From Alexandria to Rome: The Valentinian Connection to the Incorporation of Exorcism as a

Prebaptismal Rite
Author(s): Elizabeth A. Leeper
Source: Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1990), pp. 6-24
Published by: BRILL
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1584244
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VigiliaeChristianae44 (1990),6-24, E. J. Brill, Leiden

FROM ALEXANDRIA TO ROME:

THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION TO THE INCORPORATION
OF EXORCISM AS A PREBAPTISMAL RITE
BY

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

During Christianity's earliest years, according to the New Testament

witness, it was not difficult to become a member of the fledgling Christian Church. In front of synagogues and amidst marketplaces, one of
the evangelists, such as Peter or Paul, would preach the good news of
salvation in Christ Jesus, calling upon the gathering crowds to repent
and be baptized (Acts 2.14-42; 3.12-4.4). Sometimes the message was
given individually, as when Philip gave private instruction to the
queen's eunuch, baptizing him in a nearby river (Acts 8.26-39). Whether
to large crowds, small groups, or single seekers of truth, the book of
Acts reports that the Christian gospel was taught and people were added
to the new and rapidly growing church by baptism (cf. Acts 16.31-34;
13.15-44). Instruction and repentance were the primary criteria for
membership.
By the third century, however, we find an elaborate apparatus in
place in the form of the catechumenate and its concomitant rites to
prepare people for baptism and entrance into the Christian community.
The period of instruction is lengthy, usually for three years or more, and
preparation includes prayer, fasting, and a series of antidemonic rites,
such as exorcism, all geared to ensure that the candidate is fit in heart
and mind to receive the sacrament of new birth.
The fully-developed exorcism ritual found in the Apostolic Tradition,
circa 215, is the earliest example we have in which exorcism has been incorporated as an essential element of the baptismal process in the
mainstream Christian Church. Yet there is no evidence from the second
century to suggest that this has been a standard practice of the Roman
church.' Whence and when did exorcism as a baptismal ritual come?
The earliest evidence, from Theodotus, gives us a clue both as to the
origins of prebaptismal exorcism and as to how the rite came to be a

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

fundamentalpart of the ritualsof the Romanchurch.We find a common elementbetweenTheodotusof Alexandriaandthe mainlinechurch
at Rome in the personof Valentinus,secondcenturyChristianteacher
and gnostic. It was Valentinushimself, we wouldlike to postulate,who
broughtthe exorcisticpracticesof a branchof the Alexandrianchurch
to Rome, wherethey wereincorporatedinto the Romanritual, a ritual
that eventuallybecamestandardthroughoutthe Christianworld.
Alexandria
Theodotus,a pupilof Valentinus,was activein Alexandriaas a Christian gnosticteacher,c. 140-160.Excerptsof his teachinghave been preserved for us by Clement of Alexandria,2and remain an important
source for Valentiniangnosticism.Amonst the excerpts(Exc. 67-86)is
evidence for Theodotianbaptismalpractices,interpretedin terms of
gnostic cosmology and soteriology. Although there is evidence of a
growing concern about evil spirits, the Theodotian rite contains the
earliestknownevidenceexplicitlystatingthe need to rid a personof all
evil spiritsbefore baptism.
Accordingto Theodotus,all humanbeingsare subjectto Fate, invisible Powersthat are ascendentat the time of a person'sbirth(Exc. 69).
These Powers are both beneficent and maleficent, fighting for and
against one; however the good Powers are not sufficient to rescue
humanbeings and save them from slaveryto the evil Powers (Exc. 7273). Only the Savior Christcan break the bonds of Fate, transferring
humanbeingsfromits dominionto himself,and it is in baptismthatthis
releasetakes effect (Exc. 77-78). Baptismchasesawaythe demons(i.e.,
the evil Powersand Principalities),breaksthe bondsof Fate, and incorporates a person into Christ,thus transferringhim or her from death
into life.3 Baptism involves renouncing the evil Powers (&toxTa?cao%ov,v
ruLwvTaot;covnppaot
'Apxat;), who, upon the neophyte's rising from the

baptismalwaters,no longerhave controlbut are forcedto shudderinstead. From enslavementto demons, the neophyteis now a servantof
God and lord of the unclean spirits (xai x6pLto axaOaptrovX)y&Txat

Exc. 77).
HIvwua&tov;
in
the
While
baptismalwaters,the convertalso is sealedin the Name
of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. This seal is a sign of
ownershipas the new Christianbearsthe Name of God and is reformed
in the image of the Spirit.Furthermore,the seal also placesthe person

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ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

beyond demonic threats, releasing him or her from the realm of corruption (Exc. 80, 86).4
This does not happen automatically, however. It is possible for
unclean spirits to enter the baptismal waters with the candidate, in
which case the demons also receive the seal and are, in effect, sealed
within the person, so that no future cure is possible (Exc. 83).5 In order
to avoid this tragic situation, Theodotus proposes a regimen of fasting,
ToUo v7laext, eiv,aet,
prayer, laying on of hands, and kneeling (8t&a
o, xXaia
FuXax,<0 aeL>> X&pv, TovuxXt.aL

uX

" ix x6
Xa aou" xcx "ix

Exc. 84). There is uncertainty as to what

&avaco~xait;
ot6aTo; Xe6OVTYO"
precisely was done with the hands. Sagnard emends the text with OiaeSL
suggesting that there was an imposition of hands, most likely as
XLtp&)v,
an exorcistic rite.6 W. do know that the water was exorcized, gaining
both the power to separate the inferior elements (usually understood as
meaning the power Loward off evil)7 and to sanctify (U0T5o;xa to6 '8sp,
xia TOE0opxl 6,eUvo xad To PaltTartOCyLV6otevov, ou L6Ovov
XXop<i>?A TOr
xai &ytraopt6v
Xeipov,&dXX
npoaXa,3pavet;Exc. 82). Probst believes that this
is evidence of baptismal exorcism in the midsecond century, as he links
the exorcism of the baptismal water with the exorcism of the baptismal
candidates: Wurde aber das Taufwasser exorzisiert, so ist die
Beschworung des Tauflings um so wahrscheinlicher.8Dolger disagrees
with using the fact of the exorcized water as an affirmation of the practice of exorcizing the candidates, but he does concede that the foundation of baptismal exorcism was present at that time in the
presupposition of most Christians that the unbaptized were under the
influence of and possessed by evil spirits.9 When we consider
Theodotus' fear about evil spirits entering the baptismal waters with the
candidate, it is a matter of course that the remedies he proposes immediately after voicing this concern would be antidemonic in nature.
Since the first century the laying on of hands upon a demoniac in conjunction with an adjuration commanding the demon to flee was a
standard exorcistic practice. Moreover, it would be natural to combine
various antidemonic techniques and use all available resources, both
human and divine, to rid the person of all demonic influence. Thus the
candidate fasts, God is entreated, and someone with authority lays on
hands and exorcizes. No source of power remains untouched in an effort to ensure spiritual purity.
Of equal importance with the baptismal washing is the attainment of
gnosis-knowledge of who we were, what we have become, and where

