one of the Andean pictographic catechism, for example, a piece
of cloth (p 'aeha) is used to represent the earth (paeha) (Holmer, Miranda,
and Ryden 1951:183, and Hartmann 1991:174). Ibarra also argues that
(Ibarra 1953:28-29) in his manuscripts the eye pictograph is a rebus
meaningfirst. In the Huntington the eye pictograph is a rebus-like device,
but it is not an actual rebus. In the Huntington the eye pictograph derives
from Quechua usage in which flawi[n] ("eye") describes the source not
only of vision but of such phenomena as irrigation canals (see Fig. 4).17
The picture of an eye, therefore, is functioning like a semantic sign or
semasiograph (see below) instead of representing a sound as in an actual
rebus.
Ibarra (1953:29) says that rebus signs range from just under twenty
percent to fifty-five percent of the signs in his text. These figures that may
be an exaggeration. It is difficult to understand how he has obtained his
percentages, because many of his texts are only partly deciphered. We
also have some reservations concerning the meanings he has assigned to
some of the pictographs he has analyzed. IS Andean rebus signs still await
a detailed study.
Instead of rebuses, the Huntington relies on semantic signs, or
semasiographs (see below). All the Andean catechisms use
semasiographs, but their frequency and nature differ. Semasiographs are
pictures that directly represent the ideas being conveyed, as for example,
when loaves of bread are used to represent bread (tanta) (Hartmann
1991: 176; Ibarra 1953:27_28).19 Some semasiographs are more symbol ic,
such as the picture of a cross representing Christ instead of the cross (Fig.
1, line 1) or an encircled church to represent the Earth (Fig. 1, line 1).
Semasiographs are utilized throughout the Huntington Catechism, but
usually employing different signs from those in other Andean texts. In the
Huntington Creed for example, a man with a hammer represents maker
(Quechua: r u r a l ~ (Fig. 1, line 1), but in Ibarra's Julian Guerrero Creed
the maker is shown by a rebus sign of a peach (Ibarra 1953: 176, 190).
The Huntington Catechism also differs from many of the other
catechisms in that it most commonly utilizes signs to convey not sounds,
syllables or words but complex ideas. Thus, in the Huntington "Salve
Regina". two figures shedding tears before the Virgin represent not sounds
or words per se but the idea of "to thee do we cry" (Fig. 5)?1 In the Ten
Commandments, a man encircling a woman's leg with his own designates
both the action of adultery in the sixth commandment (Fig. 2) and of
"coveting thy neighbor's wife" in the ninth commandment. It may be that
the Andean Catechisms, like the Mexican ones, comprise "two distinct
genres-those which utilize an ideographic-mnemonic system and those
that utilize a phonetic-rebus system" (Watts 1991:424; see Glass
1975:283-284 for a different assessment). The Huntington Catechism
parallels the ideographic-mnemonic tradition: it employs semasiographs
rather than rebuses.
The Function of the Catechisms
The process that produced the Andean Catechisms is pretty much
unknown. Although Ibarra saw them still being made in the 1940s, he
provides little information on social context. He tells us that Indians could
create new signs when they wanted to (Ibarra 1953:25) and that they made
the religious texts to teach children and to prepare those going to confess
during religious feasts and weddings (Ibarra 1941 :46, 1953: 18). He says,
moreover, that the manuscripts were commonly hidden from himself and
other outsiders (see also Bandelier 1969 [1910):88). He also reports that
the Bishop of La paz had seen the pictographs being used to read and write
Catholic prayers in a community south of Lake Poopo (Ibarra 1953:12).
In one case an evangelical Christian used the pictographic system to record
the songs of his new religion (Ibarra 1953: 15).
The fine penmanship of the Huntington suggests that it was produced
by a learned person, perhaps a skilled craftsperson or a priest. 22 The
presumed loss of the first few pages implies wear from active use.
23
The
drawn "Amen" and other crude emendations on 3 verso and the bottom
of 20 recto suggests that the catechism was used by someone other than
the artist, perhaps a semi-literate peasant employing it in active teaching,
similar to the use reported by the Bishop of la paz to Ibarra (1953: 15).
We have not personally observed the use of pictographic texts, either
in Peru's Ayacucho Valley, north of the region where most catechisms
have been found, or elsewhere in Peru. Such texts, however, may have
been used by peasant prayer leaders (known variously as rezantes,
ce/adores, promotores de la/e, and catequistas),24 people similar to the
lay catechists used in native missions in North America (Steltenkamp
1993:44-61). In the 19608 in the Ayacucho region semi-literate prayer
leaders used printed prayer books to help them remember the order and
content of the prayers, in much the way that notes help structure a lecture
or a recipe guides us in preparing a familiar dish. The recitation of the
prayer leaders is crucial in Roman Catholic ceremonies performed by
peasant (Indian) political leaders without the priest. The pictographic texts
may have served a similar function in the past in the southern area of Peru
and in Bolivia. The peasant political organization (varayoc) was
responsible for maintaining Roman Catholic religious customs throughout
the colonial period (Barnes 1992a:76) and into the recent past (Mitchell
1991: 149-155). These peasant leaders also served as auxil iaries in teaching
the catechism in the colonial period (Armas Medina 1953:273-277). Since
memorization was the primary mechanism used to teach religious doctrine
( O r ~ 1992 [1598], Wood 1986:53), mnemonic devices would be useful
aids.
