C G Jung and The Tradition of Gnosis

The Search for Roots:
C. G. Jung and the Tradition of Gnosis
An audio lecture by Dr. Lance Owens, introducing

this book, is available online at gnosis.org
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The Search for Roots

C. G. Jung and the Tradition of Gnosis
Alfred Ribi
Foreword by Lance S. Owens
Preview Edition Foreword Only
GNOSIS ARCHIVE BOOKS

LOS ANGELES & SALT LAKE CITY
Alfred Ribi, 2013

Foreword Lance S. Owens, 2013
First English Edition
Published by Gnosis Archive Books Visit us at gnosis.org/gab
ISBN-13: 978-0615850627
ISBN-10: 0615850626
Original edition in German published as:
Die Suche nach den eigenen Wurzeln: Die Bedeutung von Gnosis,
Hermetik und Alchemie fr C. G. Jung und Marie-Louise von
Franz und deren Einfluss auf das moderne Verstndnis dieser
Disziplin. (Bern, Berlin, Frankfurt/M., New York, Paris,
Wien: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 1999).
ISBN 978-3906761602
Biographical note: Alfred Ribi was born in 1931. He studied

medicine in Zurich, followed by specialization in Psychiatry and
Psychotherapy FMH. In 1963, he began analysis with Marie-Louise
von Franza close associate of C. G. Jungand subsequently
worked for many years with Dr. von Franz as a colleague. He is a
diplomat of the C. G. Jung Institute, Zurich, where he has served as
Director of Studies, and as a teaching and control analyst, lecturer
and examiner of the Institute. He is a past President of the Foundation for Jungian Psychology, and of the Psychological Club Zurich.
Since 1968, Dr. Ribi has been in private practice in Meilen, and now
in Erlenbach.
Cover Illustration: Frontispiece from Wilhelm Schultz, Dokumente

der Gnosis (Jenna, 1910). This book was one of Jung's earliest sources
on Gnostic tradition.
Second Printing (with corrections)
If you don't understand this speech, don't trouble your heart

over it. For as long as a person does not become this truth, he
will not understand this speech. For this is a naked truth,
which has come directly out of the heart of God.
Meister Eckhart
Contents
______________________________________________________
Preface to the English Edition ...................................................................... vii

Foreword by Lance S. Owens ........................................................................... 1
Chapter 1 Introduction ................................................................................ 37
Chapter 2 Martin Buber versus Carl Gustav Jung .................................. 43
Chapter 3 Devotio versus Gnosis................................................................ 59
Chapter 4 On the Nature of Gnosis........................................................... 93
Chapter 5 Law versus Personal Responsibility....................................... 110
Chapter 6 Jung and Gnosis ........................................................................ 126
Chapter 7 The Septem Sermones ad Mortuos ....................................... 155
Sermo I ................................................................................................... 174
Sermo II ................................................................................................. 212
Sermo III ................................................................................................ 225
Sermo IV ................................................................................................ 235
Sermo V.................................................................................................. 252
Sermo VI ................................................................................................ 264
Sermo VII .............................................................................................. 269
Notes................................................................................................................ 278
Bibliography................................................................................................... 309
Pages have been omitted from this preview.

Only the Foreword and notes to the Foreword are included here.
Foreword
by Lance S. Owens
I. Alfred Ribi and the Search for Roots

In November of 1960, seven months before his death, C. G. Jung
suffered what he called the lowest ebb of feeling I ever experienced.
He explained the sentiment in a letter to Eugene Rolfe:
I had to understand that I was unable to make the people see what
I am after. I am practically alone. There are a few who understand
this and that, but almost nobody sees the whole I have failed in
my foremost task: to open peoples eyes to the fact that man has a
soul and there is a buried treasure in the field and that our religion
and philosophy are in a lamentable state.1
Looking back now over the last half-century, it appears Jung had
reason to lament. He has not been wholly understood. But the cause lay
not just in the sprawling scope and complex tenor of his writings. In
retrospect, it is evident Jung had not revealed the whole. During his life,
Jung cautiously and consciously elected not to publicly share the experiential key to his vast opus. He knew it, too, would notat least, not
thenbe understood.
The missing key was, we now see, his long-sequestered Red Book,
the work Jung formally titled Liber Novus, the New Book. Begun
when he was thirty-eight years old and based on experiences carefully
recorded in his journals between 1913 and 1916, Liber Novus contained Jungs account of a life-altering journey into the depths of vision.
At the commencement, he called his venture my most difficult experiment.2 For over sixteen years Jung labored at calligraphically
transcribing and illuminating a compilation from his journal record
into the exquisite folio volume known as the Red Book. This was his
THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS
buried treasure; it is the foundation of Jungs oeuvre, and the Rosetta

stone to decode his subsequent hermeneutics of creative imagination.
Nearly a century after its composition, the publication in 2009 of
Liber Novus has instigated a broad reassessment of Jungs place in
cultural history. Among many revelations, the visionary events recorded
there expose the experiential foundation of Jungs complex association
with the Western tradition of Gnosis,3 a perennial praxis he identified
as the historical antecedent of his psychology.
To understand the whole of Dr. Jung, it is imperative that we finally delve into the depths of his Gnostic vision and the ways in which that
ancient rhizome nurtured his life task. This new edition of Dr. Alfred
Ribis multidimensional examination of Jungs relationship with Gnosis
and its ancient textual witness thus comes at an important time. Initially authored in the decade prior to publication of Liber Novus, current
release of this English edition offers a necessary bridge between the past
and forthcoming understanding of Jungs Gnostic roots.
Ribi and Jung
Alfred Ribi is a formidable scholar, known to all those who have studied at the C. G. Jung Institute in Zurich over the last fifty years. His
many books have however appeared heretofore only in German language editions, and he has not received due recognition from English
readers. Since the historical importance of this volume is uniquely
interwoven with the authors personal background, let me here introduce Dr. Alfred Ribi and tell a bit about how this book came to be
written.
Jung traced the historical lineage of his psychology back to the
Gnostic communities that had existed two thousand years ago at the
beginning of the Christian age. That ancestry was important to Jung;
he asserted, the uninterrupted intellectual chain back to Gnosticism,
gave substance to my psychology.4 Alfred Ribi took Jungs assertion
seriously; he stands apart in the analytical community for the erudition
and intellectual rigor he has applied to investigation of Jungs association with the Gnosis. Allowing that Jung was correct, Ribi recognized
that there was a natural and fraternal dialogue awaiting exploration
FOREWORD
between the burgeoning field of Gnostic studies and Jungian psychology.

Dr. Ribi is thus not here principally addressing colleagues in the
Jungian fold, nor the casual reader seeking an easily digestible dollop of
Jung-lite. His purpose is much more focused. Ribi is trying to open a
constructive dialogue between Jungian and Gnostic studies. If engaged,
that interchange will eventually expose a hermeneutics attuned to the
experiential nature of Gnosis, both ancient and modern. Such a dialogue will broaden the foundation, cultural location, and imaginative
scope of modern depth psychology. This is a transformative undertaking. It is an undertaking true to Jungs vision of his work.
Dr. Ribi entered the C. G. Jung Institute in 1964 after having
completed his medical training and a few years of scientific research in
physiology. Marie-Louise von Franz, for many years Jungs closest
associate, became Ribis analyst. Jung had died three years before Ribi
arrived at the Institute, but his memory was still a vital presence. Like
many others of his generation in Zurich, Ribi was introduced to Jung
not only through his writings, but also by the insights, private perspectives and very personal recollections of people who had known Jung
well. For decades thereafter Ribi enjoyed collegial relationships with Dr.
von Franz and others still active in Zurich who had worked closely with
Jung.
During his association with the C. G. Jung Institute over the past
fifty years, Dr. Ribi has worked continuously as an analyst, teacher and
examiner of the Institute; he also served as the Institutes Director of
Studies. He is an eminent past president of both the Foundation for
Jungian Psychology and the Psychological Club of Zurich. After a halfcentury of engagement, it is safe to say that Ribi knows Jung and the
Jungian tradition from the ground up. But even more noteworthy, he
recognized Jungs deeper roots, and he carefully searched them out.
A natural scholar with a keen talent for research, Ribi committed
himself not only to his work as an analyst and a teacher, but also to the
study of the historical foundations of Jungs psychology. Jungs indispensible assistant during the twenty years he labored with the
alchemical tradition, Dr. Marie-Louise von Franz, assisted Ribi in his
early investigation of alchemical texts. In addition to studying all that
Jung wrote about alchemy, he went further: he acquired and reviewed
the original sixteenth and seventeenth century documents Jung had

studied, ultimately accumulating a library of original alchemical works
nearly equal to Jungs own.
Dr. von Franz eventually provided Dr. Ribi with the rare opportunity to closely study Jungs private alchemical notebooks, composed
between 1935 and 1953.5 Methodically working page by page through
these notes and indexes, he observed the method underlying the development of Jungs hermeneutics of alchemy. He also discovered that
throughout these notes, Jung continued to admix excerpts from Gnostic literature he was still readinga revealing fact not previously
known.
Ribi was searching for the roots of Jungs psychology, and they apparently ran back two thousand years to the Gnostics, Jungs purported
first psychologists. It was time, Ribi saw, to extend the historical
understanding of analytical psychology into the textual tradition of the
Gnosis. To do this, he elected to employ the same method Jung had
used in his study of alchemythe method he discovered while scrutinizing Jungs notebooks.
This was a natural continuation of Jungs prior effort. But Ribi
now had available what Jung did not: an extensive collection of Gnostic
texts recently discovered at Nag Hammadi. Although Jung had studied
Gnostic materials for many decades, prior to the Nag Hammadi discovery there was a limited number of classical Gnostic writings available,
and much existed only in recensions composed by ancient opponents of
the tradition. Jung had stated as much, and therefore correctly judged
that he lacked the adequate primary material to solidly link his own
observations and experiences with the Gnostics in the first centuries.
With the addition of the Nag Hammadi materials, the situation had
changed, and Ribi saw the effort was now both possible and necessary.
Toward a New Hermeneutics of Gnosis
When I asked Dr. Ribi at what point during the course of his work he
first perceived the importance of the Gnostic tradition to Jung, he
responded without hesitation: At the beginning. I then questioned if
others around him in the Jungian community over the years had shared
FOREWORD
his interests or perceptions. His reply was, No. Only Quispel understood; he was the only one I could talk with.
Gilles Quispel (1916-2006) was a Dutch scholar who in 1952
with financial assistance facilitated by Jungacquired the first codex
(as these ancient book are termed) from the cache of Coptic Gnostic
texts that had very recently been uncovered at Nag Hammadi, Egypt.
This manuscript is now known as the Jung Codex, or Codex I. It was
formally presented to Dr. Jung and the C. G. Jung Institute in 1953 and
remained with the Institute until being repatriated to Egypt in 1975.
This was the first portion of the large collection of Nag Hammadi
manuscripts to reach academic hands, and Gilles Quispel was one of the
first scholars to fully recognize the immense importance of the discovery for Gnostic studies. Quispel would spend the rest of his long career
working on the Nag Hammadi materials.
With the friendship and assistance of Gilles Quispelby then a
renowned scholar of GnosticismRibi met other specialists studying
and translating the ancient library of Gnostic writings recovered at Nag
Hammadi. Before final publication of the entire Nag Hammadi collection in 1977, Ribi read every translation and commentary published in
German, French and English academic editions and monographs.6
Over the years, Ribi worked methodically through each of the
some fifty Gnostic texts recovered at Nag Hammadi, analyzing the
translations in various languages, noting key words, concepts and recurring themes: essential, following techniques Jung used in his study of
alchemy. Ribi indexed the terminological interrelationships and the
visionary formations appearing in the texts. In the process he compiled
thousands of pages of intricate notes, all transcribed in a beautiful
calligraphic hand. These notes are now bound in several volumes as a
witness to his work.
Ribis study extended beyond the Nag Hammadi texts to Gnostic
material that Jung had read, and to a careful examination of the usages
Jung made of this material. Eventually, Ribi established that Jung had
understood the core of Gnostic tradition very well, despite his lacking
the supplementary material from Nag Hammadi. While the Nag
Hammadi scriptures vastly broaden the textual evidence concerning the
classical Gnostic experience, the writings Jung had available to him
offered an adequate foundation for his conclusions. For the most part,
the newly available texts garnered support for Jungs reading.
Throughout this labor, Dr. Ribi engaged dialogue with specialists
working in the then still developing field of Gnostic studies. His interest was not only in their work, but also in sharing with them
psychological perspectives on the nature of the experience underlying
Gnosis. The wider field of Gnostic studies needed awareness of the
psychological nature of the tradition, and in Ribis judgment, Jungs
hermeneutics served that need.
The efforts of Alfred Ribi, Gilles Quispel and others with like interestsnotably including the independent scholar Stephan Hoeller,7
and of course the globally influential efforts of Jung himselfwere not
without effect. In 2005, Dr. Marvin Meyer, the general editor and
primary translator of the definitive 2007 international edition of Nag
Hammadi Scriptures,8 proclaimed that in Gnostic writings, The story
is as much a story about psychology as it is about mythology and
metaphysics.9
Gnostic writings are a story about psychology. Coming from
Marvin Meyer, the leading academic author in this field, and stated in
an introduction addressed to the general reader, this is a transformational affirmation about the root of Gnostic tradition. If these ancient
manuscripts reveal a story about psychology, then where in the modern
world do we find a hermeneutics for, or an analog of their ancient
psychology? Dr. Ribi offers an answer.
The Problematic Heresy
Over preceding decades, Jungs connection with Gnostic tradition
naturally received comment, and occasionally it generated controversy.
Plentiful evidence regarding his sympathetic interest in Gnosticism
appeared throughout his published writings. More evidence came in
comments he made in his private seminars.10 And then, there was a
little book he had printed, titled the Septem Sermones ad Mortuos
(Seven Sermons to the Dead), which at a very early date robustly signaled
the Gnostic foundation of Jungs vision.
Jung privately printed the Septem Sermones ad Mortuos in 1916,
not long after their transcription in his journal.11 In 1917 Jung added
FOREWORD
the Sermonsalong with an amplifying Gnostic commentary spoken