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

we are going, the secrets of birth and rebirth(Exc. 73). Despite the
gnostic affirmationthat knowledgecomes throughrevelation,the Nag
Hammadidocumentsshow that gnosis was attainednot only by direct
revelation,but also throughthe writingsand the instructionof those
who alreadyposessed such wisdom. Most likely there was a period of
instructionbefore baptism, when the convert gained the knowledge
necessaryfor salvation. In orderto ensurethat the canditatewas truly
preparedfor the spiritualtransformationthat lay ahead, it is highly
likelythat an interrogationeitherprecededor was partof the baptismal
ceremony.
Thuswe find the variouselementsthat comprisedthe baptismalritual
knownto Theodotus:catechesis,interrogation,exorcism,renunciation,
baptism, and sealing. The new convert wishing to enter the church
underTheodotus'tutelagewouldreceiveinstructionaboutthe Christian
faith from a Valentinianperspective,attainingthe necessarygnosis;
would spendtime in fasting and prayer,probablywith handsimposed
in exorcism,in additionto personallyrenouncingall evil Powers;would
be examinedas to his or her knowledgeof the wisdombeing imparted;
and finally would descendinto the baptismalwaters, be sealed in the
Name of the Trinity, and rise again as a gnostic Christian.
From beginningto end an antidemonictheme runs throughthe process. It is Fate, that union of malevolentPowers, that initiallyenslaves
a person, and withoutthe properprecautionsthose uncleanspiritsthat
are identifiedwith the evil Powers can become permanentlysealed so
that the bonds of Fate can never be broken. The training received,
whetherit be instructionor exorcism,is all aimed at freeingone from
demoniccontrol, and, as a furthermeasure,the wateritself is exorcized
(T6
opxtO6io

vov) to help separate one from all evil. Even after baptism

the new Christianis warnedto put on the armorof Christin orderto

"quench the darts of the devil" (Exc. 85).
The traditionalview of the gnosticsis that they taughtthat spirituals
or pneumaticswere saved automatically,by nature(cf. Ireneaus,Adv.
Haer. 1.6.2), but the concernthat Theodotusevincesover the powerof
evil spirits,even followingbaptismand the attainmentof gnosis, belies
this assumption.It is apparentthat no class of person, no degree of
Christian,is exempt from danger. Fasting and prayer, exorcismand
renunciation, baptism and sealing, are prescribedfor all. The evil
Powersare cunning,and carefulvigilanceis neededto thwartthem and
thus obtain the seal that saves.

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10

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

Rome
Even though there was a growing tradition in the second century
associating unclean spirits with the unbaptized, the excerpts of
Theodotus contain the earliest known evidence for the practice of expelling evil spirits before proceeding to the baptismal waters and thus
for the intimate association of exorcism with baptism. Theodotus, however, was a Valentinian, and his teaching probably reflects what went
on in the Valentinian gnostic groups in Alexandria, not necessarily the
practices of the mainstream Christian church of Clement.'0 The first
clear association of exorcism with baptism in the Catholic Church occurs in the Apostolic Tradition, commonly attributed to Hippolytus of
Rome, c. 215.11 Here we find the catechumenate fully established with
clear procedures laid down for the enrollment, instruction, proximate
preparation, and baptism of the convert. Again we find antidemonic exhortations and rites from beginning to end, with investigations conducted as to the candidate's spiritual purity and preparedness at several
points in the process.
The first such examination is upon enrollment, when the candidates
are questioned about their lives hitherto. Anyone who at this early juncture is found to have a demon is forbidden catechetical instruction until
he or she has been purified (&av8 T;8tl aiOovoaEX, I xaxaOcw ,LxvrLv
8 e ;SxoLtvoiov tpiv av xaO9apa09; AT 16.8).
euaTp3&arv, L1 TpoaXia0o
Three years of instruction follow this first determination of degree of
cleanliness, during which time the teacher prays and lays hands upon the
catechumens before dismissal (AT 19.1).
Those who are chosen to be baptized are set aside from the others for
a period of time preceding the Great Vigil of Easter, when baptisms
traditionally took place. From this time until the Vigil, the candidates
for baptism receive daily instruction and daily exorcism, the last exorcism being administered by the bishop himself (A T 20.3). Here again,
those who are not found to be pure are put aside because the strange
spirit continues to hide itself within them (si quis autem non est bonus
(xXo6s) aut non est purus (xaocp6o), ponatur seorsum, quia non audivit
verbum in fide (7Ziamt),quia impossibile ut alienus se abscondat semper;
A T 20.4). On Friday and Saturday of Holy Week, the candidates fast,
and on Saturday they pray together kneeling and are once more exorcized by the bishop, who lays hands upon them while adjuring the evil