Pictographs and pre-Columbian Writing
Although there are no pre-Columbian texts, Ibarra (1953:35) believes
that the Andean catechisms represent an ancient form of pre-Columbian
American writing,25 but the documentation for this assertion is slight.
Ibarra is an extreme diffusionist: he believes that Mediterranean
hieroglyphic writing diffused to the Americas where it subsequently
degenerated but continued in pictographic form (Ibarra 1953: 11,
1991:483, 489-490; see especially the critiques of Lettner [1973) and
Naville [1966]). The issue of pre-Columbian writing is important because
it is commonly believed that the Andean region was the only center of
primal civilization that did not develop a formal system of writing.
Ibarra's argument for the pre-Columbian origin of the pictographic
writing system is as follows: 1) although the references are oblique,
allusions are found in the colonial chronicles concerning some form of
native writing; 2) the symbols and boustrophedon form of writing, as well
as the few three-dimensional examples of clay pictographs, are not
European in origin; 3) the writing system employed in the catechisms,
while today used primarily for Roman Catholic prayers, has generalized
utility and can be applied to other contexts; 4) the Andean pictographs are
related to pictographic writing systems found elsewhere in the Americas
(Ibarra 1953:64-65).
Some chroniclers make vague and suggestive references to native
writing, but others clearly say that the Andean peoples had none (Burns
1981 and Ibarra 1953:35-51). Acosta, for example, tells us that Peruvians
did not have painted writing as in China and Mexico (Acosta 1962
[1590]:290), a position accepted by most modern scholars. A few modem
authors have proposed that pre-Columbian writing existed in tunic designs
(Barthel 1971, Burns 1981, de lalara 1974, 1975), ceramic motifs (Burns
1981), designs on wooden drinking vessels (keros) (de la lara 1975), and
painted beans (Larco Hoyle 1943, 1966:102-103). The arguments and
evidence of these authors, however, tend to be speculative and not very
vigorous (Harrison 1989:60; Kauffmann Doig 1973:17-28; Liebscher
1986, M ~ t r a u x 1963). Nonetheless, the dramatic recent changes in our
conceptions of Mesoamerican writing (Boone 1994, Coe 1992) caution us
not to dismiss the possibility of an Andean writing system out-of-hand.
Writing entails the use of physical signs to represent speech. In a
glottographic writing system the written signs represent speech sounds,
either phonemes or morphemes. The signs, therefore, are visible speech
(Coe 1992). They are tied to language in such a way that they are "able
to depict all possible utterances of a language ... and ... to be ...
interpreted in the same way (in the same words) by two successive
observers" (Coe 1992:21). If you are literate in English, you can read
this text without any special preparation. In a semasiographic system, on
the other hand, the signs are divorced from a particular language and
represent ideas rather than sounds (Boone 1994: 15). The icons on a
computer are semasiographic as are most international road signs and the
outlines of the skirted woman and trousered man used to designate toilets.
Some modem authors have argued that semasiographic systems should
also be considered writing (Boone 1994).
To record information, pre-Columbian Andeans primarily used
various mnemonic systems that had to be interpreted by learned people
(Boone 1994, Cummins 1994, Rappaport 1994). Although some portions
of these systems may have been glottographic, they were primarily
semasiographic. Indeed, these mnemonic systems may have been so
efficient that they precluded the development of glottographic writing
( M ~ t r a u x 1963:14).
The knotted string quipus (Ascher and Ascher 1981, Locke, 1923,
Nordenski6ld, 1979 [1925]) are the best known mnemonic device, but
other systems were also utilized. Cummins (1994) has argued that the
abstract geometric forms (known as tocapu) found on tunics and wooden
drinking vessels (queros or keros) recorded information mnemonically by
means of color, formal arrangement, and context (see also Bums 1981).
Pebbles, seeds, and clay models may also have been used as mnemonic
devices (Ibarra 1953:40-43, 155; MacCormack 1991: 155). Andean
peoples also communicated symbolic information by means of complex
iconographical traditions (Cordy-Collins and Stern 1977, Rowe and
Menzel 1967) in petroglyphs (Urteaga 1919:53), sculpture (Stone-Miller
1995), murals (Bonavia 1985), pottery (Donnan 1976), gourds (Boyer
1976), queros (Liebscher 1986), and cloth (Cereceda 1986, Paul 1990).
In the building of the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de la Luna, the Moche
people noted the work contribution of different work groups by means of
101 maker's marks (various combinations of dots and straight and curved
lines) incised into the adobe bricks used in the construction (Moseley 1975,
Hastings and Moseley 1975).
The pictographic catechisms are also primarily semasiographic rather
than glottographic. They function much like the Stations of the Cross in a
twentieth-century Roman Catholic church. Even with the rebus signs, the
pictographs are primarily mnemonic aids (Mallery 1883:219-223,
Posnansky 1912:76, Tschudi 1869). In the Huntington Catechism the
exact meaning of a particular sign often varies according to the text being
conveyed. A kneeling figure with hands in prayer position clearly
represents "I believe,,26 in the Credo (Fig. 1), "I confess,,21 in the
Confiteor (20 recto, line 1), "honor,,28 ("thy father and thy mother") in
the Fourth Commandment (4 recto, line 4), and the believer kneeling
before Christ in the Theological Virtue of Faith (18 recto, line I). Several
symbols represent God. The idea of God the Father is often shown by a
standing man with cloak and pointed hat in an oval mandorla (a whole-body
halo), placed above other figures in a group (eg., Fig. 1, line I). A raised,
Figure 6. The Articles of the Faith (6R, Line 2)
seated figure in a circle, sometimes double-rimmed, often with a ring of
tiny bubbles or dots around it (eg., Fig. 1, line 1) also designates the deity
and sometimes heaven.