by Philemonto the final manuscript section of Liber Novus, where
they stand as a summary revelation of his experience. Jung gave copies
of his 1916 printing of the Sermons to trusted students over many
subsequent years. H. G. Baynesat the time, Jungs principal assistantprepared an English translation of Septem Sermones in the early
1920s. With Jungs approval, the English edition was printed in 1925
and it also was privately distributed for use by disciples who did not
read German.12 Numerous individuals working with Jung in those early
years eventually read his Gnostic revelation.
In the mid-1930s Jung began his intense study of the alchemical
tradition; over the next twenty years alchemys symbolic language was a
central theme in his many publications.13 In alchemy Jung believed that
he had found crucial evidence for an enduring Western cultural transmission of Gnostic vision spanning two millennia, reaching from the
beginnings of the Christian age forward to his own experiences of
psychic reality. Readers of Jung often overlooked the fact that this study
of alchemy was wed historically with his Gnostic studiesat least in
Jungs appraisal. Thus, in his writings on alchemy, one finds abundant
references to Gnostic texts presented with parallel commentaries.
Near the end of his life Jung affirmed to Aniela Jaffe, The main
interest of my work is not concerned with the treatment of neurosis,
but rather with the approach to the numinous.14 For Jung, this was the
primal experience of Gnosis. After a visit around 1955, his old associate
Karl Kernyi remarked (perhaps partly in jest) that Jung then considered himself a kind of Popeof the Gnostics.15 No joking was
involved in 1952, however, when the philosopher and theologian
Martin Buber published a vehement attack upon Jungs Gnosticism.
Exposing pernicious heresy was serious business for Buber.16
Bubers assault and the publication of an evasive response from
Jung undoubtedly dampened public discussion of Gnosis within the
Jungian community over subsequent years.17 But there were other
issues at work motivating an amnesis of Gnosis. Following Jungs death
in 1961, the analytical community, along with a growing number of
C. G. Jung Institutes dedicated to clinical training, progressively became the primary custodians and propagators of Jungs work. Post
mortem, Jung was institutionalized.
For the institution, the persistent and troubling issue was whether
Jungs psychology would be viewed as a spiritual discipline or as a clinically validated therapy. There was obviously no professional profit in
nominating Jung as a Gnostic prophet. Of course, many Jungian therapists continue to affirm the essentially spiritual aspects of their work,
and they quote Jung in support. But culturally and professionally, it
remains problematic to associate a school of clinical psychology with a
widely anathematized heresy intimately entangled in the origins of
Christianity.
The publication in 1982 of Stephan A. Hoellers landmark study,
The Gnostic Jung and the Seven Sermones to the Dead, aroused a wider
general awareness and discussion of Jungs allegiance with classical
Gnosticism.18 Hoeller was, however, an independent scholar and a
bishop of a modern Gnostic church, who stood outside the established
Jungian analytical community. For many Jungian analysts, empathetic
links between Jung and Gnostic tradition remain inimical to the scientific respectability of their profession. As Barbara Stephens stated in her
2001 reassessment of the Jung-Buber controversy, the issue of therapy
as a spiritual praxis is the paradigmatic ground for Holy Wars within
a fragmenting Jungian analytical tradition.19
A Modern Gnostic, a New Book
John Dourley, a Catholic priest and Jungian analyst who has written
extensively about the controversy between Jung and Buber, concluded
that Jungs only proper rejoinder to Buberstrangely not made at the
time but evident in Jungs wider workmight well have been and
should have been, So, whats the matter with being a gnostic?20
Dr. Ribi is in essential agreement: within Jungs own conceptualization of the term, he was a Gnosticbut a modern Gnostic, creatively
nurturing an ancient and perennial Gnosis into a new time. And there
is nothing the matter with thatindeed, it deserves a much deeper
acknowledgement and understanding than it has received in past years.
In his exploration of Jungs Gnosis, Ribi artfully traverses the two
places where past ventures into this terrain have frequently mired
down. Firstand this discussion takes up approximately the first half
of his bookRibi dissects the multiple dimensions of the Buber-Jung
FOREWORD
controversy. His bold opening psychological analysis of Martin Buber,

starting with his mothers abandonment of him, is likely to raise a few
analytical eyebrows and objections. But Ribi declares his biases and
intentions: he is a physician, psychiatrist and Jungian analyst, with
decades of clinical experience, exploring a fundamental human conflict.
And he is digging deeply into the psyche for understanding. To explain
Jungs approach to the experience of Gnosis as a psychological fact, he
examines Bubers own encounter with and interpretation of psychological factsat least to the extent Buber publicly disclosed them. Buber
diagnosed Jung as a Gnostic, and Ribi accedes. But what then in contradistinction was Buber? And why did Buber see such danger in the
attitude he identified as Gnostic? The real subject of interest, Ribi
explains, is the light this conflict casts on a vastly larger historical story:
the two millennia long confrontation between Belief and Gnosis.
In the second part of his work, Ribi offers a probing study of the
Septem Sermones ad Mortuos. By working together themes from the
Septem Sermones, ancient Gnostic texts, and Jungs collected writings,
he weaves a witness to Jungs intimate relationship with the historical
tradition of Gnosis. Jung did not have available to him the Gnostic
texts from Nag Hammadi quoted by Ribi in this section; nevertheless,
Ribi demonstrates how the Nag Hammadi materials independently
support Jungs Gnostic identification of his psychology.
But just as Jung did not have the Nag Hammadi texts, Ribi did not
have Liber Novus. Ribi intuited the power of Jungs experience during
the period he was composing Liber Novus and accurately regards the
Septem Sermones as a signal of these experiences. He even identifies the
volumes containing Gnostic texts that Jung had in his library and
probably read during the period prior to writing the Septem Sermones.
Nonetheless, Ribi was forced by the absence of primary documentationmaterial at that time still sequesteredto make a provisional
reconstruction of events leading up to composition of the Septem
Sermones. The depths Jung had probed and the power of his visions
during this period simply could not be estimated. Only his private
record could finally tell that tale.
Publication of Liber Novus now discloses the visionary foundation
underlying Jungs life-long association with the Gnosis. This material
supports and significantly supplements Ribis study. In preparing this
10
English edition, it therefore was clear that the recently available material from Liber Novus should be discussed. That discussion could not,
however, be integrated into the original text without radically altering
the established work.
Therefore, in an extension of this foreword, I will add a discussion
of Liber Novus and the story of Jungs initial encounter with the Gnosis. Putting the new pieces together with Ribis probing exposition of
previously apparent facts, we see Alfred Ribi did indeed construct a
bridge to the future. His historic study opens the way toward a transformational understanding of C. G. Jung and the tradition of Gnosis.
II. The Perennial Rhizome

Writing in 1950, Jung explained his situation forty years earlier, at the
threshold of the experience that produced Liber Novus:
The psyche is not of today; its ancestry goes back many millions of
years. Individual consciousness is only the flower and the fruit of a
season, sprung from the perennial rhizome beneath the earth; and
it would find itself in better accord with the truth if it took the existence of the rhizome into its calculations. For the root matter is
the mother of all things.21
He recounts that his intense study of mythologies around 1911
forced him to conclude that without a myth, a human is like one
uprooted, having no true link either with the past, or with the ancestral
life which continues within him, or yet with contemporary human
society. Jung continues,
So I suspected that myth had a meaning which I was sure to miss if
I lived outside it in the haze of my own speculations. I was driven
to ask myself in all seriousness: What is the myth you are living? I
found no answer to this question, and had to admit that I was not
living with a myth, or even in a myth, but rather in an uncertain
cloud of theoretical possibilities which I was beginning to regard
with increasing distrust So, in the most natural way, I took it upon myself to get to know my myth, and I regarded this as the task
FOREWORD
11
of tasks I simply had to know what unconscious or preconscious

myth was forming me, from what rhizome I sprang.22
So, beginning on the night of 12 November 1913, and continuing
over the next several years, he confronted the portentous task of tasks.
C. G. Jung stepped to the rim of the world where, as he declared, the
mirror-image begins;23 he called it a voyage of discovery to the other
pole of the world.24 And he found his myth, the rhizome from which
he sprang. He explained, as reported in Memories, Dreams, Reflections:
The knowledge I was concerned with, or was seeking, still could
not be found in the science of those days. I myself had to undergo
the original experience, and, moreover, try to plant the results of
my experience in the soil of reality; otherwise they would have remained subjective assumptions without validity.25
In 1948, he described the event to Victor White: I wanted the proof of
a living Spirit and I got it. Dont ask me at what price.26 The original
experience and living Spirit of the Depths had led him to what he
avowed in 1916 to be a new spring of life.27 But from the very beginning of his odyssey in 1913, Jung struggled with a rare hermeneutic
task: translating his imaginative encountershis visionsconcretely
into word and image. He had to plant what he had undergone in the
soil of reality. The translators of Liber Novus comment:
At the outset of Liber Novus, Jung experiences a crisis of language.
The spirit of the depths, who immediately challenges Jung's use of
language along with the spirit of the time, informs Jung that on the
terrain of his soul his achieved language will no longer serve.28
The theoretical, didactic and discursive forms of his previous scientific jargon would not carry the fact of this experience. Jung
confronts the challenge before him in his introduction to Liber Novus,
and he makes this petition to the reader for understanding:
My speech is imperfect. Not because I want to shine with words,
but out of the impossibility of finding those words, I speak in im-
12