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

11

spirits to flee, breathes on their faces, and seals their foreheads, ears,
and noses (AT 20.7-8). Finally, on Easter Eve, the candidates renounce
Satan (&ao-&aaoloata
aarav&g;AT 21.9), are anointed with exorcized oil,
called the Oil of Exorcism (iopxta!6os), while the priest commands all
evil spirits to depart (AT 21.7, 10), go down naked into the water, and
are baptized while making a threefold interrogation and confession of
the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (A T21.12-18). They are then anointed
with the Oil of Thanksgiving (etxappta ; A T21.19) and sealed in confirmation (AT 22.1-3),
We find many of the same elements-instruction, exorcism, fasting,
prayer, renunciation, interrogation, baptism, sealing-in the Apostolic
Tradition that we found in Theodotus. The rites have been expanded or,
at least, are described in greater detail here, but there is nothing
radically new in the ritual itself. We do not find the theological explanations that obscure our view of the Theodotian ritual, and it can safely
be assumed that Hippolytus and most of the Roman church would not
agree with the cosmology and theological interpretations of Theodotus.
Despite the different styles and purposes of these two documents, the
similarity that is apparent between them is remarkable and cannot be attributed either to chance or to the assumption that Dix makes that the
rites of the Roman church were "typical of the practice of the Great
Church everywhere in the second century.'"2 Certainly the pattern of
teaching and baptism was normative within Christianity, but given both
the paucity of second century evidence for actual baptismal practices
beyond the demand for instruction, washing in water, and, in many
places, fasting, and what we do know about the diversity that characterized second century Christian communities, it cannot be assumed that
antidemonic elements were found everywhere that early. It is only in the
third century that indications of a more fully articulated baptismal
ceremony and of the widespread acceptance of practices such as renunciation and exorcism appear, and even then they scarcely can be considered universal.
This leaves us, however, with the necessity of trying to account for
the similarity between the rites of Theodotus and Hippolytus, between
second century Alexandria and third century Rome, leading us to Valentinus, the second century conduit between these two metropolises of the
Roman Empire and centers of the Christian faith.

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12

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

Valentinus

Valentinus, Christian gnostic and teacher, was, according to

Epiphanius,from the seacoasttown of Phrebonisin Egypt, whencehe
moved to Alexandriato receive a Greek education(Haer. 31.2). His
followers, Clementtells us, claimedthat Valentinuswas a studentof
Theudas, who himself was a disciple of the apostle Paul (Strom.
VII.17.106).As Anne McGuirewarnsus, this reportmustbe takenwith
at least a grainof salt, closelylinkedas it is to the Valentinianclaimto
apostolic authority.13It is likely, however, that Valentinusbecame a
Christianin Egypt, a conclusion that is supportedby the fact that
Valentinuswas a Christianteacherin Rome, an unlikelyposition for
one newly converted.Clementalso tells us that Valentinuswas a contemporaryof Basilides,both of whomwereactivein Alexandriaduring
Hadrian's reign (A.D. 117-138) (Strom. VII.17.106). During the
episcopacyof Hyginus (A.D. 136-140),Valentinusmoved to Rome,
wherehe flourishedas a ChristianteacherunderPius (A.D. 140-155)
into the time of Anicetus(A.D. 155-166)(Irenaus,Adv. Haer. III.4.3).
TertullianplacesValentinusin Rome underEleutherius(A.D. 175-189)
but this is clearlywrong, especiallysince he also says that Valentinus
was in Romeduringthe reignof AntoninusPius (A.D. 138-161)(Praes.
30), whichaccordswith both Clementand Irenaeus.Thus we can date
Valentinus'stay in Rome to A.D. 138-160.14
While attestationsfrom the heresiologistsas to Valentinus'presence
in Alexandriaand Romearegenerallyconsideredreliable,reportsof his
activitiesand of his relationshipwith the churchin Rome must be examined far more cautiously.Justin, a contemporaryof Valentinusin
Rome, makes no mentionof him in his First Apology. Since he does
discussMarcionas a man aidedby devils, currentlyteachingpeople to
deny God (I Apol. 58), and lists him with Simon Magusand Meander
as subjectsof a treatiseof his againstheretics(1 Apol. 26; this treatise
is no longerextant), this silenceregardingValentinusis most puzzling
and leads us to believethat at the time of the writingof the Apology
(c. 148), Justin either did not consider Valentinusa heretic or had
simply not heardof him. Later, in his Dialogue with Trypho(c. 155161), he does includethe Valentiniansamongsthis list of hereticswho
call themselvesChristians,yet whom he claimsare outside "our" communion (Dial. 35); it is importantto note, however,that he does not
name Valentinushimself. Apparentlybetweenthe First Apology and

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THE VALENTINIANCONNECTION

13

the Dialogue a distinction was being made, at least by some Christian

teachers such as Justin, between "us" and "them," and an effort was
being exerted to distinguish "heretics" from true Christians.
Our next report about Valentinus comes from Irenaeus, who compares both Valentinus and Marcion with Polycarp, who visited Rome c.
154.15 Polycarp, according to Irenaeus, was responsible for causing
many people to turn away from the previously mentioned heretics (including Valentinus and Marcion) "to the Church of God" (els r-v
TOU
ixxranCalv
Ooui).Irenaeus then continues with anecdotes about John's
encounter with Cerinthus in the bathhouse ("Let us fly lest even the
bathhouse collapse, because Cerinthus, the enemy of truth, is within")
and Polycarp's retort to Marcion ("I recognize [you], I recognize the
first-born of Satan" (&7cIrtvoxo
&xc 7tvcWaxX TO6v7cpoT6Toxov
ToUaoarva)
Haer.
The
overall
that
Irenaeus
wants
to conIII.3.4).
(Adv.
impression
Valentinus
and
Marcion
of the
is
that
both
were
enemies
heretics,
vey
true Church, whom Polycarp, the honored martyr, confronted, exposing their lies and converting many of their followers. A closer examination, however, shows that Irenaeus' judgment against Valentinus is
based upon "guilt by association" only-there is no evidence that
Polycarp ever encountered or condemned Valentinus, but by linking
Valentinus and Marcion in his readers' minds, Irenaeus hopes also to
link their condemnation. Thus we have not Polycarp's judgment of
Valentinus (c. 154), but Irenaeus' condemnation of Valentinus (c. 180),
a full generation later.
Moreover, Gerd Liidemann, in his compelling analysis of Valentinus
and Marcion in Rome, carefully examines the relevant text and concludes that Irenaeus' assertion that Polycarp converted many of Valentinus' and Marcion's followers belongs to a different level of tradition
than the stories about John and Cerinthus or Polycarp and Marcion.
Irenaeus sees Polycarp as the champion against heresy, the stedfast
witness (martys) to the truth, who, far superior to Valentinus and Marcion, not only defends the faith but also seeks out heretics in order to
return them to the true Church. As Liidemann points out, this conclusion scarcely fits the situation; indeed, even Irenaeus later says that
Polycarp viewed heretics with such horror that he refused to have any
communication with them (Adv. Haer. III.3.4). Once Irenaeus'
testimony about Polycarp is discounted, the question of whether or not
Marcion and Valentinus were considered heretics around A.D. 150,
Liidemann concludes, must be denied: Die oben gestellte Frage, ob