29
God the Son often sits with the Father in the
heaven circle (Fig. I, line 3), but He is also represented as a cross-crowned
person with cloak (Fig. 1, line 5). A simplified crucifix usually represents
Jesus Christ (Fig. 1, line 1). In the text of "The Articles of the Faith,"
the virginity of Mary is conveyed by three, little crowned women, the first
without the Christ child, the second with the child under her skirt, and the
third with the infant on her arm-that is, she is virgin before, during and
after the birth of the child (see Fig. 6).30 In the "Salve Regina" the similar
prayer formula "Blessed Mary Ever Virgin" is shown by three adult-sized
crowned women but without the half-figure of Christ under the skirt of
the second woman (3 recto, line 4).
While drawing on common traditions, the Andean catechisms are
often idiosyncratic: they were developed by particular people to help
themselves or the people they taught to remember particular texts. That is
why writers freely create new signs and why the signs vary from place to
place (see Ibarra 1953:24-29). Ibarra (1953:24) reports that the signs vary
considerably and that there are several thousand of them in the manuscripts
that he has examined. This variability in the meaning of the signs would
make it impossible to translate any of the material if the nature of the texts
were not standard and if in the Huntington the incipits of the texts were
not given in alphabetic script at the top of each page. If one knows the
context, however, the meaning can be discerned by a speaker of Quechua,
Aymara, Spanish, or English. It is because of such symbolic variation that
Lettner (1973: 109) prefers to call the pictographic texts "systems of
communication" rather than writing (but see Boone 1994). Nonetheless,
the Huntington pictographs follow Quechua rather than Spanish or English
word order. Thus, in the Creed the pictographs clearly portray, from left
to right, first heaven, then the earth, then two men (one of them appears
PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES
19
20 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES
21
"8
o
....
o
Q)
...
~
Z
~
Q)
u
c::
~
. ~
><
UJ
c::
o
en
c::
.9
~
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8
en
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ss
to be a father and the other a carpenter) to represent what in English would
be "creator of heaven and earth" (Fig. 1,Iine I).
Figure 8. Catechism Questions on Sacrament of Penance (16R, Line 4)
Ibarra, therefore, is incorrect in asserting that the catechisms are a
system of writing, if he means by that glottographic writing. He is
similarly incorrect in attributing a New World origin to the iconography
used in the catechisms. While some of the symbols are from the New
World, many of those found in his manuscripts are of European origin.
These borrowed signs not only include obvious religious symbols such as
the cross, steepled church, and cassocked priest but also signs reflecting
European animals and ways of life, such as a man with a horse and a man
plowing with oxen.
31
It is possible, however, that his more abstract
graphemes are New World in origin as he claims, but such a statement
needs to be demonstrated, not simply asserted.
The Huntington Catechism is very different in style from most of the
other Andean manuscripts. It is more representational, employing
figurative drawings to express most of its message, unlike many of the
other catechisms. Nonetheless, the Huntington lends no support to Ibarra's
hypothesis of pre-Columbian origins. Most of the Huntington signs are
clearly Old World in origin. The divine persons and saints are represented
by Old World iconographical symbols: the Holy Spirit (Fig. I , line 4) by
a dove (Webber 1938: 149), Saint Michael the Archangel (Fig. 7) with
sword and scales (Webber 1938:286), Saint John the Baptist (Fig. 7) with
a banner of victory (Webber 1938:280).31 A European stylized heart
indicates love (Fig. 8) and a circle or halo above the head shows sanctity
throughout the manuscript. Although portrayed in several ways in the
Huntington Catechism, the Virgin Mary is also immediately recognizable
as derived from Old World iconographies (Figs. 2, 3, 5, 6, and 10).
Figure 10. The Corporal Works of Human Mercy (7R, Line 3)
This existing Roman Catholic iconographical tradition is very evident
in the depiction of the Works of Mercy. The Huntington iconography in
this text (7 recto) is similar to European versions found, to cite only a few
of the hundreds of examples, in a fourteenth-century English wall painting
in Trotton, Sussex (Anderson 1%3, plate 4b) and in a fifteenth-century
Catalan manuscript (Boase 1972: 122-123). The Huntington depicts each
of the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy with iconographical devices that
are similar to those found in the two European examples. Thus, "visiting
the sick" (Fig. 10) is represented by a person in bed surrounded by one
or more standing or seated figures. "Giving food to the hungry" is
represented by the giving of bread and by people seated at a table (Fig.
10). Although the drawing and details differ considerably, the basic
iconographical patterns are established European ones that argue against
independent origins. Indeed, the table shown in this pictograph and
throughout the manuscript is alien to native practice. Rural Andean people
generally do not eat at a table but eat seated on an adobe or wooden bench
or on a log made from the trunk of the maguey plant or on skins or ponchos
placed on the ground.