ages. With nothing else can I express the words from the depths.29
Near the end of life, Jung spoke of his visions as the fiery magma out of
which the stone that had to be worked was crystallized.30 Jungs first
taskhis primary hermeneutic task, the first interpretive challenge
was a crystallization of the stone. That stone, the fact he would work
for the rest of his life, originated in a protean visionary experience
playing out over several years. It was a descent into mythopoetic imagination.
He was compelled to give this experience expressive form. Early in
the experience, Elijah had said to him in a vision, Seek untiringly, and
above all write exactly what you see."31 But how would he put in words
the fictive facts of vision? In response, Jung entered an intensely focused
and deeply considered formational process. The voice of the depths
spoke in symbol and image. And so, in translating his experience, did
Jung. Even the graphic form of words on the pages of the Red Book
needed to speak with the voice of image.
Jung further intuited that his experience of the Depths was not
unprecedented, but somehow linked with previous history, with a fact
that had existed as lived event earlier in time. Where and how it had
existed must have been ambiguous at the beginning of his journey in
1913 and 1914. Nonetheless, with parchment and paint, and archaic
calligraphic pen, he had to bridge with word and image a chasm in time,
thus linking past and present. And future.
The process unfolded in a dynamic progression. As the transcription of the manuscript of Liber Novus proceeded, parchment sheets
changed to paper pages in the Red Book; the artistic images he imaginatively brought to form became more abstractly expressive, and the
calligraphic hand became less cramped. Finally, around 1917 and 1918,
a unifying symbol began to constellate in the form of cross and circle.
And at the end of 1919, he crystallized in Liber Novus an image titled
the Philosophers Stone.32 In its sum, Liber Novus reveals these strata.
But it is all stone from one same source. This was Jungs primary hermeneutics of vision, a many-layered working of vision formed to
image.
FOREWORD
13
The Epochal Event

By late 1914, as the first draft of Liber Novus took form, Jung recognized that what he had experienced was of more than personal import.
It was epochal. It was a new hermeneutics of human creativity, one
made possible only by and through, and then in sensuous formation of
an extraordinary human venture of vision.
In a letter to Kurt Plachte33 dated 10 Jan 1929, Jung defined the
symboland here he undoubtedly speaks of the living symbol formed
from this own ventureas, the sensuously perceptible expression of an
inner experience. Jung continues and asserts that symbolic expression
is the highest form of thought possible: The highest form of intellectual process would be symbolic experience and its symbolic expression.34
He explains this further by resorting to an ancient Gnostic vocabulary:
The symbol belongs to a different sphere from the sphere of instinct. The latter sphere [of instinct] is the mother, the former [the
sphere of symbol] the son (or God). For my private use I call the
sphere of paradoxical existence, i.e., the instinctive unconscious,
the Pleroma, a term borrowed from Gnosticism. The reflection
and formation of the Pleroma in individual consciousness produce
an image of it (of like nature in a certain sense), and that is the
symbol. In it all paradoxes are abolished. In the Pleroma, Above
and Below lie together in a strange way and produce nothing; but
when it is disturbed by the mistakes and needs of the individual a
waterfall arises between Above and Below, a dynamic something
that is the symbol. Like the Pleroma, the symbol is greater than
man. It overpowers him, shapes him, as though he had opened a
sluice that pours a mighty stream over him and sweeps him away.35
A year later, in 1930, he wrote further about what happens when
this mighty stream is let loose. Speaking about signal imaginative creations across the ages, he asserts that great imaginative art,
draws its strength from the life of mankind and we completely miss
its meaning if we try to derive it from personal factors Whenever
the collective unconscious becomes a living experience and is
brought to bear upon the conscious outlook of an age, this event is
14

a creative act which is of importance for a whole epoch. A work of
art is produced that may truthfully be called a message to generations of men... This is effected by the collective unconscious when
a poet or seer lends expression to the unspoken desire of the times
and shows the way, by word or deed, to its fulfillment....36
Jung was speaking in kind of his own hidden book, Liber Novus: the
primary translation to word of vision; a multifaceted layering of symbols; word in image and image in word, reaching back and forward in
time, a creative act which is of importance for a whole epocha message to generations of men.
Finding Gnostic Parallels
In 1912, C. G. Jung felt an urgent need to understand the unconscious
or preconscious myth that was forming him. Between November of
1913 and late spring of 1914, he began his extraordinary odyssey into
the depths of the inner world. Though imaginative, mythic, apparently
fictive, and ultimately subjective, what Jung met in his wanderings
spoke with the voice of an objective fact. It was independent, ineffably
ancient, and yet intimately and synchronously involved with human
history. He perceived it as real, and the story it told had the tenor of a
revelation.
The experience placed a weighty vocation upon him. He needed to
link what had happened to himboth the experience and the new
book it producedto its root, to its history. He explains his situation:
First I had to find evidence for the historical prefiguration of my
inner experiences. That is to say, I had to ask myself, "Where have
my particular premises already occurred in history?" If I had not
succeeded in finding such evidence, I would never have been able
to substantiate my ideas.37
Analytical psychology is fundamentally a natural science, but
it is subject far more than any other science to the personal bias of
the observer. The psychologist must depend therefore in the highest degree upon historical and literary parallels if he wishes to
exclude at least the crudest errors in judgment. Between 1918 and
1926 I had seriously studied the Gnostic writers, for they too had
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15
been confronted with the primal world of the unconscious and

had dealt with its contents38
By recognizing historical roots, Dr. Jung gave substance and sustenance
to his psychology. The first place he searched and found those roots was
in the Gnostic writers. Memories, Dreams, Reflections records he undertook his study of Gnostic writings between 1918 and 1926.39 However,
that initial date was incorrectly stated. His serious study actually began
three years earlier, in 1915.
As Jung undertook the calligraphic transcription of the first pages
of his draft manuscript into the Red Book in 1915, he was already
searching the records of humanity for evidence that he was not alone in
his extraordinary experience. He hunted it in history. At that point,
Jung turned anew to reading the accounts of the ancient Gnosis. Sonu
Shamdasani has noted that Jung began his close study of the Gnostic
works while on military service in January and October 1915.40 And
now he approached the texts with a unique interpretive tool: his own
experience of the prior two years.
This period in Jungs life has been his greatest enigma. He described it as the numinous beginning which contained everything,41
but until very recently, we knew next to nothing about it. Disclosure of
the primary records42 now allows examination of the transformations
that occurred in late 1915 and early 1916the months after Jung had
completed his drafts of the initial two sections of Liber Novus, and
during which he started the calligraphic transcription of those drafts
into the big folio volume that became known as the Red Book.43 But to
understand Jungs enormously important awakening during this period,
the events must be carefully placed in temporal context. Without
comprehending what happened to Jung during these years, I do not
believe it is possible to fully grasp the motivation and focus of his later
works. Indeed, it seems much has not yet been understood.
Barbara Hannah recorded: He [Jung] told me more than once
that the first parallels he found to his own experience were in the Gnostic texts, that is, those reported in the Elenchos of Hippolytus.44 It is
now evident that Jung studied the Gnostic materials preserved by
Hippolytus in 1915 and saw then the parallels with his own experience.
This connection with the Gnosis instigated intense interest and further
16
reading of the then extant Gnostic literature. Gnostic myth thereafter

supplied a vocabulary for expression of the experiences recorded in
Liber Novus.
Of course, he had already crossed paths with some of this material
during his feverish and wide-ranging study of mythologies four years
earlier, around 1911, while working on Wandlungen und Symbole der
Libido. But then, as he much later commented, he had not understood
it.45 The situation was different by the end of 1915. The events of the
prior two years had granted Jung the interpretive key to Gnostic vision.
He recognized the vision behind these ancient texts, because he too had
experienced it.
Again, consider what had happened to him; order the events and
their formidable effects. His contemporaneous ledgers of his visionary
ventureas recorded in the journals known as the Black Books
began on 12 November 1913 with Jungs petition to his soul: My Soul,
where are you?46 That supplication led in the next few months to a
flood of imaginative material. The vision he called the Mysteriumthe
encounter with Elijah and Salomecame in late December 1913.
Thereafter new encounters constellated almost nightlythe Red One,
Ammonius, Izdubar, the Eye of Evil, the horde of dead Anabaptists on
their way to Jerusalem, and Jungs first meeting with Philemon: all of
this erupted over the weeks from December to February. By March the
visions ebbed, and finally abated in June 1914.
In August 1914 came the outbreak of the First World War. During the following months of late 1914 and early 1915, Jung composed
the drafts of what would become Liber Primus and Liber Secundus
the first two of the three completed sections of Liber Novus. Thereafter,
he confronted a second onslaught of imaginative experiences; these
commenced in the late summer of 1915. This second wave of visions
was compiled in 1917 for inclusion as the last section of Liber Novus,
called Scrutinies.47 That last section included his summary revelation,
independently titled Septem Sermones ad Mortuos, as mentioned earlier.
In the months following completion of the first two sections of
Liber Novus and before the second onslaught of vision in later 1915
the middle or transitional period in the formulation of Liber Novusa
distinctly Gnostic voice and Gnostic myth powerfully entered into
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17
Jungs vocabulary. This was apparently a period when Jung intensely

identified the Gnostic root of his epochal revelation.
Reading Hippolytus
Jung stated repeatedly to his associate Barbara Hannah, that the first
historical parallels he found for his experience were in the Gnostic texts
recorded by the ancient heresiologist Hippolytus (170235 CE), in
his work Elenchos. Note that Jung did not speak of parallel concepts or
ideas, but of finding parallel experiences: Jung recognized images of his
visionary encounter with the soul in the writings preserved by Hippolytus. The two obvious questions that remain unanswered (and perhaps
previously unasked) are: when did this reading of Hippolytus occur, and
what were the specific experiences he saw mirrored in those writings?
Hippolytus Refutation of All Heresies (cited by Jung using the abbreviated Greek title Elenchos) had only been discovered at the Mt.
Athos monastery in Greece in 1842. A first published edition of the
Greek text appeared in 1851, but with authorship still then tentatively
attributed to Origen.48 The work would not be firmly accredited to
Hippolytus until the last decades of the nineteenth century.49 A generally recognized value of Hippolytus Elenchos is that it contains
abundant quotations from second century Gnostic writings, texts that
were otherwise completely lost.
By the end of 1915 Jung had acquired several books dealing with
Gnosticism, and at least three of them included major excerpts from the
recently discovered writings of Hippolytus.50 Dr. Ribi notes two of
these books as possible early sources used by Jung: Wolfgang Schultz,
Dokumente der Gnosis (Jena, 1910),51 and G. R. S. Mead, Fragments of a
Faith Forgotten (London, 1906).52 Both texts were indeed important to
Jung, as I will explain below. But there is another book in Jungs library
that should also be mentioned: Jung had Meads Simon Magus (1892),
which quotes all of Hippolytus extended commentary on Simon Magus along with excerpts from his writings.53 Since Jung subsequently
recognized his guide Philemon had once been Simon Magus (I will
explain further below), one surmises that he read this material with a
focused personal interest.
18
I have examined these volumes and other related books still held in
Jungs personal library.54 Based on that study, I believe it was the work
by Wolfgang SchultzDokumente der Gnosis (Documents of Gnosis),
published in 1910that initially transformed Jungs understanding of
his experiences and opened his perception to Gnostic parallels. Though
he of course subsequently read widely on Gnosticism, this appears to
have been a singular book that awakened his attention in 1915.
The evidence for this conclusion requires further explanation.
Jung lightly added marginalia to a small number of his books; perhaps a
few hundred of the over four thousand books in his library have some
marginal markings. In most cases, Jung would simply make a line in the
margin; more rarely he would underline a passage. Of the books that he
marked, few contain more that a couple such notations.55 But in this
book, Dokumente der Gnosis, Jung marked or underlined passages on
the vast majority of the pages. Although never previously noted, this
appears to be the most heavily marked book in his library collection.56
At the time he read it, this book clearly evoked an unusual response
from him; his atypically extensive markings emphatically reflect that
fact.
Dokumente der Gnosis contains a collection of excerpts from ancient records, many preserved by patristic sourcesprimarily
Hippolytus and, to a lesser degree, Irenaeusalong with Schultzs
commentary. In this collection, Schultz provides an accurate overview
of classical Gnosticisms extant textual legacy. He dedicates his chapters
to various schools, teachers, or source texts associated with Gnostic
tradition. Jung said that reading the Gnostic texts preserved by Hippolytus was important to him. Hippolytus is the main source quoted in
nine of the nineteen chapters of this volume, including the chapters on
Simon Magus and Basilides.57
When did Jung read this book, or add the marginalia to it? Jung
quotes Dokumente der Gnosis several times in Psychological Types, which
he drafted during 1919, so he had surely already studied the book prior
to that year.58 Based on other evidence, one can date his reading of the
book to a time before December 1915. Again, I must explain.
Schultzs book is attractively printed and includes an impressive
frontispiece. [It is reproduced on the cover of this book.] That frontispiece gives a modernistic rendering of an ancient Gnostic gemvery
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19
similar in its central motif to the engraving on the Alexandrian Gnostic