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14

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

Irenaushaer.111,3,4belegt,dassMarcionund Valentinum 150 n. Chr.

in Rom als Hdretikergalten, muss daher verneintwerden.'6
Following Irenaeus,we also have two reports from Tertullianconcerning Valentinus. In his PrescriptionAgainst Heretics, Tertullian
linksValentinusand Marciontogetheras believersin the doctrineof the
CatholicChurchuntil, due to restlesscuriosity,they wereexpelledmore
than once (donecob inquietamsempercuriositatem,quafratresquoque
vitiabant,semel et iterumeiecti;Praes. Haer. 30.2). In anothertreatise
specificallyagainstthe Valentinians,TertulliandescribesValentinusas
an eloquent,able man who, becauseof his genius, expectedto become
bishop of Rome. When a confessorwas appointedin his stead, Valentinus broke with the Church of the Authentic Rule (Speraverat
episcopatumValentinus,quia et ingeniopoterat et eloquio, sed alium
ex martyriipraerogativaloci potitum indignatusde ecclesiaauthenticae
regulaeabrupit;Adv. Val. 4,1). Hence we have two contradictoryaccounts from the samewriter:first that Valentinus,alongwith Marcion,
was repeatedlyevictedfromthe Churchbecauseof unduecuriosity,and
second, that Valentinus,piquedbecausehe was passedover for bishop,
separatedhimselffrom the Church.The themeof thwartedambitionas
presentedin the secondscenariois familiarpolemic,a topos to be used
against schismaticgroups over and over again, and thus is of little
historicalvalue. On the otherhandTertullian'sreportas to Valentinus'
extraordinaryqualificationsprobablyis reliable,sinceit is doubtfulthat
he would give even grudgingpraiseto one whom he abominatedas a
heretic,if suchpraisedid not rest on well-foundedevidence.Moreover,
this accountof Valentinus'abilityis confirmed,Liidemannbelieves,by
the extantfragmentsof Valentinus'writingsand by his effect upon his
students.17As to Valentinus'repeated dismissal from the church in
Rome, Liidemannbelievesthat Tertullianknew no traditionof Valentinus breakingwith the Romanchurch.However,sinceIrenaeuslinked
Valentinusand Marciontogether as heretics, and since Marcionwas
said to have been expelledfrom the Church,this, to Tertullian'smind,
meant that Valentinussufferedthe same fate: he appliedthe tradition
concerningMarcion'sdismissalto Valentinus.'8Following furtherexaminationof the evidenceagainstMarcion,Lidemann concludesthat
there is no basis to the assumptionthat either Valentinusor Marcion
was expelled:Marcionleft the Roman churchto form his own community, whilst Valentinusremainedwithin the Roman community,
teaching, unhinderedand admired, within the setting of a school.'1

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

15

McGuireagrees with this assessmentof Valentinus,noting that Tertullian's claim about Valentinus'ejection from the churchcontradicts
reportsof Irenaeusand Clement"who say nothingof a breakbetween
Valentinusandthe Christiansof Rome. Whiletheirsilencecannotprove
that Valentinusenjoyeda peacefuland mutuallyrespectfulrelationship
with all the other Christiansof Rome, it does, when combinedwith
other reports, argue stronglyagainst a definitiveexpulsionof Valentinus or his followersin the next generation."20
Thus the evidencewe have concerningValentinusis that he was a
Christianteacherwhose followersclaimedwas a studentof a studentof
Paul's, activefirstin Alexandriaand then in Rome, teachingwithinthe
confines of the Christian community in Rome for twenty years,
respectedand admired.It is not until the end of his careerthat doubts
beginto assertthemselvesas to his doctrinaluprightness,and eventhen
thereis no clearindicationthat he was expelledfromthe Churchor that
his school was blacklisted. The "us" and "them" language that
characterizesso much antihereticalpolemic does not appearuntil the
time of his followers, as the Church,strugglingwith the problemsof
self-definition, starts to draw distinctions between the Valentinian
schools and the mass of ordinaryChristians.It is importantto bear in
mind that the Churchof the second centurywas not the monolithic
structureof true teaching and apostolic tradition that the Church
Fatherstry to portray.WalterBauer'slandmarkwork, Orthodoxyand
Heresy in Earliest Christianity,2'even when problemswith individual
componentsaretakeninto account,remainsa testamentto the diversity
that characterizedthe earlyChurch.Therewas room for a Clementand
a Valentinus,a Marcionand an Irenaeus.Althoughthe air was often
rift with polemic and with counterclaimsto the apostolic faith, the
Christiancommunitywas able to accommodateschools of many differentcomplexions.Thus it is perfectlycrediblethat Valentinustaught
in Rome for over twenty years, arousingcommentbut not dismissal,
and that he could have left his mark upon both the doctrineand the
liturgyof the Churchthere.Furthermore,only sucha scenarioaccounts
for the accusationsof Justin and Irenaeusthat the Valentinianswere
wolves in sheep's clothing (Justin, Dial. 35; Irenaeus,Adv. Haer. I,
Pref.). Only as active membersof the Church,embeddedperhapsas
"cells" withinthe largerChristiancommunity2and thus continuingto
influence(or, to the heresiologists,pollute)the Church,would such a
complaintbe justified. Bentley Layton claims that at the turn of the

