Afghanistan: Development and Humanitarian Priorities
Afghanistan: Development and Humanitarian Priorities
Afghanistan: Development and Humanitarian Priorities
Afghanistan:
Development and Humanitarian
Priorities
Contents
SUMMARY .................................................................................................................................... 2
1 AID EFFECTIVENESS.............................................................................................................. 4
2 NATIONAL GOVERNANCE ..................................................................................................... 5
3 RURAL DEVELOPMENT AND SUB-NATIONAL GOVERNANCE ......................................... 7
4 PROVINCIAL RECONSTRUCTION TEAMS ........................................................................... 8
5 AGRICULTURE ........................................................................................................................ 9
6 COUNTER-NARCOTICS ........................................................................................................ 11
7 EDUCATION ........................................................................................................................... 13
8 HEALTH .................................................................................................................................. 14
9 PROTECTION ......................................................................................................................... 16
10 COMMUNITY PEACE-BUILDING ........................................................................................ 17
11 REGIONAL ACTION............................................................................................................. 19
Summary
This paper outlines urgent action necessary to address immediate challenges in Afghanistan
and to avert humanitarian disaster. It does not seek to address all issues of concern but focuses
on essential policy change in development and humanitarian spheres.
While aid has contributed to progress in Afghanistan, especially in social and economic
infrastructure and whilst more aid is needed the development process has to date been too
centralised, top-heavy and insufficient. It is has been prescriptive and supply-driven, rather than
indigenous and responding to Afghan needs. As a result millions of Afghans, particularly in rural
areas, still face severe hardship comparable with sub-Saharan Africa. Conditions of persistent
poverty have been a significant factor in the spread of insecurity.
Donors must improve the impact, efficiency, relevance and sustainability of aid. There needs to
be stronger coordination and more even distribution of aid, greater alignment with national and
local priorities and increased use of Afghan resources. Indicators of aid effectiveness should be
established, and a commission to monitor donor performance.
Urgent action is required to promote comprehensive rural development, where progress has
been slow, through building local government to deliver essential services, reforming sub-
national governance, and channelling more resources directly to communities.
Whilst Provincial Reconstruction Teams may be necessary in some areas, they have
significantly exceeded their interim, security mandate. Through diverting resources, they have
impeded the development of effective institutions of local government and PRT projects are no
substitute for long-term, community-led development work. Military projects can also
compromise the neutrality and scope of humanitarian work. PRTs should therefore adhere to
their mandate: to facilitate the development of stable and secure environment, and should only
undertake relief or development work where there is a critical need and no civilian alternative. In
accordance with their interim status, each PRT should develop a phased, conditions-based exit
strategy.
Agriculture, and connected trades, is the mainstay of the nation, supporting 80% of all Afghans,
yet it is severely under-funded. A multi-stakeholder strategy should be developed to ensure the
provision of agricultural support at local level, covering arable and livestock farming, rural
trades, and improved land and water management. It must ensure relevant support for the
economic and occupational activities of rural women.
Neither aggressive eradication nor licensing will reduce opium production. The Afghan
government and donors should support a long-term, comprehensive approach which seeks to
promote sustainable rural development and which prioritises support for licit agriculture and
not only in those areas which grow poppy. There needs to be rigorous and balanced
implementation of the existing counter-narcotics strategy, with greater outreach to community
elders and action against major traffickers.
Despite dramatic improvements in education, still half of Afghan children predominantly girls
are out of school and drop out rates for girls are particularly high: large-scale investments are
required in teachers, education infrastructure, combined with systemic reform.
Whilst significant progress has been made in the provision of health care, overall public health
remains poor. Donors and the government should do more to expand the provision of health
care in remote areas; strengthen institutional capacity, coordination and security at sub-national
level; expand and improve hospital care; and increase the number of female health workers.
The separation of NATO and US-led coalition commands creates inconsistencies in operating
standards and in civil-military coordination: there should be unified NATO command of all
international forces, close coordination with Afghan forces and universally applicable standards
of operation, rigorously enforced. A new multi-stakeholder entity should be established through
the UN to investigate and monitor alleged abuses. International forces should establish a
system to ensure compensation or other reparation for civilian casualties and the destruction of
property. The UNs capacity for humanitarian response and coordination, at both central and
regional levels, should be strengthened significantly.
