John Chrysostum: His Life, Legacy and Influence

by
Darin M. Wood
All information contained herein, unless otherwise notated, is Darin M. Wood, Ph.D, 2006

INTRODUCTION
Within the life of the ancient church, there was a deep
need for a spokesman who would represent the church and present
the truth and reality of the message of Christ in a tangible
manner. The era of persecution had recently concluded. Thus,
there was an open door for a well-spoken evangelist. Such was
the role of John Chrysostom.1 His unique training and God-given
ability to speak and minister in a transitory age combined with
his impeccable character made him an evangelical giant in his
time.
The early life of Chrysostom provides insight into the
inestimable value of a godly mother. His formal education from
his formational teachers demonstrates how God can take that
which someone might have intended to harm the church and turn it
into a tool for the advancement of His kingdom.
Chrysostoms early ministry provides insight into the
intricate and difficult structure of the church in the late
fourth and early fifth centuries. Furthermore, his ministry was
as direct and frank in approach as any ministry in church
history. This directness emanates in the knifelike eloquence of
his writings and his sermons. For example, his series of
messages known as the Sermons on the Statues hastened a revival
reshaping the early church.2
To set him apart further, Chrysostom insisted on the use of
an systematic exegetical pattern of scriptural interpretation,
as opposed to the popular allegorizing method popular in the
fourth century eastern church. Thus, his strict method of
biblical exegesis distinguished him from many of his
1

Chrysostom was known simply as Bishop John during his

lifetime. The term crusostom (literally gold-mouth Cf. Walter
Bauer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other
Early Christian Literature, ed. F. Wilbur Gingrich and Fredrick
W. Danker, trans. William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, Third
ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 888-889.)
first appears recorded applied to him by Pope Vigiline in A.D.
553. Thus, by this unusual term, he is known in both Catholic
and Protestant traditions, even further enhancing the legacy he
left.
2

Malcolm McDow and Alvin L. Reid, Firefall: How God Has

Shaped History through Revivals (Nashville: Broadman & Holman,
1997), 102.

contemporaries. This method of interpretation demonstrates

John's utter loyalty to the Bible and his firm conviction in its
inherent power. This inherent loyalty marked his ministry, both
in person and in writing.3
Chrysostom was not a handsome man,4 but his impeccable
character and his passionate evangelistic zeal demonstrated him
as man of means. Furthermore, his willingness to employ his
influential role of priest and bishop, both in Antioch and later
in Constantinople, was not for personal gain but rather for
extending the Kingdom of God. Thus, the person and work of
Chrysostom stand as an example of a life committed to Christ
even in difficult days.
The writings of Chrysostom demonstrate a full complement of
the result of his work. The passionate pursuit of Christ and
the zealous desire to make Christ known is clear in these
writings. Chrysostom also emphasized lifestyle resultant from a
committed faith in Christ.
The evangelistic methods of Chrysostom show how he employed
his unique heritage, training and position to their fullest
advantage. The methods he employs demonstrate his earnest faith
in Christ and his obvious trust in the word of Christ.
3

John Heston Willey, Chrysostom: The Orator (Cincinnati:

Jennings and Graham, 1906), 171. Willey states He was a man of
one book. His Bible was never closed. His homilies are
expositions. His sermons sparkled with jewels from this mine.
4

Ibid., 169. Wiley gives this description of Chrysostom:

He was short of stature, his frame slight, his cheeks hollow,
his head bald. But his forehead was a great dome and his eyes
like burning torches.

CHAPTER ONE
THE LIFE OF CHRYSOSTOM

Birth and Early Life

Chrysostom was born sometime in the mid-fourth century5 in
the strategic city of Antioch. There can be little doubt of his
familys high social placement and their apparent wealth.6 His
father, Secundus, was a military man of influence in the Syrian
Army7marked by his title illus.8 Although he was apparently from
Latin decent, his role as a commander bestowed him a place of
prominence in the welfare of Antioch was influential.
Chrysostoms mother, Anthousa, was of Greek descent.
Apparently, she instructed her eldest son for the first several
years of his life, probably in the Greek tongue using the Bible
as her text. Chrysostoms recording demonstrates her love for
Christ at least from the time of his birth. She was a young
woman of less than twenty when John was born.
While Chrysostoms was a happy home, this happiness was
short lived. Secundus died shortly after Chrysostoms birth
5

W. R. W. Stephens, St. John Chrysostom: His Life and Times

(London: John Murray, 1883), 9. Stephens says No one. . . has
been able to fix the exact date and year of Chrysostoms birth.
Thus, dates for the birth of Chrysostom range from 344-354. Cf.
Don Chrysostomus Baur, John Chrysostom and His Time, Vol 1;
Antioch (London: Sands and Co., Ltd., 1959), 3.
6

J. N. D. Kelly, Golden Mouth: The Story of John Chrysostom

- Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1995), 4. Kelley notes that such an assumption is
possible because of the role of his father and the fact that his
mother was not forced to remarry for financial reasons.
7

Palladius, Dialogue of Palladius, 5. According to this,

Chrysostoms official biography, Secundus was the a
distinguished officer on the staff of the Straelates [corps
commanders] of Syria.
8

An honorific title implying this man is illustrious

because of his dedicated and noble service to the crown.

leaving an infant child and a twenty-year old widow behind.9

Thus, Anthousa gave her full attention and passion to the
raising of her son.10 She would never remarry.11
Antioch, the home city of Chrysostom, was a city of supreme
domination, both politically and religiously. It was the city
known to New Testament scholars as the location where Christians
were known first by that name (Acts 11:26). The Queen of the
East, this was the city that served as the capital of the
Eastern world. According to Neill, it was a rich and
prosperous city with a long tradition of learning and culture.12
Furthermore, the people of the city considered themselves among
the elite class, educated and passionate about life. This was
the city where the Apostles Paul, Peter and Barnabas had
preached. It was the first mission sending city and the
apparent home base for those missionaries.
However, life in Antioch during this transitory time could
be unstable. Since Christianity had recently been legalized
(A.D. 314) and was on its way to becoming the formal state
religion (A.D. 381), the tumult of control between the pagans
and the Christians was palatable.13 To exacerbate the dilemma
further, a power struggle existed within the church between
neighboring dioceses over the relationship between these
dioceses. Part of this dispute was waged over the ongoing
dispute regarding Arianism and a long-standing battle over the
creeping influence of paganism within the church. Thus, these
issues, combined with the transition of emperor leadership,
provided for disharmony and trouble.