Finally, the Huntington Catechism and the vast majority of the other
Andean texts are careful renditions of official Roman Catholic doctrine.
Contemporary Andean religion is highly syncretic, an amalgam of
indigenous and European beliefs (Harrison 1989:48; Mitchell
1991: 132-162). If this writing system were autochthonous and
pre-Columbian, we would expect local beliefs to be better represented in
the texts, as they are, for example, in the syncretic seventeenth-century
narrative and drawings of Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui (Harrison
1989:55-84, but see Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua 1993). In the
Huntington, one does not even encounter such syncretisms as the serving
of guinea pig at the Last Supper, a representation found in
paintings in the Cathedral in Cusco and the Convent of Ocopa In
Huancayo.
Both the many European signs and the Roman Catholic
for an Old World origin. If the pictographic system were abongInal,
moreover we would expect people to use pictographs in a variety of
contexts :ather than just to record the Roman Catholic catechism (Ibarra
1991:482). Nor is the boustrophedon order unique to the New World:
earliest Homeric Greek inscriptions are in boustrophedon order (pel
1966:99). Medieval European visual representations of. narrative cycles,
such as saints' lives in stained glass, are often found In boustrophedon
order. Stained glass is almost always meant to be read from the bottom up
(Male 1958:38).
The Andean catechisms, like the Testerian ones in Mexico, belong
to a religious tradition in which the Roman Catholic uses
pictographic mnemonic devices to teach complex theological Ideas to
illiterates (Anderson 1963; Webber 1938). This is, for example, the
rationale for the Stations of the Cross. The Council of Trent (1545-1563)
had encouraged the use of images to proselytize (L6pez-Baralt 1992:
Picture writing and pictorial catechisms were a common Roman Cathohc
missionary device (Glass 1975, Gante 1970[1528], Watts 1991:424-425,
428 notes 54 55 and 64). Even Black Elk, famous as a Sioux Holy
had worked the Oglala as a lay Roman Catholic catechist in
the :arly part of the twentieth century, teaching by means of a
picture catechism known as the "Two Roads Map" (Steltenkamp 1993).
Some and media certainly may be oflocal derivation. The
Franciscans working in Mexico adapted indigenous graphemes to the
system they invented (Galarza 1992). Similar adaptations may have taken
place in the Andes. The choice of clay figurines to record the
derive from Andean ceramic tradition. The use of a semaslographlc
mnemonic device may also be rooted in Andean mnemonic tradition. It is
also possible that the geometric designs in Ibarra's materials be rel.ated
to the pre-Columbian use of geometric figures or tocapu. It 18 pOSSIble,
moreover that the boustrophedon style may have pre-Columbian rather
than roots. Some iconographical themes may be specifically
Andean. As noted above, the use of an eye to indicate "ftrst" or
"beginning" may be derived from Andean linguistic usage: The use of a
rayed circle with a face to indicate "holy" (see 5 recto, hne 1) may be
related to native iconography in the colonial period in which a rayed circle
was used to represent the native deity tayta inti, "Father Sun." David
Browman has briefly examined a manuscript obtained in La Paz, Bolivia
(probably late nineteenth century, catalogued as item number 2 in
Appendix 1) that may contain glyphs at least superficially similar to motifs
on Inca ceramics from La Paz Department (personal communication, 8
November 1993 and 25 October 1995).34 It is questionable, however, to
describe the resulting works as aboriginal. They are European adaptations
of native symbols and media to further European religious and colonial
goals.
Conclusions
The Huntington is a unique and beautiful representative of a
little-known Andean catechetical tradition that certainly has enduring
aesthetic and intellectual appeal. While the issue of autochthonous Andean
writing systems is by no means closed, the Huntington Catechism lends
little support to the claim that the catechisms represent a native writing
system.
In spite of their source in European belief and iconography, however,
the pictographic catechisms were incorporated into Andean religious
practice. The pictographs employed in the production of these catechisms,
therefore, merit greater attention than they have received so far by
scholars. It would be especialIy useful to study the graphemic
representations in the other Andean catechisms more carefulIy. Many of
them tend to be more abstract and stylized than the Huntington. We think
it unlikely, but it is certainly possible that they preserve some
pre-Columbian graphemic representations. We particularly need to know
what Andean peoples themselves say about these texts. Before even more
of the memory data are lost, we need a careful community and archival
study of catechetical production, one that focuses on both the social context
and use of the catechisms. Only then will we know how the creators and
users of the catechisms interpret the marks used to create them.
Acknowledgments
We thank the Monmouth University Grants and Sabbaticals Committee for
funding various aspects of our work on catechisms. Monica Barnes, Marfa A.
Benavides, David Browman, Anita Cook, Tom Cummins, Mary Davis, David
Fleming, Jane Freed, Luis Millones, the Reverend David Ourisman, and Barbara
Price have generously provided bibliographic and critical help. Monica Barnes
also drafted the figures. We appreciate the invaluable help of Teofilo Altamirano,
Herlinda Ramos de Oriundo and Monica Barnes with the Quechua and of Steve
Niedzwiecki of the Monmouth University library for interlibrary loans.