According to the UN there are 130,000 long-term displaced people in Afghanistan, and recent
fighting has displaced up to 80,000; there has also been a substantial influx of refugees and
deportees from Pakistan and Iran, respectively. Donors should ensure sufficient resources are
available to respond to these increasing population movements.
Local level disputes have a significant cumulative impact on peace, development and the wider
conflict. There should be a national strategy for community peace-building, which strengthens
social cohesion and enhances community capacities to resolve conflict; it should be led by
community leaders and civil-society, and fully-supported by donors. It should include measures
to ensure the participation of women in peace-building activities.
As a land-locked country, with vast, largely porous borders, Afghanistan is unavoidably affected
by the policies of its neighbours. They should do more to help the country on refugees, security,
narcotics, and trade, which is in their own long-term interests. To address underlying problems,
the international community in Afghanistan must achieve a deeper level of engagement on
regional issues. Military action by a foreign power against Iran, or against groups in the Afghan
border areas of Pakistan, could be seriously destabilising for Afghanistan.
1
A clear majority of Afghans support the international presence in Afghanistan, but the
development process has made only a limited difference to their lives, and with spreading
insecurity a change of course is now essential. The policy changes proposed in this paper
would represent a step towards achieving that and they should therefore be incorporated into
2
the revised Afghan National Development Strategy.
Peace in Afghanistan cannot be achieved without improving the lives of ordinary Afghans. This
requires strong leadership by the Afghan government and sustained and concerted action by
donors and neighbouring states. It requires more determined efforts by all donors, with greater
direction from the United Nations, which is severely under-resourced, and the Joint
Coordination and Monitoring Board (JCMB). A resolute, substantial and long-term commitment
by the international community is essential not only to secure development progress but to halt
the spread of insecurity.
As by far the largest donor and troop-contributor, the role of the United States in Afghanistan
will be critical. However, all donors and troop-contributing states have a crucial role in pressing
for urgent action to meet the challenges facing Afghanistan: millions of lives depend upon it.
Further information: for more details please contact Matt Waldman, Policy and Advocacy
3
Adviser, Oxfam International, Afghanistan.
However, too much aid to Afghanistan is provided in ways that are ineffective or
inefficient. For example, Afghanistans biggest donor, the US Agency for International
Development (USAID) allocates close to half of its funds to five large US contractors in
the country.5 As in Iraq, too much aid is absorbed by profits of companies and sub-
contractors, on non-Afghan resources and on high expatriate salaries and living costs.
Each full-time expatriate consultant costs in the region of $200,000 a year, and in some
cases up to half a million dollars a year.6 According to the former NATO Special
Civilian Representative the cumulative impact is that some 40% of aid to Afghanistan
flows out of the country.7
The Afghan government has significant budget execution problems, due to insufficient
or ineffective donor efforts to build the institutional and implementing capacities of
line ministries. Some two-thirds of US foreign assistance bypasses the Afghan
government that officials say they want to strengthen.
There is insufficient direction and support provided by the UN and JCMB, both of
which are substantially under-resourced, and too little coordination between donors
and the government of Afghanistan. Of all technical assistance to Afghanistan, which
accounts for a quarter of all aid to the country, only one-tenth is coordinated among
donors or with the government.8 Nor is there sufficient collaboration on project work,
which inevitably leads to duplication or incoherence of activities by different donors.
Increase transparency
Donors should publicly provide comprehensive information on aid flows, including on
tender procedures, use of Afghan resources, and contractor salaries and profit margins.
2 National Governance
Weaknesses in governance are increasingly cited by Afghans as a reason for
dissatisfaction with the government. They hinder service delivery and undermine the
legitimacy and credibility of state-building as a whole, thereby contributing to greater
insecurity.