This according to Chrysostom himself in De Sacerdotio 1.

Cf. Willey, 32. Cf. Don Chrysostomus Baur, John Chrysostom and
His Time, Vol 2; Constantinople (London: Sands and Co., Ltd.,
1960), 1.4. According to Baur, this work was in honor and in
memory of his mother.
10

There is some question regarding an older sister that

Chrysostom may have had. If he had a sister, she apparently
died early in life. Cf. Palladius, 5:18.
11

Kelly, 5.

12

Stephen Neill, Chrysostom and His Message (New York:

Association Press, n.d.), 8.
13

Francis A. Schaeffer, How Should We Then Live?

(Westchester, IL: Crossway Books, 1976), 26.

Education and Training

Despite this tumultuous time, Chrysostom was educated. His
mother trained him in elementary matters and, more importantly,
the Bible. She was a highly unusual woman in this respect
especially when one considers her personal struggles with the
pressures of widowhood in a male-dominated society. She knew,
however, that John needed formal training. Thus, she sought a
scholar to educate him in the classics.
Usually, this classical education was founded on the
principles of reading, writing and simple arithmetic. However,
the heart of eastern training was grammar and syntax of the
Greek language. One major requirement for students was to
memorize long passages and then comment upon those passages.
The canons of this memorization centered upon the four pillars
of the Greek world: Homer, Euripides, Menander and Demosthenes.14
However, because of Anthousas deep faith in Christ, this was a
grave matter because of pagan nature of so many educators in
that day. Thus, Anthousa took special care in choosing a
teacher who was at least tolerant of Christianity.
Libanius (A.D.314- 393), the sophist, was just such a man.
Albeit hardly persuaded of the veracity of the Christian faith,
he apparently saw no harm in it and thus allowed his students to
maintain this ideology if they so chose. A famed orator,
Libanius was a distinguished man who occupied the official chair
of rhetoric for the city of Antioch from 354 until his death in
393.15 Normally taking pagan students in their mid-teens,16 he
agreed to receive Chrysostom as a student. Thus, he trained
Chrysostom in the areas of reason, rhetoric and logic. The fact
that Chrysostom was his best student seems clear by his
preference for him. This preference became explicitly clear
when Libanius was near death. As his friends gathered to hear
his parting words, they asked who should succeed him as
instructor of rhetoric for Antioch. His reply demonstrates the
faith he had in Chrysostom. It ought to have been John if the
Christians had not stole him.17
14

Kelly, 6.

15

Baur, 16.

16

Paul Petit, Les tudiants De Libanius (Paris: Nouvelles

ditions latines, 1957), 196.
17

Kelly, 8. See also Thomas Edward Ameringer, The

Stylistic Influence of the Second Sophist on the Panegyrical
Sermons of St. John Chrysostom (Washington, D. C.: Catholic

While Libanius trained Chrysostom in the classics and in

academics, Johns formal religious training came at the hands of
the bishop of Antioch, Miletius. Despite the plethora of
responsibility the bishop endured, Miletius took a keen interest
in Chrysostom and spent much interest in him. Thus, after three
years of instruction, the beloved bishop baptized Chrysostom on
Easter Sunday, AD 368.18 Johns life was never the same
following his baptism. He believed firmly in a definitive
change after baptism. His words demonstrate this belief:
Baptism avails nothing if we lead an unworthy life afterwards.
Furthermore, one of his earliest works centers on baptism and
its importance.19
While Libanius taught him logic and rhetoric,20 Miletius
filled his soul with great, throbbing aspirations and ideals
worthy of the rhetoricians art.21 While Libanius taught him the
classics, Miletius taught him how to use that passion for
knowledge for a worthy goal: evangelism.
The contemporaries of Chrysostom are worth noting. While
he was much younger than Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus
and Basils younger brother, Gregory of Nyssa, he lived in their
lifetimes and apparently communicated somewhat frequently with
some of them. The most significant of his contemporaries is
Basil, bishop of Raphea.
Chrysostom was designated lector in the church shortly
after his baptism. Although this was a humble position, it was
one that allowed him the opportunity to learn from the wise
bishop and allowed the time to make a careful study of the word
of God.
Shortly after his appointment, however, the political
climate changed. Bishop Miletius was expelled from the region.
Thus, as a new bishop was needed, John and his friend Basil
gained consideration for the position. Both fled to the hills
University of America, 1921), 12. This is high praise since
Libanius had also trained Gregory of Nazianzus and St. Basil.
18

Palladius, V:47, 18.

Cf. Willey, 42; Kelly, 17.