Appropriately enough, we are finishing this manuscript while residing in the
Parroquia of the Virgen de la Macarena in Lima and we wish to thank Padre Pedro
LeOn Oriundo for his hospitality.
List of Figures
Figure 1. The Apostles' Creed 1 (recto)
The incipit reads: Yini[m] Dios Yaya llapa atipacman. I believe in God, the Father
Almighty.
Figure 2. The Sixth Commandment (4R, Line 6)
The sixth commandment is: thou shalt not commit adultery. Socta flequen
simiflinmi. Ama huachucchu canqui.
Note: PereDa 1985: 33. The first man with arm upraised is an existence marker.
The six plain circles in a row indicate the ordinal number 6, a common system of
numerical notation in the Huntington, while the circle with a face at the end of
the sequence indicates commandment. The second man with armupraised signifies
ama, "do not. ..
Tum then, most gracious advocate, thine eyes of mercy toward us. Chay ari
marcaycu, flocaycuman chay cuyapayac iJauijquicta cutirichimuy.
Note: PereDa 1985:26. The Virgin, holding "an eye of mercy" in each hand before
two kneeling figures, represents the idea of the text. The man with upraised arm
functions as an existence marker.
Figure 4. The Sacrament of Baptism (2R, Line 1)
There are seven sacraments of holy mother church. TI!.e first is baptism. Sancta
Yglesia mamanchicpa Sacro[men]toncuna. canchicmi. Bautismo.
Note: Pereiia 1985:36. The hat on the pnest (a three-pomted btretta or bonete)
was worn by both Jesuits and diocesan clergy. The man with upraised arm
indicates existence "this is." The pictograph of an eye derives from iJawin, "eye"
or "beginning," and is used to represent "the first" which in the Quechua text is
written as iJaupaqenmi.
Figure 5. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 2). To thee do we send up our sighs,
mourning and weeping. Cantam yuyamuycu, huacaspa, anchispa.
Note: PereDa 1985:26.
Figure 6. The Articles of the Faith (6R, line 2)
The second of Faith is.to that Jesus Christ was born from the virgin
of Mary, bemg and after the birth. Yskny flequen
yfJlm Pay qUlqum Jesu ChTlstom Virgen Saneta Mariap vicsanmanta,
paca!lmurcan: manarac huachaspa, huachaynimpi, fJahuachaspapas vifJay virgen
captm.
Note: Pereiia 1985:29-30. The last three figures represent Mary as Virgin before
during, and after the birth of Jesus. '
Figure 7. The Confiteor (20 R, Line 3)
Through my fault, through my fault, through my most grievous fault. Therefore,
I beseech Mary Ever Virgin, Blessed Michael the Archangel, Blessed
John the BaptIst, the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and ... Huchaymi, huchaymi,
ancha '!atun huchaymi. Chayraycum, muchaycuni vifJay virgen saneta Mariaeta,
sanl Miguel Archangelta, samJuan Baptistaeta, Apostolcuna, Sam Pedroeta, sant
Pablocta . ..
1985:42. 1be ic?Oography used to portray the Saints is European:
Samt Michael the Archangel WIth sword and scales and Saint John the Baptist with
a banner of victory. The Holy Apostles Peter and Paul do not show the usual
European iconography (paul, for example, does not have his book), probably
because the figures are so small they lack detail.
Figure 8. Catechism Questions on the Sacrament of Penance (l6R, Line 4)
Q: And how should one prepare to receive the sacrament of penance?
A: Third, kneel with love and telI the sins to the priest.
Note: The text represents our interpretation ofthe pictographs. We have not found
any Quechua text that corresponds exactly with the pictographs.
Figure 9. Catechism Questions on the Existence and Nature of God (9R Lines 5
,
Q: How many persons has God? A. There are three persons.
q: What the three persons? A: They are the Father, the Holy Ghost, and (our
mterpretatIon of the last three figures) the Son of Mary and the Father.
Note: See note to Figure 8. The Trinity is depicted as three equal men and Christ
is depicted as the son of Mary and the father.
Figure 10. The Corporal Works of Human Mercy (7R, Line 3)
The corporal works of mercy include visiting the sick and giving food to the
hungry.
Appendix 1: Finding List of Andean Pictographic Texts
Explanation of Headings, Abbreviations and Notes to Finding List:
Number Column: Numbers are assigned roughly by age, detennincd by dateof publication
if no other infonnation.
Provenance Column: Provenance is often only sketchily given, so the provenance data
are approximate.
Date Column: Little reliable dating of actual texts. The dates usually represent date of
acquisition (if available), a date placed on the text (when present), or the date of publication
of the ftrst description of the text.
Content Column: RC = Roman Catholic; C Texts=some or all the standard prayers in
the catechism and sometimes some part of the Brief Catechism: Paternoster, Credo, Ave
Maria, Ten Commandments, Confiteor, Act of Contrition, Commandments ofthe Church,
Articles of the Faith, Works of Mercy, Seven Sacraments.
Language Column: A = Aymara; Q = Quechua.
Order Column: B = Boustrophedon; L = left to right as in European script; S = Spiral
from outside to the inside in a circular pattern.
Medium and Author Column: Precisc descriptions of production media and authors are
often lacking.
Repository Column: The designation given in the sources, but precise infonnation is often
lacking.
Citation Column: Infonnation on the original sources and important subsidiary discussions
of the material.