Government systems and processes are opaque, bureaucratic and convoluted, giving
rise to opportunities for graft. Corruption is widespread, endemic and, as the Joint
Coordination and Monitoring Board puts it, continues to flourish.14 Despite some
improvements, the institutional and technical capacity of line ministries is weak and
there are profound deficiencies in human resources. Female participation in
government institutions and in decision-making remains limited.
These problems are compounded by the opium economy, where there are links to
central government, and weaknesses in the justice sector, where, rule of law remains
precarious, governance is fragile, and the judicial system is ineffectual and
inaccessible.15 Despite improvements, the Afghan National Police (ANP) lacks both
professionalism and independence.
The problems cannot all be attributed to the government: donor programmes have in
many cases failed to build institutional capacities or establish proper systems of
governance. Incoherent, wasteful and short-term programmes, with weak financial
oversight, have to some degree accentuated problems of corruption, inefficiency and
lack of coordination.
Recommendations
Strengthen public administration reform
Several mechanisms, such as the Advisory Panel on Senior Appointments and the
Independent Administrative Reform and Civil Service Commission, have been
established to ensure fair, transparent, and merit-based appointments, but have not yet
delivered results. These bodies must themselves be transparent and subject to
independent scrutiny; they should comprise only those members who are
demonstrably independent. It is the duty of the international community whose
funds are at stake to press for such changes.
Pay and grading reform, due to be implemented over a four-year period, should be
expedited. Stronger leadership and greater efforts are required by ministers and
donors to increase womens participation in government and to build the capacity of
line ministries to implement the National Action Plan for Women. Continued efforts
must be made to strengthen the capacity of civil administration, clarify responsibilities,
and improve coordination between ministries. Reform of sub-national governance is a
priority, which is outlined in following section.
PRTs have gone well beyond this interim, security mandate, often engaging in
extensive development work, implemented either by the military or government
agencies. Afghan communities appreciate any support they can get, but whilst PRT
resources and activities have expanded, local government institutions, with
significantly smaller budgets, have been under-used and under-developed. It will not
be possible to strengthen institutions of local government and to improve their
accountability, if they are deprived of resources.23 In some cases PRTs have used their
There are major variations in funding and activities between PRTs and a significant
number of projects are not in alignment with provincial or national plans, or the
interim Afghanistan National Development Strategy. Being nation-led, they are often
driven more by available funding or the political interests of the nation involved rather
than development considerations. Frequent use of local contractors, especially in the
south, has meant many projects are badly implemented; systemic or political pressure
and frequent rotations has tended to result in a large number of small-scale, short-term
projects. The absence of community participation, or association with the military, has
led to projects which are unsuitable, unused or targeted by militants.
Given the historic suspicion of foreign intervention, such efforts to win hearts and
minds are nave. It is unsurprising that the huge expansion of PRT activities has not
prevented the deterioration of security. The development process needs to be owned
and led by Afghan communities, which is essential for sustainability. PRTs are no
substitute for long-term development work.
PRTs also blur the distinction between the military and aid workers, jeopardising the
perceived neutrality of the latter, putting them in danger and reducing operating space
for humanitarian organisations.
Recommendations
Re-focus PRTs
PRTs should adhere to their mandate: to facilitate the development of a stable and
secure environment; and they should only exist where security conditions make them
absolutely necessary.24 In respect of humanitarian activities, as the international
community first agreed in the Oslo Guidelines of 1994, the military should only
undertake relief work in exceptional circumstances: where there is a critical
humanitarian need and no civilian alternative, and their activities should focus on
indirect assistance and infrastructure support.25 As indicated above, the quality and
impact of this work could in many cases be substantially improved.
Exit strategies
In accordance with their interim status, exit strategies should be developed for each
PRT, with down-scaling and closure plans for those in comparatively secure areas. At a
macro level donor funds should be re-routed from PRTs to national government,
through the internationally-administered Afghanistan Trust Funds, and, as a priority,
to local government and Afghan communities.