19

Paul W. Harkins, St. John Chrysostom, Baptismal

Instructions, ed. Walter J. Burghardt and Johannes Quasten,
Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in
Translation (Westminster, MD: The Newman Press, 1963).
20

Neill, 10. The old pagan really had nothing much to say
and said it at great length.
21

Willey, 40.

for fear of forcible ordination and installation as the new

bishop of Antioch.22 They agreed that neither would allow
themselves to be ordained without the other receiving the rites
of ordination as well. Chrysostom, discreetly, had other ideas.
Once they returned to Antioch, in what some have termed a
deception, Chrysostom told Basil he intended to be ordained.
Thus, Basil allowed himself to be ordained as well. However,
Chrysostom did not intend to present himself for such. Basil,
infuriated by this deception, sought a definitive elucidation
from his lifelong friend. Chrysostom replied that his actions
were for the greater good of the church and thus they were
reconciled.23
Asceticism
After Chrysostoms was baptized, his desire for a deeper
cognition of the person and word of God led him to seek out a
life of separation through asceticism.24 While his mind seemed
fixed firmly in this direction, Johns mother pled with him not
to abandon her for seclusion until after her death. Her
passionate plea is recorded by Chrysostom. In classical
motherly style, Anthousa begins by reminding Chrysostom of the
challenges she endured on his behalf in raising him as a single
mother. Furthermore, she reminds him that even these troubles
never persuaded me to enter on a second marriage, or to bring a
stepfather into the your fathers house. I put up with the
storms and trials; I did not try to escape the iron-furnace of
widowhood.25 Therefore, she implores, as long as I am alive,
accept it as your duty to live with me. . . [until] you have
committed me to the earth and laid my bones beside the bones of
your father. As long as I remain among the living, stay with me
in my home. Her desperate plea was effectual. He stayed with
his mother for six more years. Apparently, albeit not
specifically recorded by Chrysostom, she died thus allowing him
to pursue his desired solitude.
22

Kelly, 27. The practice of forcible ordination was not

unusual in the highly political early church.
23

De Sacerdotio I:7
De Compunctione I:6. As I on my part formed the
determination to abandon the city and seek the habitation of the
monks. . . Thus, the idea of becoming a monk was not a rash
plan of an impetuous youngster but the well-conceived plan of a
well-trained scholar.
24

25

De Sacerdotio I:2

According to Palladius, Chrysostom spent the next four

years as a monk as a part of monastery in the solitude of the
Syrian desert.26 During this time, he shared space with several
other monks, all practicing the ascetic way of life. While
their lives were centered on contemplation of God and meditation
on His word, there was a daily routine, including psalm singing
and food preparation. Each days routine, however, centered
offering God the glory. Further still, a strict code of silence
was enforced.
Unfortunately, this measure of asceticism and self-denial
was not sufficient to satisfy Chrysostoms passion. After four
years in the monastery, John departed for a cave even further in
the desert. During these two years, he sought complete escape
from the world,27 spending his days engrossed in a deep and
intricate study of the scripture.
No doubt, John employed the same methods of memorizing the
scripture as he had employed in memorizing Homer, Euripides and
the other Greek writers. Thus, he memorized large portions of
the word of God. This intimacy with the scripture would serve
him well during his days as a priest and bishop. Also, as a
sign of his deep devoutness, he deprived himself of sleep and
food for long periods, living only on water. He chose to remain
upright for three months, eschewing both a seated and a prone
position! However, this severe asceticism was to haunt him the
rest of his life. Upon his return to Antioch (and indeed for
the rest of his life), he suffered from headaches, head rushes,
stomach trouble and insomnia.
Thus, after six of self-imposed banishment, Chrysostom
received news of the revocation of the banishment of Miletius.
Upon Miletiuss return to Antioch in 378, Chrysostom returned as
well, again taking up his role as lector.28

Ordination as a Deacon
After two more years as a lector, Chrysostom was ordained
as deacon late in the year 380 by the hand of his mentor, Bishop
Miletius. While this was not a preaching role, it was a role of
intensive interaction among the catechumens and parishoners.
Here, John was responsible for discipling and preparing the
26
27

Palladius, V:18.
Ibid., V.

28

Kelley, 36-37. According to Kelley, there is some

dispute over the reasons for Chrysostoms return. Kelley
suggests his return was not completely spiritual in nature, but
was also due to his poor health.

candidates for baptism as well as assisting the new believers in

the formation of faith. An eminently personal role, it would
ardently aid John later in his role as bishop.29 Moreover, his
role as deacon demonstrated his deep love for man and his
compassion for their well being as well as their souls. Much
like the deacons Acts 7, Chrysostoms daily concerns dealt with
the immediate physical existence of those under his charge.
However, he was also ultimately responsible for their spiritual
well being. This difficult balance proved to be invaluable
experience in shaping the administrative principles that would
color the balance of his work.
Unfortunately, Chrysostoms beloved bishop Miletius was
summoned from Antioch to Constantinople early in 381 for a
council. He died while en route. His death was especially hard
on Chrysostom given his long-standing intimate mentor/student
relationship with the bishop. This grief intensified as a power
struggle ensued for control of the Antiochene bishopric since
control of Antioch was equivalent to control of the Eastern
church. Desiring to end the Antiochene schism, Rome desired to
install a west-friendlybishop to heal the schism separating
the eastern and western churches. Sadly, however, the eastern
cardinals would have none of it. They installed Flavian to the
see of Antioch, much to the consternation of the western church.
Bishop Flavian, ordained Chrysostom as priest in 386, his
wisest and most-enduring move. While the people had come to
know and love Chrysostom as their friend and deacon, his
oratorical skills would now take center-stage. Thus, the
eloquence of Chrysostom took on full form.
With rapt attention, the people of Antioch listened. They
hung on his every word. Occasionally, the people would burst
forth in spontaneous applause, much to the consternation of the
Chrysostom.30 He employed every tool in the orators shed:
caustic rebuke, gentle encouragement and stinging admonishment.
Freely, John used illustrations from daily life and connected
the word of God to the lives of the people. However, the skill
of his speech was not the only drawing factor. The people of
Antioch knew Chrysostom loved them as people, not just as
faceless crowds. Thus, his acquired skill of personal
investment ascertained during his days as a deacon fused with
29

Perhaps some of this work is reflected in the writings of

Chrysostom. John Allen Weaver, Cathechetical Themes in the
Post-Baptismal Teaching of St. John Chrysostom (Catholic
University of America, 1964).
30

Neill, 13.