Finding Number 2: A gift to David Browman from the Museum for the Universidad
Mayor de San Simon, Cochabamba, Bolivia. "The paper appears to be a page ripped out
of a book with sewn lining; the recto side has 'Sampaya, Cochabamba, ITI6,' while the
verso side has 9 lines of glyphs." Possibly Aymara and probably 19th century (because of
the manufactured music notation paper), but the apparent date of 1776 may make it earlier
(David Browman, personal communications, 8 November 1993, 10 January 1994, and 25
October 1995).
Finding Numbers 9, 10 and 11: These references may represent the same material. Ibarra
(1953:IQO..I22) accuses Posnansky (numbers 10 and 11) of both falsifying data and
plagiarizing Tamayo (number 9).
Finding Numbers 28 and 29: Ibarra (1941:46) discusses two clay tablets from San Lucas
made in 1940 or 1941 and donated to the Musco Nacional (La Paz). It is unclear if Numbers
28 and 29 in Finding List, gifts to European Museums, are these tablets or different ones.
Finding Number 30: The authorship of the patriotic anthems is unclcar, but Padre Porlirio
Miranda Rivera wrote the Paternoster, using his knowledge of the pictographic system
obtained during his stay in San Lucas (see also Holmer, Miranda, and Ryden 1951).
Miranda may not have made the Potos! anthem produced in clay, since he says it is to be
found in the Museo Nacional de la Casa de la Moneda de la Villa Imperial (Miranda
1958: 126).
ArrFNDlX I: FINDING LIST OF ANDEAN rlCTOGRArlllC TEXTS
N... Arr""l-
Im.ltd.I,,'
1....._ Or-
&or' No.' App",l-
dllc'
Contfllt' L.",- Or_
lilual!:'" der'
16th
('enturv al Aid
19 Bolivia B Lined paper GothenburgEthnog. Ibam 1953:317
Museum. Gift or Lee>
Pulcher
Pa5tor Ordolln 1942;
Ibam 1953,72.76-79
Museo NacionaJ LiTlUl
(giftofOrdoilez)
Notebook B
A
Works of
Mercy?
Articles of
Faith?
RC Texts 1942?
1942 run.
reru
20
1590288-290
David Browman. personal
communication, Nov 8,
1993, Jan 10, 1994, & Oct
25,1995
David BrowmlUl,
U Gift
from Mus ofUniv
Mayor de San Simon,
Cochabamba. BoliVIa
Loot
One sheet
machine-made
lined paper (II
musical score),
184xl70cm
RC Texts, A?
perhaps Ten
Command
menls
1776?
19th
century?
Samp_,.._
Copacabana
BoliVia
rem
2'
La paz museum (lost) 1869: 282-284;
DolI."rt 1870: 356-358;
IbalTl 1953.6972
21 Vichada. Prov 1942
of
Potosi, Bolivia
Sampay.
Coracabana
8011\1&
Samr,.
('{'JlaCah:mA
Boll\,.
Sic...,ica
BoIiV11
Paucartambo
"alltv
"..-tt1
And6
Titicara bland
I.ake Titicaca
Bolivia
19th
Century
loth
Cmtury
19th
CenlUI\'
19th
C('ttt\l')'
Ca 1850
1895
RC Texts
Shorter

RCTexts
Sacraments
& other RC
Tex.ts
RC
Catechism
RCTeltts
A
A
A?
O?
o
B
L
Llama hide
Sheer
Hide
Clolh
Holland paper
Leather bound
lined paper
notebook
Hide
Museumfiir
V61kerlc.unde ACrim
La paz Museum (lost)
Musoo de Cusoo
Huntington Free
library
Sociedad Goografiea
de Lima
T!chlldi 1869: 314-317;
Ifolmtr. Rivtra &. Rydln
1951: 112
Wiener 1880 775;
Ibarra 1953:12-13, lale iv
Wif:nrr 1880 772-775;
Ihan-alC)53 727J,I22-
123. vlate IV
Mitchdl1918. Jaye &.
Mitchell nd, tnt
I969{1 91 0):
89. Plate XI (opposite
p 48); lb .,.. 1953 2;
Boledn de la 50(. G". de
Lima, vol. V, 189\ 1sl
I nuarter, n 120
22
2J
25
26
lI.denda 1942
Canna
Potosi, Bolivia
'hcft-nda 1942
Canna
Potosi, Bolivia
Iheitnda 1')42
('anna
Potosi, Bolivia
Finca 1943
Oroncota, Prov
Lmares, Potosi,
BollV1a
Sur tipn Mid 20th
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Ibarr.
Ibarr.
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Ibarr. 24120
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Ibarn 1953 1J3-134,
263-267
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T.m.yo 1911.lbarr.
19l3.I1,83-98
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12-73.96-94; 1912 15,
Ibarra 1953 9Q103. 119_
122
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49.2.1
lI.rtmann 1984, 1991;
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Ryd!n 1951
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Ibarra 1953 IOJ-115
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B? Two examples Sociedad Goografica (Revistas de
de Lima Lima), Cun" nd: 321.333;
tban-. 1953 1476
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1953 124-121
14 Virichi,Prov 1911 1
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Iba.,.. 1953' 128.133.
1991: 484-485
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Ibarra 1953 221-226.