5 Agriculture
Agriculture, and connected occupations and trades, supports the subsistence or
employment of at least 80% of Afghans and has traditionally accounted for at least half
the economy. However, war, displacement, persistent droughts, flooding, the laying of
mines, and the sustained absence of natural resource management has led to massive
Yet, given the scale of reliance on agriculture, international support in the sector has
been modest and government assistance extremely limited. Donors have spent less
$300-400m directly on agricultural projects over the last six years a fraction of overall
assistance to Afghanistan.30 Aside from narcotics-related programmes, in 2006 USAID
allocated less than 4% of total funding for Afghanistan to agriculture, and planned
spending for fiscal years 2007 and 2008 is just 4% and 3% respectively.31
In Daikundi province, for example, there are close to half a million people who depend
on the land, yet there is virtually no international support for agriculture. The
provincial Department of Agriculture, Irrigation and Livestock which is responsible for
providing all official support for farming in the province, has a threadbare staff of 16,
only two of whom have relevant qualifications, with no funds for projects.
Rural unemployment is extremely high at over 50%, and is exacerbated by large scale
deportations of economic migrants from Iran and the return of refugees. A convoluted
system of land rights remains an impediment to greater investment in and use of
agricultural land.
Recommendations
Develop a comprehensive strategy to ensure agricultural support at local level
Urgent efforts must be made to provide local-level support for agriculture and off-farm
trades, which would improve livelihoods, strengthen food security and reduce
unemployment. The Afghan government, with the support of the Food and
Agriculture Organisation, donors and NGOs, should develop a strategy to enhance the
institutional capacity of the Department of Agriculture at district level, and expand the
scale and range of agricultural support, including assistance provided on a cost-
recovery basis.
The strategy should cover the recruitment and training of staff, technical support in
designing and implementing projects, streamlining bureaucracy, coordination with
other relevant line departments and the provision of substantial additional resources.
Contracting-out to NGOs, as used for health care delivery, could help to overcome
short-term capacity constraints.
In programme terms, the strategy should address: the distribution of improved seed
varieties, fertilizers and pesticides; crop diversification, horticulture, and kitchen
gardens; training in agricultural skills, techniques and improved animal husbandry
methods; livestock development, especially improved use of fodder crops, fodder
storage, management of grazing land, and herd or flock management; the provision of
veterinary services, especially for vaccinations and disease control in remote areas; and
the provision of agricultural tools and sustainable mechanisation. Wider establishment
6 Counter-Narcotics
In 2007 the cultivation of poppy and production of opium was up on 2006 by 17% and
34% respectively. Production has doubled in two years and now accounts for 93% of
global illicit supply.32 Although cultivation has been reduced in the centre-north of
Afghanistan, cultivation in the insecure south has vastly increased. State officials are
known to be complicit in poppy cultivation, trafficking or non-intervention. The opium
industry is valued at three billion dollars a year,33 accounting for up to a third of the
economy.
Recommendations
Adopt a comprehensive, long-term approach
There are no simple solutions or quick fixes to the narcotics problem. In particular,
only limited progress, if any, can be expected in Helmand province, which produces
more than half of Afghan opium. The reality of a global heroin market should be taken
into account: as long as demand persists, opium will be produced somewhere to meet
illicit demand.
The Afghan government and donors should support a long term, multi-sectoral
approach which above all seeks to achieve sustainable rural development. As success
in tackling opium production in Thailand demonstrates, counter-narcotics requires
broad-based economic development and state-building, particularly at local level.35
7 Education
Despite very significant increase in enrolment, approximately half of Afghan children
predominantly girls are out of school. In 2006 overall enrolment in primary education
was 50% for boys and just 20% for girls; for secondary education, it was 20% and 5%
respectively.
Teachers are paid an average of just $50 per month; only 20% are professionally
qualified and less than a third is female. There is an immediate shortage of some 50,000
teachers. A high proportion of girls drop out of school to a lack of female teachers,
especially in rural areas.42
Increasing insecurity in the south has had a major deleterious impact on education:
more than half of the 720 schools in the southern provinces of Helmand, Kandahar,
Uruzgan and Zabul are closed due to violence or threats,44 and overall attendance
levels for girls remain extremely low.