10

his overwhelming skill as an orator to enable him to enjoy a

ministry breadth unknown before him.
Chrysostoms sermons are among the few from the Eastern
church that could still be employed today.31 His populist
methods allowed him to link the common people with obtuse and
complicated concepts in such a way to allow them entrance into
this knowledge. Thus, Chrysostoms own giftedness gave way to
an undesired promotion. The happy twelve years as priest in
Antioch were coming to a close.

Constantinople
Upon the death of Bishop Nectarius, Constantinople needed a
new bishop.32 The authorities decided Chrysostom was just the
man for this crucial job and sent word to Asterios to bring him
to New Rome (Constantinople). Thus, in late 397, John received
an urgent message from Asterios, count of the civil diocese and
governor of Antioch. He was to present himself at the martyrs
shrine at the gate toward Constantinople. Having arrived there,
John was escorted about 45 miles north toward Constantinople by
Asterios.33 At the first outpost marker Asterios delivered the
astounding news. By imperial directive, John had been appointed
the new bishop of Constantinople. Thus, Chrysostom was abducted
and taken averse to his will to serve at his new post.34
Chrysostom arrived at his new see in the capital city of
Constantinople by fast chariots, fast horses and an imperial
honor guard. On February 26, 398 Chrysostom was designated
bishop of Constantinople.35
However, the church of Constantinople had no concept of
the reforms Chrysostom had in store. Whereas Nectarius had been
a laissez-faire type leader,36 allowing his influence to be
31

Ibid., 14.

32

Baur 1.1.

33

Kelly, 104.

34

Palladius, V. Walter MacGilvray, John of the Golden

Mouth (London: James Nisbet & Co., 1871), 160. Kelley, 106,
disagrees with the assessment that this promotion was not the
desire of Chrysostom. Moreover, he asserts that Chrysostom saw
this as a chance to broaden and deepen his ministry.
35

Wiley, 81.

36

Baur, 1.1. Baur notes that Nectarius was not known as a

great author, orator or leader. Rather, it was his impeccable

11

bought and sold, Chrysostom had no intentions of engaging in

such petty brokering. He had high ideals for the clergy and for
Christianity generally, beginning with the position of bishop.
For example, the episkopeion, the home of the bishop of
Constantinople had been destroyed in 388.37 While Nectarius had
begun its reconstruction, he did not live to see it complete.38
Nectarius had planned a palatial home decorated with expensive
and exquisite decorations, such as marble walls for one room and
lavish robes for ceremonial use.39 Its size was immense and its
splendor eminent. It was large enough to provide room not only
for the bishop and his entourage of clerics, but also for their
attendants and visiting bishops and dignitaries. Nonetheless,
the ascetic frugality of John would not allow him to maintain
such an expensive existence while those in his churches starved.
Therefore, he suspended this lavish program and likely sold some
of the treasures for the benefit of those within the church and
the hospital.40 These moves, while enormously well received by
the people, were not so popular within the upper strata of
society. This caused a conspiracy to remove John from his
office and install a bishop more friendly to the right kind
of people.
Chrysostoms reforms were not limited to material aspects
of the church. He also moved against priests involved in
wrongdoing, specifically Theophilius of Alexandria. Theophilius
was a jealous and apparently power-hungry man. He was the
bishop of Alexandria with a long-standing animosity averse to
the bishopric of Constantinople generally and Chrysostom
specifically. The root of this animosity lies in the
determination of Council of Constantinople in 381. This council
decided It comes as no surprise, then that at the Council of
Constantinople of 381, it was decided that the bishop of this
city would be second only to Rome herself, despite Alexandrias
character that commended him to the role of bishop.
Interestingly, it would be his character later that is an issue
of dispute. Upon taking the role of bishop of Constantinople,
he employed his position as a means toward political gain,
wealth and high living.
37

Kelley, 111.

38

Baur, 2.57.

39

Stephens, 217.

40

Palladius XII-XIII.

Cf. Kelley, 119.

12

older age and history.41 Thus, when Chrysostom began his

reforms, Theophilius was the first to complain. He accused
Chrysostom of stealing from the diocese, malfeasance and fraud.
Despite the falseness of these accusations, they were later
instrumental in the banishment of Chrysostom.42
Chrysostom applied the potentially unrealistic
expectations on all clerics for the sake of the purity of the
church. This plainspoken fashion which made him popular within
the congregation made him a target to the spoiled clergy who had
grown rich from their position.
Chrysostoms reforms even affected the throne itself.
While he exercised church discipline when needed, he also called
down the rich and arrogant for their complacency and prodded the
slow of heart to decision.43 His reforms went so far as to call
into question the conduct of Emperor Arcadius and Queen Eudoxia.
While they allowed the bishop such leeway, such a dangerous move
could have been regarded as treason. Moreover, his influence
extended into the political realm. He consistently called for
leniency in the name of Christ, a sure irritant to the illtempered and mean-spirited Eudoxia. Thus, his reforms on all
hands would prove to be his undoing.
The Synod at the Oak and Exile
In 403, a short five years since Chrysostoms arrival in
Constantinople, Bishop Theophilius of Alexandria, with the
permission of Queen Eudoxia, called a council of bishops
together to charge Chrysostom with malfeasance, abuse and
immorality.44 The purpose of the convention was to remove John
from his office.
This tribunal, held at an oak tree on the outskirts of
Constantinople,45did not feature the guest of honor. The charges
41

Neill, 14.