1991 483
Ib.rra 1953, 285-297
Ibam 1953: 191-216
Ibarra 299-309
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41 bland 1979 Pater Noster Q Paper copy of Seminar fur H.rtmann 1984, 1991
Lake Titieaca Ave Maria sheq.l*Skin Vt"llkerkunde Bonn
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Endnotes
1. We have published a facsimile of the entire Huntington Catechism
separately under the auspices of the Huntington Free Library and Reading Room,
9 Westchester Square, Bronx, New York 10461. See Jaye and Mitchell in press.
Our notes and interpretations of the pictographs, along with other materials, have
been deposited with the library.
2. We count the lines beginning with the pictographs, omitting the incipils
in the count.
3. The Huntington Catechism was discovered by Mary Davis, librarian at
the Huntington Free Library and Reading Room, the library built around the
collection in the Museum of the American Indian, during the preparation of the
exhibition entitled, "Echoes of the Drums" in 1978. William P. Mitchell was
asked to identify the manuscript by Anna Roosevelt, then curator of South and
Middle American Archaeology at the Museum, who thought it was probably
Andean, even though it was contained in a wrapper labeled "Quiche or Quechua"
(Mitchell 1978). The manuscript has been relabeled "Quechua Prayer Book."
4. The Quechua available in the incipits is too little to give a precise
identification of provenance, but it is unlikely that the Quechua is from Cusco
because of such usages in the incipits as apunchicpa (6R) instead of Cusco's
apunchispa.
5. In our transcription of the Third Lima Catechism and the ineipits of the
Huntington Catechism, we use standard practice in which italics indicate
expansion of an abbreviation in the original and brackets indicate our additions.
We have retained the original capitalization of the Third Lima Catechism but have
modernized archaic spellings that might confuse the reader. We have also used
the following catechisms in Quechua and Spanish to decipher the pictographs:
Anonymous 1975, Confraternity of Christian Doctrine 1955, Marquez Zorrilla
1967, Tadeo 1978. In the facsimile and in the captions in this paper, we used the
Baltimore Catechism to provide the English text, except where the pictographs or
the Quechua clearly show another meaning.
6. Missionaries first taught Roman Catholic doctrine in Mexico by means
of allegorical paintings (Mendieta 1579), rather than pictographic texts, and it is
probable that Fray Jacobo de Testera introduced such allegorical paintings to
Mexico, rather than the Testerian catechisms that bear his name (Glass 1975:285).
Penitents in early colonial Mexico were also taught to use picture writing to list
their sins before confession (Acosta 1962 [1590]:402-405, Dunlo 1984: 103).
7. The Finding List in Appendix 1 relies primarily on published information
often difficult to interpret. In the list we aggregate various samples from the same
community except in those cases where the sources provide extended discussions
of the materials. We have also excluded from the list vague observations of
"hieroglyphic writing" among tropical forest people, but have included the
observations ofOblitas (1963:228-233) who has described the use of lead figurines
to express non-Roman Catholic magical ideas among the Callawaya of Bolivia.
We consider the ,list provisional and welcome corrections, additions, and
emendations.
8. We have, used the translation provided by Glass (1975:284). Acosta's
statement in Spanish reads: "Por la misma forma de pinturas y caracteres vi en
el Pinl, escrita, la confesi6n que de todos sus pecados, un indio trafa, para
confesarse, pintando cada uno de los diez mandamientos por cierto modo, y luego
all( haciendo ciertas seiiales como eifras, que eran los pecados que habfa hecho
contra aquel mandamiento" (Acosta 1962 [1590]:290).
9. "Tout semble indiquer que la representation graphique des prieres
catholiques remonte au xvii
e
siecle, lorsque cette methode a ete popularisee par
les Jesuites de la region de Juli, sur les bonis du Titicaca" (Metraux 1963: 14).
32 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES
33
10. Tom Cummins tells us that Perez Bocanegra does not mention the use
of pictorial manuscripts in the southern sierra at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, although he undoubtedly would have as "he was keenly aware of the
visual arts" (Cummins, personal communication, 18 December 1995).
11. Tom Cummins agrees with Barnes that the Guaman Poma drawing
represents a headband, although quipus were nonetheless used in confession
(Cummins, personal communication, 18 December 1995).
12. Item number 2 in the Finding List may have been produced in the
eighteenth century because someone wrote on the back of the manuscript
"Sampaya, Cochabamba, 1776." Nonetheless, this early date is uncertain because
the donors of the manuscript described it as from the nineteenth century, a date
that David Browman also believes is the likely one (David Browman, personal
communication, 10 January 1994).
13. Ibarra (1991:484) also reports that this picture writing system is found
in northern Argentina, but he includes no texts from this area in the publications
we have consulted.
14. See, for example, the similarities in the heaven iconography of Galarza
1992:93, Hartmann 1991:177, and Ibarra 1991:485. The Huntington CaJechism
uses a full circle to indicate heaven, but that circle always contains people or
objects (see Fig. I, lines 1 and 3).
15. The texts described by Ibarra (1953:26) sometimes designate numerals
by circles or dots, similar to the usual practice in the Huntington, but his texts
customarily utilize vertical lines, usually united at the base in a comb-like form
by a horizontal line.