8 Health
Significant progress has been made in the provision of health care through the Basic
Package of Health Care Services (BPHS), which is implemented on a contractual basis
by NGOs and other providers, and overseen by the Ministry of Public Health. Donor-
government coordination in health care is effective and there has been progress in
capacity building of health care institutions and personnel, primarily at a central level.
Progress has been made from a very low base. Over the last five years there has been a
25% fall in infant mortality, but still, on average, one in five children die before the age
of five.47 The proportion of young children receiving vital immunizations has
Over the last three years the number of rural women receiving antenatal care has
increased dramatically; likewise, those receiving skilled assistance with child-birth has
increased three-fold, yet assistance is currently available to fewer than one in five.50
The maternal mortality ratio, at 1600 deaths per 100,000 live births,51 remains one of
the highest in the world; overall life expectancy is just 43-46 years.52
Health care standards and resources vary throughout the country, and insecurity,
particularly in the south and south-east, is increasingly constraining the provision of
health care in those areas; for example, 21 health clinics have been forced to close in
Helmand province.53
Recommendations
Expand the provision of health care in remote areas
Although BPHS coverage is impressive, access is limited for those who live in isolated
rural areas as a result of physical, climactic, cost, insecurity and cultural constrains.
Thus, more primary health care centres should be established in rural areas, with
further measures to promote public health awareness, provide training to district and
community health staff, and expand the system of Community Health Workers. Better
planning by donors and the MoPH could address provincial disparities in the
allocation of resources; donors should also ensure sufficient funding and coordination
for the Expanded Programme on Immunization to maximise national coverage.
9 Protection
The security situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly: the UN estimates
that the frequency of attacks, bombings and other violent incidents is up 20-30% on
2006.56 In 2007 the conflict claimed over 6,000 lives,57 compared to roughly 4,000 for
2006.58 At least 1400 civilians have been killed in 2007, 500-600 of whom were killed in
operations conducted by international and Afghan forces.59 There are more than twice
as many air-strikes by international forces in Afghanistan as in Iraq, to which a high
number of casualties can be attributed.60 Searches conducted by Afghan and
international forces have on a number of occasions involved excessive use of force,
destruction of property and/or mistreatment of suspects. Discrete ISAF and US-led
commands creates operational incoherence, variable operating standards, inconsistent
practices in civil-military coordination, and hinders cooperation with Afghan national
security forces.
Insurgent and criminal attacks have intensified, killing over 900 Afghan police61 and
220 international soldiers last year; more than 140 suicide attacks have killed well over
200 civilians.62 In the south, south-east and east of the country insurgents are mounting
an increasingly vigorous terror campaign of threats, abductions and executions aimed
against members of the population suspected of being connected to the Afghan
government and its military and civilian international supporters.
According to the UN there are 130,000 long-term displaced people in Afghanistan, and
recent fighting in the south has displaced up to 80,000.63 Insecurity has had a wider
impact on livelihoods, forcing the closure of education and health facilities. Last year
there were at least 131 violent incidents directly targeting or impacting on NGOs,
caused by both criminal and insurgent activities; 15 NGO staff were killed, and 88
abducted.64 In 2007 there were more than 30 attacks on WFP food convoys.65
Humanitarian access has been significantly curtailed and close to half the country, the
south and south-east, is now categorised as an extreme or high risk environment for
NGOs.66 Insecurity has spread to areas which were previously stable, such as parts of
north and north-west Afghanistan.
Achieving greater security is a priority for Afghans. The inability of the government
and international community to provide greater protection for communities
undoubtedly a challenging task is a major reason for Afghans turning to the aegis of
the Taliban or other anti-government groups.
10 Community Peace-building
Almost all of the peace-building work in Afghanistan has been at a political level,
where there are links to warlordism, corruption or criminality, or it is target-limited,
such as the disarmament programmes. Initiatives such as the Action Plan on Peace,
Reconciliation and Justice are significant, but lack clarity and are primarily concerned
with peace and reconciliation at a national level. Implementation of the Plan has been
non-existent or extremely limited.67 Moreover, most peace-building measures only
marginally, indirectly or partially concern the people of Afghanistan. The capacity of
Afghan communities to resolve their own disputes, and build and sustain peace, has
largely been neglected.