42

See the Synod on the Oak section below.

43

Neill, 15.

44

Baur, 2.257. Cf. Kelley, 220. Kelley notes the

illegality of this trial. Theophilius was far from his own see
and thus, according to canon 5 of the Nicene Council decision,
he had no authority by which to call a trial to order, much less
to impress a decision.
45

Stephens, 309, notes that trial was held outside of the

city for fear of a riot on the part of the people. Chrysostom
was their beloved bishop who had stood by their side. As they
would demonstrate soon, they were willing to fight to keep him.

13

against Chrysostom were made in his absence and were leveled on

him by two deacons whom John had disciplined.46 However, the
most serious of these charges was that Chrysostom had used words
offensive to the Empress.47 The assembled bishops found him
guilty on twenty-seven counts48of these crimes and deposed him of
his position. Thus, Chrysostom was arrested and exiled.49 He
was sent to the eastern side of the Bosphorus Sea. However,
before he left, he made explicitly clear to his disciples that
the work of Christ must continue, despite what should happen to
him.50 Again, Chrysostoms compassion and zeal for Christ
overflow the circumstances he faces.
Chrysostoms exile, however, was simply too much for the
people of Constantinople to bear. A rebellion was in the air,
despite the parting plea of Chrysostom for peace and calm.51 The
people demanded the return of their beloved bishop, cognizant
that these charges were fallacious and jealousy ridden. An
earthquake struck the region of Constantinople at approximately
this same time. The always-superstitious Queen Eudoxia was
convinced that this was an omen. She pleaded with Emperor
Arcadius to allow Chrysostom to return. Since, Arcadius seems
to have never truly desired to banish Chrysostom in the first
place, this was a welcome and easily granted the request. Thus,
Arcadius lifted the banishment of Chrysostom and he was returned
to his position.
However, those in the capital city who had worked hard for
his banishment arose in rebellion. Specifically, Isaac, the
enemy of Chrysostom who had sided with Theophilius in the Synod
of the Oak, barricaded himself inside a temple. The loyal
followers of John were too happy to join the troops in
chastising the irascible Isaac. A bloody conflict ensued
46

Kelley, 218.

47

Palladius, VIII.

48

Kelley, Appendix C, has a complete listing of all

charges.
49

Palladius, VIII.

50

Ibid. Chrysostom issued a command to his disciples and

to the people of Constantinople to maintain continuity with the
adversaries of the church and to avoid signing any decree
deposing him as bishop.
51

Kelley, 230.

14

between the troops of Arcadius and the followers of Isaac. With

no surprise, the troops ultimately overran them and order was
restored.52
Chrysostoms return to Constantinople was a triumphal one.
In early October 403, John reentered the city to much pomp and
circumstance. The people rejoiced at having him back in his
pulpit and among them, and they came in droves to hear him
preach. However, their joy would not be long.
Later in that same year, Queen Eudoxia had a statue of
herself dedicated in front of the senate house, only a short
distance from the cathedral. The dedicatory celebration was
held on a Sunday and was eminently disruptive to the nearby
worship service. The noise was interrupting the worship.
Instead of stopping the service for a moment and request the
dedication be held later, John lost his temper and complained
publicly about this commotion referring to it as an insult to
the church.53 Such a mistake would prove to be his last in
Constantinople. Eudoxia received this as a personal attack and
deliberated Johns ultimate permanent exile.

Final Exile
The weak-willed Arcadius was convinced through strong-armed
means to banish Chrysostom in the summer of 404.54 Thus, John
was carried quietly away in the dark of the night to the remote
village of Cucusus in Armenia (modern Turkey), a great distance
from the capital city.55 His removal, unfortunately, was the
catalyst for a major uprising. The senate house and the
cathedral were burnt to the ground. The people were chastised
by Arcadius for these treasonous acts, albeit some have
presented evidence that it was Johns enemies setting these
fires.56 Yet, the city had lost her great bishop.57
52

Kelley, 234.

53

Ibid., 239.

54

Ibid., 250.

55

Palladius, X.

56

Kelley, 254.

57

According to Palladius, X., Chrysostom was succeeded by

Arsakios, the younger brother of Nectarius who had preceded John
as bishop of Constantinople. Palladius records Arsakios as
dumb as a fish, inactive as a frog.

15

The journey to Cucusus was fraught with difficulty other

than the normal hazards of long-distance travel. Several
bishops made known their animosity for Chrysostom and warned him
not to stay in their diocese under threat of his death. Most
notable of these was Leontios, bishop of Antioch near Tarsus.
Aggravated by perceived slights to him during the reign of
Chrysostom, he met John and his entourage at the citys edge and
threatened him immediately.58 Thus, the long and difficult
journey went.
Once Chrysostom arrived in Cucusus, he was not abused.
During his three-year stay in Cucusus he was treated with
respect and kindness. Unfortunately, the caustic and
unforgiving mountain climate would prove too much for his
asceticism-weakened body. The hard nights and unfamiliar food
made Chrysostoms existence difficult. He was allowed to
disciple regularly, however, the worst castigation of all was
that he could hardly ever preach.
While Chrysostom was far from any influential position, his
enemies still harbored deep animosity for him. Thus, a decree
came from the throne that John move to Pithyus on the Black Sea
in the summer of 407.59 Pithyus stood at the farthest corner of
the empire. The sick and aged bishop was forced to make the
trip under the worst of conditions. No heed was given to his
frail condition or to his fragile physique, thus, he was
compelled to make the journey on foot. He, therefore, was
exposed to blistering sun by day and the freezing mountain air
by night.60
Far into the journey, Chrysostom and his entourage stopped
for the night at the village of Komana. A small Christian
community, they received the bishop lovingly and ministered to
him during his brief overnight stay at the chapel of St.
Basiliscus. The next day, Chrysostom begged the soldiers to
wait until the late morning to continue the journey, sensing the
nearness of his own death. Sadly, they refused and compelled
John to continue the journey. After a short three miles his
strength elapsed, and thus, the entourage returned to Komana.
Upon their return Chrysostom requested and received a white robe
58

Kelley, 254.