gem that Jung mounted on a ring and wore for the remainder of his
life.59 In December of 1915 Jung painted in his Red Book an image of
Izdubar, the God from the East, whom Jung had both sickened and
then nurtured to glorious rebirth.60 The layout of the crocodile and
serpentine figures surrounding Izdubar in Jungs painting are so strikingly similar to the frontispiece engraving in Dokumente der Gnosis, one
concludes that it served as an inspiration for Jungs artwork. This line of
reasoning affirms that Jung had examined the book before December
1915, when he painted the picture of Izdubar.
Grounded on the preceding construction of events, I suggest Jung
studied Dokumente der Gnosis in 1915, and that this book opened the
door to an evolving Gnostic self-identification. In Schultzs compilation of ancient sources, including key Gnostic texts reproduced by
Hippolytus, Jung recognized parallels with his visionary experiences.
There were of course many other sources of which Jung availed
himself. In both content and structure, Schultz had based his book on
the 1900 work by G.R.S. Mead, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten, which
contained essentially the same material but often in greater detail and
with a more psychologically astute commentary. Schultz expresses his
debt to Meads work in the foreword to Dokumente der Gnosis; in
support of his own work, he however asserts that the German translation of Meads Fragments of a Faith Forgotten (Fragmenten eines
verschollenen Glaubens, Berlin, 1902) was of inferior quality, and tainted by a Theosophical tone.
By 1915, Jung already knew about and had cited some of G.R.S.
Meads work.61 It is likely that Jung picked up Fragments of a Faith
Forgotten promptly after reading Schultz. Jung went on to cite Mead
frequently in later years.62 In 1931, he described Fragments of a Faith
Forgotten as, a standard work on Gnosticism. There is no other book
that can compare with it, it is written with love and great understanding There is nothing in German equal to this book by Mead; it is well
worth reading.63
We now come to the next question: What were the specific Gnostic texts reported by Hippolytus that offered parallels to Jungs own
visionary experience? Throughout his later writings Jung frequently
cited Gnostic material preserved by Hippolytus (Jung ultimately judged
20
that Hippolytus must have been a Gnostic sympathizer, occultly conveying texts and teachings under the cloak of an orthodox critique).
These many references aside (and Dr. Ribi discusses several of them),
there are two key Gnostic myths related by Hippolytus that strikingly
reflected Jungs experiences up until 1915. The first is the story of
Simon Magus and his consort Helena; the second is the story of Sophia
and the demiurge. Both tales subsequently entwine themselves in the
parts of Liber Novus composed after 1915.
Philemon, Simon Magus and Helena
Intriguingly, at the conclusion of Liber Novus it is disclosed that PhilemonJungs ghostly guru64 prominently mentioned in Memories,
Dreams, Reflectionswas the ancient Gnostic teacher Simon Magus.
While considering how Jung read Simons history, one must keep this
strange fact in mind. In telling the story of Simon Magus, Schultz
quotes Hippolytus. Meads Fragments of a Faith Forgotten and his
earlier work Simon Magus (all in Jungs library) include this same material; the latter work by Mead adds quotations from other ancient
sources that mention Simon Magus.
Simon Magus, the Magician, is the first historical figure named
in ancient accounts of the Gnosis. The date of his life remains unclear;
most reports place Simon in the first century of the Christian era. Later
critics generally identified Simon Magus as the father of Gnostic heresy. Writing in the late second century, the early orthodox apologist
Irenaeus called him, the Samaritan Simon, from whom all the heresies
took their origin.65 Hippolytus is, however, the most complete primary
source on Simon Magus; he recounts both Simons history and quotes
from writings attributed to him.
Accounts of Simons life emphasize that he had a consort named
Helena. Later critics asserted that Helena was a prostitute whom Simon
had purchased in the Phoenician port of Tyre and then liberated.
Simon told the tale differently, adding a mythic or archetypal dimension. He proclaimed that in Helena he found and liberated a deific
feminine power hidden within physical creation. Helena was a manifestation of the divine Sophia (Wisdom); through her mediation, Simon
had met the primal Epinoia. This term, Epinoia (imperfectly translated
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21
by the words thought or conception), appears often in subsequent

Gnostic mythologies as the title for the first feminine emanation manifest within the primordial mystery of divinity.66
Simon says of her: Wisdom was the first Conception (or
Thought) of My Mind, the Mother of All, by whom in the beginning I
conceived in My Mind the making of the Angels and Archangels.67
Using gender in metaphor, Simon explained that the masculine Mind,
or Logos, was in primordial relationship with a feminine syzygy, which
Simon named Epinoiathe primal first Thought of the divine Mind.
G. R. S. Mead commented upon this story in his Fragments of a Faith
Forgotten, explicitly noting its psychological nature:
The Logos and his Thought, the World-soul, were symbolized as
the Sun (Simon) and Moon (Seln, Helen); Helen was the human soul fallen into matter and Simon the mind which brings
about her redemption.68
When Jung met this text in 1915, would he have seen a reflection
of his own experience? It seems as though he did. In a vision recorded
at the beginning of his imaginative journey during December of 1913
Jung had met Elijah and Salome. Upon first encountering Salome, he
was shocked by her presence and questioned, Was she not vain greed
and criminal lust? Salome nonetheless declared her love for him and
wished to become his bride.69 Jung realized he also loved Salome.70 In
the draft of Liber Novus, composed in 1914-15, he penned a reflection
on his encounter with Salome. Therein he ponders the relationship of
the masculine mind (described as Forethought, or Logos) with Salome,
which he equates with Eros.71 This commentary parallels the LogosEpinoia relationship expounded by Simon Magus in his consideration
of Helena. In the 1920s Jung wrote yet another private analysis of his
encounter with Elijah and Salome and there he affirmed, they might
just as well have been called Simon Magus and Helena.72
Jung probably also found a more intimate mirror of the tale of Simon and Helena in his personal life. But here the details remain veiled.
Like Simon with Helena, Jungs encounter with the mystery of the soul
was apparently facilitated by his relationship to a woman. On 14 November 1913, Jung wrote in his journal the following comment
22
addressed to the soul: "And I found you again only through the soul of
the woman."73 It might be surmised that he was referring to his relationship with Toni Wolff, the woman who at this complex juncture in
his life apparently assisted him in his mythopoetic journey. Whatever
the manner in which that relationship is conjectured, later in his psychological commentary on Anima and Animus, Jung did state that
the anima can be realized only through a relation to a partner of the
opposite sex.74 The complex liaison with the anima played a foundational role in Jungs psychology, and Simons consort, Helena, is often
mentioned. In 1927 he wrote, The anima-type is presented in the most
succinct and pregnant form in the Gnostic legend of Simon Magus.75
The Universal Root
Hippolytus also supplies portions of a text attributed to Simon Magus,
called the Great Announcement or Great Expectation. Much later
Jung quotes this remarkable (as he called it) text in Mysterium Coniunctionis, and gives it an extended commentary:
In the gnosis of Simon Magus, Helen is prote ennoia, sapientia, and
epinoia. The last designation also occurs in Hippolytus: For Epinoia herself dwelt in Helen at that time. In his Great
Explanation, Simon says [here begins the quotation from Hippolytus]:
There are two offshoots from all the Aeons, having neither beginning nor end, from one root, and this root is a certain Power, an
invisible and incomprehensible Silence. One of them appears on
high and is a great power, the mind of the whole, who rules all
things and is a male; the other below is a great Thought, a female
giving birth to all things.76
Simon Magus had more to say that would have interested Jung in
1915. As reported by Hippolytus, Simon also indicates there is a Great
and Boundless Power that has been sealed, hidden and concealed
and placed within the Dwelling that we call humankind. And he
[Simon] says that man here below, born of blood, is the Dwelling, and
that the Boundless Power dwells in him, which he says is the Universal
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23
Root. This Power has a two-fold nature: one part is concealed inwardly, the other is outwardly manifest; furthermore, the concealed (parts)
are hidden in the manifested, and the manifested produced by the
concealed.77 The concealed portion must be met through imaging
and by art; otherwise it will perish unknown.78
All of these texts roused Jungs attention, as evidenced by his use of
the material in Mysterium Coniunctionis many decades later.79 But
again, the question is: did he see in them a reflection of his own experiences recorded through 1915? At the outset of Liber Novus, Jung
encountered contrasting realities, concealed and manifest, one reflecting the other. The concealed had been revealed to him through images,
through the art of mythopoetic imagination. Jung gave this summary
of the revelation of the concealed:
The world of the inner is as infinite as the world of the outer. Just
as you become a part of the manifold essence of the world through
your bodies, so you become a part of the manifold essence of the
inner world through your soul. This inner world is truly infinite, in
no way poorer than the outer one. Man lives in two worlds.80
In Liber Novus, Jung was gathering empirical evidence for a collective
foundation, or primordial rhizome, underlying consciousness; in his
scientific writings, he later termed it the collective unconscious.
Simon Magus Universal Root seems an apt analog to Jungs later
conceptualization of a collective unconscious.
Jungs relationship with Simon Magus became even more complex
and peculiar around 1916. In an episode during the summer of 1916,
recorded in his journal and recounted on the last pages of Liber Novus,
Jung was walking in the garden with Philemon. A figure appeared to
them; Jung identified him in the journal as Christ. Philemon addressed
Christ, My master, my brother. Christ responded, but recognized
Philemon as Simon Magus. Philemon explained to Christ that his name
was once Simon Magus, but that now he has become Philemon.81
The Septem Sermones ad Mortuos are recorded in a more fully elaborated form in the last section of Liber Novus, compiled in 1917. In this
final version of the Sermons, Philemon (who was identified in 1916 as
Simon Magus) appears vested in the white robes of an Alexandrian
24
Gnostic priest. Resting his hand on Jungs shoulder, Philemonnot