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16

ELIZABETHA. LEEPER

third centuryit was still possible for a follower of Valentinusto hold

the positionof presbyterin the churchat Rome.23It wasnot untilc. 200,
due in largemeasureto the efforts of Irenaeus,that ordinaryChristians
startedto think of themselvesas distinctfrom the Valentinianschool,
and it was not until the late third or fourth centuriesthat the Valentinians consideredthemselvesseparatefrom the rest of Christianityand
that edicts forbiddingthe meetingof sectariansforcedthe burialof the
Coptic manuscriptsat Nag Hammadi.24
Thus we have Valentinusestablishinghimself within the Christian
communityat Romeas a teacher,where,knownfor his geniusand eloquence, he no doubt had an impactupon the teachingand practiceof
the Church.Is it possible,then, that he was responsiblefor introducing
exorcisminto the baptismalrites of Rome, or, at least, pushingto its
logical conclusion the associationbetween sin, evil spirits, and baptismal purity?We have noted the presenceof extensiveantidemonic
rites both in Alexandriaand in Rome, in circleswhereValentinuswas
activeand wherehe wouldhavebeenin a positionto influenceliturgical
changes expressiveof his own teaching. But can we be sure that the
ritualdescribedand the explanationsgiven by Theodotusare representative of his mentorand are not eitherTheodotus'own innovationsor
the generalpracticesof the Christiancommunityin Alexandria?
The assumptionthat TheodotusreflectsValentinuscannot,of course,
be proven, although Gilles Quispel believes that the teachingsof the
Oriental School, which includes Theodotus, are very close to their
master-Valentinus.25There is, however, supportingevidence in the
form of a fragmentof a letter by Valentinus,preservedby Clement
(Strom. 11.20.114).Valentinusteachesthat the heart is filled with evil
spirits who dwell within it, insulting and violating it with improper
desires,preventingit frombecomingpure.He comparesit to a ruralinn
of the East that has an enclosedcourtyardfor pack animals,26and thus
is full of filth anddung, uncaredfor andtreatedwithcontempt."In this
manneralso the heart, as long as it meets with no forethought,is impure, being the dwelling place of many demons" (Tov rp6oovTOUTovxal
I.
Ti xcapsia,l(eXp

t l npovoLoca 'CUTXaVsL, axaOapxoC,

:KOx,v

oua oa

LXo6vcov

olxWi/tlplov;Strom. II.20.114.6). But when the Father visits the heart, he

makesit holy so that it shineswith light. The Son is the manifestation

of the Father,who visits the heart and purifiesit by castingout every
evil spirit (ravT6o 7trovrIpoU7TveWuloJ
JaTo

ooutxvou

r7f xapoac; Strom.

II.20.114.3). A heart filled with evil spiritswould need carefulcleans-

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

17

ing, and it is fully credible that Valentinuswould have carried his

demonologyone step furtherand institutedor at least taught the need
for exorcismin conjunctionwith baptism, the time, surely, when the
Father would visit and cleansethe heart.
Valentinus'understandingof the demon-filled,impure,heartalso accords well with Theodotus' teaching about the evil Powers (8uv&dLtq
xaxoioto) who controlhumanactionsthroughthe machinationsof Fate
who after baptism shudder
and the unclean spirits(&xao&pranveUiaTxza)
before those whom previouslythey had obsessed (Exc. 70-78). Moreover, as we haveshown, with Theodotus'teachingabout uncleanspirits
who enter the baptismal waters with the candidate, antidemonic
measures,such as exorcism,are essential.In addition,both Theodotus
and Valentinuscombinethe need for knowledge(yvraL;Exc. 78.2) or
forethought (7povota; Strom. II.20.114.6) with the visit of the Father as

additionalliberatingfactors.Thus, both in theirdemonicanthropology

(i.e., human beings inhabitedby demons) and their soteriology(i.e.,
only the Lord can rescueand purify one from the evil spirits), Valentinus and Theodotusshow remarkablesimilarities.
Furthermore,we know that neitherin the Valentinianfragmentnor
the Theodotianexcerptscan Clementbe interposinghis own beliefs.
Clementmakesit veryclearthat he disagreeswith the theoryof demons
inhabitinghuman beings. He cites both Basilides and Valentinusin
order to refute them. Amazingly,he even uses Barnabas("Before we
believedin God, the dwelling-placeof our heart was unstable,truly a
templebuilt with hands. For it was full of idolatry,and was a house of
demons, throughdoing what was opposed to God." Ep. Barn. 16.7-9
cited by Clementin Strom. II.20.116.4), who appearsto have been a
proponent of the demonic condition of the human heart,27reinterpretinghim to say that sinnersact like demons, not that demonsthemselvesdwellwithinthem, and that sins are forgiven,not that demonsare
driven out (Strom. 11.20.116.3-117.3).This is also an indicationthat
baptismal exorcism was not a general practice of the Alexandrian
church;eitherthat, or Clementis placinghimself in oppositionto the
Christiancommunityin Alexandria-an unlikely conjecturesince he
spendsno time discussingAlexandrianpractices,eitherin refutationor
reinterpretation,which he surelywould have felt compelledto do were
such rites part of generalChristianworship.
Finally, let us look at one more document from the Valentinian
school-the Gospelof Truth-consideredby many to be by Valentinus

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ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

himself.28 It may be a baptismal homily29or even a chrismation/confirmation homily,30and thus has direct significance to our discussion. The
theme of the Gospel of Truth is that of salvation through knowledge
(yviatq) of God,31 and the homilist allows us tantalizing peeks and
glimpses into Valentinian rituals. Eric Segelberg, who examines and interprets many of these cultic rites, draws attention to a passage with an
antidemonic message pertinent to our investigation. The homilist is
warning his flock not to return to former things, exhorting them: "Do
not become a (dwelling) place for the devil, for you have already
destroyed him" (Layton: "brought him to naught," p. 260; Segelberg:
"thrown him out," p. 120; EV 33.11-21). Segelberg believes that this
passage may indicate the presence of an exorcistic rite associated with
baptism.32Certainly it is a reference to the antidemonic nature of salvation and, more specifically, considering the overall context of the
treatise, to the expulsion of and liberation from the devil that one gains
in baptism and chrismation. This accords well with what we have seen
in the rite of Theodotus with its antidemonic emphasis and with Valentinus' own teaching about the presence of evil spirits within the
unbeliever. Furthermore, considering the elliptical nature of the
sources, the Gospel of Truth and the excerpts from Theodotus breathe
the same air, where mystical concepts such as calling, knowledge, and
the work of the Spirit freely mingle with concrete references to oil and
water. It is certainly possible to see them both coming out of the same
community, reflecting, with different emphases, similar rites and the
teachings of a common master.
Conclusion
Taking into account the amassed evidence, what does our scenario
look like? We find Valentinus active in Alexandria as a Christian instructor, where, presumably, Theodotus is one of his pupils. Around
A.D. 138, he moves to Rome, where he is established in the general
Christian community as a teacher. He is active for twenty years within
the church in Rome, possibly with a school of special disciples whom
he instructs in an allegorical method of biblical exegesis, accepting the
Church's teachings and practices but possibly reinterpreting them in a
gnostic direction. There is no evidence that he was ever ejected from the
Christian community or, on the other hand, that he left the community
to found his own church.