59

There is some question as to the author of this decree.

Eudoxia died in 406 from complications of a miscarriage.
However, the hatred and animosity toward John was more deeply
entrenched than simply the throne. Thus, with imperial
authority, the decree came forth.
60

Kelley, 284.

16

and the Holy Communion. With the words Glory to God

things, he died.61
The inhumanity of Chrysostom's enemies stands in
contrast to bishop's gentleness and patience. While
names are generally forgotten, the name of Chrysostom
on.62
61

Baur, 423; Cf. Kelley, 285.

62

Neill, 16.

17

for all
stark
their
lives

CHAPTER TWO
THE WRITINGS AND INFLUENCE OF CHRYSOSTOM
The breadth and extent of the writings of Chrysostom are
legendary. His bibliographic list is long.63 During his
ministry, especially at Constantinople, his work was printed and
published on a frequent and discursive manner. Furthermore, his
use of the Scripture within his writings marks his great respect
for the Bible and its critical role in scholarship. As an
example of this commitment to the Bible, in his Sermons on the
Statues alone Chrysostom quotes at least 400 times from the
scriptures covering 45 books of the canon and 3 books of the
Apocrypha.64 Thus, the word of God was both authoritative and
final for Chrysostom. This commitment to the word of God is
demonstrated repeatedly through his works whether they be
General works, practical works, theological works, sermons or
polemical.

General Work
The earliest work written by Chrysostom represents the
initial awkwardness of his in-process style. The essay A King
and a Monk Compared (ca. 379) dealt with the difficult issue of
social order within the world and the church.65 According to
Chrysostom, the perspective of the world is distorted. Despite
popular opinion, it is not the emperor but the monk, committed
to God and living in the light of the commands of God, who is
truly rich. Furthermore, eventually, the monk is the true
king.66 Using the words of Christ and the teachings of the
63

Please see Appendix Two for a wide listing of the extant

writings of Chrysostom.
64

Willey, 171. Cf. Robert Allen Krupp, Saint John

Chrysostom, a Scripture Index (Lanham: University Press of
America, 1984).
65

John Chrysostom and David G. Hunter, A Comparison between

a King and a Monk/against the Opponents of the Monastic Life :
Two Treatises, Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity ; V.
13 (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).
66

Kelly, 21.

18

Apostle Paul, Chrysostom demonstrates the veracity of the

concern for the poor and their inheritance.

Practical Works
On the subject of personal morality and purity comes
Chrysostoms work On Virginity.67 Born out of his own deep
ascetic convictions and the widespread ascetic perspectives of
the age, Chrysostom argues for celibacy and virginity on
Biblical grounds. According to the words of Jesus (Matt 19:12)
and the Apostle Paul (1 Cor 7:7), those who remained celibate
were best able to serve and glorify God. Thus, the aim of his
work is to demonstrate the high place of those who embrace this
lifestyle of celibacy and live according to it. Moreover, the
Lord has called a special few to the life of widowhood. This
special role is to be embraced and employed as gift from God for
his glory.
Furthermore, On Virginity was written as a polemic against
the practice of monks and nuns living together in a spiritual
union. This thinly veiled immorality was a stench in
Chrysostoms nostrils, especially since the blame for these
unions was placed at the feet of Jesus. Therefore, this
detestable practice must be stopped. Such a desire is reflected
in the strong language of John to even his close friend Olympia,
a wealthy widow and stalwart ally of Chrysostom.68 Thus,
Christianity devoid of its intimate connection with the commands
of the scripture is not true and biblical Christianity and will
not draw others to Christ.
Chrysostom wrote a second practical work about home and
personal life. In his work On Marriage and Family Life,69 John
deals with practicality of every day of life at home. Although
he never married, his work employed the epistles of Paul to
describe the purpose and operation of a Christian household.
His contention matches his life. A lifestyle and home
67

John Chrysostom, Sally Rieger Shore, and Elizabeth A.

Clark, On Virginity ; against Remarriage, Studies in Women and
Religion ; V. 9 (Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Mellen Press, 1983).
68

John Chrysostom and Olympias, Lettres Olympias, Sources

Chrtiennes ; No 13 (Paris,: ditions du Cerf, 1947).
69

John Chrysostom, Catharine P. Roth, and David Anderson,

On Marriage and Family Life (Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's
Seminary Press, 1986).

19

demonstrating the truth of the words of Christianity is the most

effective means of evangelism.

Theological or Expositional Works

Chrysostoms work Instructions on Baptism recently was
discovered in a monastery on Mt. Athos in Greece. This work
contains a series of catechumenical statements and doctrines
written by Chrysostom for his parishoners in Antioch, perhaps as
late as AD 390.70 Reflecting his strong belief in the dramatic
change brought on by baptism Chrysostom presents his
instructions for those nearing baptism or recently baptized.
Baptism, for Chrysostom, was not merely the act of immersion but
was a lifestyle choice for a lifetime. Thus, the instruction
accompanying baptism was preparation for a lifetime commitment
to Christ. This should not be surprising given the dangerous
climate into which Chrysostom was born.
Chrysostom also wrote several expository treatises on the
gospels. Works such as Treatise on the Gospel of Matthew, The
Lords Prayer, and Treatise on the Gospel of John each reflect
the great love for the Gospels that Chrysostom harbored.
Chrysostom knew of no greater subject matter than the life and
ministry of his Lord Jesus Christ.