Jung or the Gnostic teacher Basilides82addresses the Sermons to the
dead. In this version, a homiletic dialogue between Philemon and Jung
follows each sermon; Philemon therein declares to Jung that his statements in the Sermons are an expression of his knowledge, his gnosis.83
Jung painted a portrait of Philemon (or, Simon Magus?) during
1924 in his Red Book; above the picture, he inscribed in Greek an
appellation: Father of the Prophets, Beloved Philemon.84 On the
facing page, he painted an image of a veiled woman standing on an altar
within a sanctuary. Above her he inscribed, Dei sapientia in mysterio
(The Wisdom of God in mystery). These two facing portraits mark
principal companions met during his visionary journey. They form a
thematic conclusion to Jungs transcription of Liber Novus into his red
leather folio volume.85
Around the time Jung finished these images, he had begun construction of his Tower at Bollingen. Above the door of the Tower, he
carved a dedication, consecrating the place: Philemonis sacrum"
(Shrine of Philemon). On a bedroom wall upstairs in the Tower, in
large mural format, he again painted an image of Philemon. Above that
painting, he added the appellation: Philemon, the Prophets Primal
Father.86 Jung obviously had a formidable relationship with this figure
named Philemon, who was also anciently known as Simon Magus. No
less complex was his relationship with a protean feminine power met in
guise of the soul. In 1924, he named her Sapientia: Sophia, the Wisdom of God in a mystery. Both figures apparently integrated themselves
within Jungs perception of a Gnostic heritage.
Sophia, the Demiurge, and the Septem Sermones ad Mortuos
The published edition of Liber Novus includes three appendices provided as an integral part of the editorial apparatus constructed by Sonu
Shamdasani. Each appendix offers a glimpse into Jungs journal accounts. These are indispensable to the understanding of the mythic
framework within the sections of Liber Novus composed after 1915
the months during which Jung confronted his roots in the Gnostic
tradition.
The first of the supplements, Appendix A, supplies a facsimile
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25
copy of a page from Black Book 5, on which Jung carefully sketched his
first symbolic mandala, the Systema Munditotius. Apparently done
around mid-January 1916, Jungs drawing might be most aptly described not as a mandalaa term Jung would not use until several years
laterbut as a Gnostic aeonology.87 This complex symbolic figure
would be interpreted some two weeks later in the text Jung penned and
called Seven Sermons to the DeadJungs address to the ghostly horde
of Anabaptists returned from Jerusalem, who rang his doorbell in late
January 1916.88
The third supplement, Appendix C, again reproduces the Black
Book 5; this entry is dated 16 January 1916. It is an astounding text in
which the feminine voice of Jungs soul reveals to him a story that will
be recognized by every student of Gnosticism as the foundational myth
of the tradition, the myth of Sophia and the demiurge.
In classic Gnostic mythology, Sophia (Wisdom) was a feminine
aeon, a twin archetype or syzygy of the masculine Logos. She is the
feminine aspect of divinity indwelling creation. Much like the anima
mundi of alchemical myth, Sophia is present within the very tissue of
cosmos and consciousness. In the Gnostic drama of creation, an abortive emanation had separated from Sophia soon after her entry into the
depths of the coming cosmos. This defective child grew into a fiery
cosmic force that falsely claimed to be the singular and supreme deity.
As self-declared ruler of the material world, he sought to hold humanity
in his thralldom. This was the demiurge. Gnostic myths gave him many
different names, such as Saklas and Yaldabaoth; Jung called him Abraxas. In this ancient and oft restated Gnostic myth, Sophia was the
opponent of the demiurge. She was the higher power who awakened in
humankind knowledge of their intrinsic inner light and origin, thereby
liberating them from the deceitful worldly lordship of the demiurge.
Over the past century, several scholars of Gnosticism have argued
that absent a myth of the demiurge, a mythology should not be properly
categorized as Gnostic, at least in the classical sense.89 This subject has
colored some past interpretations of the Septem Sermones ad Mortuos.
Occasional critics have contended that Jungs Sermons do not explicitly
include the story of the demiurge. Thus, it is suggested, Jung did not
understand the core of Gnostic mythology, and the Sermons are not a
true exemplar of a Gnostic mythologem.90 However, it is now fully
26
manifest that this specious critique results from a misreading and misunderstanding of the complex figure of Abraxas, who appears in the
second sermon of the Septem Sermones.
Jungs journal entry dated 16 January 1916, reproduced as Appendix C of Liber Novus, removes all questions about this issue: Abraxas
was the demiurge in Jungs myth. In this journal entry, Jung records the
following words spoken to him by the soul, who assumes the voice of
Sophia. Her address is unarguably a rendition of the primal Gnostic
myth of the demiurge, here named Abraxas:
You should worship only one God. The other Gods are unimportant. Abraxas is to be feared. Therefore it was a deliverance
when he separated himself from me.
Note that the soul is taking the voice of Sophia. The separation of the
demiurge from Sophiawhen he separated himself from meis a
key part of the Gnostic myth. She continues,
You do not need to seek him. He will find you, just like Eros. He is
the God of the cosmos, extremely powerful and fearful. He is the
creative drive, he is form and formation, just as much as matter and
force, therefore he is above all the light and dark Gods. He tears
away souls and casts them into procreation. He is the creative and
created. He is the God who always renews himself in days, in
months, in years, in human life, in ages, in peoples, in the living, in
heavenly bodies. He compels, he is unsparing. If you worship him,
you increase his power over you. Thereby it becomes unbearable.
You will have dreadful trouble getting clear of him. So remember him, do not worship him, but also do not imagine that you can
flee him since he is all around you. You must be in the middle of
life, surrounded by death on all sides. Stretched out, like one crucified, you hang in him, the fearful, the overpowering.
But you have in you the one God, the wonderfully beautiful
and kind, the solitary, starlike, unmoving, he who is older and wiser than the father, he who has a safe hand, who leads you among all
the darknesses and death scares of dreadful Abraxas. He gives joy
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and peace, since he is beyond death and beyond what is subject to

change. He is no servant and no friend of Abraxas.91
This journal entry unambiguously identifies the figure of Abraxas,
who shortly thereafter appears in the Sermons, as the demiurge of
classical Gnostic mythology. The identification of Abraxas with the
demiurge is further established in the manuscript of Liber Novus, where
in his transcription Jung substitutes the term ruler of this world for
the name Abraxas original written in his Black Book journal.92
Jung recognized the Gnostic provenance of this January 1916 apparition. A Sophianic voice had declared to him the fundamental
Gnostic assertion: You have in you the one God, the wonderfully
beautiful and kind, the solitary, starlike, unmoving. Jung turned to
that star, and it became his lifes guide.
Two years after beginning the journey of Liber Novus, Jung was
now placing his visionary experience into an interpretive form impregnated by his reading of Gnostic mythology. In his journal entry from
January of 1916, the soul speaks to him in the vocabulary of Gnostic
myth; two weeks later that same vocabulary enters into the initial
journal formulation of the Seven Sermons to the Dead. In the summer of
1916, his guide Philemon is revealed to be Simon Magus. Jungs myth
had met its rhizome, and he knew it.
Of course, one should note that the basic declaration of the demiurge had already appeared in another form at the very beginning of
Liber Novus. Jung finished this section of his manuscript text and its
final calligraphic rendering into the Red Book earlier in 1915. In the
preamble he penned on the first pages of Liber Primus, Jung confronts
two powers: the spirit of the time, and the spirit of the depths. The
spirit of the time unmistakably manifests as a demiurge, declaringin
a fashion typical of the Gnostic demiurgethat there is no other power
before him.93 The spirit of the depths rebuffs the demiurges claimed
sovereignty, and entreats Jung to look beyond his fabrications. What
Jung encounters and records two years later, in 1916, is not a new
theme. Rather, it is a metamorphosis in voice, vocabulary, and the
mythological identification of his guide: in 1916, Gnostic mythology
had become a symbolic vessel for expression of his visions.
28
In 1916 Jung had seemingly found the root of his myth and it was
the myth of Gnosis. I see no evidence that this ever changed. Over the
next forty years, he would proceed to construct an interpretive reading
of the Gnostic traditions occult course across the Christian aeon: in
Hermeticism, alchemy, Kabbalah, and Christian mysticism. In this vast
hermeneutical enterprise, Jung was building a bridge across time, leading back to the foundation stone of classical Gnosticism. The bridge
that led forward toward a new and coming aeon was footed on the
stone rejected by the builders two thousand years ago.
Alchemy and Gnostic Studies
Jung began his focused study of alchemy in the mid-1930s. Over the
ensuing decades his detailed, extensive and very complex writings concerning alchemy have left many readers completely bewildered. In light
of Liber Novus, Jung's mission is finally evident. The interpretive key he
used to unlock the mystery of alchemy was integrally connected to his
own earlier visionary experience. He entered the alchemical retort
himself in 1913, and from the alembic of personal experience, he extracted a stone. Those who have spent a few years studying Liber Novus
find there many reasons why Jung discovered in the alchemical opus a
reflection of his experience. After meeting Liber Novus, one reads
Jungs writings on alchemy with eyes wide open.
Sonu Shamdasani proposes that in considering Jung's study of alchemy, we must now understand,
the real referent of his alchemical works to be not medieval alchemy per se but the symbolism of the individuation process. The
hermeneutic key that Jung was using to read alchemical texts consisted of his own self-experimentation, as presented in Liber
Novus.94
This same hermeneutic key opens the door to understanding
Jungs repetitive reference to ancient Gnostic texts, documents dating
to the beginnings of the Christian age. His interpretive referent remained his own experience, the event crystalized in Liber Novus. Other
than works from the alchemical tradition, there was no categorical
source Jung turned to more frequently in his major writings to illustrate
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the dynamics and contents of the collective unconscious and the constellation of the Self, than the ancient texts of the Gnosis. Jung is
quoted in Memories, Dreams, Reflections as saying:
When I began to understand alchemy I realized that it represented
the historical link with Gnosticism, and that a continuity therefore
existed between past and present Alchemy formed the bridge on
the one hand into the past, to Gnosticism, and on the other into
the future, to the modern psychology of the unconscious. ... The
possibility of a comparison with alchemy, and the uninterrupted
intellectual chain back to Gnosticism, gave substance to my psychology.95
At Yale University in 1937 Jung asserted, The religious or philosophical views of ancient alchemy were clearly Gnostic; he then listed
keynotes of the Gnosis that had entered into alchemical tradition,
highlighting alchemys recognition of the Sophianic anima mundi,
and the opposing demiurge.96
Jung saw his lifes workor his psychology, if one wishes to use
that narrower category to circumscribe his expansive visionas organically connected to a tradition with roots in the experience of Gnosis.
This connection back to the Gnosis manifest at the beginning of the
Christian aeon was the deep soil and bedrock that rooted his life in
history. Jungs encounter with Gnostic literaturebegun years before
his study of the alchemical traditionintimately entangled itself in the
primary expression of his experiences in Liber Novus. Gnostic mythologems thereafter became for Jung a prototypical image of his
individuation.
Gnosis and the New Aeon
Based on his readings of ancient texts, Jung judged that the Gnostics of
the first centuries had essentially done what he had done, and seen what
he also had seen. But there exists yet another, much deeper, perception
behind Jung's special relationship with the Gnosis of antiquity that has
not yet received wide attention. I suggest it was the most important
factor Jung identified as historically uniting his experience with classical
Gnosticism. It placed the ancient Gnosis in a unique temporal situation
30
relative to all other later manifestations of the tradition, including those