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

19

Meanwhile,whilstValentinusis busy in Rome, we find his erstwhile

pupil, Theodotus,activein the AlexandrianChristiancommunity,also
as a teacher, allegoricallyinterpretingChristiandoctrine and cult in
terms of gnostic mythology,perhapseven startinga school that incorporatesits own cultic practices.Certainlyif Clementis a model for the
rites of the ordinaryChristiancommunity,the antidemonicconcerns
and exorcistictechniquesof the Theodotiancommunitywerenot those
of the Alexandrianchurchas a whole. But then whencedid Theodotus
get his baptismalritual?It is morethan likelythat whenValentinusleft
Alexandria, Theodotus continued his master's teachings, and that,
therefore,the concernsand practiceswe find in Theodotusarerepresentative of Valentinushimself. Certainlywhat we know of Valentinus'
own demonologysupportsthis hypothesis.Furthermore,it only makes
sense to suppose that Valentinusdid not radicallyalter his teachings
upon entranceinto the Roman Christiancommunityand that, therefore, both his belief in the presence of evil spirits inhabiting the
unbelieverand the antidemonicpracticesfound in Theodotusformed
part of his teachingin Rome as well as in Alexandria.
This is c. 140. By c. 215 we find Hippolytusdrawingup a church
order that includes a well-formedcatechumenatewith elaborateantidemonic precautionsand with exorcisticrites incorporatedinto the
baptismalliturgy.Theseritesare more fully articulatedthan they are in
Theodotus,but this is easilyaccountedfor by the naturalaccretionprocess that all liturgyundergoesover time, and, in fact, they may be a
ritualexpressionof the demonicconcernsthat so occupiedTheodotus'
attention. Indeed, the setting aside of anyone still found to have an
uncleanspirit following the bishop's scrutinymay be a final effort to
preventany demonicspiritsfrom enteringthe baptismalwaterswith the
candidate.Although Hippolytusdoes not speak of the dangerof evil
spiritsreceivingthe seal in baptismalong with the baptizand,this fear
of Theodotus' may well lie behind the Roman church'srepeatedantidemonicrites. Hippolytusrefersto his orderas a longstandingtradition, a tradition that he stridently defends against innovation and
change(AT 1.1-5). Sixty or seventyyearshave elapsedbetweenValentinus settingup shop as an instructorwithinthe confinesof the Roman
Christian community, wherein he probably taught the necessity of
cleansingunbelieversfrom demonicinhabitationbefore they enter the
baptismalwaters,and Hippolytusextollingthe establishingtraditionsof
the Romanchurch,traditionsthat includethe ritualexorcismof all bap-

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20

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

tismal candidates. Sixty years is long enough for a new practice,

especially if the theological underpinningsare already in place, to
become an establishedtradition. The evidence is tenuous, but the
possibilityis worthconsideringthat Valentinushimselfwas the conduit
betweenAlexandriaand Rome, an instructorwithin the church who
taughtthe necessityfor prebaptismalexorcismto ensurepurityand thus
an importantcontributorto be baptismalrites of the Roman church.
SELECTEDBIBLIOGRAPHY

Bauer, Walter.Orthodoxyand Heresyin EarliestChristianity.Ed. RobertA. Kraft&

GerhardKrodel.Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1971.
Benoit, Andre. Le Bapteme Chretien au Second Siecle. etudes d'Histoire et de
PhilosophieReligieusesde l'Universit6de Strasbourg,No. 43. Paris:PressesUniversitairesde France, 1953.
Clementd'Alexandrie.Extraitsde Theodote.Ed. FrangoisSagnard.SourcesChretiennes
23. Paris:Les Editionsdu Cerf, 1970.
The Excerptaex Theodotoof Clementof Alexandria.Ed. RobertPierceCasey.
--,
Studies and Documents I. Ed. by Kirsopp Lake and Silva Lake. London:
Christophers,1934.
Les Stromates.StromateII. Ed. P. Th. Camelot&C. Mond6sert.SourcesChre-,
tiennes38. Paris:1ditions du Cerf, 1954.
Dolger, FranzJ. Der Exorzismusim altchristlichenTaufritual.Studienzur Geschichte
undKulturdesAltertums,Band3, Heft 1-2. Paderborn:Druck&Verlagvon Ferdinand Schoningh,1909.
Epiphanius.Ancoratusund Panarion.Ed. Karl Holl. GCS 25, 31. Leipzig:Hinrichs,
1915-1922.
Justin, "The FirstApology." Writingsof SaintJustinMartyr,pp. 33-111.Ed. Thomas
B. Falls. Fathersof the Church.New York:ChristianHeritage,Inc., 1948.
--,
"Dialogue with Trypho." Writingsof Saint Justin Martyr,pp. 139-366.Ed.
ThomasB. Falls.Fathersof the Church.New York:ChristianHeritage,Inc., 1948.
"Gospel of Truth." Nag HammadiLibrary,pp. 37-49. Dir. JamesM. Robinson.Tr.
GeorgeW. MacRae.San Francisco:Harper&Row, 1981.
Grant, RobertM. Gnosticismand Early Christianity.New York: ColumbiaUniversity
Press, 1959.
Hippolytus.La TraditionApostoliquede Saint Hippolyte.Essai de Reconstitutionpar
Dom BernardBotte. MiinsterWestfalen:AschendorffscheVerlagsbuchhandlung,
1963.
Hippolytus.The Treatiseon the Apostolic Traditionof St. Hippolytusof Rome. Ed.
GregoryDix. London:SPCK, 1937.
Ireneede Lyon. Contreles He'rsies. Ed. Adelin Rousseau&Louis Doutreleau.Sources
Chr6tiennes211. Paris: Editionsdu Cerf, 1974.
Kelly, HenryA. TheDevil at Baptism:Ritual, Theology,and Drama. Ithaca:Cornell
UniversityPress, 1985.