War has fractured and strained the social fabric of the country and has deepened
widespread poverty, which is itself a cause of insecurity. An Oxfam Security Survey of
500 people in six provinces shows that disputes at a local level often have root causes
in poverty, and are largely related to resources, particularly land and water, family
matters or inter-community and tribal differences.
Local disputes frequently lead to violence and insecurity, which not only destroys
quality of life and impedes development work, but is also exploited by commanders or
warlords to strengthen their positions in the wider conflict. Security threats, are diverse
not only the Taliban as is sometimes portrayed and in many cases they have local
roots or connections. In rural areas, predominantly local mechanisms are used to
resolve disputes, especially community or tribal councils of elders (known as jirgas or
shuras), and district governors.
Recommendations
Promote community peace-building
There is a clear need for widespread community peace-building. This is a participatory,
bottom-up approach, which strengthens community capacities to resolve disputes and
conflict; to develop trust and social cohesion within and between communities; and to
promote inter-ethnic and inter-group dialogue. It focuses on capacity building in
mediation, negotiation and conflict resolution techniques and supports civil society
and schools involvement in local peace and development. Existing community peace-
building programmes, implemented by Afghan and international NGOs, including
Oxfam, have been highly effective. An independent analysis of the work of one peace-
building NGO in western Afghanistan concluded that the programmes had a major
positive impact on local security and that it was a creative initiative at the forefront of
enabling and supporting what is truly wanted by Afghan partners and communities.68
Thus, donors should significantly expand support for NGOs and civil society actors
carrying out such work.
Over 2 million Afghan refugees are officially living in Pakistan, and 0.9 million in
Iran.69 In 2007 some 350,000 Afghans returned from Pakistan and 170,000, mainly
economic migrants, were forcibly deported from Iran. As acknowledged in the joint
Afghanistan Pakistan peace jirga held in August last year, the Taliban and other illegal
armed groups operate with the support of groups based in Afghanistans neighbouring
states. There is extensive trafficking of opium and heroin across Afghanistans northern
and southern borders, including several thousand tonnes of precursor chemicals,
required for refining opium, across the southern border every year.70
Recommendations
Refugees and migrants
Both Pakistan and Iran should act in accordance with principles enshrined in the
Tripartite Agreements made with each country, Afghanistan and UNHCR; in
particular, that repatriation is voluntary and gradual. Given the security situation in
Afghanistan, Pakistan should be assisted by the international community to continue
to host Afghan refugees, 80% of whom do not wish to return. Their legal status and
long-term social and economic integration into Pakistani society must be fully
considered. Iran should ensure the measured and proportionate treatment of economic
migrants. Donors should ensure that shortfalls in UNHCRs budgets are met so that it
can provide comprehensive reintegration assistance to returnees.
Security
Pakistan and Iran should take measures to ensure that no groups or members of its
administrations or armed forces provide weapons, supplies or any other support to
illegal armed groups in Afghanistan. Both Afghanistan and Pakistan should be
scrutinised for their willingness to implement undertakings given in the joint peace
jirga held in August. Military action by a foreign power against Iran, or against groups
in the Afghan border areas of Pakistan, could be seriously destabilising for
Afghanistan and lead to an intensification of attacks on international and Afghan
forces.
Narcotics
Neighbour states should assist in counter-narcotics by taking measures to prevent the
export of opium from Afghanistan, and the transit to Afghanistan of chemicals
Trade
It is in the long-term interests of regional partners to support Afghanistan by accepting
preferential trade agreements, which incorporate low tariffs for Afghan exports and
unrestricted transit trade, but allow Afghanistan to protect its nascent productive
sectors. As Oxfam argues in a recent briefing paper, Afghanistan should not be
pressured to achieve rapid accession to the World Trade Organisation, which would
have few benefits and could undermine efforts to reduce poverty.72 Members of South
Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, which Afghanistan joined in April 2007,
should develop a coordinated action plan with practical measures in development
assistance, trade and investment, to promote Afghanistans economy. This should be
supplemented by expanding and strengthening regional initiatives on trade, transport
and energy supply by members of the Economic Cooperation Organisation and the
Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation Program.73
1
See: Hearts and Minds: Afghan Opinion on the Taliban, the Government and the International Forces, United States
Institute for Peace Briefing paper, 16 August 2007.