he recognized in alchemy, Kabbalah, and other heretical movements
emerging during the second millennium of the current epoch.
Not only had the Gnostics met and engaged a psychic reality
emerging from the depths, but they had undergone their experiences of
this mythopoetic power at a uniquely transformative moment in the
evolution of human consciousness: the threshold of a new aeon. And
so, two thousand years later, had Carl Gustav Jung.
Jung composed the first page of his Red Book in 1915. On that introductory leaf he graphically intertwined a prophecy of the future, and
the coming of a new age: an epochal turning point in human consciousness. It was, as he announced with the first words of Liber Novus,
The Way of What is to Come. This was the keynote of his visionary
journey, and it continued to be reflected throughout the text of Liber
Novus. The two millennia long Christian agecoincident with the
astrological aeon of Pisceswas coming to an end. A new God-image
was seeking constellation in human consciousness.
Although this keynote was a foundational motivation to his subsequent work, for decades Jung did not feel free to publicly disclose it.97
Perhaps he thought it, too, would not be understood. Then in February
of 1944, at age sixty-eight, Jung slipped in the snow and broke his ankle.
This modest injury and associated immobilization led to the development twelve days later of a life-threatening pulmonary embolism and
heart attack. For three weeks he hung between life and death. And in
that twilight, he was immersed in a prolonged series of visions. They
seemed the end of his journey, the conclusion to the story he had lived.
It is impossible to convey the beauty and intensity of emotion during
those visions. They were the most tremendous things I have ever experienced.98
I would never have imagined that any such experience was possible.
It was not a product of imagination. The visions and experiences
were utterly real; there was nothing subjective about them; they all
had a quality of absolute objectivity.
We shy away from the word eternal, but I can describe the
experience only as the ecstasy of a non-temporal state in which present, past, and future are one. Everything that happens in time had
FOREWORD
31
been brought together into a concrete whole. Nothing was distributed over time, nothing could be measured by temporal concepts.99
This illness, these visions, and a year of convalescencesoon followed
by a second serious cardiac event in November of 1946deeply affected Jungs perspective upon his life, his story, and the task remaining to
him. They marked the summation of an experience foreshadowed by
Liber Novus and motivated formation of his last four major works, the
books I have called his Last Quartet.100 Aion was the initial work
composed in this period. He explained:
Before my illness I had often asked myself if I were permitted to
publish or even speak of my secret knowledge. I later set it all down
in Aion. I realized it was my duty to communicate these thoughts,
yet I doubted whether I was allowed to give expression to them.
During my illness I received confirmation and I now knew that
everything had meaning and that everything was perfect.101
The first manuscript page of Liber Novus penned by Jung in
1915deeply considered, dense with verbal and pictorial imagery
formed in response to the spirit of the depthsand the complexly
crafted commentary in Aion, published in 1951, both declare the dawning of a new age.102 Shortly thereafter Jung feverishly wrote Answer to
Job, his most personal and controversial confession. He said it had
erupted unbidden, even against his will. It, too, was a declaration of
visionary insights underlying Liber Novus.
Sonu Shamdasani has described Jungs Answer to Job as an articulation of the theology of Liber Novus.103 But this is not theology in an
orthodox sense. To the contrary, it is a bold statement of Gnostic myth,
spoken in a new voice for a new time. Talking with Mircea Eliade in
1952, Jung explained his Answer to Job, which was then rousing wrath
among the theologians. He said, "The book has always been on my
mind, but I waited forty years to write it."104 Almost four decades earlier, in January 1916, the soul had given to Jung the tale that he retold in
Answer to Job: a story of the demiurge and Sophia. It had been on his
mind ever after, awaiting, and then decisively demanding, contemporary declaration.
32
Jung saw humanity facing an epochal task. We stand before a pivotal moment in our story, and we also need the Sophia that Job was
seeking.105 The prior anamnesis (remembering) of Sophia had come at
the threshold of the Christian aeon, as witnessed by the Gnostics who
heard her tale two thousand years ago. However, over the succeeding
millennia of the Christian epoch, the experience of her had almost been
forgotten. Now Sophia was returning. In Pope Pius XIIs 1950 pronouncement of the Assumption of the Virgin,106 Jung identified a
modern dogmatic evolution that evidenced Sophias myth awakening
to new life. For Jung, it was a sign of the times, and an independent
confirmation of his own Sophianic encounter years before.107
In Aion, Jung asserted, For the Gnosticsand this is their real secretthe psyche existed as a source of knowledge.108 That statement
succinctly summarizes Jungs defining perception about the nature of
Gnosis. His own experience was the foundation for his definition.
Beginning in 1913, Jung turned to the soul seeking knowledge. It came.
What he saw and heard was incredible; it stood beyond belief. He
himself could not believe it:
I do not want to believe it, I do not need to believe it, nor could I
believe it. How can one believe such? My mind would need to be
totally confused to believe such things. Given their nature, they are
most improbable.109
But what could not be believed, he now knew:
not with reference to the opinions of the ancients or this or that
authority, but because I have experienced it. It has happened thus
in me. And it certainly happened in a way that I neither expected
nor wished for.110
Jung did not use the writings of the Gnostics as sources for his psychology; he turned to Gnostic accounts seeking confirmatory resources
that supported his observations about the mythopoetic depths underlying consciousness. Whatever his sympathies, Jung was simply not an
ancient Gnostic, and he could not model himself in that archaic mold.
He was a modern man, perhaps even the first truly modern man. Establishing the link between the Gnosis of old and his new praxis was,
FOREWORD
33
however, an undertaking with a hidden significance for Jung. In Liber

Novus, Carl Gustav Jung received a vocation that burdened him with
an epochal task:
To give birth to the ancient in a new time is creation. This is the
creation of the new, and that redeems me. Salvation is the resolution of the task. The task is to give birth to the old in a new time.111
To understand more than the this and that of C. G. Jung, it is
imperative we now ponder the way he worked the redemptive task of
giving birth to the old in a new time. It is a complex enterprise; it demands the conjoint consideration of old traditions and of a New Book.
In the labor, many prior assumptions and obscuring accretions will
need to be stripped away; the nature of Jungian studies may even be
fundamentally changed. Nonetheless, by delving into the depths of
Jungs relationship with Gnostic tradition, we will unearth a key that
unlocks transformative perspectives on Jungs hermeneutics of creative
imagination and on his vision of a coming new chapter in our human
story. In The Search for Roots: C. G. Jung and the Tradition of Gnosis,
Dr. Alfred Ribi provides us with a place to begin that task of tasks.
Notes and Bibliography

Abbreviations used in citations
CW: Collected Works of C. G. Jung (Princeton University Press, Princeton, 19661992).
GW: Gesammelten Werke (Patmos-Walter-Verlag, Dsseldorf); this is the German
edition of Jungs Collected Works.
NHC: The Nag Hammadi Codices; texts from Nag Hammadi are cited by codex
number and line. Several editions and translations of these texts are referenced, as
listed in the bibliography. All of the Nag Hammadi texts cited are also available in:
Marvin Meyer, ed., The Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition
(HarperCollins, 2007). For a complete index of the texts by codex number and line,
see pg. 799 of that volume.
MDR: C. G. Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections, ed. Aniela Jaffe, trans. by Richard
and Clara Winston (New York: Vintage Books, 1989).
278
Notes
Editorial Note: This English edition is based on a translation of the original work
prepared by Don Reneau; it incorporates minor revisions to the German edition. The
primary Gnostic texts cited by Dr. Ribi, including the Nag Hammadi Codices, and the
writings of Irenaeus and Hippolytus, are all available online at: gnosis.org/library.
Foreword (by Lance S. Owens)

1
Letter of Nov 13, 1960. Eugene Rolfe, Encounter with Jung (Boston: Sigo Press,
1989), 158.
C. G. Jung, The Red Book: Liber Novus, ed. Sonu Shamdasani, tr. John Peck, Mark
Kyburz, and Sonu Shamdasani (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 2009). (Hereafter,
Liber Novus.)
3
Jung usually employed the German term die Gnosis in his references to the historical
tradition; this term can be translated in English either as Gnosis or as Gnosticism.
Following the usage common in European languages, I will preferentially employ the
word Gnosis to designate the tradition. By classical Gnostic tradition, I refer to
manifestations in the first three centuries CE. Specialists in Gnostic studies have
recently questioned the generic term Gnosticism, arguing that the word did not exist
anciently; it is a polemical term first coined in the seventeenth century by Protestant
theology; over subsequent centuries the word became synonymous with heresya
pervasive bias strongly rejected by most current scholarship. Historians point out that
many second-century Gnostics simply considered themselves Christians; others were
called (and called themselves) gnostikoi, Gnostics. See, Karen L. King, What Is
Gnosticism? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 15ff; Michael Williams,
Rethinking Gnosticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 51ff; and the
balanced response to this terminological controversy in, Marvin W. Meyer & Willis
Barnstone, eds., The Gnostic Bible (Boston: Shambhala, 2003), 8-16.
4
C. G. Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections, ed. Aniela Jaffe (Rev. ed., Pantheon,
1993), 201. (Hereafter, MDR.)
5
Ribi gives the first detailed summary of Jungs alchemical notebooks, 138ff. The
bibliography provides a catalog description of the notebooks. Several photographs of
the notebooks appear in, Sonu Shamdasani, C. G. Jung: A Biography in Books (New
York: W.W. Norton, 2012), 172-88. (Hereafter, Biography in Books.)
6
As a result of this study, Dr. Ribis library contains a comprehensive collection of the
manuscript facsimiles and translations of the Nag Hammadi Gnostic texts; it may
NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
279
comprise one of the most extensive collections of Nag Hammadi related publications
in private collection.
7
Stephan A. Hoeller, The Gnostic Jung and the Seven Sermons to the Dead (Wheaton,
IL: Quest, 1982); Stephan A. Hoeller, Jung and the Lost Gospels (Wheaton, IL: Quest,
1989); Stephan A. Hoeller, Gnosticism: New Light on the Ancient Tradition of Inner
Knowing (Wheaton, IL: Quest, 2002).
8
Marvin Meyer, ed., The Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition
(HarperSanFrancisco, 2007).
Marvin W. Meyer, The Gnostic Gospels of Jesus (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco,