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

21

Layton, Bentley. The GnosticScriptures.GardenCity: Doubledaya Co., Inc., 1987.

Liudemann,Gerd. "Zur Geschichtedes altestenChristentumsin Rom: I. Valentinund
Marcion, II. Ptolemaus und Justin." Zeitschriftfur die Neutestamentliche
Wissenschaft70 (1979),pp. 86-114.
McGuire,Anne Marie. Valentinusand the "GnostikeHairesis":An Investigationof
Valentinus'sPosition in the History of Gnosticism. Ann Arbor: University
MicrofilmsInternational,1983.
in den drei erstenchristlichenJahrhunderten.
Probst. Sakramenteand Sakramentalien
Tubingen,1872.
Puech, Henri Charles."The Jung Codex and the OtherGnosticDocumentsfrom Nag
Hammadi,TheJung Codex,pp. 11-34.Ed. F.L. Cross.London:A.R. Mowbray&
Co. Limited,1955.
Quispel,Gilles."TheJungCodexand Its Significance."TheJungCodex,pp. 35-78.Ed.
F.L. Cross. London:A.R. Mowbray&Co. Limited,1955.
"The OriginalDoctrineof Valentinus."Gnostic StudiesI, pp. 27-36. Istanbul:
--,
NederlandsHistorisch-Archaeologisch
Instituut,1974.
Rudolph,Kurt.Gnosis:TheNatureandHistoryof Gnosticism.Ed. RobertMcL.Wilson.
San Francisco:Harper&Row, 1983.
"Det koptiska'EvangeliumVeritatis."'Religionoch Bibel 17 (1958).
Save-Soderbergh.
Segelberg,Eric. "The BaptismalRite accordingto some to the Coptic-GnosticTextsof
Nag-Hammadi."StudiaPatristica5, pp. 117-128.Ed. F.L. Cross.TexteundUntersuchungen80. Berlin:Akademie-Verlag,1963.
280.
Ed. Jean-ClaudeFredouille.SourcesChr6tiennes
Tertullien.Contreles Valentiniens.
Paris:editions du Cerf, 1980.
Series
--, De PraescriptioneHaereticorum.Ed. R.F. Refoule. CorpusChristianorum
Latina I: TertullianiOpera Pars 1, pp. 185-224.Turnholti:TypographiBrepols
EditoresPontificii, 1954.
Van Unnik, W.C. "The 'Gospelof Truth'and the New Testament."TheJung Codex,
pp. 79-129.Ed. F.L. Cross. London:A.R. Mowbraya Co. Limited,1955.
and the 'Gospelof Truth."' TheRediscoveryof
Wilson, RobertMcL. "Valentinianism
GnosticismI, pp. 133-145.Ed. BentleyLayton.Studiesin the Historyof Religions
XLI. Leiden:E.J. Brill, 1980.

NOTES
Thisis not to say that therewas not an antidemonicelementin baptism.Demonswere
a growingconcernthroughoutthe second century,but the power of baptismover evil
spiritswas implicitratherthan overt. We know from the Didache(7.4) and from Justin
(I Apology61) that fastingprecededbaptism.Benoitclaimsthat fastingmay havean exorcisticbasis,especiallysinceJudaismattributedto fastingthe powerto driveout demons
(Andre Benoit, Le Bapteme Chretien au Second Si6cle, ttudes d'Histoire et de
PhilosophieReligieusesde l'Universit6de Strasbourg,No. 43 (Paris: PressesUniversitairesde France,1953),p. 11).Thisdeductionis not necessarilyjustifiedby the evidence,
however,sincenot only the personabout to be baptized,but also the one administering
the baptism,and, in Justin'sreport,the communityas a whole,also fasted.TheChristian
communityand especiallythe baptizerhave alreadythemselvesbeen baptizedand thus

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22

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

wouldbe free of demonsand demonicinfluences.Furthermore,Justindoes not conceive

of baptismin termsof breakingSatanbut as illumination.
Whetheror not fastingcan be consideredas an antidemonicprecautionhowever,there
is otherevidenceof a demonicconcernin the baptismalritesof the secondcentury.Justin
mentionsthat Christiansrenouncedemonsand theirways (I Apol. 14), whichmay be a
referenceto renunciationas a baptismalelement.Furthermore,Barnabasdescribesthe
humanheartas beingfull of demonsbeforeone comesto faith in God (16.8), whichcertainlyimpliesthat thereis somethingaboutcomingto faith (whichcan be understoodas
beingbaptized)that cleansesthe demon-filledheart.This impliesthat exorcismis an integralpartof baptismitself, a partwhichlater,Benoitclaims,wasseparatedfrombaptism
to becomea separaterite of renunciationand exorcism(Benoit, pp. 38-39).
Thus in the secondcenturywe find antidemonicimplicationsof baptism,but, within
the mainstreamChurch,no evidenceof exorcismas a separatebaptismalrite.
2
Clementd'Alexandrie,Extraitsde Th6odote,ed. FrancoisSagnard,SourcesChretiennes23 (Paris:Les editions du Cerf, 1970).Englishtrans.:TheExcerptaex Theodoto
of Clementof Alexandria,ed. RobertPierceCasey,Studiesand DocumentsI (London:
Christophers,1934).
SC 23, p. 229.
4
cf. SC 23, p. 235, for Sagnard'sdiscussionon the seal.
5
The sealingof uncleanspiritswho enterthe baptismalwatersis a uniqueelementin
Theodotus,andis remarkablydifferentfromthe perspectiveof otherChurchleaders.Ignatius claimedthat Jesus was born and baptizedso that his Passion hallowsall waters
(Eph. 18.2), a statementthat Benoitsays is the first formulationof the conceptthat the
baptismof Christpurifieswaterinflictedby demons(Benoit,p. 69). Clementof Alexandriaalso believedthat Christ'sbaptismpurifiedthe waterfor those beingreborn(Eclog.
Proph. 7.1); Tertullianclaimedthat the Spiritof God sanctifiedwaterso that waterin
turnreceivedthe powerof sanctifying(De Bapt. 4.4-5);and Cyprianwrotethat the devil
"loses all the poison of his evil" whenhe comesto the baptismalwaters(Ep. 69.15-16).
6

SC 23, p. 234.