16. To clarify this difficult process used in the Titicaca and Testerian works,
we would like to quote Pauline Moffit Watt's (1991:428) translation of a famous
passage from Ger6nirno Mendieta's Historia Eclesiastica Indiana, explaining the
conveyance of the word "Paternoster" into written Nahuatl:
The word which [the Indians] possess which is closest in pronunciation
to Pater is pantli which signifies a little flag with which they count the
number twenty ... For the word noster, the word which they have which
is the closest is nochtli, which is the name of that cactus which here the
Spanish call the tuna cactus and in Spain the cactus of the Indies. The
fruit is covered with a green rind crowded with thorns ... So, in order
to bring to mind the word noster, they paint next to the little flag a tuna
[cactusl, which the Indians call nochtli, and in this manner the speech
proceeds to its completion.
17. In European iconography, the eye is often a symbol of the All Seeing
Eye which symbolizes the Omniscience of God. We think, however, that the eye
in the catechisms is an Andean rather than European symbol. In the Huntington
CaJechism the eye means "the first" or "the most important."
18. In the Quechua text of Julian Guerrero's Ten Commandments, for
example, he equates figures 33,57,65,71,76,82,87, and 96-tlSSigning them
the meaning of ama ("do not") which he derives from their supposed resemblance
to "'ama,' 'amila,' con una criatura en brazos" (Ibarra 1953: 183). We have great
difficulty seeing all these figures as portraying a woman with a child in her arms.
Many of them look like a figure (male or female) holding an arrow. Indeed, the
figures function like the Huntington portrayal of a man with an upright hand that
also indicates "do not" (Quechua: ama). Hartmann's research presents analogous
difficulties. For example, she equates figures 3, 24, and 35 of her Paternoster
with figures 27, 30, and 48 (1991: 177, 179), but it is difficult to see the similarity
between the two groups without making extended conjectures.
19. Ibarra and Hartmann use the term ideograph, a term which has been
replaced by logogram or semasiograph (Coo 1992: 18-19).
20. The Quechua ruray connotes making something physically as in
carpentry. Perhaps a man with a hammer was chosen as this sign by conflating
Jesus the carpenter with God (Monica Barnes, personal communication, 6 October
1993).
21. The Spanish version of this phrase employs llamar ("to call"), while the
Quechua rendering is huaqay ("to cry"), perhaps indicating some muddling on
the part of the translators (Monica Barnes, personal communication, 6 October
1993). The crying figures in the Huntington convey the Quechua word very well.
22. Galarza (1992:7-8), OIl the other hand, tells us that priests did not draw
and, in Mexico, relied OIl the painters of codices to produce the Testerian
manuscripts. The church in the Andes certainly employed native artisans and
fostered native art (Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 3:461-471).
23. The rest ofthe manuscript is in fairly good shape. Because the manuscript
has been conserved, however, fingerprint and other wear data are no longer
available.
24. These prayer leaders were often women in the village of Quinua,
Department of Ayacucho, where we have worked, but in other areas have usually
been men.
25. Analogous arguments that the pictographic system is ancient are made
by Bollaert (1870), Miranda Rivera (1958), and Posnansky (1912:74-76). In the
nineteenth century, however, Tschudi (1869:314-319), examining materials from
the same area described by Ibarra, concluded that the pictogmphs are recent.
Bandelier (1969 [1910]:89) and Metraux (1963:14) similarly argue for recent
origins.
26. The text corresponding to the iconography is "I believe in God, the
Father almighty" in English, Creo en Dios, Padre tado poderoso in Spanish, and
Yflinim Dios yaya llapa aticpaman in Quechua.
27. The text corresponding to the iconography is "I confess to almighty God"
in English, Conflessonme aDios todo poderoso in Spanish, and Noca
huchachapan, llapa atipac Diosman confessacuni in Quechua.
28. The text corresponding to the iconography is "Honor thy father and
mother" in English, Honoras a tu padre y madre in Spanish, and Yayayquida,
mamayquida yupaychanqui in Quechua.
29. The iconography of heaven in the Paternoster of Miranda Rivera (1958),
Hartmann (1991: 174, 176, Fig. 2:2), and Ibarra (1953) is very similar, as is that
in the Testerian manuscript described by Galarza (1992:93, 101, 148).
30. The text corresponding to the iconography is "And in Blessed Mary,
Ever Virgin" in English; y a la buena uenturada siempre virgen Maria in Spanish;
and viflay virgen sanda Mariaman in Quechua. The depiction of a pregnant Virgin
is also found in medieval European iconography (see, for example, Lechner n.d.:
plates 234-236).
31. See also, for example, the signs meaning "to us," "like us," and the
undefined sign thirty-six of Ibarra (1953:189, 194).
32. The Holy Apostles Peter and Paul do not show the usual European
iconography (Peter does not have his keys and Paul does not have his book),
probably because the figures are so small they lack detail.
33. At least some ofthese Two Roads Maps were made in India (Steltenkamp
1993: 1(0). One photograph shows Black Elk teaching children the catechism by
means of one of the maps (op. cit.: 101) and SteItenkamp interprets Black Elk's
vision as deriving from the catechism rather than from aboriginal beliefs (op.
cit. :95).
34. David Browman is uncertain of this similarity because he has not yet
studied the pictographic manuscript in detail, nor has he personally examined the
poorly documented ceramics.
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Latin American Indian

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