2005), xxiv.
10
I can give here just a few short examples. In his first recorded seminar at Polzeath,
Cornwall in 1923 Jung stated: Since the world war, the collective unconscious has
been constellated as it has not been since the beginning of our era when the world was
in a similar state of flux. At that time Gnosticism arose. This came directly from the
unconscious; and Christianity was one of the products of Gnosticism. The psychological condition of that time shows remarkable parallelism with our own times.
Typescript notes by M. Esther Harding, "Cornwall Seminar given by Carl Gustav
Jung, July 1923, Polzeath, Cornwall, England. Beinecke Library, Yale University. In
the 1928 seminar he comments, For the time being we are concerned with the
understanding of the unconscious, because we cannot decently live any more without
consciousness. That understanding is gnosis... C. G. Jung, William McGuire, ed.;
Dream Analysis: Notes of the Seminar Given in 1928-1930 (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1984). In 1933 Jung recommends to his seminar group a reading of
G. R. S. Meads classic compilation of Gnostic literature, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten a work Jung had first studied around 1915. C. G. Jung, Visions: Notes of the
Seminars Given in 1930-1934 (Princeton, 1997), 237-8.
11
Shamdasani, Biography in Books, 121.
12
H. G. Peter Baynes knew well about Jungs Gnostic associations. After Baynes
prepared the English translation of the Seven Sermons to the Dead, Jung gave him a
painting done in the artistic style used in his Red Book, titled Septem Sermones ad
Mortuos. Jung also presented Baynes with an ancient Gnostic gem ring similar to
Jungs own; Baynes wore it for the rest of his life. Diana Baynes Jansen, Jungs Apprentice: A Biography of Helton Godwin Baynes (Einsiedeln: Daimon Verlag, 2003). A
1943 picture of Baynes wearing the ring appears as frontispiece to the book.
13
The last disciples to work personally with Jung arrived in a period when his lectures
and publications centered on alchemy, and this undoubtedly influenced perceptions
about the foundation of his work. Perhaps the most important figure among that final
generation was Marie-Louise von Franz, Jungs indispensable collaborator throughout
his research into alchemical literature from the late-1930s onward. After Jungs death,
Dr. von Franz naturally became a formative force in the perpetuation of his work; she
280
remained a major influence at the C. G. Jung Institute training program in Zurich up

until her death in 1998. Her erudition and close association with Jungs alchemical
studies also underscored the role of alchemy as an historical focal point for Jungian
commentary, at least in its classical formation. Dr. Ribi commented to me that while
von Franz of course knew everything Jung said about Gnosticism, she never independently studied the Gnostic texts. (Private communication.)
14
The main interest of my work is not concerned with the treatment of neurosis, but
rather with the approach to the numinous. But the fact is that the approach to the
numinous is the real therapy, and in as much as you attain to the numinous experience, you are released from the curse of pathology. Even the very disease takes on a
numinous character. Aniela Jaff, Was C. G. Jung a Mystic? And Other Essays.
(Einsiedeln: Daimon Verlag, 1989), 16.
15
Ferne Jensen, ed.; C.G. Jung, Emma Jung Toni Wolff: A Collection of Remembrances
(The Analytical Psychology Club of San Francisco, 1982), 25.
16
Martin Buber, Eclipse of God: Studies in the Relation Between Religion and Philosophy (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press International, reprint 1988).
17
In his reply to Buber, Jung rejected the epithet of Gnostic as a theological categorization, denied any metaphysical or theological presumptions motivating his
empirical psychology, and downplayed his private distribution of the Seven Sermons as
a sin of my youth. Of course, one notes Jung was forty-one years old in 1916 when
he printed the Septem Sermones ad Mortuos, and around forty-seven when he allowed
H.G. Peter Baynes to translate and print the Sermons in English. Jung continued
sharing copies with appropriate people into his old age. Though unknown in previous
years, the Sermons formed a summary revelation to the mythopoetic experience
recorded in Liber Novus. C. G. Jung, Religion and psychology: A reply to Martin
Buber (1952), CW 18, 663-70. [All citations to The Collected Works of C. G. Jung
(CW) are listed by volume and page number.]
18
Stephan A. Hoeller, The Gnostic Jung and the Seven Sermons to the Dead (Wheaton,
IL: Quest, 1982).
19
We are at war because that which we consider sacred in our work is under attack
from within. In this sense it is like a Holy War the current third generation battle
within the Jungian community is about who gets to tell the true Jungian story and
which clan passes on the legitimate Jungian lineage. Barbara D. Stephens, The
Martin Buber-Carl Jung disputations: protecting the sacred in the battle for the
boundaries of analytical psychology. Journal of Analytical Psychology, 2001, 46, 457.
20
Response to Barbara Stephens, Journal of Analytical Psychology, 2002, 47:481.
21
C. G. Jung, Symbols of Transformation, CW 5, xxv. The introduction for this

revised edition, published in 1956, is signed and dated September 1950.
22
Ibid.
23
C. G. Jung, Psychological Types, CW 6, 169.
24
MDR, 189.
25
MDR, 192.
281
26
30 Jan 1948; Ann Conrad Lammers & Adrian Cunnigham, eds., The JungWhite
Letters (New York: Routledge, 2007), 117.
27
C. G. Jung, Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology (New York: Moffat Yard and
Co., 1917), 4434.
28
Liber Novus, 222.
29
Liber Novus, 230.
30
MDR, 4.
31
Liber Novus, 252
32
Liber Novus, 305 n229.
33
Kurt Plachte was a little-noted theologian and Protestant minister. After surviving
four years as a German soldier in World War I, he studied philosophy with Ernst
Cassirer in Hamburg; his thesis on Johann Gottlieb Fichte was published in 1922.
Plachtes interests seem to have focused on the interplay of symbol and religion; he
paraphrased portions of Jung's comment on the symbol as sensuously perceptible
expression in an essay on Fichte published a few years after this letter. Due to his
criticism of National Socialism he was arrested and barred from the ministry in 1936;
he died in 1964. Christoph Asmuth, Wie viele Welten braucht die Welt?: Goodman, Cassirer, Fichte, Die Philosophie Fichtes im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert.
(Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2010), 63-83.
34
Gerhard Adler, ed., C. G. Jung: Letters (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1975), vol. 1, 61.
35
Ibid.
36
Psychology and Literature, CW 15, 98.
37
MDR, 200.
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
These dates correlate with other evidence presented here. Shamdasani, Biography in
Books, 122; for dates of military service and Gnostic readings, see also Liber Novus,
206; 337 n22.
41
Liber Novus, vii.
42
These primary records include not only the text of Liber Novus, but also the Black
Book journals and numerous other archival documents, as referenced and quoted by
Sonu Shamdasani in the editorial apparatus to the published edition of Liber Novus.
43
For a summary of the compositional chronology of the sections of Liber Novus, see
Sonu Shamdasanis Editorial Note, Liber Novus, 225ff.
282
44
Barbara Hannah, Jung: His Life and Work (New York: G. Putnams Sons, 1976),
114. Emphasis in the original.
45
In MDR Jung notes that he first read through the Gnostic texts available in 1911
while working on Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido, but was then not able to make
much sense of it all. MDR, 163; see also, CW 5, xiii-xxiv.
46
Liber Novus, 232. In his journal, he wrote: Meine Seele, meine Seele, wo bist du?
A photograph of this journal page appears in Shamdasani, Biography in Books, 65.
47
Liber Novus, 207.
48
A Latin edition appeared in 1859 and this was the edition commonly cited for the
next fifty years: L. Duncker & F. G. Schneidewin, ed., Refutatio Omnium Hresium
(Gottingen, 1859). The first critical edition in German is: P. Wendland, Hippolytus
Werke III. Refutatio omnium haeresium (Leipzig, 1916); Jung acquired this edition
after 1916 and cited it in his later works. An early English edition appeared in:
Macmahon, J. H., Salmond, S. D. F. Transl. The Refutation of all Heresies by Hippolytus with Fragments from his Commentaries on Various Books of Scripture. (Edinburgh:
T. & T. Clark, 1868); Jung read a 1911 printing of this work around 1939, as indicated by notes made in his alchemical notebook (see Ribis discussion, 138ff). The first
critical English edition is: F. Legge, ed.; Philosophumena or the Refutation of all
Heresies (London: Soc. for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1921), and this volume
is generally quoted in the English edition of Jungs Collected Works.
49
Grard Valle; A study in anti-Gnostic polemics: Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and Epiphanius (Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press, 1981), 41-2.
50
Jung eventually read Hippolytus in primary editions; however it is likely his first
encounter with Hippolytus came from excerpts in the secondary literature here cited.
See supra, note 48.
51
Wolfgang Schultz, Dokumente der Gnosis (Jena: E. Diederichs, 1910).
52
G. R. S. Mead, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten (London: Theosophical Publishing

Society, 1900, reprint 1906). Jung had the 1906 edition.
53
G. R. S. Mead, Simon Magus: An Essay on the Founder of Simonianism Based on the

Ancient Sources With a Re-Evaluation of His Philosophy and Teachings (London: The
Theosophical Society, 1892). The copy in Jungs library contains the library stamp of
the H.P.B. (Helena Petrovna Blavatsky) Theosophical Lodge in London, to which
Mead belonged. It is unknown how Jung acquired a book from this elite English
Theosophical lodges library, nor what sum of overdue lending fees might now have
accumulated.
54
I offer my thanks to Andreas Jung for his hospitality and assistance and for our
hours of conversation during my research in Jungs library collection.
55
Several examples of Jungs marginalia are photographically illustrated in

Shamdasani, Biography in Books.
283
56
This comment is based entirely on anecdotal reports from individuals who are
familiar with Jungs library and who have examined large numbers of the books in it.
None of them had, however, noted the marginalia in this specific book. Private
communications.
57
Schultz quotes the 1859 edition of Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, ed.
Duncker & Schneidewin (Gottingen 1859); this is the same edition used by G.R.S.
Mead. Nine of the nineteen chapters in Dokumente der Gnosis are based principally on
texts preserved by Hippolytus (chapters on Justinus, the Naasenes, the Perates, the
Sethians, the Docetists, Simon Magus, Basilides, the School of Basilides, and Marcus).
Three are based principally on material found in Irenaeus (on the Ophites, Carpocrates and the Valentinians), two on the Acts of Thomas, and one on the Acts of John.
Chapters on Abraxas and Mithras are based on the work of A. Dieterich (Jung had
already studied Dieterich prior to 1911, as cited in Wandlungen), and the chapter on
Poimandres is based on R. Reitzensteins work. One chapter is dedicated to Jewish
Midrash, citing Jellinek. See, Nachweis der Quellen, Dokumente der Gnosis, 231-41.
58
Chapter 1 of Psychological Types (CW 6) is particularly indebted to material found

in Schultz. Psychological Types was published in 1921; on the date of its composition,
Shamdasani notes, There is a gap between July 1919 and February 1920 in Black
Book 7, during which time Jung was presumably writing Psychological Types. Liber
Novus, 305 n230.
59
The frontispiece art in Schultzs book is based on an engraved Gnostic gem reproduced in Charles King, The Gnostics and Their Remains (2nd edition, 1887), 41. Jung
had this book in his library. Jungs Gnostic ring shows a similar motif, a serpent
coiled in a figure of 8, with a raised head that is surrounded by a crown of eight rays.
This specific figure, known as the Agathodaimon was associated with Alexandria; a
similar figure to the one on Jungs ring is found on examples of Roman imperial
coinage minted at Alexandria in the mid-second century.
60
The dated image of Izdubar appears on folio 36 in the Red Book.
61
Jungs first citations of Mead are in Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido (1912),
where he quotes Meads A Mithraic Ritual (London: Theosophical Publishing
Society, 1907), and his translation of the Upanishads, G.R.S. Mead and J. C. Chattopadhyaya, The Upanishads (London: Theosophical Publishing Society, 1896).
62
Jungs debt to G.R.S. Mead deserves, and still awaits, a proper evaluation. Meads
writings on Gnosis, which often reflected an astute psychological understanding of
the tradition, were uniquely valuable to Jung. Jung had some of Meads book by 1911,
and his library eventually contained a nearly complete collection of Meads publications, including the several short books published under the series title Echoes from the
Gnosis (1906-8), and Meads journal Quest, published from 1909 until 1930. Jung
quoted most of these works at one time or another in his publications and/or seminars; in addition, at several places in his writings he reflects insightful comments
found in Meads work without giving Mead a citation. An unpublished correspond-
284
ence between Mead and Jung is preserved in the Jung Archive, ETH. Perhaps indicative of his repect for Mead, around 1930 Jung made a special effort to visit him in
London and personally thank him for his work; at the time Mead was both infirm and
impoverished. Mead died in 1933. (An account of this visit was conveyed by Jung to
Gilles Quispel, who related it to Stephan Hoeller in 1977. Personal communication,
Stephan Hoeller.)
63
C. G. Jung, Visions: Notes of the Seminars Given in 1930-1934 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1997), 237-8.
64
MDR, 184.
65
Irenaeus, Contra Haereses, I. xxiii. 1-4.
66
In Greek the word (epinoia) has feminine gender and implies both what is
on the mind and were it leads; thus, the fact of thought and the result of conceiving
thought.
67
Irenaeus, Contra Haereses, I. xxiii. 2: He took round with him a certain Helen, a
hired prostitute from the Phoenician city Tyre, after he had purchased her freedom,
saying that she was the first conception (or Thought) of his Mind, the Mother of All,
by whom in the beginning he conceived in his Mind the making of the Angels and
Archangels. That this Thought, leaping forth from him, and knowing what was the
will of her Father, descended to the lower regions and generated the Angels and
Powers, by whom also he said this world was made. And after she had generated them,
she was detained by them through envy, for they did not wish to be thought to be the
progeny of any other. As for himself, he was entirely unknown by them; and it was his
Thought that was made prisoner by the Powers and Angels that has been emanated by
her. And she suffered every kind of indignity at their hands, to prevent her reascending to her Father, even to being imprisoned in the human body and transmigrating
into other female bodies, as from one vessel into another.
68
Mead, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten, 168. Jung essentially quotes Mead on this
point (without citation) in Mysterium Coniunctionis, where Jung states the text,
describes a coniunctio Solis et Lunae. CW 14, 136.
69
Liber Novus, 236.
70
Liber Novus, 248.
71
Liber Novus, 248, 251 n201, 254 n238. Much later he explained that, by Eros I
meant the placing into relation." Mysterium Coniunctionis, CW 14, 179.
72
Liber Novus, 368.
73
74
Aion, CW 9ii, 22. In 1930, Jung related how great poetic creations such as Shepherd
of Hermas, The Divine Comedy and Faust all relate, a preliminary love-episode which
culminates in a visionary experience. We find the undisguised personal love-episode
not only connected with the weightier visionary experience but actually subordinated
285
to it. (Psychology and Literature, CW 15, 94.) In 1927 he stated, Christian and
Buddhist monastic ideals grappled with the same problem, but always the flesh was
sacrificed. Goddesses and demigoddesses took the place of the personal, human
woman who should carry the projection of the anima. (Mind and Earth, CW 10,
40.) Such remarks may be a reference to Jungs empirical observations about his own
experience.
75
He continues, In the legend of Simonanima symbols of complete maturity are

found. Mind and Earth, CW 10, 40. In Mysterium Coniunctionis Jung speaks of
the alchemical workers, who in the symbolical realm are Sol and Luna, in the human
the adept and his soror mystica, and in the psychological realm the masculine consciousness and feminine unconscious (anima). He notes first among the classic
examples of this, Simon Magus and Helen. CW 14, 153 and n317.
76
Jungs commentary on this remarkable passage extends over the next pages. In
commentary, Jung repeats without citation Meads 1900 interpretation of Simon as
Sun and Helena as Moon; Jung claims that this text, describes a coniunctio Solis et
Lunae. Mysterium Coniunctionis, CW 14, 136 (Greek terms have been transliterated.) For Meads translation and commentary, probably read by Jung in 1915, see
Fragments of a Faith Forgotten, 123.
77
Hippolytus, Elenchos, VI.12. Translation by Mead, Simon Magus.
78
But if it remain in potentiality only, and its imaging is not perfected, then it
disappears and perishes, he says For potentiality when it has obtained art becomes
the light of generated things, but if it does not do so an absence of art and darkness
ensues, exactly as if it had not existed at all; and on the death of the man it perishes
with him. Hippolytus, Elenchos, VI. 9. Translation by Mead, Simon Magus.
79
See also the extended quotation of Simons writings in, Transformation Symbolism in the Mass, CW 11, 236f.
80
Liber Novus, 264.
81
Liber Novus, 359. On first meeting, Jung had titled Philemon as the Magician.
Liber Novus, 312.
82
In the version of the Sermons printed in 1916, Jung attributed the work to Basilides, a second century Alexandrian Gnostic teacher.
83
Liber Novus, 346ff.
84
85
Images of Philemon and Sapientia (Sophia) appear on folio 154 on 155 of the Red
Book. Painted in1924, they are a thematic conclusion in the Red Books transcription;
only approximately fifteen more pages would be transcribed into the folio volume
over the next six years. At the top of Jungs image of Sophia, Jung scribed a quotation
from Pauls first letter to the Corinthians: The Wisdom of God in a mystery, even
the hidden wisdom, which God ordained before the world unto our glory: the Spirit
286
searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God. On either side of the arch is an
inscription from the Revelation of John, 22:17: "The Spirit and the Bride say, Come.
And let him that heareth say, Come. And let him that is a-thirst, come. And whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely." Above the arch is the inscription, "Ave
Virgo VirginumPraise, Virgin of Virgins. Liber Novus 317 n283.
86
Jung began construction of the Tower in 1923. It is unknown when he painted the
mural of Philemon, but it was probably before 1930. The Greek inscription on the
Tower mural reads: . (Private
communication.) The final word, Propator, implies both forefather and the very
first or primal father.
87
See the Gnostic aeonology of Simon Magus, as sketched by G. R. S. Mead, Simon

Magus, 63.
88
The Sermons were apparently recorded in the Black Book journals 5 and 6 between
about 30 January and 8 February 1916. Liber Novus 346 n77; 354 n121.
89
On the centrality of the myth of the demiurge, see, Karen L. King What Is Gnosticism? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003); and, Michael Williams,
Rethinking Gnosticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
90
These arguments are summarized in: Barry Jeromson, Systema Munditotius and
Seven Sermons; Jung History 1:2 (Philemon Foundation, 2005/6), 6-10; and The
sources of Systems Munditotius: mandalas, myths and a misinterpretation"; Jung
History 2:2 (Philemon Foundation, 2007), 20 - 22. (Online edition available.)
91
Liber Novus, 370.
92
These entries in Black Book 5 come on 18 January, two days after the 16 January
1916 commentary on Abraxas. Without an explanation about Abraxas, the name
would have been meaningless to readers, thus Jung substituted the descriptive term
ruler of this world. Liber Novus, 245 n75.
93
The spirit of this time would want to make you believe that the depths are no
world and no reality." Liber Novus, 242 n119.
94
Shamdasani, Biography in Books, 207.
95
MDR, 201.
96
Psychology and Religion, CW 11, 98.
97
He did occasionally mention it in passing, notably in his first recorded seminar at

Polzeath, Cornwall in 1923. See note 10, supra.
98
MDR, 295ff. Also see Barbara Hannahs account, Barbara Hannah, Jung: His Life
and Work (New York: G. Putnams Sons, 1976), 277ff.
99
MDR, 2956.
100
The Last Quartet is composed of: Psychology of the Transference; Aion; Answer to
Job; and Mysterium Coniunctionis. Aion (CW 9ii) was begun in the fall of 1947 and is
287
the first book entirely written after Jungs illness; it was published in 1951. The
Psychology of the Transference, published in 1946 (CW 16, 163323) was largely
completed prior to the visions, but published in their reflection. Early sections of
Mysterium Coniunctionis were written before 1945, the final sections and conclusion
came after; speaking of this earliest work on the book, Jung said after the visions, All
I have written is correct.... I only realize its full reality now (Hannah, 279). Answer to
Job was first published in 1952 (CW 11, 355470).
101
Margaret Ostrowski-Sachs, From Conversations with C. G. Jung (Zurich: Juris

Druck & Verlag, 1971), 68.
102
For a detailed discussion of this material, see: Lance S. Owens, Jung and Aion:
Time, Vision and a Wayfaring Man; Psychological Perspectives (Journal of the C. G.
Jung Institute of Los Angeles, 2011) 54:253-89.
103
Sonu Shamdasani, Foreword to the 2010 Edition, Answer to Job (Princeton:

Princeton University Press; Reprint edition, 2010), ix.
104
William McGuire & R.F.C. Hull, eds., C. G. Jung Speaking: Interviews and Encounters (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 225.
105
All the Christian virtues are needed and something else besides, for the problem is
not only moral: we also need the Sophia that Job was seeking. [The] higher and
complete man is begotten by the unknown father and born from Sophia, and it is he
who represents our totality, which transcends consciousness. C. G. Jung, Answer to
Job (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2nd Edition 1969), 95. (Also, CW 11,
357-470.)
106
Jung noted that in this proclamation, "Mary as the bride is united with the son in
the heavenly bridal-chamber, and as Sophia, with the Godhead. It repeats the Old
Testament anamnesis of Sophia. Answer to Job, 96-7.
107
"It is psychologically significant for our day that in the year 1950 the heavenly bride
was united with the bride-groom. In order to interpret this event, one has to consider
the prefigurations in the apocalyptic marriage of the Lamb and in the Old Testament anamnesis of Sophia. The nuptial union in the thalamus (bridal-chamber)
signifies the hieros gamos, and this in turn is the first step towards incarnation,
towards the birth of the saviour who, since antiquity, was thought of as the filius solis
et lunae [the son of the sun and moon], the filius sapientiae, [the son of Wisdom] and
the equivalient of Christ. Although he is already born in the pleroma, his birth in time
can only be accomplished when it is perceived, recognized, and declared by man."
Answer to Job, 100.
108
Aion, CW 9ii, 174.
109
Liber Novus, 338.
110
Ibid.
111
Liber Novus, 311.

C G Jung and The Tradition of Gnosis

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The Search for Roots:

C. G. Jung and the Tradition of Gnosis

An audio lecture by Dr. Lance Owens, introducing

Click here to purchase the book at Amazon.com

The Search for Roots

Foreword by Lance S. Owens

Preview Edition Foreword Only

GNOSIS ARCHIVE BOOKS

Alfred Ribi, 2013

Biographical note: Alfred Ribi was born in 1931. He studied

Cover Illustration: Frontispiece from Wilhelm Schultz, Dokumente

Second Printing (with corrections)

If you don't understand this speech, don't trouble your heart

Preface to the English Edition ...................................................................... vii

Pages have been omitted from this preview.

I. Alfred Ribi and the Search for Roots

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

buried treasure; it is the foundation of Jungs oeuvre, and the Rosetta

between the burgeoning field of Gnostic studies and Jungian psychology.

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

the original sixteenth and seventeenth century documents Jung had

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

the Sermonsalong with an amplifying Gnostic commentary spoken

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

controversy. His bold opening psychological analysis of Martin Buber,

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

II. The Perennial Rhizome

of tasks I simply had to know what unconscious or preconscious

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

The Epochal Event

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

been confronted with the primal world of the unconscious and

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

reading of the then extant Gnostic literature. Gnostic myth thereafter

Jungs vocabulary. This was apparently a period when Jung intensely

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

similar in its central motif to the engraving on the Alexandrian Gnostic

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

by the words thought or conception), appears often in subsequent

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

Gnostic priest. Resting his hand on Jungs shoulder, Philemonnot

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

and peace, since he is beyond death and beyond what is subject to

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

relative to all other later manifestations of the tradition, including those

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

however, an undertaking with a hidden significance for Jung. In Liber

Notes and Bibliography

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

Foreword (by Lance S. Owens)

NOTES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Marvin W. Meyer, The Gnostic Gospels of Jesus (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco,

Shamdasani, Biography in Books, 121.

THE SEARCH FOR ROOTS

remained a major influence at the C. G. Jung Institute training program in Zurich up

Response to Barbara Stephens, Journal of Analytical Psychology, 2002, 47:481.

C. G. Jung, Symbols of Transformation, CW 5, xxv. The introduction for this