Casey, p. 91
"As the baptismalwateris exorcized,so is the exorcismof the baptismalcandidates
all the more likely." Probst, Sakramenteand Sakramentalienin den drei ersten
christlichenJahrhunderten
(Tubingen,1872),p. 132, citedin FranzJ. Dolger,Der Exorzismus im altchristlichenTaufritual,Studienzur Geschichteund Kulturdes Altertums,
Band 3, Heft 1-2 (Paderborn:Druck&Verlagvon FerdinandSchoningh,1909),p. 9.
9 Dolger, p. 9.
'? See pp. 15-16for furtherdiscussion.
" Hippolytus,La TraditionApostoliquede SaintHippolyte,Essaide Reconstitutionpar
Dom BernardBotte (MinsterWestfalen:AschendorffscheVerlagsbuchhandlung,
1963).
Englishtrans.: The Treatiseon the Apostolic Traditionof St. Hippolytusof Rome, ed.
GregoryDix (London:SPCK, 1937).Chapterand paragraphnumbersgiven in the text
referto the Dix edition.
12 Dix, p. xl. It is clear, for example,that the practicesof AT do not reflectthose of
Clement.cf. pp. 17-18of this article.
13 Anne MarieMcGuire,Valentinus
and the "GnostikeHairesis":An Investigationof
Valentinus's
Positionin theHistoryof Gnosticism(AnnArbor:UniversityMicrofilmsInternational,1983),p. 77.
8

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THE VALENTINIAN CONNECTION

23

14 McGuire, p. 78.
'5 Gerd Lidemann, "Zur Geschichte des altesten Christentums in Rom: I. Valentin und

Marcion, II. Ptolemaus und Justin," Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
70 (1979), p. 89.
16
Ludemann, p. 90. I have not discussed it here, but Ludemann also retraces the
evidence that Irenaeus presents against Marcion.
17 Ludemann, p. 93.
18 Lidemann, p. 94.
19 Die Textanalysen fuhrten zum Ergebnis, dass Marcion die romanische Gemeinde
verliess, um eine neue Kirche zu grunden, Valentin dagegen innerhalb der romanischen
Gemeinde verblieb, unangefochten und bewundert lehrte, d.h. wohl im Rahmen einer
Schule. Lidemann, p. 96.
20
McGuire, p. 80.
21
Walter Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, ed. Robert A. Kraft &
Gerhard Krodel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971).
22

McGuire,pp. 80-81.

Bentley Layton, The Gnostic Scriptures (Garden City: Doubleday, 1987), p. 270.
Layton does not give any specifics.
24
In 326, Valentinians appear in an edict of Constantine's that forbids them to hold further meetings; in 388 a Valentinian chapel was burned by orthodox Christians in
Callinicum on the Euphrates; and a further decree forbidding them to assemble was
legislated in 428, indicating that during the fourth and fifth centuries, the Valentinians
met as a separate sect with its own buildings. Layton, pp. 271-272.
25
Gilles Quispel, "The Original Doctrine of Valentinus," Gnostic Studies I (Istanbul:
Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, 1974), p. 28.
26
Layton, p. 245, fn. c.
27
For the growing concern throughout the second century with demonic inhabitation of
human beings, see Henry A. Kelly, The Devil at Baptism: Ritual, Theology, and Drama
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), especially chapter 2: "Sin Demons and their
Removal."
28
The Gospel of Truth (Evangelium Veritatis)is the third document of the Jung Codex,
also known as Nag Hammadi Codex I (cf. Kurt Rudolph, Gnosis: The Nature and History
of Gnosticism, ed. Robert McL. Wilson (San Francisco: Harper &Row, 1983), pp. 34-48),
is generally agreed to be from the school of Valentinus, and may be identified with the
Evangelium Veritatismentioned by Irenaeus as coming from the Valentinian circle (Adv.
Haer. III.11.9). Quispel ("The Jung Codex and Its Significance," The Jung Codex, ed.
F.L. Cross (London: A.R. Mowbray & Co., 1955), p. 50) and W.C. Van Unnik ("The
Gospel of Truth' and the New Testament," The Jung codex, p. 93ff) date EVc. 150, and
Robert Grant (Gnosticism and Early Christianity, p. 128) concurs with them in attributing
it to Valentinus himself. Henri Puech ("The Jung Codex and the Other Gnostic
Documents from Nag Hammadi," The Jung Codex, p. 18f) agrees with the date of 150,
but is more reserved on the issue of authorship. On the other hand, Hans Jonas (Gnomon
32 (1960), p. 327ff; Studia Patristica 6 (1962), p. 96ff) believes that EV assumes a more
fully developed Valentinian system and thus is a work of the Valentinian school but not
by Valentinus himself, and Wilson ("Valentinianism and the 'Gospel of Truth,"' The
Rediscovery of Gnosticism I, Studies in the History of Religions XLI (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
23

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24

ELIZABETH A. LEEPER

1980),p. 141f)arguesthat it reflectsa stagein the developmentof the canonlaterthan

150 and thus questionsthat this is the EV that Irenaeusknows.
29
Save-Soderbergh,"Det koptiska 'EvangeliumVeritatis,"'Religion och Bibel 17
(1958),pp. 35-40,citedby EricSegelberg,"The BaptismalRiteaccordingto someof the
Coptic-GnosticTextsof Nag-Hammadi,"StudiaPatristica5 (Berlin:Akademie-Verlag,
1963),p. 119.
30

SP 5, p. 120.

Layton, p. 250. Although yvw ; traditionallyis simply rendered "gnosis" or

translatedas "knowledge,"Laytonconsistentlytranslatesit "acquaintance,"thus emphasizingthe personaldimensionof the human-divineencounter.
1

32 SP
5, p. 120.

Wartburg Theological Seminary,

333 Wartburg Place,
Dubuque, IA 52001 U.S.A.

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