Sermons
In 387, Chrysostom wrote and preached what may be his most
famous work.71 In Sermons on the Statues, Chrysostom sought to
settle the spirits of the populace after a revolt against the
taxation policies of Emperor Theodosius.72 Wearied by the
excessive taxation of their assets, the people of Antioch began
to riot. In their zeal, they struck down the statues of both
70

Harkins, 1.

71

For a full treatment of these issues, please refer to

Mary Albania Burns, Saint John Chrysostom's Homilies on the
Statues: A Study of Their Rhetorical Qualities and Form
(Washington, D.C.,: The Catholic university of America, 1930),
Thomas M. Finn, The Liturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal
Instructions of St. John Chrysostom (Washington, D.C.: Catholic
University of America Press, 1967).
72

McDow and Reid, 102.

20

the emperor and his wife. This was a move tantamount to

striking the emperor himself. Thus, there was a serious price
to pay for such treason. When the Emperor did retaliate with
force the people recoiled under the weight of his anger.
Chrysostom stood with his people. He preached messages of hope
and strength found in the power of God. His preaching is
founded on the word of God and power found within it, even in
the most desperate of times.
The Sermons on the Statues are the best example of the
oratory style of John. His language definitively influenced by
the linguistic structure and vocabulary of the Koine Greek of
the New Testament. His impassioned eloquence marks the
influence of the classical orators of his training. His
compassion for the people of his diocese connect these sermons
to the people in an intimate manner. These sermons, strong in
the polemic yet strong in their compassion, demonstrate the
ability of Chrysostom to span great widths in his preaching.
Thus, because of these sermons, people came to the cathedral,
knowing that the loving bishop would speak to them frankly, but
would speak to them in love.
A second sermonic work dealt with another difficult issue
of Johns day. In the Sermons on Genesis, John deals with those
assert a problem in creation. Furthermore, John presents an
introduction of the concept of a savior even in the opening days
of Creation.73 While not all of these have survived,74 those that
have survived provide an invaluable insight into the thought and
theology of the early Eastern church. However, instead of
presenting these concepts in a typical Antiochene academic
fashion, Chrysostom sought to bring these difficult concepts
into the personal lives of people, thereby connecting their
lives with the Bible. This, John believed, would translate into
changed hearts, minds and lives.
Chrysostoms writings on the person and work of God in The
Incomprehensible nature of God demonstrates the depth of his
understanding of God.75 While he ultimately concludes that the
73

John Chrysostom and Laurence Brottier, Sermons Sur La

Gense, Sources Chrtiennes ; No 433 (Paris: Cerf, 1998). Cf.
John Chrysostom, Homilies on Genesis (Washington, D.C.: Catholic
University of America Press, 1986).
74

Kelly, 58.
have survived.

Kelley notes that only eight complete sermons

75

John Chrysostom and Paul W. Harkins, On the

Incomprehensible Nature of God (Washington, D.C.: Catholic
University of America Press, 1984).

21

human mind is not capable of fully grasping the nature of God,

his systemized explanations bring the words of the scripture to
life to allow hearers (or readers) entrance into at least his
understanding.

Polemical Works
Chrysostom wrote polemical works to attack or confront
those who were teaching heresy. His most famous work, Discourse
against Judaizing Christians, demonstrates his intimate
familiarity with Judaism and, more importantly, the Old
Testament.76 This work attacks those who attempted to force
Judaism into the church as a means to salvation. With great
vigor Chrysostom wrote these sermons, denouncing those with such
wicked intent. These works are so strongly written that
presently some refer to this work as anti-semitic.77 While
this is an understandable accusation, given the polemical and
attacking tone of the writing, it is not fair to characterize it
in this manner. Chrysostom compels the Jews, as well as others,
to come to Christ as the fulfillment of the Mosaic law.
76

John Chrysostom, Discourses against Judaizing Christians

(Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1979).
77
This accusation appears in many places, but appears best
assessed from the following site. Accessed from
http://www.chrysostom.org/jews.html on 18 March 2002.

22

CHAPTER THREE
CHRYSOSTOMS EVANGELISTIC METHODS
Chrysostoms primary means of evangelistic centered around
three canons: his weekly sermons focusing on the word of God,
his lifestyle, and his writings. His meticulously prepared
sermons were powerful in their content largely due to high
content of scripture and the time spent in prayer and
preparation. His godly lifestyle overflowed onto those within
his diocese.

Chrysostom as a Mission Sending Agent

The role of Chrysostom as priest and archbishop allowed him
the privilege of playing the role of a mission-sending agency.
John Chrysostom had an ardent concern to extend the kingdom of
God beyond its current reach. Thus, he sent missionaries to the
Goths on the northern end of the empire.78 Even late in life
during his exilic period he dreamed of sending missionaries to
the Goths and watching them raise up clergy and missionaries of
their own.79
However, Chrysostoms missionary efforts to the Jews were
much more heavy-handed. He sent mercenaries to destroy temples
and even had wealthy individuals within the church to defray the
cost while archbishop of Constantinople. He implored the Jews
to come to Christ, even to the point of using public decrees
and, if necessary, force.80 He sought to show them the error of
their theology by whatever means at his disposal. However, even
in this manner, his goal was to demonstrate that Christ was the
fulfillment of the law, not the negation of it. His passion,
therefore, was well placed albeit enforced violently.

Chrysostoms Social Evangelism

78

Kenneth Scott Latourette, The First Five Centuries, A

Hsitory of the Expansion of Christianity, Vol. 1 (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1937), 186.
79

Ibid., 212.

80

Ibid., 192.