2
The ANDS is Afghanistans Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper; it will be finalised mid-way through 2008.
3
The author of this paper, contactable at: MWaldman@oxfam.org.uk; +93 700278838.
4
US Increase Support for Afghanistan, US State Department, January 2007.
5
Afghanistan Compact, Procurement Monitoring Project, Afghan Ministry of Finance and Peace Dividend Trust, April
2007, p 11.
6
Delays Hurting U.S. Rebuilding in Afghanistan, New York Times, 7 Nov 2005 and Afghanistan, Inc., Corpwatch,
Fariba Nawa, p 16.
7
Nation building key in Afghanistan, Al Jazeera, 23 December 2007.
8
Prioritising Aid Effectiveness, Taking forward the Afghanistan Compact and Paris Declaration Commitments, Afghan
Ministry of Finance, 18 April 2007, p 11.
9
Report for Congress, The Costs of Iraq, Afghanistan and Other Global War on Terror Operations since 1911,
Congressional Research Service, 16 July 2007.
10
Afghanistan aid must be spread, Financial Times, 19 March 2007; Afghan-Canada relations to enhance in 2008:
Envoy, PakTribune.Com, 4 January 2008.
11
The Good Performers Initiative, which rewards provinces that do not produce poppy, is an attempt to address
geographical disparities in assistance. At just $22.5 million for 2006-07 it is wholly insufficient to address major
imbalances in the overall distribution of aid.
12
This was proposed by the JCMB: para 37; 2.2, bi-Annual JCMB Report from November 2006.
13
For example the Law and Order Trust Fund administered by UNDP, and the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund
administered by the World Bank.
14
Annual Report, Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board, May 2007, p4.
15
Ibid.
16
Reforming Afghanistans Police, Crisis Group Asia Report, No 138, 30 August 2007.
17
Sub-national Training Needs Assessment Report, IARCSC and UNDP, 2005.
18
Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level in Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007, p34.
19
The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for peace and security, Report of the UN Secretary-General, 21st
September 2007, paras 8 and 21.
20
See Consolidated Position Paper on the CDC Bylaw, NSP Facilitating Partners, 2007 and CDC Bylaw and
sustainability, ACBAR Public Statement, 11th November 2007.
21
See: Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level in Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007
22
PRT Executive Steering Committee, 27 Jan 2005. It should be noted that there are generally two types of PRT
reconstruction and development activities: projects carried out by the military / CIMIC (Civil-Military Cooperation)
team, and those delivered or overseen by the relevant national development agency. There is insufficient space available
in this paper to address issues relating to each of these types of assistance.
23
Service Delivery and Governance at the Sub-National Level in Afghanistan, World Bank, July 2007, p xiv.
24
Ibid.
25
Guidelines on the Use of Military and Civil Defence Assets in Disaster Relief, updated November 2006, pp 9-10; and
Guidelines on the Use of Military and Civil Defence Assets to Support United Nations Humanitarian Activities in
Complex Emergencies, March 2003, p9 and p12.
26
Sustainable Land Management, Afghanistan Ministry of Agriculture and Food, 2007.
27
FAO, National Livestock Census, December 2003 and Afghanistan Country Profile, The Economist, 2006.
28
Environmental crisis looms as conflict goes on, IRIN, 30 July 2007.
29
WFP purchases local produce to feed hungry Afghans and boost farming, UNAMA, 18 Sept 2007.
30
Figures provided by Afghan Ministry of Finance, corroborated by: Budget and Obligations, 2002-2006, USAID,
Afghanistan.
31
The Afghan-Pakistan War: A Status Report, CSIS, 4 December 2007, p109.
32
Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007.
33
Human Development Report, UNDP, 2007, p59.
34
Executive Summary, Afghanistan Opium Survey, UNODC, August 2007, p 15.