23

Chrysostom was persuaded that the most effective means of

evangelism was a godly lifestyle. There would be no more
heathen if we would be true Christians.81 He encouraged all
Christians slave owners to erect chapels on their estates and
work for the conversion of those who tilled the soil.82 These
radical concepts proved to be the distinctive factor in making
Chrysostom the beloved priest and bishop. His willingness to
live in frugality rather than lavishness demonstrated the
veracity of his words.

Chrysostoms Pulpit Evangelism

Chrysostom appears to have prepared meticulously for his
time in the pulpit. His great sermons did not occur by
accident.83 Each of his sermons demonstrates a deliberateness
and deep sense of thought rather than contemporaneous and
coincidental speaking. Furthermore, the power of his preaching
belies the time spent in prayer over his messages. While he was
known as a steady and hard worker, he was also known as a man of
devout prayer, constantly in touch with the Lord.
Chrysostoms messages are expository in nature, an oddity
for his day and geographical location. While some of his
sermons demonstrate a thematic intent,84 his point-by-point
development of the scripture is worthy of emulation. Also,
Chrysostom allowed the word of the Lord to speak for itself.
While he, above all others, was worthy of speaking for its
defense, it appears that frequently he would assert the
scripture and allow it to speak in its own defense. For
example, in the Sermons on Genesis, Chrysostom strikes at the
core of the allegorical interpretative school as he commends a
literal understanding of the book. A literal creation in a
literal six days was the understanding and exposition of John.85
81

Ibid.

82

Ibid.

83

Neill, 17.

84

Examples of thematic are the Sermons on the Statues and

his work on personal life and the home.
85
Chrysostom John and Robert C. Hill, Homilies on Genesis,
Fathers of the Church ; V. 74, 82, 87 (Washington, D.C.:
Catholic University of America Press, 1986). Cf. Chrysostom
John, Homilies on Genesis (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University
of America Press, 1986).

24

CONCLUSION
Chrysostoms contributions to evangelism in the early
church are unmistakable. His eloquence and the sheer multitude
of writings make his contribution to the early church critical.
When the church needed a well-spoken leader, Chrysostom had been
prepared by God for just such a role.
The life of Chrysostom demonstrates the value of godly
heritage and the importance of a solid foundation. His
preparation for ministry was rich in learning. The skills he
gained here were honed to a razor-sharp edge in the forge of the
priesthood and bishopric. His deep love for Christ combined
with these acquired skills and God-given talent to make
Chrysostom a man of importance in the early church.
The writings of Chrysostom demonstrate the breadth of his
abilities. His writings are from most every book in the New
Testament. He deals with theological issues, such as the
problem of pain and the creation of the world. He deals with
practical matters, such as how does one live life as a Christian
while living in a pagan empire. He deals with issues of church
and discipleship, teaching both new Christians and priests how
to exert the truth of their Christianity into their every-day
lives.
The evangelistic methods of Chrysostom demonstrate his
compassion and his vision for reaching the lost. While some
have regarded him as a loose canon, his reputation as an
evangelist and compassionate pastor have made his example
legendary in nature and powerful in pattern.

25

APPENDIX ONE
Chronology of St. John Chrysostoms Life

ca. 344-354 - Born at Antioch in Syria.

ca. 367/8
Baptism
370-376
Monk, near Antioch.
381
Ordained Deacon at Antioch.
386
Ordained Priest and began to preach.
398
Leaves Antioch to be archbishop of Constantinople.
401
Visits Ephesus and elsewhere.
403
Synod of the Oak. Chrysostom banished and recalled.
404
Definitively banished to Cucusus in Lower Armeina.
407
Dies at Kormana on September 14.

26

APPENDIX TWO
List of the Many of the Writings of Chrysostom
Exegetical Works:
- The Beatitudes: Excerpt from the Commentary on Matthew.
- The Lord's Prayer: Excerpt from the Commentary on Matthew.
On the New Testament:
- Matthew
- The Beatitudes: Excerpt from the Commentary on Matthew.
- The Lord's Prayer: Excerpt from the Commentary on Matthew.
- John
- Acts
- Romans
- I & II Corinthians
- Galatians
- Ephesians
- Philippians
- Colossians
- I & II Thessalonians
- I & II Timothy
- Titus
- Philemon
- Hebrews
- On the Paralytic Let Down Through the Roof
Letters:
- Exhortation to Theodore
- Letters to Innocent I, Pope of Rome
- Letters to Olympia
- Letter to a Young Widow - Also known as On Virginity
- Letter to some Priests of Antioch
General Work:
- A King and a Monk Compared
Liturgical Works:
- The Divine Liturgy of St. John - Adapted to music in a
multitude of settings.
- Prayer of St. John Chrysostom According to the Hours of the
Day and Night
- Prayers of Preparation Before Holy Communion

27

Sermons and Treatises:

- Easter Sermon
- Sermons on the Statues
- On Eutropius
- Instructions to Catachumens / Baptismal Instructions
- On Lowliness of Mind
- On Caution Regarding Anathematization
- On the Power of Demons
- On the Priesthood
- Homily on St. Babylas
- Homily on St. Ignatius: Steophens-Brandram translation.
- Sermons on the Statues
- To Those Who Had Not Attended the Assembly, on Resentment
- A Treatise to Prove That No One Can Harm the Man Who Does Not
Injure Himself
Polemical Works:
- Against the Judaizers 1-6, 7, 8 - Also known as Discourse
against Judaizing Christians
- Against Marcionists and Manichaeans
- Against Publishing the Errors of the Brethren

28

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Burns, Mary Albania. Saint John Chrysostom's Homilies on the

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Palladius. Dialogue of Palladius.

Petit, Paul. Les tudiants De Libanius.
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31

Cincinnati: