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REIGN OF BLOOD
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TOLTEC WARRIOR PYRAMIDS

AT TEOTIHUA(

Tcotihuacan

Tetzcoco

EMBLEM OF
TENOCHTITLAN

GRASSHOPPER
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EAGLE KNIGHT
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Malinalco
Cuemavaca
Popocatepetl

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OLMEC HEAD

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Cover: The fearsome visage of Xolotl, the
Aztecs' dog-headed god, glares as if he
had returned from the underworld,
just
Mictlan, where he went each night to
seek the bones of the dead and restore
them to life. The foot-high greenstone
figure appears against a background of
stone skulls, Aztec carvings that mimic
the racks of real skulls found decaying at
the Great Temple of Tenochtidan.
End paper: Painted on Mexican bark pa-
per by the Paul Breeden, the map
artist
shows Lake Tetzcoco, the locus of Aztec
civilization, and the surrounding Valley
of Mexico. Breeden also painted the
vignettes illustrating the timeline on
pages 158-159.
 AZTECS:
REIGN OF BLOOD
& SPLENDOR
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LOST CIVILIZATIONS

AZTECS:
REIGN OF BLOOD
& SPLENDOR

By the Editors of Time-Life Books

TIME-LIFE BOOKS, ALEXANDRIA, VIRGINIA
 N^^^N
C O
#^ T S

ONE
THE FALL OF THE CITY "PRECIOUS AS JADE"
9

ESSAY: The Trek to Destiny 34

T ^^^ O
PEOPLE IN SEARCH OF A PAST
45

ESSAY: The Cit\' That Time Forgot 67

THREE
THE TERRIBLE SUSTENANCE OF THE GODS
81

ESSAY: The Temple of Death 109

FOUR
THE GENTLER SIDE OF AZTEC LIFE
125

ESSAY: Inside the Aztec World 149

Timeline 158
Acknowledgments 160
Picture Credits 160
Bibliography 161
Index 164
 ^.

%*

A
splendid relic cf the Aztecs, who rose
from squalid origins to
power and
riches in just200 years, this serpent
chest ornament may have been
worn
by a priest. Shown life-size, it is
en-
crusted with scales
rf turquoise, a
stone the Aztecs imported
from the
outposts of their tmpire to adorn
some
of their most beat^fid possessions.
 k.^W

--^V-^" ^-1| 1

.?^

^<^-^^
 o N

THE FALL OF
THE CITY
PRECIOUS AS JADE 35

he tough old Spanish soldier

remembered that day in 1519 when he first saw the private gardens
of Motecuhzoma, the Aztec ruler. "We went to the orchard and
garden, which was a marvelous place both to see and to walk in,"
wrote Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a much-scarred veteran of Hernan
Cortes's campaign to conquer Mexico. "1 never tired of noticing the
diversity of trees and the various scents given off by each, and the
paths choked with roses and other flowers, and the many local fruit
trees and the pond of fresh water. Everything was shining and
decorated with different kinds of stonework and paintings that were
a marvel to gaze on. Then there were birds of many breeds and
varieties that came to the pond."
Out of nostalgia, Diaz began on the fate of Aztec
to reflect
Mexico. "I thought that no land like it would ever be discovered in
Rattlesnakes form a
the whole world," he recalled wistfiilly. "But today all that 1 then saw
skirt for this 12-ton
statue of the decapi- is overthrown and destroyed; nothing is left standing."
tated Aztec earth Four decades after the arrival of the Spaniards the conquest of
mother, Coatlicue,
dttg up in 1790 in
the empire of the Aztecs was complete. The worship of fierce gods
Mexico City. From had begun to pass from living memory, and now the descendants of
the stem of her neck,
blood pushes forth
Aztec warriors Spanish subjects worshiped
all Jesus Christ. A
in the shape of two new city had grown atop the ruins of their temples.
additional serpents. In 1790, almost three centuries after Diaz first beheld the
 ROAD MAP TO
wonders of Tenochtitlan, the resplendent Aztec capital, the Spanish THE END
viceroy in Mexico City ordered some paving and the construction of OF THE WORLD
a drainage system. In the broad expanse of a square known as the
Zocalo, the glare of the late summer sun threw a dust)' jumble of
One of the most imposing and
trenches into sharp relief Along the southeastern side of the plaza, in significant of Aztec relics is the
the shadows of the National Palace, a team of workmen wielded intricately carved circular stone

shovels. Occasionally one or another of them would pause to wipe his seen below. It is 4 feet thick, 12
sweat- beaded brow or gaze across the square at the baroque cathe- feet in diameter, and weighs more
than 24 tons. Because symbols for
dral. It was to spare the cathedral, the palace, and the square itself
the days of the 20-day Aztec calen-
from periodic flooding that had been ordered.
this project
dar encircle it, the disk came to be
Amid the desultor)' chatter of the workmen, a sound of metal called the Calendar Stone shortly
hitting stone rang out, and soon the crew had gathered around a after its discovery in 1790 beneath
single spot. The trenching had struck a sizable impediment, and a Mexico City's central square.
flurry of shovels attacked the obstacle. As the dirt flew, the men's Today, however, scholars rec-
pulses quickened, for the object emerging from the shrouding layers ognize that the stone was no mere
calendar. The glyphs and icons
of earth was an enormous figure unlike any they had e\'er
adorning it were a road
seen before. Powerful and vaguely human in form,
the figure was enrobed in a skirt of woven ser-
pents. When fiilly exhumed, it proved to
be an impressive eight feet five inches

long. Lying in the soil in grotesque

repose, had claws for feet and
it

hands and bore what looked like a

face composed of two rearing,
fanged snake heads, set threat-
eningly nose to nose. Most dis-
turbing was the adornment
that hung across the figure's
breast, a necklace strung with
lifelike human hands and
hearts ranged around a clench-
jawed human skull.

The news that a relic of ^

the long-buried Aztec religion ,> -<,

had been dug up at the very core of '. ki ,

>^
the metropolis took 18th-century ^'.'^fV^'-^^
Mexico and later the wider world "^
'*A''^-'j(^^&L'^^l^^^^
by surprise. Europeans m particular had "' :
'
^'fimm i^^
>\
not realized that the Aztecs had had the tech-
^^:^^t
nical skill required to transport and handle such
map of the Aztecs' destinw indi-
cating not onlv when the \\ orld
was supposed to have begun but massi\e rocks. Historicall\' minded Mexicans noted that the sculpture
also when it would end. had come to hght 269 \ears to the dav after Q)rtes, the Spanish
At the time of the Spanish
conquistador, had accepted the surrender of the might)- Aztecs.
conquest, the .Aztecs belie\ed thev
were li\ing in the fifth and final
The \icero\-, Juan \'icente Giiemes Pacheco de Padilla, second
era, which the gods had created count of ReNiUagigedo, took a special interest in the statue and
535 vears earlier, in .AD 986. The instructed that it be transported to the local university' to be weighed,
square panels around the inner measured, and sketched. In so doing, he re\ersed a centuries -long
circle (see dif^ram) symbolize de- Spanish pohcy of obliterating all vestiges of the \anquished Indian
struction of the four previous
culture, whose artworks uere \iewed b\' the Roman Catholic Church
worlds by jaguars, hurricanes, vol-
as idolatrous, if not satanic.
canic fires, and torrential rains.
The face inside the circle is that of Within a \ear, the viceror s fondness for things archaeological
the sun god, Tonatiuh. The .-Vztecs was rewarded with t\\o other major discoveries, again made b\ la-
were convinced that the world borers engaged in constructing the same public works. First came a
would end on the ritual date "'4- car\ed stone roughh- twice as massixe as the serpent-entwined statue.
movement.'" But the end came far Weighing 24 chunk of gray- black basalt bore a circular
tons, this
sooner than expeaed, with the
reUef sculpture some 12 feet in diameter, dominated by a
arrival of Q)rtes in 1519.
humanlike \isage \\ith a protruding knife blade for a
IXX)MSDAY tongue. The rest of the stone \\as embellished with
JAGU.\RS
a perple.xing assortment of geometric s\Tnbols.
HLTtRIC.\NES
Dubbed the Stone of the Sun, in part be-
SUN GOD
cause of its resemblance to a sundial, it

\\"as embedded in a pier of the nearb\-

cathedral. ( It is often referred to as
the Aztec Calendar Stone.
Next, in 1~91, in the
northwest comer of the Zocalo,
came a prize in the shape of a
millstone, which bore a frieze of
battling \\arriors. At the time, it
\\as called the Sacrificial Stone
for its supposed purpose, but it is

known today Stone of

as the
Tizoc. It might have been broken
up for cobblestones, but an enlight-
ened priest intervened and the relic

\\ as gi\"en safe berth in the gardens of

the cathedral, where it was buried with a
single face exposed.
These startling and intriguing finds
piqued the interest of scholars, collectors, and ama-
 HUB OF THE AZTEC
WHAgrr''I'^E
EM FIRi LOOKED LIKE IN 1519
To the Aztcfs/^ir capital was at thetime of the conquest. stood a rack for the skulls of
the center not just of the empire Dominating the plaza was sacrificial victims. Behind
but of the world and at the the Great Temple. Its t\\'in stair- Quetzalcoad's temple lav a
ver\' heart of it lay the holy pre- cases led to the shrines of Hui- court w here ritual ball games
cinct where their bloody rituals tzilopochtli, god of the sun and were played. The large rectan-
took place daily. The model war, and Tlaloc, god of rain, gular building to the left:

below, created for Mexico's Na- where priests carried out human housed the calmecac, a school
tional iMuseum of Anthropolo- sacrifices. Flanking the pyramid for sons of nobles. Around the
gy- and based on 16th-centur\' were se\'eral other temples, in- temples and other buildings
Spanish sources as well as on cluding a circular one dedicated ran a wall, setting the religious
modern finds, shows what the to Quetzalcoatl, the plumed =;. center off from the rest of
complex probably looked like serpent god; in front of it the island cit\'.
 sC^-^

Published in 1524 from a W^BK^mSBtK^^*^

sketch made for Cortes, this

map ofTenochtitlan shows

causeways stretching from
the religious core to the
mainland. A dike, at far
right, gave flood protection.

^t^i^
teur archaeologists in Europe. But they would be denied access to

them: The failing Spanish empire had all but banned travel in its New
World domains and discouraged foreigners from entering the coun-
try.Consequentiv, few outsiders had the chance to examine the finds
firsthand. Intellectuals in the United States, busy establishing their
new countr\% paid little if any attention to Mexican antiquities.
The famous German naturalist. Baron Alexander son Hum-
boldt,was one European with enough influence to win entry to
Mexico, and his account of his journey there, publishedin French in
1813, fiarther fanned excitement over Aztec lore. He reported that
the Aztecs, hitherto classified as a primiti\'e and nonliterate culture,
had actually been highly advanced. When the gates were opened after
Mexico gained its independence in 1821, an era of feverish interest
in the Aztecs commenced. Tourists, scientists, and adventurers de-
scended on Mexico, then returned to Europe with tales to tell (many
of them fanciful), illustrations to publish (a few quite accurate), and,
in some cases, trunkflils of purchased or purloined artifacts.

Among Mexicans, the field of Mesoamerican scholarship was

born at the turn of the 19th centur\', midwifed by the insightful
astronomer and archaeologist Antonio de Leon y Gama. He teased
cosmological meanings from the markings on the Stone of the Sun.
Some of his readings were false, but he did disco\er that the Aztecs
had sound knowledge of astronom\' and a 365-day year. It took a
century for others to pin down the identity- of the serpent-skirted
statue as Coatlicue, goddess and death and mother of the
of life

fearsome Aztec war god, Huitzilopochtli. Spurred bv a ne\\'found

pride in their heritage, Mexican anthropologists, historians, and lin-

guists began museums, and dixerse

s\^stematically searching archixes,
archaeological sites for clues about the people who had called them-
selves the "Mexica" or "Tenochca" and ruled with a fierce determi-
nation over much of central and southern Mexico.

Ancient had been lost before, but perhaps no cir^' had fallen so
cities

precipitously and been effaced so thoroughlv as the island redoubt

of Tenochtidan. The cit\^ was the governmental seat of the Aztecs and
the crowning achievement of their 90-vear domination of the Vallev
of Mexico, a high, 3,000-square-mile basin surrounded bv moun-
tains. Within a few months of his April 1519 arrival on the Gulf Coast

with 600 soldiers and 16 horses, Cortes had imprisoned the Aztec
ruler, Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. (The Spaniards inaccurately ren-

14
dered his name, meaning Angr\' Lord, as Montezuma, and o\'er
first

the years he has also often been wrongly referred to as Moctezuma.)

Less than two years after his arri\'al, the conquistador Cortes and his
band of soldiers, with the much-needed help of Indian warriors from
cities eager to throw oft' the Aztecs' \'oke of forced tribute, had

toppled Motecuhzoma, razed his capital and other cities in his em-
pire, and claimed the rest of his far-flung territories. G^rtes took

control of the lives and fortunes of perhaps as many as 1 1 million

Aztecs and their subject peoples.

o I
nlv a few generations later, the
brilliant

the Aztecs had all but \anished from Mexico's memor\% and no one
accomplishments of

was sure just where the key structures of Tenochtidan had stood. For
example, by the 18th centur\', popular opinion held that the ruins of
el Templo Mayor, or the Great Temple, the Aztec nation's principal
shrine, lav directly under the cathedral. This was a con\enient m\^th
for those wishing to promote an image of Christianit)' triumphant.
Gone also from common awareness was knowledge of the intricate
religion of the Aztecs and an understanding of their highlv evolved
symbolog}', which had enabled them to express their beliefs in a
fashion as potent and accessible to their minds as the crucifix was to
Cortes and his contemporaries.
So powerftil v\'ere the Aztecs' icons, in fact, that the best
intentions of later scholars could not always succeed in removing the
clerg\^s fear of them and of the impact thev might have on Mexi-
cans of Indian blood. The Coadicue statue dug up in front of the
National Palace saw the light of day only briefl\' at its supposed haven
As Humboldt explained: "The professors, at that
in the uni\'ersit\'.
time Dominican priests, did not want to exhibit this idol to the
Mexican youth, so the\' buried it again in one of the halls of the
building." Subsequently, the statue was dug up for Humboldt's visit,
then rapidly reburied. It remained interred until 1823, when it was
consigned to an infrequently used corridor in the National Museum.
In fact, the Coadicue metaphor for the entire
stor\' serves as a telling

Aztec culture, which was repeatedly suppressed and submerged in

the centuries after the Spanish conquest, only to be disinterred and
brought to light again. Tenochtidan and its inhabitants reftised to
slip quiedv into oblivion.
For many years, an\' desire to gain a more tangible picture of

15
the Aztec capital as it existed
on the eve of the conauest ran
up against an insurmountable
obstacle the terrible devasta-

tion wrought by Cortes's army.

Today, hampered by
the effort is

the fact that the remains of Te-

nochtitlan and its many satellite
communities lie buried beneath the
smogg)', sprawling metropolis of
more than eight million people that is
Mexico Cit\' proper. Therefore, com
prehensive excavations like those un-
dertaken at other Mesoamerican sites,

such as the Maya cit\^ of Chichen Itza and

the pre- Aztec Teotihuacan, just 25 miles
northeast of the Mexican capital, have been impossible. Many
of the major digs since the early part of this century^when
archaeology came into its own have been initiated b\^ chance. Just
Gods and mortals march across the
as in 1790, artifacts have accidentall)- turned up in the course of accordion-foldfd pages of the Codex
construction projects for example, during the building of sewer Fejervdry Mayer. Codices were painted
on leather panels, like this one, or on
lines in 1900 and the subwav svstem in the 1960s and 1970s. After
bark paper. The Indians who lacked
hurriedly deploving at such sites, archaeologists ha\'e been forced to a written language used the pictures
excavate at lightning pace, hastening to rescue what they could before to help them remember details when
reciting their intricate myths.
work resumed on the projects. Fortunately, although the remains of
Tenochtidan itself only rarely become accessible for examination,
archaeologists have been able to gain a remarkabh' \'ivid view of the
cit\^ at the height of its grandeur by drawing on an array of narratives
composed and around the time of Qjrtes's \icton'. Gradually,
in
haphazard fmds have given way to more organized searches, guided
by this written material.
Rarely have archaeologists been given a script as complete as
the body of work that has helped direct their excaxations of the Aztec
capital. Spanish priests, conquistadors, and the Aztecs themselves
(via codices, or annals, produced at the priests' urgings) left behind
a bright light that can be shone into the gloom of their wrecked and
buried civilization. Among the documents are letters by Cortes him-
self to Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, accounts bv several of
the soldiers who were involved in the conquest, and histories com-
posed by Spanish friars. Cortes's letters to his king were written in

16
 some measure as an insurance policy:
Having abandoned his allegiance to his
superior, the governor of Cuba, Cortes
hoped to appeal direcdy to the Spanish
crown to a\'oid possible punishment. His
plo\^ was to offer Charles a share of any boot)'

he might seize over and abo\'e the customar)'^

''royal fifth" provided by other explorers.
Along with narratives by his cohorts, Cortes's
letters help provide both a panoramic depic-
tion of the epochal events of 1519 and a valu-
able look at daily life in the Aztec capital.

Little Aztec literature from preconquest

days has survived. In the 16th centur\^ as the
Spanish government struggled to consolidate its

power over the Indians, Juan de Zumarraga, founding

archbishop of Mexico, ordered huge quantities of nati\'e art

and literature rounded up and burned. But in the decades that fol-

lowed, a handful of enlightened Spaniards worked quiedy to preser\'e

the scant remaining evidence of native culture. Thanks to the Aztecs'
rich oral tradition, they were able to rescue much of what would ha\'e
been lost in another generation or two.
One of the great ironies of the conquest is that from the ranks
of the Roman Catholic Church, the ver\' institution that led the
charge to destroy the Aztec came the principal agents of
legacv^,

preser\'ation. Occasionallv drawing hands from the official coffers of

the Church but more ofi:en making do with limited resources, several
dedicated missionaries, including especially the Franciscan friar Ber-
nardino de Sahagun, attempted to recapture the intellectual heritage
of the Aztecs before the last generation of Indians to have lived under
Motecuhzoma passed away.
The brilliant and tenacious Sahagun oversaw the production
of one of the most famous and profusely illustrated Aztec codices,
often referred to as the Florentine Codex, after the Italian cit\' in
which it Sahagun had come to Mexico in his youth and
resides today.
had rapidlv become fluent in Nahuad, the Aztec tongue. In his
dealings with the Indians, he became convinced that "idolatrous
superstitions, auguries, abuses, and idolatrous ceremonies are not yet
completely lost." Consequendy, it was necessar)'^ for missionaries to
learn about the Aztec religion in order to better recognize and stamp

17
 ^-^
<,iS^

out practices and habits ofmmd that

were holdovers from pagan times.
His motives aside, Sahagun oper-
ated in a highly obiecti\T fashion,
gathering information with tech-
niques that closely resemble those
used by modern anthropologists.
He carried out extensive interviews
with Aztec informants, while native
scribes recorded the data. The re-
.3^ sJUtn Mutt>r^
sult, which goes by its official name,
the General History of the Things of
New Spain, is a rich source of mate-
rial about Aztec culture.
Another text produced in
similar fashion, the History of the In-
ofNew Spain, written by the Do-
dies

minican friar Diego Duran, offers

another detailed, and sympathetic,
portrait of the Aztecs. Completed in

1581, shipped to Spain, and forgot-

ten, Duran's History was rediscov-
ered and copied in the mid- 1800s,
although it had been altered and de-
faced over the years, probably by
censorious monks. For the sake of
being true to the Indian point of
view, Duran wrote, he had been im-
~^
pelled to describe, "together with
good and heroic actions, Cortes's frightful and cruel atrocities, his A list of tribute to be paid the Aztecs
includes the 13 contributing communi-
completely inhuman acts."
ties, identified by glyphs in the left and
With Aztec assistants and informants, the friars compiled dic- bottom margins of a page from a codex,
tionaries and glossaries of Nahuatl, which was then a spoken, not a as well as the items. The two plain rec-
tangles in the two top rows represent the
written, language, as well as versions of the Aztecs' codices, brightly
number of large mantles given, with each
painted, accordion-folded books. The codices, now treasures of mu- feather standing for 400 mantles or 800
seums and libraries in Europe, North America, and Mexico, illustrate mantles in all. The Aztecs used dots for
numbers between 1 and 19, and pen-
elaborate ceremonial scenes and carry notations in a pictographic
nants for 20 and its multiples (right).
system made up of glyphs, symbols that stand not so much for words They rendered a large number, such as
as for sets of related concepts. In practice, the codices served mainly 8,000, as a bulging bag of cacao beans.

as memory prompts. Like the originals, many of the 16th- and 17th-

18
 cenrun- replicas were inscribed on sheets of deerskin or bark paper.
The vivid texts and pictures of the codices offer insights not only into
the distant Aztec past but also into the period directlv preceding the
arri\al of GDrtes. The panels costumed priests and
portra\' elaborateh*
noblemen, Aztec \ictories o\er neighboring tribes, tales of the gods,
10 and scenes of the epochal arrixal of the Spaniards and their e\entual
destruction of Aztec culture.

By 1519, designated as the vear I Reed on the Aztec calendar,

buildings erected o\er manv generations co\ered a once-uninhabited
island in the southwest corner of broad, marshv Lake Tetzcoco with
a dazzling array of temples, palaces, homes for the upper classes, and
public forums. There were also thousands of lesser abodes for arti-
20
sans, merchants, and other members of the highlv stratified Aztec
rr^ society-. Tenochtidan, with perhaps as manv as 200,000 inhabitants,
was the center of a wide-ranging territor\' over \\hich the Aztecs
exerted brutal control.
The Aztecs, almost constand\- at war with someone, exacted
animal skins, precious stones, copper and gold, cotton, foodstuffs,
and other raw materials and products as tribute from those they
vanquished. In addition to captixes they took on the batdefield, they
60 also demanded a vearlv ransom of victims for sacrifice to the war god,
Huitzilopochtli, and the rain god, Tlaloc.
In rising to suzeraint\' over the peoples of the \^ailev of Mex-
ico, the Aztecs had overcome more than a centur\' of hardship. Ac-

cording to their own legends, their ancestors had heeded a divine

command to leave their paradisiacal island homeland, Azdan, trans-
lated as "the place of the herons," which scholars think mav have been
located in northwestern Mexico. Wandering for more than a centur\'
in the harsh desert, scrabbling a meager living from the arid land, the
400
Aztecs, or "people of ^Azdan," had fmallv arrived in the denselv setded
valley sometime toward the end of the 12th centur\'. Finding them-
selves reviled squatters and outcasts there, forced sometimes to suffer
periods of servitude, the bellicose Aztecs had e\entuallv triumphed
over scores of enemv cit\'-states. With an implacable will, a well-
tooled war-making machinen', a high degree of social cohesion, and
a flair for cultural appropriation, they had gone on to forge a civili-
zation ri\aling those that had flourished millennia earlier in Egx'pt
and Mesopotamia, and in a far shorter time.
8000 The Aztecs' tragic flaw, perhaps, was their fatalism. Indeed,

19


their dcstinv was set forever when Cuba, where he had

Cortes left

lived for eight years, in February 1519. The island's governor, Diego
Velasquez, had appointed Cortes to lead an expedition in search of
new sources of slaves and treasure for Spain. But as Cortes mustered
and supplies, Velasquez began to worry that the ambitious
his troops
younger man would overreach his authorit\^ Hearing of his mentor's
doubts, Cortes confirmed them by casting off earlier than scheduled.
First he probed the Yucatan coast, then sailed westward to put in,

fmally, at a location he dubbed Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz (present-

day Veracruz), "rich town of the true Cross."
It was in Veracruz that Cortes first learned of the fabulous
treasures that, from then on, beckoned to him from the interior. As
was to happen so often in the coming months, the Aztecs' own
actions, stemming from their extremely limited view of the world
beyond their borders, abetted and hastened their downfall. In this
case, a misguided attempt at diplomacy would bring calamit)'. Mo-

tecuhzoma had sent several groups of envoys with offerings that

included regal vestments of the st\de the Aztec gods were thought to
wear. But it was their gold that caught the conqueror's eye. Rather
than appeasing him, the emissaries merely whetted his appetite for
wealth and confirmed him in his determination to march on.
Setting out with his army from Veracruz, Cortes made the
arduous trek from the tropical coastal lowlands up into the moun-
tains with about 400 men, two-thirds of his army. There the Span-
iards encountered Tlaxcalan warriors. The Tlaxcalans had maintained
independence from the Aztecs where others had failed. Their brighdy
attired warriors mobbed the Spanish interlopers in several bitter
engagements, but, thanks to his cannon and horses, Cortes prevailed.
With breathtaking expedienc)% the Tlaxcalans presented Cortes to-
ken of cloth, semiprecious stones, and gold, and offered to lead
gifts

him onward to the Aztec stronghold.

Through two interpreters, an Indian woman named Marina,
who spoke both Nahuad and one of the Maya languages, and a
shipwrecked Spaniard picked up in Yucatan, Jeronimo de Aguilar,
who was also fluent in Maya, Cortes gathered intelligence on his
fiiture adversary, Motecuhzoma. Marina had come to Cortes as part
of the spoils of an earlier fray with the Indians along the Tabasco
coast, and her intelligence and skills in Nahuad proved invaluable
so much so that it is doubtfiil Cortes would have succeeded without
her. It was luck)^ too, that she and Aguilar understood similar Maya

20
dialects, which facilitated the three-step process of communication,
Nahuad to Mava to Spanish, then back again.
While Cortes was camped in Tlaxcala, he was visited by more
tribute- bearing en\o\s sent b\' Motecuhzoma to persuade the Span-
iards to turn back and to dissuade them from making an alliance with
the .\ztecs' old enemies. Almost from the moment the Spaniards had
debarked in \^eracruz, Aztec emissaries had been watching them
closely, relaying information on their movements to Tenochtidan. As
the Spaniards ad\anced, Motecuhzoma's spies took their measure as

adversaries and provided the ruler with small paintings of the invad-
ers, sho\\ing their metal-co\ered heads and odd attire, their tame
"deer' that carried them '^vherever they uish to go, holding them as
high as the roof of a house," and their war dogs, "sa\age, like demons,
always bounding about." Cortes had taken e\en- opportunirv to
impress his authorit\' upon the Indians. Witnessing a demonstration
of Spanish cannon fire, some messengers had even fainted.
Cortes, unrelenting, and guided hx the Aztec ambassadors,
moved on toward the coveted wealth of Tenochtidan, taking some
Tlaxcalan warriors with him. In nearby Cholula, a mercantile cit\' in
alliance with Motecuhzoma and the religious seat of the plumed
serpent god, Quetzalcoad, Cortes's invaluable companion, Dona
Marina, warned him that the Cholulans \\ere conspiring against him.
As a result, the Spaniards and their Tlaxcalan henchmen massacred
thousands of men, uomen, and children, casting down idols from the
temples in their ruthless attack.
From the accounts recorded by the Aztecs themselves in the
codices prepared under the friars, it is clear that Motecuhzoma had
long dreaded the arri\al of powerful men from the east. Legend
foretold the return of Quetzalcoad, who generadons before had
departed Mexico on a woxen of serpents, promising to return one
raft

da\' to reclaim his throne. The predicted year of his second coming

was to be 1 Reed on the Aztec calendar as capricious fate would
ha\e it, the ver\' xczi of Cortes's arri\al.
x-Vs soon as he got word of Spanish ships the supposed giant
raft of Quetzalcoad plving the coast, the bewildered, anxious, and
supersduous Motecuhzoma feared he was doomed. Obsessed uith
the old prophea', he prepared to surrender his empire. A series of
menacing portents had con\'inced him that he \\as destined to preside
over the destruction of Aztec civilization. So disturbed was Mote-
cuhzoma, reported Friar Duran on the exidence of Aztec witnesses,

21
 =a^

that "he was half desirous that the events which had been predicted
take place immediately."
The omens that had unnerved Motecuhzoma gripped his peo-
ple with anxiety. According to one Aztec codex, nighdy for a year
"there arose a sign like a tongue of fire, like a flame. Pointed and
wide-based, it pierced the heavens to their midpoint, their very heart.
All night, off to the east, it looked as if day had dawned. Then the sun
arose and destroyed it." A temple inexplicably burst into flames, and
the fire could not be extinguished. On a calm day, lightning struck
the roof of another temple. A large column of light was seen in the
east. A comet appeared one afternoon, hurtling from west to east and
"scattering sparks like glowing coals." Lake Tetzcoco was suddenly
roiled to flood heights, for no apparent reason. And at night, people
claimed to have heard a woman weeping. "She would pace about
"
wailing, 'My dear children, we have to go! Where can I take you?'
(It is phenomena had any sound astronomical or
unlikelv that these
geological basis. Some scholars suggest that the awesome events were
exaggerated by the Aztecs who told of them in later years.)
When all of the bribes, incantations, and pleas of his emis-
march on his cit\', Motecuhzoma
saries failed to halt the Spaniards'

panicked. As a last resort, the "Angr\' Lord" attempted to flee, ac-

cording to Duran, but Aztec priests wavlaid him and pressured him

PICTURING THE FINAL DAYS

OF A ONCE-MIGHTY EMPIRE
For nearly 50 years, the Fran- it was suppressed for some

and missionar\'
ciscan friar 200 years. Portions of the docu-
Bernardino de Sahagun studied ment are reproduced at right
the Aztecs with a s)'mpathetic and overleaf
but objective eye. His master- The ston' begins with the
work, the Florentine Codex, arrival of Hernan Cortes, whom
records the accounts of the Az- the Aztecs beliexed to be the
tecs themselves and details feathered serpent god, Quetzal-
Indian customs and the con- coatl. In their m\Tholog\\ this As the Spaniards disembark, Indians ar-
quest in both Nahuati, the Az- deit)' who had been forced to rive."They went as if to sell^oods," says
tec tongue, and Spanish. The lea\'e hispeoplewould one the codex, "in order to go spyupon them.'
Asked by the strangers where they lived,
Inquisition confiscated the co- day return and bring with him
the Aztecs replied, "It is from there in
dex in 1577 as pro-Indian, and a new wav of life.
Mexico that we have come."
to return. Certain even before the fact that his reign had come to an
end, Motecuhzoma gave a fareu'ell speech. "With abundant tears he
cried out to the masses that he was terrified over the arrival of the
strangers," reported Duran. After this public scene, the king returned
to the palace and ''bade farewell to his wi\es and children with sorrow
and tears, charging all his attendants to care for his family, since he
considered himself a man about to die."

Itwas November 1519. Cortes sat astride his horse looking out on
thecit\' he intended to possess. Nearbv uas Bernal Diaz del Castillo,

who, many years later, in his 70s, recounted his impressions of that
day True Histoiy of the Conquest ofMexico. Now half-blind and
in the
partly deaf, Diaz remembered the sights and sounds of his youth
with amazing clarit\'.

The view from just outside Tenochtitlan was impressive.

"When we beheld so man\' cities and towns on the water, and other
large settlements built on firm ground, and that broad causeway
running so straight and perfecth' lexel to the cit\' of Tenochtidan,"
Diaz wrote, "we were astonished because of the great stone towers
and temples and buildings that rose up out of the water. Some of our
soldiers said that all these things seemed to be a dream; and it is no
wonder that 1 urite here in this manner, for never was there seen, nor
 =.*

heard, nor even dreamt, anything like that which we then obser\'ed."
The strangers descended on "They came," wrote an Aztec
the capital.
witness, "in battle array, as conquerors, and the dust rose in whirl-
winds on the roads, their spears glinted in the sun, and their pennons
fluttered like bats. Some of them were dressed in glistening iron from
head to foot; they terrified everyone who saw them." Throngs of
Aztecs, nervous but curious, poured out of their homes to obser\'e

the Spaniards, some of them lining the causeway one of three con-
necting Tenochtidan to the mainland and others darting across the
surface of Lake Tet2Xoco in canoes.
Not far from the city the Spanish forces stopped, met by a
procession of the royal household. It was Motecuhzoma, wrote Diaz,
borne "beneath a marv^elously rich canopy of green-colored feathers
with intricate patterns in gold and silver and with pearls and green
chalcolite stones hanging from a sort of embroiderx' that was won-
derful to behold. And the great Motecuhzoma was richly attired

according to his practice, and he was shod with sandals, the soles of
gold and the upper part adorned with precious stones."
Motecuhzoma got down from his litter, reported Diaz, and
none of the lords accompanying him, except those supporting him
ceremonially as he walked, "dared even to think of looking direcdy
at his face" but kept their eyes averted. Heeding his cue, Cortes
 dismounted and approached the Aztec ruler, offering his hand,
which Motecuhzoma declined. Cortes persisted, presenting Mote-
cuhzoma with a necklace of pearly margarite beads; but when he
made as if to embrace the king, said Diaz, "those great lords who
accompanied Motecuhzoma held back the arm of GDrtes so that he
should not embrace him, for they considered it an indignity." When
these formalities were over, Q)rtes and his men were escorted into
Tenochtitlan and lodged in a commodious palace that had belonged
to Motecuhzoma's father. The cit\' that Nahuad poets had described
as a "great domed tree, precious as jade," which radiated "flashes of

light like quetzal plumes," had been \'iolated by sinister strangers.

After just one week, Cortes executed a bizarre, bloodless
coup. Citing a clash atwhich several of his men had been
Veracruz in
killed, Cortes told Motecuhzoma that under pain of death he would
have to come with him to the Spaniards' lodging. As the Aztec ruler
was led through the streets, he told his agitated people that he was
going of his own free will. From then on, Motecuhzoma was litde
more than a pitiable reciter of proclamations, a ruler in name only
while Cortes pulled his strings.
Oddly, the men who were to destroy Tenochtidan appreci-
ated its beauty and elegant engineering, for was more magnificent
it

than many European cities of the time, including, said some well-

An Aztec physician attends a smallpox

patient. The disease, introduced by the
Spaniards, killed one-third of the Indi- The Spaniards bum the temple
ans, including Cuitlahuac, Motecuh- Eleven months after they fled, the Span- at Tlatelolco, last center of resis-
zoma's brother and successor. tance. "There was plundering,
iards return to Tenochtitlan. Cortes sur-
rounded the city, destroying its aqueducts then there was capturing of the

and thus vanquishing its people. poor common folk," says the codex.
traveled conquista-
dors, Rome and Constanti-
nople. The largely deforested
and oxergrazed European landscape
^
hosted on
cities a smaller scale, which still _
bore the stamp of a constrained
mediexal sensibilitx-. In u estern
Europe, onh' London, Rome, and
Venice boasted populations of
anv.x1.ere near 100,000. SexiUe,
with an estimated population of
60,000, uas closest in size of anx' Spanish Composed ofprized ireen quetzal and
citv' to Tenochtitlan, vxhose
population uas estimated at 200,000. blue cotinga feathers
android disks (de-
It must have galled the
Span- tail, right), this four-foot-high
headdress is
iards that pagans-people uho uere not exen
mentioned in the popularly regarded as Motecuhzoma's. It
iiible had constructed a cm- that was sent to Europe soon after the con-
excelled anx' of theirs.
Leon y Gama, xxho has been called the quest, but whether it actually belonged to
father of Mexican the Aztec ruler is not known.

26
archaeology, would argue that the Aztecs had to have been remark-
able artisans to have hewn their elaborate architectural ornamenta-
tions and "feigned images," or idols, using only primitive stone tools.
Furthermore, while entireh' ignorant of the principle of the arch, thev
had on a monumental scale. And thev had laid out Tenochtitlan
built
with consummate skill. Thev were, in short, possessed of \'ast knowl-
edge "in arts and sciences in the time of their heathendom," he wrote.
Cortes marveled over Tenochtitlan's large and beautitlil temples and
houses, its grici of streets and interlacing canals, its clean layout with
four quadrants meeting at a central square.
Motecuhzoma's palace was decorated with murals, bas-reliefs,
ornate woxen cloths, golden screens to keep the king from being seen
while he ate, and with cedar beams carved, according to Cortes, with
"ornamental borders of flowers, birds, and fish." The Spaniards
toured the ruler's large and impressixe private zoo, which housed
animals of nearly ever)' species in Middle America, including jaguars
and tapirs, rattlesnakes in feather-lined jars, an aviarv, and gardens.
Although an uneasy balance of affairs continued during the
six months after the Spaniards' arrival, existence went on in the

capital, and Cortes and his men had the opportunity^ to observe, close

up, the Aztec way of life. In his second letter to Charles V, Cortes
described the cit\''s setting. In the basin, he wrote, there "are two
lakes that almost fill it. One of these two lakes is of fresh water and
the other, which is larger, is saltv. From one lake to another and
among the cities and other settlements that are about said lakes,
communication is by canoe, with no need of going overland."
Cortes went on to describe the cit\^'s situation. "From any
direction one may wish to enter, the cit\' is two leagues from the
shore. It has four entrances, each an artificial causewav two short
lance lengths in width. Its main streets are very wide and straight.
Some of these and all the others are half solid roadway and half canal
for canoe traffic. All the streets are open at inter\'als where canals join.
But in all these gaps, some of which are ver\' broad, there are bridges
made of great, wide, shaped, close-set beams. On manv of these, 10
horses could walk abreast."
Dominating the city, the 150-foot pyramid of the Great Tem-
ple loomed over this network of busy waterways and streets. While
reviling the idolatry' of the Aztecs, Cortes could not help being awed
bv the achievements of their architects. He mar\'eled at the beaut\' of
the temples and the buildings that housed the idols, and he com-

27


THE IN
mented on the quality of the priests' quarters. He was struck by the KINGDOM OF
priests' appearance; they wore black, he reported, "and they neither THE ANIMALS
cut nor comb their hair from the time they enter the priesthood until
they leave it." He all but gave up trying to describe adequately the Living close to nature as they did,
religious center at the city's core: "It is so large that in its precincts, the Aztecs saw in many animals
which are surrounded by a wall, there could well lie a settlement of including insects
qualities to em-

five hundred. Inside this area, about its edges, are fine buildings with ulate,and even attributed super-
large hallsand corridors. There are at least 40 pyramids, very tall and natural powers to several. They
used various creatures in their art
well made; the largest has 50 steps leading up to the main body
to express or symbolize atti-
of the pyramid. The principal pyramid is taller than the Seville
\ Hides and beliefs. Motecuh-
Cathedral's tower. The stone masonry and the woodwork zoma himself kept wild
are equally good; they could nowhere be bettered. All the animals; his
stonework inside the temples where they keep the idols is sculptured,^
and the woodwork is all carved in relief and painted with pictures of
monsters and other figures and designs."
Cortes could not have failed to notice another feature of the
temple complex. The Aztecs showed a fascination with the heads of
their victims, preserving them on skull racks in front of the temples.
Diaz guessed that some tens of thousands of skulls crowded the racks.
Two conquistadors who counted them put the number at more than zoo was so large 300 workers
136,000. Some of them still oozing blood, others already bleached looked aft:er it. According to Cor-
tes, the collection contained "a
by the sun, they were in every stage of decomposition.
bird of prey of every sort," and
The Aztecs' fondness for sacrifice displayed itself in another
caged jaguars, wolves, foxes, and
way. The steps of the twin stairways leading to the lofty platform atop
cats "that were given as many tur-
the Great Pyramid where victims' hearts were cut out were black with keys to eat as they needed" as well
dried blood. At the summit, Huitzilopochtli's shrine had a painted as the remains of human sacrifices.

facade embedded with bands of skulls. The adjacent Tlaloc's shrine Aztec artists regularly pro-
was striped with bands of blue representing water. In open view at duced animal figures to adorn
temples and palaces. The sculptor
the head of the staircases,
who carved the basalt eagle above
the priests, with blood-
matted hair and bod-
ies scarred by ritu-
 ally inflicted wounds, plied their gruesome
trade. Stepping into the blood-encrusted
shrine to Huitzilopochtli, Diaz was shocked
and revulsed. "In that small space," he
wrote, ''"there were many diabolical things to
be seen, bugles and trumpets and knives, and
many hearts of Indians that they had burned in
fumigating their and eyer\TJiing was so clot-
idols,
for the Great Tem-
ted with blood, and there was so much of it, that I curse
ple probabh' did so for the war-
the whole of it, and as it stank like a slaughterhouse we hastened
riors known as the Eagle Knights,
who chose this fierce bird, recog- to clear out of such a bad stench and worse sight."

nized as a SN'mbol of the sun, as Both Cortes and Diaz reported that the Spaniards witnessed
their emblem and guiding spirit. human sacrifices committed b\' priests armed with mosaic sacrificial
The jaguar (below, left) was the knives. "Whenever they wish to ask something of the idols," wrote
totem of the Jaguar Knights. The Cortes, "they take many girls and boys and e\en adults, and in the
largest predator of the Middle
presence of the idols they open their chests while the\' are still ah\'e
American jungle, the cat embodied
power and courage and came to be
and take out their hearts and entrails and burn them before the idols,

associated direcdv with the Aztec offering the smoke as sacrifice. Some of us have seen this, and they
ruler, whose patron it was. say it is the most terrible and frightful thing they have ever witnessed.
The snake had multiple as- Not one year passes in which they do not kill and sacrifice some
pects. Its undulating movements 50 persons in each temple."
suggested both water and fertili-
The Spanish chronicler Duran, ^^'orking from informa-
ty. And because shed its skin,
it
tion pro\ided by Aztecs, pro\ided a more detailed account of
it also represented renewal and
change. The granite coiled
the way inwhich the kiUing was performed. Awaiting the
ratdesnake abo\'e is ^^^^
victims at the top of the pyramid stood six robed priests,
typical for its pre- their faces smeared black with soot and their heads
cise detail: The bot- encircled in leather bands. One carried a wooden yoke
tom is as carefully ren-
form of a snake. 'They seized the victims
car\'ed in the
dered as the top.
one by one, one by one foot, another by the other, one
On the lighter side,
priest b)' one hand, and another by the other hand," he
the Aztecs saw the monke\
as the personification of wrote. "The \'ictim was thrown on his back, upon the
mischief, gluttom^ and pointed stone, where the wretch was grabbed bv the fifth
lecher}'. This one, priest, \\'ho placed the yoke upon his throat. The high priest
can'ed of basalt, holds a then opened the chest and with amazing swiftness tore out the
flower in one hand, while chest
its
heart, ripping it out with his own
Thus steaming, the heart
hands.
bears the xopilcozcatl, symbol for a
was hfted toward the sun, and the fiimes were offered up to the sun.
claw-shaped jewel.
The priest then turned toward the idol and cast the heart in its face.
After the heart had been extracted, the body was allowed to roll down
the steps of the p\Tamid. Between the sacrificial stone and the be-
ginning of the steps there uas a distance of no more than two feet."

29
Despite their bloody religious
customs, the Aztecs struck Cortes
in themain as a people \\ho com-
ported themsehes with ci\ilit\'.
Their "activities and behavior,"
he conceded, "are on almost as
high a level as in Spain. Consid-
ering that these people are barba-
knowledge of God
rous, lacking
and communication with other
civilized nations, it is remarkable
to see all that they ha\'e."
Cortes, ambitious to the
point of recklessness, had gam-
bled all to take his tinv band of
men and horses into the capital of
an empire renowned for its mili-
tar\' prowess. But he was dri\'en
by dreams of wealth, power,
fame, and spreading the gospel.
The Indians \alued gold but did not covet it, and one Aztec was and mutilated figures of
Sculpted rocks
Aztec and rulers are all that re-
deities
transfixed bv the behavior of a group of Spaniards in the presence of
main of Motecuhzoma's temple and gar-
gold. They picked it up, he reported, "and fingered it like monkevs: dens at Chapultepec, or "grasshopper
They seemed transported bv jov, as if their hearts \\ere illuminated hill," in the suburbs ofTenochtitlan. The
18.6-inch-long, cameolite grasshopper
and made ne\\\ Thev hungered like pigs for that gold." Cortes himself
(top) was unearthed at the site in 1785
told an emissar\' of Motecuhzoma that his people were stricken bv a during the building of a castle.
"disease of the heartwhich can onlv be cured bv gold."
As for power, Cortes sought it with guile and cunning, know-
ing himself overwhelminglv outnumbered. He took care not to pro-
voke the Aztecs, using Motecuhzoma as his mouthpiece and endeav-
oring at ever)' turn to placate rather than rile the king's closest
ad\'isers and lieutenants, who had begun to agitate against the Span-

30
iards. But in April, after having spent six months in the capital, Cortes
was forced to deal with a crisis at his rear. A disciplinary force under
the command of Panfilo de Narvaez had been sent from Cuba by
Velasquez. Cortes hurried back to his outpost at Veracruz, where he
bribed Narvaez's soldiers with jewels and gold, winning their alle-
giance to the point where he could overcome their leader.
In Cortes's absence, the temporary' commander in Tenoch-
titlan, Pedro de Alvarado, brashly launched an attack on unarmed

Aztecs, apparently caving in to fears of a rumored Aztec uprising. On

the pretext of observing an Aztec ceremony dedicated to Huitzilo-
pochtli, Alvarado sent his men into the temple precinct. The occasion
drew, Duran guessed, 8,000 to 10,000 Aztec warriors to the walled
precinct, all splendidly bedecked and dancing to the beat of numer-
ous drums. Suddenly, Spanish soldiers massed narrow door-
in the
ways and swiftly set upon the celebrants. According to Aztec ac-
counts, "They first struck a drummer; they severed both his hands
and cut off^his head, which to the ground some distance away."
fell

Next, they butchered the crowds. "Everywhere were intestines, sev-

ered heads, hands, and feet. The dreadfiil screams and lamentations
in that patio! And no one there to aid them!"
By the time Cortes had rushed back from the coast with
reinforcements, the cit}^ was in revolt. Cortes attempted to soothe the
citizenry by bringing Motecuhzoma before them, but when the Az-
tec leader attempted to reason with the assembled masses, promising
would leave Mexico, they jeered and threw stones.
that the Spaniards
Most Spanish accounts of this incident attributed Motecuhzoma's
subsequent death to the stones, but Duran's informants reported that
the Aztec ruler was found with five dagger wounds, presumably
inflicted by the desperate Spaniards.
The Aztec forces, enraged by the death of Motecuhzoma and
vasdy superior in numbers to the Spaniards, sent the conquistadors
into pell-mell retreat. During the terrible Noche Triste, or Night of
Sorrow, June 30, 1520, Cortes 800 men and was driven with his
lost

survivors out of the capital and all the way back to Tlaxcala. The
Aztecs attacked on foot and by canoe, mercilessly pursuing the de-
spised Spaniards. But, skilled as they were at the art of war, the Aztecs
committed a fatal error in this as in all their clashes with the Span-
iards. Aztec warriors held as their ultimate goal not slaying the enemy
but capturing him alive. This sprang from the need to provide always
more fodder for the ravening Huitzilopochtli. Time and again in the

31
 = ^

final battlesover Tenochtitlan, Spanish soldiers benefited from this

strategic predisposition. Instead of fighting to kill, the Aztecs fought
to imprison the enemy. Had the Aztec warriors gone for the batde-
field kill and had they cultivated better relations with their neigh-
bors and been able to turn to them for help Cortes's army might
ultimately ha\'e been destroyed.

'
he Aztecs had won, but only for
T: months
a time. Cortes spent 10

regrouping, then returned with a formidable alliance of Spanish and

Tlaxcalan soldiers. He had hardened his heart. "When I saw how
rebellious the people of this cit\' were, and how they seemed more
determined to perish than any race of man known before," he wrote,
"I did not know by what means we might relieve ourselves of all these
dangers and hardships, and yet avoid destroying them and their city,

which was indeed the most beautiful thing in the world."

Defeat for the Aztecs thus came with a vengeance. All their
menacing of jaguar skins and eagle feathers and their bellicose
finer\'

brandishing of spears and clublike, obsidian-edged wooden swords

was little more than a colorful and futile show. Like sc\iJies, the
Spaniards cut down perhaps two-thirds of the people of Tenochti-
dan, and the rest surrendered. After a siege of 75 days, Cortes stood
triumphant, securing for Spain and for himself the vast territory
owing fealtv' to Tenochddan.
Thus a robust, highly cultured, wealthy, and advancing civ-

ilization which, by all appearances, had not yet reached its zenith,

ended swiftly and violendy. In the heat of the final batde, Cortes
ordered his soldiers to raze the enemy cit)^ as they went. The con-
quistadors smashed statues, pulled down walls and lintels, and sacked
and demolished temples amid billowing clouds of smoke from burn-
ing houses. Spanish violence and despotism would continue to dev-
astate the defeated population for a ver\^ long time. Famine and
disease, especially smallpox, which the Spaniards carried and against
which the Indians had no resistance, compounded the Aztecs' plight.
"There is nothing but grief and suffering in Mexico and Tlate-
where once we saw beauty and valor," wrote a Nahuad poet.
lolco,
"Have you grown weary of your servants Are you angry with your
.>

servants, O Giver of Life?" he implored the god Huitzilopochtli.

Another poet, anonymous now, stripped of identity by defeat, la-
mented the tremendous loss: "Broken spears lie in the roads; we have

32
torn our hair in grief. The houses are roofless now, and their walls are
red with blood. We havepounded our heads in despair against the
adobe \\'alls, for our inheritance, our cit\', is lost and dead. The shields
of our warriors were its defense, but they could not save it."

The toppled stones of Tenochtidan and its sister cit\', Tlate-

lolco, became the building blocks of Mexico Cirs'. Over a period of
time the Spaniards broke up hand-hewn monoliths or tipped them
into place whole to form foundations, abutments, or other supports.
The\' dumped rubble and fill into Tenochtidan's extensive system of
canals, \\hich had made the cit\' a veritable Venice of the Americas.
The\- graduall\' drained Lake Tetzcoco and ruined most of the chi-
nampas, fertile "floating garden" plots upon which farmers had raised

crops of com, squash, amaranth a highly productive, protein-rich
grain that was an important staple
beans, and chilies, and the flo\\'-
ers that had been ubiquitous in Aztec life and ceremonv. Thev even

banned the use of amaranth in the diet.

Meanwhile, church authorities waged a demolition campaign
against all manifestations of paganism, ordering Indian books, reli-

gious items, and statuar}' destroyed. Those items too large to be

removed were mutilated. Over the remains of Motecuhzoma's once-
glorious abode rose the edifice of the Spanish-colonial mint and the
National Palace, and atop the leveled precincts of the Great Temple,
\\here x\ztec priests had sacrificed thousands of human \'ictims, the

burgeoning colonial cit\' spread.

on the Stone of the Sun are four images signifi'ing
Inscribed
a jaguar, the wind, fien' rain, and water. The images stand for the
dates of the end of each of the four previous Aztec ages, called suns.
At the center of the stone sits a fifth calendric s\'mbol, the face of
Tonatiuh, the sun god. Archaeologists now kno\\- that the xAztecs
belie\'ed the\' were li\ing in the time of the fifth and last sun. The four
earlier ones had been destroved in cataclvsms at the time of the four
dates depicted on the stone. So too, said the Aztec priests, the fifth
age was sure to end violendy. As the Spaniards toured the wrecked
streets of Tenochtidan, sickened bv the stench of rotting corpses, the

Stone of the Sun was already sinking into the soft soil of the island
redoubt. The horror foreseen by the priests had come to pass. ^^

33
 THMTREF ^O DESTINY

^ he Aztecs had reason to be proud oFthemsel\'es. origin. Wh\' the Aztecs left the region is an\'bod\''s
In less than 200 had risen from their
vears, thev guess. In all likelihcx^d they were dri\'en out by local
b. humble origins as a nomadic tribe to become overlords, although they preferred to believe that
supreme masters of the Vallev of Mexico and regions Huitzilopochtii foreordained their departure. As the
beyond. They attributed their success to the blessing of Aztecs slowly migrated southward toward the \alley,
their god and patron, Huitzilopcxhtli, and fashioned a legend hardened into fact; b\' the time the\' reached the
myth that glorified their years of wandering in the place that was to be their capital signaled by an eagle
desert. This is a storx' they lo\'ed to tell, and they did so atop a cactus (above) each episode could be pinned
often, with unabashed gusto and relish. Children down by date and appropriate pictorial detail.
learned it at school. Bards recited it in \erse. And artists Although there once were thousands of Aztec codi-
set it down in bark-paper books kjiown as codices, ces, no originals from the days before the Spanish con-
where the tale unfolds in a series of pictures and glyphs. quest apparentiv sur\ive. The Spaniards, in their eager-
As depicted in the sur\i\'ing codices, the Aztec rise tf) most of them.
ness to snuff out pagan beliefs, destroyed
glor)' began in the arid cactus lands northwest of the Even so, among some of the Indians the codex tradition
Valley of Mexico, at a place called Chicomoztoc, or continued for a while longer. Occasionajiv encouraged
Se\en Caverns, in a ca\e in the hill of Colhuatepec b\' few sympathetic Spaniards, they left a record that
a
(opposite). The setting was mythic: Other tribes, as well re-created aspects of the Aztec mvth, including the fas-
as the Toltecs before them, claimed the same place of cinating examples on the following pages.
Emerging from the womblike interior cfCol- the foreground stand for speech. Represented by
huatepec, supposed birthplace oftheAztea and heads and identified by tribal glyphs, other In-
related tribes, two leaders of the Chichimec dians are seen in the cave. The coyote-robed
The
tribe parley with two feather-clad Toltecs. figure at upper right lights a ceremonial fire,
commalike marks flowing between the men in a sign that great things are about to happen.


L*^-'

^^X

ONWARD TO THE PROMISED LAND

In telling the ston' of their beginnings, the Aztecs liked (above, left) . Two founding members occupy the temple
to dwell on the purit)' and holiness of their ancestors. In courtyard a man sitting at right, his mande drawn
this version of the chronicle, recorded on a 1 5 -foot- about him, and a priestess in the customan,' feminine
long strip of fig-bark paper called the Codex Boturini, kneeling posture.A glyph behind her head gives her
the earliest Aztec forebears are shown li\'ing a modest, name: Chimalma, or Reposing Shield. .

devout existence on an island in the middle of a lake The migration begins with a paddle across the lake in
presumably Aztlan, the traditional Aztec tribal home- the year Knife (corresponding to
1 Flint 1 116), AD
land, from which their name derives. A temple p)Tamid noted by the square-framed glyph above the footprints
surrounded by six stylized dwellings marks their \'illage that track the migration. The first stop is a \isit to the
 ^

h'^

~-^-

god who was all-important in the Aztec pantheon, tribal glyph (above). The first glyph, for example, de-
Huitzilopochtli, ensconced in a bower within Col-
leaf}' picts a fishnet, because the tribe was known as the
huacan, "^curved mountain." The god, whose name People of the Net, the Matlatzinca.
means "hummingbird left," peers out from a st\dized Leading the trek are four teomama, or god bearers,
hummingbird's beak. He speaks, as is indicated by the noted for their piety. Effigies of the deities are con-
squiggles floating above his head, commanding the mi- tained in sacred bundles carried on their backs. Tezca-
grants to move on. And so they do, along with eight coad. Mirror Snake, strides ahead of the procession
other tribes, each of which is represented by a male with the precious image of Huitzilopochdi, as Repos-
figure seen in front of a house and is identified by a ing Shield brings up the rear.
 '^f

hm A .

-^JiJ ''.
V
:>^^
lS\

Not wanderers come upon a

far into the journey, the has been lost to time. No doubt an Aztec narrator,
region of and fruitflilness, shaded bv an
idyllic beaut\' interpreting the codex for his audience, would have
enormous, anthropomorphized tree. Thev erect an al- filled in the details from memor\'. In anv case, the out-
tar dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and celebrate with a come is graphically clear. Huitzilopochtli exhorts the
feast. Then misfortune strikes: As thev sit eating, tribesmen gathered in a resume their wander-
circle to
the tree breaks in two (above), an omen of the worst ings. They vxeep at the thought of leaving behind the
imaginable kind, associated in Aztec legend with the eight other tribes.
loss of paradise. The migrants start out, following the god bearers
Knowledge of the event that caused the tree to split and pausing from time to time along the way to hunt
 -^^4 -i

?^-?-?^-.^2i-'

1^'

Sfe,

and to sacrifice \ictims captured in skirmishes. Their

trek will continue for many generations; the tlill codex
shows 22 successi\e stopo\ers. Finally the nomads
reach the shores of Lake Tctzcoco. They settle at

Chapultepec "grasshopper hill" on the lake's west
bank, w here a frcshw ater spring (njjht) gushes from the
bedrcxk.
And here the\' will remain until dislodged
by the intertribal conflicts that perpetually trouble this
second promised land.
The rise of Tenochtitlan, in symbolic overview, represent the canals that divided the city into
adorns the frontispiece of the Codex Mendoza. quadrants. In the bottom panel, burning tem-
The founding fathers pay homage to the city's ples mark two early victories over rival city-
eagle-crowned emblem, positioned above the states, Colhuacan and Tenayuca, won while the
Aztec heraldic shield. The crossed blue bands Aztecs served as mercenaries to the Tepanecs.
 THE BEGINNINGS
OF EMPIRE AT
TENOCHTITLAN
In their new home of Chapultepec, the Aztecs be-
come of the Colhuacans and sene them as
N-assals

Two House, marked by two mercenaries. But, beginning to resent their status
dots, is the founding year of and growing ever more pxiwerfiil, they provoke the
Tenochtitlan, AD 1325.
A stone-and-cactus name
wrath of the Colhuacan leaders. Forced to flee for
glyph means Tenoch, the
their lixes, they fade into Lake Tetzcoco's swamps. capital's principal founder.
In these sogg\' premises the\' found their imperial
cit)', Tenochtitlan, on the site foretold by Huitzilo-

pochtli a rock from which a cactus sprouted,

with an eagle perched among the thorns. Thus the
cit\"'s name: Tenochtitlan, or "place of the prickly

pear cactus," and also its imperial emblem. (The

same configuration appears on the flag of mod-

ern Mexico only today a snake dangles from
A sheaf of spears and a
the bird's beak.)
Three Rabbit stands far the shield with tufts of eagle
The eagle and cactus also emblazon the fi-ontis-
down Aztec power.
city's second year and is signify
marked by three dots.
piece of the Code.x Mendoza (opposite). Among the
most magnificent of all surviving codices, this doc-
ument relates the Aztec stor\' year by year in 16
brilliantly detailed pages, from the cit\''s inception
in 1325 until the time of the Spanish conquest.
Probablv commissioned b\ the first viceroy of New
Spain, Don Antonio de Mendoza, after whom it is
named, it chronicles the reign of each Aztec ruler,
starting with the cit\''s traditional founder, the
priest Tenoch, and the nine leaders of the Aztecs,
and ending with Motccuhzoma II. Each date,
Four Reed represents Te- place, and character is carefijllv recorded, cver\' con- A burning, ruined temple
nochtitlan's third year, in- quest proudly depicted. For the benefit of the co- is the glyph far conquest.
dicated by four dots.
dex's Spanish readers, the story was rendered in
Spanish directlv on the pages.
Around the edges of the frontispiece run glyphs
for calendar vears. The four signs shown enlarged at A -

leftwere basic to the system and were repeated in

sequence e\'er\' four years, with dots from 1 to 13
iffl iS JS
representing the actual years. E\'er\' 52 years a "cen-
tun^" was turned. The first \'ear of the new centur\'
was alwa\'s designated 2 Reed. It was ushered in
with the extinguishment of the old ceremonial fires
Five Flint Knife, the fourth
and the lighting of new ones represented b\' the A walled hill identifies
year of the island city's ex- fire-making device seen opposite in the gh'ph at the the city ofTenayuca, the
istence, has five dots. bottom of the page, third symbol from the right. "place with wails."
 //trtorv nutshell, this page follows the ca-

reer of the Aztecs' first hereditary

monarch,
\*n*vf>K^ who became ruler in 1376 and reigned
21
for
years, as is revealed by the marginal date
glyphs. His name, AcamapichtliHand Grasp-
tng Arrow-CanesU depicted
by his personal
glyph, seen behind his head. During
his reign
he captured four towns, symbolized
by their rul-
ers' heads. His last
comjuestXochimilco, or
Flowers on Arable Soilpaid
rich tribute.

emtMj^me.

<at

<^ifwnic*,:

/ y'-'*-'*'^"t'*" "C>*^xKts jcA.ir^M.^^^,'

V?'/-

Traced here is the troubled reign

ofTenochti-
tlan's third ruler,
Chimalpopoca, or Snwking
Shield, which was marred Iry defeat. Durint, his
assault on a place called
Chalco, the defenders
sank four Aztec war canoes;
they also slew nu-
merous Aztec warriors, as is
represented by the
five severed heads. Chimalpopoca,
who was exe-
cuted by the Tepanecs, is
shown alive, then with
body slumped forward, voice
stilled. His death
led the Aztecs to revolt '
t^afyist their overlords'
 .cooLx.^^ ^igt^.y,t -t^ci*(*'fe<rr-^,\

m^ny ^captives for Spain upon the ruins of the Aztec empire.
""^mi^h tribute but also
 /
^'w(9>

'-%Kt. ^
 w o

PEOPLE
IN SEARCH
OF A
PAST

he villagers of Coatlinchan,
near the immense ghost cityJ of Teotihuacan,
Teotit were distraught. The
designers of the National Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City
had decided in 1964 to grace the museum entrance with a monu-
mental carving that was thought to represent Tlaloc, the rain god.
The enormous statue lay on its side just as its sculptors had left it more
than a thousand years earlier. If the god were moved, the rains, and
therefore life itself, might cease.
Not until government officials promised to shower
Coadinchan with a variety of beneficial public works did the villagers
relent. A special trailer with dozens of rubber tires was brought from

Texas to transport the 168-ton basalt idol. In a last, desperate bid to

Fashioned from clay
and bits of mother- keep their rain god at home, the alarmed villagers sabotaged the
of-pearl by a 10th- vehicle. In the end, however, secular authority prevailed, and the
century Toltec Indi-
statue was taken to its place of honor in Mexico City. Thousands
an crafisman, a
bearded head peers Lined the roadways to watch the great stone image of Mexico's oldest
from a coyote's jaws. prehistoric divinity pass by.
Works like this con-
vinced the Aztecs
And then a remarkable thing happened. It poured. Even
that the Toltecs, though the wet and dry seasons are well defmed in the Valley of
whose heritage they
Mexico and every onlooker knew that the time of year was wrong for
claimed for them-
selves, had been rain, it fell in torrents along the route. Nor was this just a sudden
divine artisans. shower: In defiance of the calendar, the downpour continued

45
 "

through the night. "People joked about the coincidence," recalled the
Mexican author Victor Alba, "but later, as TIaioc was being set in
place in the museum garden, rain poured down each time he was
moved, and the Mexicans began to feel an astonishment not far from
superstitious awe."
Happily, the succeeding years have brought no untimely
drought to Coatlinchan, and its villagers have received the rewards
the government promised them: a school, a medical clinic, a new
road, and electric power. The story of the statue's rain-drenched
journey survives, however, as something more than an entertain-
ing anecdote because of what it suggests about the Mexican peo-
ple and their heritage.
In Mexico, ancient roots and antecedents still matter; al-

though the country is Roman Catholic, pagan memories intertwine.

Few if any of the awed spectators who came to see Tlaloc actually
considered him sacred, but in their eyes he possessed a complex
emotional significance far beyond that of an antique hunk of carved
rock. It is especially ironic to consider that the skirted figure may not
have been Tlaloc after all, as scholars now have reason to believe, but
his sister or another female deity. What was important was that the Inhabitants of Coatlinchan run along
the road outside their town in April 1964
villagers had no doubt whatsoever it was Tlaloc.
as the supposed effigy of the rain god,
Tlaloc was not originally an Aztec god, but rather one of Tlaloc, begins its 30-mile journey to the

scores that the Aztecs adopted from

Such wholesale earlier cultures. Museum ofAnthropology in Mexico City.
The 168-ton idol had been taken from a
cultural borrowing did not bother the Aztecs, nor does it deter
nearby streambed, where it had lain un-
modern Mexicans in their deep and sentimental identification with disturbed for more than a thousand years.

^.^^'^^^^piim^i^-

^^

E
''"^^ShBB^^B C!?:i::i:i

=atidi
W^^^T

IHBP^^
* ^^^^^^^^^^^1

5019
^HH^^??^
: 'vscf iiijin!^Kll

H|^HUBJ|^RE^^N. "*"^-
the civilizations that ruled their land before the coming of the Span-
iards. The Aztecs created fabulous rnNiJis about their precursors, and
their descendants tend to accept them whole, in spite of what ar-

chaeologists might tell them to the contrar\'.

The ascent of the nomadic Aztecs to power in the X'' alley of

Mexico left them with a need to establish not onlv noble ancestr\' but
also the imprimatur of destinv. Other tribes were hardlv impressed
with the claims of these miserable wanderers to be the chosen rulers
of the valley and its peoples. After all, less than 200 years before the
conquistadors marched in with stamping horses and roaring can-
nons, the dust\', snake-eating Aztecs were living in earthen hoN'els on
an unpromising island in Lake Tetzcoco. Among the more than 50
Indian groups that contended for domination of the area in the 13th
centur\% the Aztecs stood out only for their talent for mayhem and
slaughter and for this they were often hired as mercenaries.

minded fer\^or to establish it.

D jcsperate for legitimacv, the
Aztecs set about with single-
Perhaps their most dramatic act was to
import a prolific breeder with a good pedigree. They brought in a
Colhuacan prince who claimed descent from the reputedlv noble
Toltecs and arranged for him to marr\' no fewer than 20 Aztec
women, who presumabh' would then bear him numerous blue-
blooded children. Aristocraa' on command. It worked. Itzcoad, one
of the sons of the prince, led his men into a major battle and brought
home much plunder and many captives. Not content with creating a
new national ethos, Itzcoad set out to obliterate the old. He de-
stroved tribal records that might have cast doubt on the nobilit\' of
the Aztecs' past and the preordained, godsent brilliance of their
ftiture. A new, glorious, and thoroughl)' slanted histor}- emerged.
Itzcoad and his successor, the first Motecuhzoma, enlisted
allies and expanded violendy and dramaticallv all over the valley. The

resulting tribute, \\'rung from conquered peoples, formed the basis

for the unspeakably opulent cit\' of Tenochtidan. But rule though
thev did over the lives and fortunes of the conquered, the Aztecs
could not erase the truth of their abject beginnings. The subject
peoples must have realized that their own purchase of the Aztecs'
martial had gi\en the ambitious mercenaries the wherewithal to
skills

scrabble upward. The former lords, now \'assals, had clasped the
Aztec viper to their breasts. Its fangs went straight into their hearts.

47
 According to the Aztecs' own self-serving codices, their mi-

gration began about AD 1 100, swirling out from an ancestral home-

land called Aztlan, "place of die herons." Of Azdan's true location
nothing is known except that it lay northwest of Mexico Cit)% per-
haps was as far awav as the southwestern United States, perhaps as
it

close as 60 miles to Tenochtidan, their capital.

A less promising troupe of migrants can scarcely be imagined.
Guided by HuitzilopochtH, a ferocious dcits' who in the course of
time had evolved from an earth-god of fertility' into a symbol of
militarism and imperialism associated with the sun, they ate vermin,
stolewomen, and took captives for human sacrifices to placate their
god. The sun would not rise, they believed, unless Huitzilopochtli
was nourished with from the bodies of living men.
hearts cut
The Aztecs' wanderings would come to an end, declared their
god through the mouths of his priests, only when they arrived at the
site that he had chosen at the start of time to be their capital. Ac-
cording to an Aztec chronicle, they would know this place by a sign:

s.
THE STERN ART OF A
MILITARISTIC PEOPLE
Taking his lead from the Aztecs, fied in the three-foot-tall stone
who appropriated the heritage warrior at right, it also includes

I.V
of their predecessors, the Tol- well-finished ceramic pieces.
tecs, the Spanish friar Sahagiin Among them are the coiled ser-
extolled the Toltecs as the mas- pent pectoral below and the
ter craftsmen of Mesoamerica. animal eftigv' at left, which com-
"All that now exists, is their dis- bines human and supernatural
cover}," he wrote. Yet for the characteristics.
most part these militaristic peo-
ple exhibited neither die artistic
'St^
skillsnor the aesthetic sensibili-
ties of their own predecessors,

the Olmecs and the Teotihua-

[V :^ -
canos. But although Toltec art
is often crude and relies on bel-

licose themes, qualities exempli-

where the resting eagle "screams and spreads its wings and eats, and
the serpent is torn apart."
Wherever the Aztecs went they were rejected as vile and bar-
baric by the sedentar}' peoples thev encountered. By 1168 they had
reached the Valley of Mexico, skulking on its fringes. Feared by all,
they trudged from place to place. Twice in 20 years they occupied the
strategic hilltop heights of Chapultepec beside Lake Tetzcoco, and
twice their indignant neighbors threw them out.
By 1319, weary and discouraged, seemingly farther than ever
from Huitzilopochtli's promise of riches and supremacy, the\' strag-
gled into noble Colhuacan and sought asylum. The Colhua, needing
mercenaries and fully aware of their uninvited guests' talent for
slaughter, decided to keep the Aztecs usefully at hand. With what
surely must have been a cruel snicker, they offered the coarse sup-
plicants refiige at a nearby place called Tizapan, a bare patch of
volcanic rock infested with snakes. To their surprise the Aztecs not
only survived but also thrived. As one chronicle describes it, they
saw the snakes, and they roasted and
"rejoiced gready as soon as they
cooked them all and ate them all up." Impressed by such resilience,
Achitomed, the ruler of Colhuacan, and other leaders of Colhua-
can put them to work as warriors, and thus the Aztecs won the
confidence of their hosts.
But soon Huitzilopochtli came among them and said: "Hear
me, we will not remain here but go where we shall find those whom
we shall capture and dominate. But we will not make the mistake of
being nice to the Colhuacans. We will begin a war. I order this: Go
and ask Achitometl for his offspring, his virgin daughter, his own
1 know, and 1 shall give her to you."
dearly loved child;
The Aztecs went to the ruler as commanded and asked for his
daughter to be their god's bride. He consented, and they took her
back to Tizapan, where Huitzilopochdi appeared again to them and
said: "Kill and skin the daughter of Achitomed, 1 order you, and
when you have skinned her, dress some priest in her skin. Then go
call on Achitomed."
They did so, and Achitomed accepted their invitation to at-
tend the consecration of his daughter as a goddess. Entering the
darkened temple, he placed gifts of blood and flowers at the feet of
the idol there. Then he offered incense. "This began to burn," ac-
cording to the chronicles, "and the room lighted up with the fire.

Thus the king suddenly perceived the priest who was seated next to

49
 'r

the idol, and saw diat he was dressed in his daughter's skin. The king
was filled with a wild terror."
In rage the G3lhu?. banished the Aztecs to the swamps of Lake
Tetzcoco. One can picture them milling aimlessly across the soggy
ground, bitter and confused, led to this hopeless desolation by the
elusive promises of their god. And then on a low island surrounded
by reeds the\' noticed an eagle resting on a prickly pear. As they
watched, the eagle spread its wings and screamed in triumph, the
god-given sign. Their journey had ended, and their bloodthirst)'^

spread across the Vallev of Mexico was about to begin. They v\'ould
build an empire based largely on an enthusiastic dedication to war.

'

he inventive Aztecs, newly rich

T:and climbing fast, pardy satis-

fied their yearning for legitimacy by associating themselves with

peoples of the past. was the more recent Toltecs that most im-
It

pressed them with their supposed achievements, and whom they

sought to emulate. Little did it matter that the Aztecs had got them
completelv wrong onlv within recent years has archaeology' re-
vealed the full degree to which the Toltecs' admirers were misin-
formed about them.
Further back in time were the builders of Teotihuacan, of
whom so little was known that the Aztecs could make up anything
they wanted, with no one to say them nay. In any case, they were
sufficiendvaued by the Teotihuacanos' ruined cit\' which had been
even bigger and more magnificent than their own capital of Tenoch-
tidan to belie\'e that it v\as the birthplace of the gods and to hold
some of their religious Here
ceremonies there on a regular basis.

again the truth about the site and the people who inhabited it would
have to wait for archaeolog)- to shed light on the Teotihuacanos and
their truly remarkable achievements.
Even more remote in time were the Olmecs, relics of whose
glorious past have been dug up in Tenochtitlan, e\'idence of how
much the Aztec upstarts revered these mysterious people of the coast-
al lowlands. Certainly the Aztecs owed them a large debt: Perhaps

without even knowing it, they absorbed from the Olmec heritage the
basisof their calendar, their glyph system, and their love of monu-
mental sculpture and architecture.
The Olmecs were an amazing people, but for a long time they
went unrecognized for their seminal role in the development of

50
 Mesoamerican culture. It was thought by anthropologists that the
Maya were the parent culture of the Gulf Coast lowlands in ancient
times. The Olmecs in fact preceded them would
realization that the
come slowly and reluctantly to the world at large. The first of the
monumental Olmec sculptures to be discovered
was the head dug up in 1 862 at Tres Zapotes in
the region southeast of Veracruz. The sugarcane
workers who found it buried in the earth sup-

Tula
posed it at first to be an inverted iron kettle. But
then the face came to light: round, powerful,
Tlatilco .jy Tcotihuacan

Tenochtitlan
with thick lips and nose, it was plain to all who
Tres Zapotcs
LaVenta beheld it that this was a special work indeed. Yet
San Lorenzo

Olmec civilization flourished from 1200

to 400 BC on Mexico's humid, swelter-
ing Gulf Coast plain. There lay the
freat population centers Tres Zapotes,
San Lorenzo, and La Venta, where this
eight-foot-high basalt head, thought to
be the portrait of a king, was found.

51
THE OLMECS' BRILLIANT
SCULPTURAL OUTPOURING
Founders of Mesoamerica's first mec artists' command o\er their
Oiniecs were
civilization, the materials that even small v\'orks,
also Mexico's first master sculp- like the adz hdad at top right,

tors.Using only simple tools, one of thousands of such cere-

such as adzes made of hard monial items to sur\'i\'e, con-
rock, and hollow bamboo drills, veys a sense of monumentalit\'.
they carved x'olcanic basalt into Characterizing much Olmec
huge monuments, including sculpture is a trait scholars refer
colossal portrait heads and al- to as the v\'ere-jaguar baby face,
tars, and turned still-more- as seen in the puff}' figure at
resistant stone into highlv pol- right. Half- animal, half-human,
The face of a were-jaguar, a creature
ished miniature works of art. such a visage suggests the Ol-
of Olmec mythology, decorates a jade
Indeed, so assured was the Ol- mecs' spiritual kinship with the adz that was used in rituals.
jaguar, lord of the jungle. In
many such pieces the head also
displays a deep V-shaped cleft,
possibly inspired by a similar
groo\'e found in crocodiles and
toads, which the Olmecs appar-
ently regarded as manifestations
of the earth mother in
animal form.

Carved from ^ray basalt, this seated

figure, perhaps a wrestler, measures
just a little over two feet high.

Babylike in appearance, a hollow

ceramic jigure has the stubby arms
common to many Olmec works.


for years, it along with other examples of Olmec artistr\' remained

in a kind of cultural vacuum. Not until the 1930s would the Olmecs
be recognized as Mesoamerica's earliest civilization. The moment of
truth came on Januar\' 16, 1939, when the American archaeologist
Matthew W. Stirling disco\'ered at Tres Zapotcs a car\'ed stone bear-
ing a Maya-rv'pe date on one side and a t\'pically Olmec feline face on
the other. This might have been considered a fairlv inconsequential
find had it not been dated 31 BC, making it centuries older than
any known Maya object.
With the discoN'en' of more and more Olmec objects, a per-
wh\' had so man\' of them been defaced and
sistent question arose
The obvious and long-held inference was that these had been
buried.^
smashed by perhaps, by the Olmecs themselves
hostile in\'aders or,
in a desperate effort to keep them from desecration by their enemies.
However, in 1966, when another American archaeologist, Michael
Coe, exca\'ated an Olmec site at San Lorenzo, southeast of Tres
Zapotes, he found that the great stone sculptures he unearthed
heads, a kneeling man, and a jaguar figure had been svstematically
mutilated and then buried along certain fixed alignments. The only
plausible explanation, Coe concluded, was that a deliberate, ritual-
istic burial of the sculptures had taken place, something possible onlv
as part of a formal ceremonv and not as a frantic response to attack.

may be bevond
M any other tantalizing mysteries
associated with the Olmecs
But with their ultimate demise, which itself
solving.
is a mvster\\ other peoples came fo\\'ard. Slowlv during the centuries

after 1000 BC the increasing population of the Vallev of Mexico

began to coalesce at Cuicuilco, in an area now within the urban limits

of Mexico Cit)', and at Teotihuacan, located in a lesser side valley 33
miles to the northeast. When volcanic eruptions destroved Cuicuilco,
the way was clear for Teotihuacan to grow unchallenged. And grow
it did, expanding steadih' from a \'illage into a carefull\' planned cit\'

larger in area than its might\' contemporar\\ imperial Rome. Bv

AD 500, Teotihuacan had a population of at least 125,000perhaps
as manv 200,000
as and covered eight square miles. In the scale of
its conception and in the monumental grandeur of its buildings,
nothing like it existed before or after in the pre-Columbian New
World. But whv the cit\' was abandoned and what happened to its

people are as much an enigma as the fate of the Olmecs.

53
 HOUSEHOLD
Although Teotihuacan means "city of the gods," there is less
GRAVES OF
to the name than meets the eye. It is simply a label applied to the TLATILCO
overgrown site long after\\ ard by the admiring Aztecs, who sensed
even among the desolation of its ruins some lingering presence of the In 1936, brickworkers digging for
di\'ine, as if onl\' one knows
the gods could base du'elled here. No clay in a Mexico Cit\' suburb stum-
what Teotihuacan was called in its heyday; no one knows what the bled upon a pre-Columbian site
Teotihuacanos called themselves. Not until the past hundred years that would yield, over the course of

have archaeologists been able to sketch, however roughly, the out- two decades, hundreds of graves
containing skeletons and dozens of
lines of its rise and fall. ....
small terra-cotta vessels and figur-
Visitors who made mule trek out from Mexico Cit\' to
the
ines (below) . These were the ghosdy
inspect the site in the 19th centur\' found a rumpled landscape dotted reminders of a large village whose
with earthen mounds, the largest of which, called the Pyramid of the inhabitants buried their dead be-
Sun, was ascended bv a zigzag path leading to its 210-foot-high neath their homes, laying succes-
top. Giant maguey plants, some as large as 20 feet across, thrived sive generations to rest on top of
among the tangles of lesser vegetation. Here and there a brick or one another. The village dated from

stone protruded, tantalizing e\idence that something mon-

umental lay beneath it all.

The and torpor gave litde clue that Teoti-

silence
huacan had once been a crowded metropolis, the most
important marketplace and religious center in Mesoamer-
ica. It had been a cit\' of colors, ablaze with fresh paint and

sparkling with reflected light, richh' decorated with murals

and frescoes. At its peak, Teotithuacan held sway over an
area of some 10,000 square miles, a region about the size

of the Netherlands today.

The cit\^'s ver\' location was inspired. Teotihuacan
lay close to sources of obsidian, the volcanic glass that was
indispensable for sharp-edged tools in a society- that nexer
mastered iron or bronze. It was watered bv springs, making
irrigation possible. Physically it lay squareh' astride the nar-
row, mountain- hemmed route between the highland val-

leysand the Gulf Coast, ensuring not onh' wide markets but
also subde power oser trade. And emotionallv it seems to
have been infused with a profound religious significance,
reinforcing its economic supremacy with the magnetism of
a goal of pilgrimages. E\'en the humblest Teotihuacan
dwellings had altars to their gods.
By AD
100, Teotihuacan had about 60,000 people
and covered more than two square miles. Sometime between the
birth of Christ and AD 150, two great truncated pyramids known

54
around 1200 BC, when the Olmecs
ruled the Gulf Coast 200 miles to
the east. Moreover, some of today as the Pyramid of the Sun and the Pyramid of the
the objects, such as the
Moon were erected, and the main axis of the city, the
Olmec-style acrobat at
Axenue of the Dead, was extended to more
so-called
lower right, had apparent-
than three miles in length. A huge rectangular mound
ly been brought to the vil-
lage as part of a lively trade in known as the Citadel was also built, measuring more than
goods and ideas. 1,650 feet along its longer sides. It comprised four embank-
Although the residents of ments, each about 19 feet high and 260 feet thick, and may
Tlatilco may ha\'e conducted have served
^ N(fc^ as a housing area for priests or public officials,
business v\'ith the Olmecs, ^^ as well as a ceremonial center. Fifteen pvramids crowned
only a small percentage of their
the immense structure.
grave goods are Olmec. The
had a dis-
Tlatilcoans, in fact, Although it is not clear whether the e\'oIution of
tinctive art st\'le of their Teotihuacan followed a master plan established early in
own, dominated by female the city's histor\', the resulting size and scale appear to be
imager\' that some scholars the result of sort of overall scheme. Two grand av-
some
connect with earth goddess-
enues bisected and Teotihuacan's huge public com-
it,
esand the cultivation of the In
pounds and numerous temples were laid out along them in
dian staple, corn. The curious
repetitive fashion on a scale so \'ast that the grand buildings at one
double-headed figurine at right
may be a personification of rare end of the cit\^ were scarcelv \'isible from the other.
joined, or double, ears that occa- As the culture and influence of Teotihuacan expanded south-
sionally sprout on plants. ward in the fifth centur\\ residents of surrounding areas relocated
within the cit\' or became dependent on it, a de\elopment that pre-
vented the growth of rixal centers. But, then, quite suddenh', a
violent, fier)' catastrophe ON'ertook it about AD 750. E\'en after much
of its was destroyed, Teotihuacan's humbled remnants still
center
constituted the largest community in central Mexico. B\' 850, Toltec
tribes had drifted in to occupy the site, but what eventuall}' became
of them is lost to histor\'. Knowing nothing of Teotihuacan's devel-
opment, the Aztecs assumed that the earthen mounds the\' saw were
Toltec. The}' erred by hundreds of years and an entire cixilization.
This same firm belief in the Toltec origins of Teotihuacan
persisted among the I9th-centur\' visitors who came to \'iew the
mvsterious ruins. One of these was Desire Charnav, a brash voung
Frenchman whose energies seem to ha\'e been more or less evenly
di\'ided between archaeological speculation and Mexican women,
whom he found irresistible. His fascination with Mesoamerican ruins
eventually brought him, in 1882, to the enigmatic hill called the
Pyramid of the Sun, which he promptly cUmbed.
"The ascent was arduous, especiall\' with a burning sun beat-
ing down on us," he wrote years later in his memoirs. "But when
we reached the top, we were amply repaid b\' the glorious \'iew that

55
unfolded before our enrapmred gaze. To the nortli the Pyramid of
the Moon, and the great tombs and
Avenue of the Dead with its

tumuluses, covering a space of nine square miles; to the south and

southwest the hills of Tlaxcala, the villages of San Martin and San
Juan, the snow}' top of Iztaccihuad towering aboxe the Madacinga
range; and in the west the Valley of Mexico with its lakes."

Charna\^s curiosity resulted in the first tentative diggings at

the site. He delighted not only in huge monuments but also in small
discoveries that cast some light on the lives of these long-vanished
peoples. He was aided in a couple of instances by a most curious
ally ants. One day when he was w orking at the Pyramid of the
Moon, he found in the course of his excavations "numerous pieces of

Official protector of Mexico's monuments,

the self-taught archaeologist Leopoldo
Batres pioneered albeit
recklessly exca^
rations at Teotihuacan, seen above in an
1895 photo. His initial exploration began
with a search for gold; by 1905, he had
mule trains hauling out dirt by the ton.
56
worked obsidian, precious stones, beads, and the like, within the
circuit of ants' nests, which these busy insects had extracted from the
ground in digging their galleries; and now on the summit of the lesser
pyramid, I again came upon mv friends, and among the things I
picked out of their nests was a perfect earring of obsidian, ver\' small
and as thin as a sheet of paper."

Ithough Charnay's work was

A' .widely ignored at the time, it

did pique the curiosit}' of one man in a position to do something

about it: Leopoldo The flambovantlv mustached Batres was
Batres.
the illegitimate elder half-brother of the wife of Porfirio Diaz, Mex-
ico's dictator-president. He persuaded Diaz to appoint him inspector

and protector of the archaeological monuments of Mexico. The ex-

alted title gave him the right to excavate anywhere in the country' even
though, as a subsequent Mexican archaeologist has said, Batres "had
no knowledge whate\'er of digging techniques or of serious studv
methods." In 1884 he began to poke among the enormous pvramids
that he, like ever^'^one else, considered "our most ancient records of
the Toltec race." His excavations were earnest but unprofessional.
Working from an enormous budget while many Mexicans barely had
enough to eat, he unearthed temples, windowless dwellings, skele-
tons, and more murals. Roaming beyond the pyramids he began to
sense the vast dimensions of the and the care with which it had
cit\'

been built; ever}' surface had been carefullv paved with mortar and
small stones. Finding no fortifications or armaments, he assumed
Teotihuacan had been a peaceful, open cit^^ All these indications of
the cit\''s life paled, howe\'er, beside the stunning evidence of its
death: Almost evers'where Batres looked, he found unmistakable
traces of an all-consuming fire.
Finding that not even his huge budget was enough for the
task, Batres turned his attentions elsewhere in 1886. The unprotected
ruins fell \'ictim to a dreamer named Antonio Garcia Cubas, an
engineer bv profession. Conxinced that the pyramids contained hid-
den chambers like those of the Great Pyramid in Egypt, Garcia Cubas
chopped a hole several thousand cubic yards in size into the Pyramid
of the Moon before conceding he was wrong.
Batres returned to Teotihuacan in 1905, determined to ex-
cavate the entire 738-foot-square, 20-stor\'-high Pvramid of the Sun
in time for the centennial of Mexican independence in 1910. The date

57
usefully coincided with tlie 80th birthday of President Diaz and
thereby seemed to assure the necessarv' supply of flinds. Indeed, as the
author Brian Fagan has calculated it, Batres's second season of ex-
cavations "used up more money than the entire social welfare budget
for Mexico." His workers began removing dirt at the rate of 100 tons
an hour, 1,000 tons a day, carting away the debris on a railroad built
especiallv to serve the site. Even then, progress was slow. In retro-
spect, this prodigious effort gives eloquent proof of the antiquit\' of
Teotihuacan. The drifting dust of Mexico had fallen lighd\', grain by
grain, onto the abandoned platforms and staircases of the great pyr-
amid. Then seeds drift:ed in, and plants took root. The plants grew,
decayed, and new plants replaced them, only to decay in their turn.
Day after day, year aft:er year, centur\' after centur\', the xegetation

rotted until the accumulated earth lay packed so deep that e\'en
battahons of men with machines could scarcely take it all away. The
greatest building in Mesoamerica had become a hill.
Batres's excavations soon encountered serious problems.
When rains came, the clay-based material between the bricks on the
surface of the exca\^ated pvramid began to dissohe, threatening to let
the whole exterior slide off. Batres hurriedl\' installed wooden chutes
to deflect the rain and hired a team of masons to replace the cla\' with
reinforced mortar of lime, cement, and xolcanic rock. Adsancing
from brick to brick, using small spoons, they scraped deep into the
joints and replaced the clay with mortar. The structure was saved.

As the excavations continued, Batres found polvchrome fres-

coes on the pyramid's surfaces and cla\' figures and ornaments at its
highest level, along with remnants of child sacrifice at each corner.
He discovered the debris of potter\', ceramics, sculpture, and, nearby,
a group of dwellings, richly decorated with car\'ings and frescoes,
that he called the House of the Priests. All this suggested how much
more must lay hidden in what Batres termed "one of the most in-
teresting cities in the world of archaeolog)'." But despite such a claim
and the vigorous ascent of the parth' excaxated p\Tamid b\' the 76-
year-old Diaz himself in 1906, the resources Batres thought neces-
sary to finish the work were not forthcoming, and he resigned. When
President Diaz was oserthrown five years later, Batres fled to Paris
to join him in exile.
Although professional archaeologists lamented Batres's
heavy-handed methods, the evidence he unearthed of Teotihuacan's
past glories whetted their appetite for more. Work resumed in 1917

58
 a

*
under the direction of Manuel Gamio, a Mexican archaeologist with
a doctorate from Columbia University in New York. Setting aside his
duties as head of the department of anthropology at the National
Museum in Mexico City, Gamio focused his efforts near Teotihua-
can's Citadel. There he soon uncovered the dazzling Feathered Ser-
Dapper Manuel Gamio, head of the pent Temple, with its decoration of serpent heads and goggle-eyed
Mexican government's Department of
faces thought to represent Tlaloc. Archaeology at Teotihuacan was
Archaeology and Anthropology, embarked
on a painstaking excavation ofTeotihua- becoming more methodical and scholarly. The Swedes (rare in being
can's Citadel in 1917. Beneath a mound able to afford the luxury of archaeology during the Great Depression
of earth, he discovered the Feathered Ser-
pent Temple (below), a seven-tiered pyr-
of the 1930s) sent Sigvald Linne, who in the course of several ex-

amid that originally rose 65 feet. peditions became one of Europe's foremost authorities on Mexican
antiquities. Finding a mul-
titude of varied houses and
many narrow streets, Linne

proved that Teotihuacan

had been far more than just
a ceremonial center, as his
predecessors had supposed.
Other diggers uncovered
brilliant frescoes and a
5,000-square-yard palace.
But as late as 1960
the major mysteries sur-
rounding Teotihuacan re-

mained unsolved: Why was

it built and what happened

to it in the end? Then, like

the petals of a flower rapid-
ly unfolding in time- lapse
photography, the layers concealing Teotihuacan were at last peeled
back to expose, within a few short years, much of the grandeur that
had onlv been guessed at. And with discovery came revelation.
Supported by a large appropriation from a new Mexican gov-
ernment, the archaeologist Jorge Acosta, one of the assistants of
Ignacio Bernal, the overall project director, completed excavations of
the area around the 152-foot-high Pyramid of the Moon, the Avenue
of the Dead, and part of the plaza in front of the Pyramid of the Sun.
Later, Bernal joined Acosta to restore the Pyramid of the Moon
task made more historically accurate by the discovery of one corner-
stone in its original position. This enabled Acosta and his team to

59
 THE LOOTED
reconstruct the angle of ascent and replace in their correct positions
MURALS OF
565 original staircase stones that over the years had fallen from the TEOTIHUACAN
pyramid and tumbled into the plaza.
Throughout the site, Acosta and Bernal tore down what they In 1976, San Francisco's M. H. de
considered inferior structures dating from late in Teotihuacan's his- Young Museum word of
received
tory in order to reveal the classic buildings that stood beneath them. an unexpected bequest. The cura-
Along the majestic length of the Avenue of the Dead, the great city tor sent to investigate was dumb-
struck at what he found. In the
lay at last partly revealed in its essentials.
benefactor's house, "on the floor,
Complementing the Mexican scientists' efforts was the pains-
tables and walls, glued to pieces of
taking work of Rene Millon, an archaeologist from the University of plywood, in cardboard boxes"
Rochester. Convinced that Teotihuacan was even larger and more
complex than anyone had yet shown, Millon decided to ded-
icate his life to solving its mysteries. He devised a plan to
photograph from the air, explore it thoroughly on foot, do
it

spot excavations, and then compare the aerial pictures with

information gathered on the ground. The air sur\'eys were
carried out in 1962 and covered an area of 22 square miles, of
which 12V2 proved to be within Teotihuacan. The mapping
took more years to finish.
five

The results were impressive. More than 2,200 one-stor\^

apartment compounds had existed within Teotihuacan's
boundaries. "Each patio admitted light and air to the surround-
ing apartments," Millon reported. "Each made it possible for
the residents to be out-of-doors yet alone."The cit\^ was filled
with several hundred workshops, almost 400 for obsidian
alone, suggesting that it buzzed with intensive craft activity. A
separate precinct inhabited by immigrant craftsmen from Oa-
xaca, 200 miles southeast of Teotihuacan, was deduced from
traces of pottery and tomb decorations, giving clear evidence of
faraway political and commercial And though Teoti-
liaisons.

huacan was not enclosed by was far from the defense-

walls, it

less open city Batres and others had imagined it to be. Its

apartment compounds and narrow streets and the natural bar-

riers of spiny nopal cactus in the surrounding countryside may well A conservator (above) works to restore a
have served to impede attackers. mural fragment. The process involves
both stabilizing the deteriorating adobe
Even afiier Millon's thoroughgoing study, other astonishing backing and reassembliTig scattered pieces
discoveries lay ahead. In 1971, a hard rain caused a depression to such as those at right, which come from a
frieze of a serpent and trees.
form of the Pyramid of the Sun. Digging there disclosed
at the foot

the remains of an ancient stairway that led beneath the pyramid into
a 1 12-yard-long tunnel. When investigators explored it they encoun-

60
 were more than 70 priceless mural
fragments from Teotihuacan.
Harald Wagner, the deceased tered a series of 29 masonr\' \\'alls blocking the way, each plainly built
collector, had acquired the treas- bv someone who could onI\' have been working outward. At the end,
ure in the mid- 1960s after the
almost direcdv beneath the pvramid's center, was a large cave. Out
Mexican government expanded
from It branched four smaller chambers, and the whole had been
Teotihuacan's archaeological zone.
Looters posing as uprooted farm- enlarged to the shape of a cloxerleaf.
ers scavenging household building Scholars have argued persuasively that the cave, formed by an
materials dug randoml}' into the enormous bubble of gas in la\a streaming from deep within the earth,
ruins and gouged out large chunks was the \er\' reason the P\Tamid of the Sun was built where it was.
of the colorfull\- decorated walls.
Since the pvramid was the first major building in all of Teotihuacan,
The found few
frescoes
Liable to immediate confiscation
bu)'ers.
if
it follows that the cirv itself was founded because of not merely
disco\ered, the fragments were
o\er a ca\e.To understand this extraordinar\' conclusion, it is nec-
also fragile and unappealingly essan' to know that caves had tremendous s\'mbohc importance in
dirt\' and unwieldv. A few went to ancient Mexico. Codices and glyphs abound with images of caves,
museums; others were hawked in and therefore of creation, of the womb, of life itself, of the origin of
village markets or allowed to the sun and the moon. In this arid land, springs were sacred, and thev
crumble to dust. Wagner, whose
often bubbled forth in caves, originating, it was thought, from deep
passion was architectural restora-
in the undenvorld to which the dead journeyed. The big grotto at
tion, somehow managed to ac-
quire the pieces he ultimately Teotihuacan, though dr\' now, apparently once had abundant water.
willed to the museum. In 1986, to Even the great god Tlaloc figures in the mysticism associated with
resolve the ethical dilemma his caves, for he ruled not onl\' the rains but also ca\'erns and ri\'ers. The
bequest posed, that institution cave beneath Teotihuacan's P\Tamid of the Sun ma\- ha\e been the
returned most of them to Mexico.
focal shrine of a cult, whose members, perhaps, were the cit\''s found-
ing fathers. Furthermore, there is abun-
-'-'-
^;i^^i evidence of continued use of the
'
caves in the early centuries after the
pyramid's construction.
But ha\ing so long prospered,
why then did Teotihuacan collapse,
and what did the bum marks on so many
of its ruins have to sa\' about its end? CU-
matologists have searched for the cause of
Teotihuacan's death in an en\ironmental cri-

sis, perhaps erosion and crop failure or pro-

longed drought. Huge quantities of wood
were burned as fuel to make the quicklime on
which Teotihuacan's construction depended,
and over time massixe tree felhng could ha\e
denuded the countr\'side for miles around. The
climate may become drier. But chsturbance of the
graduall\' ha\e
ecolog)' was unlikely to have been the only cause; and whatever the

61

rv
terminal crisis, Millon suggested that the citx'^s leadership mav have The stepped shape of Teotihuacan's Pyr-
amid of the Moon comes gradually to
lacked the flexibility^ and imagination to deal with it. Perhaps, under
light during excavations conducted in
profound stress,Teotihuacan's distinctive residential patterns were the 1960s by the Mexican archaeologists
its undoing. crowded apartment compounds, separated bv high
Its Jorge Acosta and Ignacio Bemal. More
than 600 workmen labored to clear
walls and segregated by class and social status, mav ha\'e fostered a
and restore the imposing 152-foot-high
civic morale too brittle to cope with hard times. temple and its grand plaza.
One of the intriguing aspects of the fire that accompanied the
city's demise is the archaeological evidence of its confinement largelv
to religious structures, particularly along the Avenue of the Dead,
where more than 100 temples and shrines stood. All told, some 600
buildings were put to the torch. Millon and other scholars argue that
the burning was carried out "through a coordinated series of planned

62
 acts of ritual destruction." They believe that if the intent of those who
set the fires was to destroy Teotihuacan politically, then they had to
destroy it as a religious center.

After the great cit\' collapsed abruptly in violence and flames,

its particular form of communitarian living was never revived in the
region. A turbulent time ensued. "The fall ofTeotihuacan," wrote the
British historian Nigel Davies, "like that of Rome three centuries
before, left in its wake a disordered world, whose surviving cities
were like planets in orbit round an extinct sun." It was an age of petty

kingdoms, of small warring tribal states obsessed with ftirious con-

quest. Ever\'thing, not least the arts and graces of life, took second
place to a preoccupation with securit\^ So desperate was that need
that even tribes with different languages banded together into states.

Typical of the thousands of polychrome

pottery figurines found in Teotihuacan's
ruins, these squat female statuettes wear
A mong those
from disparate elements were
who coalesced

boldly striped headdresses, shawl-like the Toltecs; and it was they who attained predominance over all the
blouses,and skirts. Traces of color on
rest, becoming the third and last of the Aztecs' great precursors. As
theirraiment suggest that the city's in-
habitants customarily wore gaudy hues. with the Olmecs and Teotihuacanos, concrete knowledge of the
Toltecs comes almost entirely from archaeology'. But here there is a
difference: Modern scholars were latecomers, beaten to the Toltecs'
treasures bv an unrulv crowd of brazen amateurs. The Aztecs were
They looted the place with
early diggers at the Toltecs' capital, Tula.
reckless abandon, and when they finished there was not much left to
uncover. Determined to ennoble their
own shady history and add luster to
their people's past, the Aztecs not only
claimed to be the inheritors of the
Toltecs' mantle but also basked in the re-
flected glor\' of their works, plundering
whatever they liked for reuse at Tenochtidan.
The present-day Toltec ruins are, in
consequence, unimpressive and hard to
reconstruct. Worse yet, the Aztecs' ar-

chaeological trophies and their self-

ser\ing penchant for historical revision com-

bined to shed more darkness than light on the
Toltec past. There was just enough time be-
tween the heyday of the Toltecs and the ar-

ri\'al of the Spaniards for the Aztecs to

63
exalt them beyond realit\\ In Aztec eyes the Toltecs were giants, their
capital of Tula a place of great wealth. Even cotton grew in colors,

solemnly reported an informant of the Franciscan missionar\' Ber-

nardino de Sahagiin. Not until the 20th centur\' did a picture emerge
of Tula as a place precariously perched on the ver\' fringes of central
Mexico's arable lands, never far from famine, whose people's arts and
crafts were crude and shoddy compared with what had gone before.
Thanks to the Aztecs, ever\'one had heard of Tula; but none
of the early archaeologists knew where to find it. Desire Charnav,
sent back to Mexico by the French goxernment, became con\inced
on one of his periodic trips that the historic Tula lay underground
near a dusty town called Tula de Allende in the state of Hidalgo, one
of many Mexican places with that name. He set out to fmd it.
Digging into some mounds, Charnay struck the black basaltic Towering stone warriors maintain a
feet of gigantic statues and fragments of a huge stone ratdesnake, stem vigil atop Tula's Pyramid of
QuetzaUoatl as the Morning Star
both similar to known Toltec works at Chichen Itza in Yucatan.
(far left, ab>ove). Once they served as col-
Clearing away rubbish, he unearthed several apartments of various umns supporting a temple roof.

64
 sizes with frescoed walls, columns, pilasters, benches, and cisterns.
Charnay was convinced he had indeed found Tula. But his betters in
the world of scholarship looked upon him as a wild romantic and

^ M coolly ignored him. Not until the 1930s, when the Mexican anthro-
pologist Wigberto Jimenez Moreno used old place names and geo-
graphical landmarks gleaned from historical sources to pinpoint an-
cient Tula, was the long-dead Charnay proved correct: The Toltec
city was exacdy where he had said it was.
By work of the American archaeol-
the 1970s the systematic
ogist Richard Diehl and the Mexican archaeologists Eduardo Matos
Moctezuma, Ramon Arellanos Melgarejo, and Lourdes Beauregard
de Arellanos had melted the Aztec legends in the crucible of fact. At
I its zenith from AD 950 to 1150, Tula was a city of at least 30,000

people, far less rigorously planned than Teotihuacan. In its architec-

ift,**- ture, which "was of majestic conception and mediocre execution,"
according to the Mexican archaeologist Jorge Acosta, symbols of
death and military force predominate. The art is grim, joyless. The
base of the most impressive building, a pyramid, is decorated with
e;1 armed warriors, wild beasts, and eagles eating hearts. The 60-
^a yard-long Serpent Wall depicts snakes devouring human beings
whose flesh has been stripped from skulls and bones. There are skull
racks and supine figures cradling basins on their abdomens as recep-
tacles for human hearts.
Living quarters in Tula consisted of many small complexes of
flat- roofed houses built in groups of three or four around enclosed
courtyards, at the center of which were altars or shrines. In their
diggings, the archaeologists discovered that Tula's dead were buried
in pits under the floors of the houses. Although the routine of daily
life at Tula growing beans and corn, weaving, making ceramics and
obsidian goods appears to have been little different from elsewhere
in Mesoamerica, the modern excavations there suggest, in Brian
Pagan's words, "a battle-scarred, militaristic civilization, one in
which oppression was a way of life and human sacrifice second na-
ture, a far cry from the golden age of Aztec legend."
Tula's end came in a sudden and overwhelming cataclysm.

i\
^- The temples were incinerated, the Serpent Wall toppled, the mon-
uments methodically smashed. Famine and invasion by barbaric peo-
ples from the north are considered to be the likeliest causes, but
rtw"'
neither these nor any other single external factor seems sufficient to
j'- s^'iP^y^^'^'"'
explain the city's collapse. Perhaps Tula, like Teotihuacan, contained

65
the seeds of its own destruction, encouraging the conditions that
sapped its was a multiethnic city, inhabited by peoples
strength. It
from the nordi, die Valley of Mexico, and the Gulf Coast, forming
a heterogeneous population that spoke several different languages.
Richard Diehl, who has dug extensively at Teotihuacan and Tula, has
theorized that when economic difficulties eventually arose, "people
took sides based on ethnic affiliations," and, as matters worsened, the
city lost its ability to absorb the unremitting tide of alien immigrants.

And so the gods were smashed, scorned as deities who had forsaken
The surviving Toltecs departed and dispersed. By AD 1 1 79
their city.
Tula was gone. In time, reoccupied by other peoples, it would rise
again into a substantial city esteemed by the Aztecs as the fountain-
head of civilization. Then centuries of silence followed.
In words that might speak for Tula, the Aztec philosopher-
king Nezalhuacoyotl mused: "All the earth is a grave and nothing
escapes Nothing is so perfect that it does not descend to its tomb.
it.

Rivers, rivulets, and water flow, but never return to their joyful
beginnings; anxiously they hasten to the vast realms of the rain god.
As they widen their banks, they fashion the sad urn of their burial."
In the political free-for-all in central Mexico that followed the
collapse of Tula, not only the remnant Toltecs but the other tribes of
Mexico rearranged themselves across the landscape. The most pres-
tigious Toltec lineages gathered in Q)lhuacan in the southern part of
the Valley of Mexico, forming a bastion of culture whose people
considered themselves the true heirs of Tula's fallen glory. From the
northern deserts, various tribes of barbaric nomads known generally
as the Chichimecs loosely translated as "dog people" edged
southward into the unprotected better lands. Among them and the
last to appear were the Aztecs, a semicivilized tribe
"the people
whose nobody knows."
face
of course, it was a face all the inhabitants of the Valley of
Yet,
Mexico would soon know. They may not have been interested in the
Aztecs, but the Aztecs were interested in them.^^B-
 THE CITY THAT TIME FORGOT

Teotihuacan, searching for gold and speculating on the

The outline of the pyramids is even'v^'here visible,
and senes as a beacon to guide the tra\'eler to the origin of the crumbling stone structures that dotted the
ruins of Teotihuacan," wrote a 19th-centur\' terrain for miles around.
French explorer of this imposing site 25 miles north of Only during this centurx' ha\'e archaeologists cast
Mexico Cit\'. Indeed, so awesome is Teotihuacan that some light on Teotihuacan's histor\'. By sifting through
pilgrims, archaeologists, and tourists alike have been the ruins, thev ha\e discovered that it uas much more
coming here for more than 1,200 years to ponder its than a religious complex. Excavations have laid bare a
mysteries. Even the Aztecs were wonderstruck. Hap- cityof unexpected sophistication and proportion one
pening upon the multitiered temples in the 13th cen-
comparable in scale to imperial Rome and turned up
tur\' and not knowing who had built them, the\- ga\'e countiess finelv crafted artifacts. Pla\'ful terra-cotta fig-
the haunting place the name Teotihuacan, which in urines and ornate masks, such as the funerar\' piece
Nahuad means "cit\' of the gods." It was here, they above car\'ed from omTC, provide valuable information
believed, that the gods had assembled to create the sun about Teotihuacan societw But the fire-reddened tem-
and the moon, and it was here that the .Aztecs would ples and shattered shrines point to a violent end. In AD
come regularly as pilgrims to celebrate creation. Cortes 500, the cit)' dominated all of Mesoamerica. Two hun-
and his troops first glimpsed the pvramids in 1520 as dred years later it was deserted. All e\idence points to
they fled from enraged Aztec warriors, but so dis- a sudden fall, but whether the cit\' was ransacked by its
traught was the Spanish captain that he failed to tell his own inhabitants or b\' in\aders remains unknown. As
king about these towering monuments in his subse- archaeologists continue to dig among its extensive ru-
quent dispatch. Over the next three centuries, many ins, a host of questions about Teotihuacan and its van-
adventurers and amateur archaeologists arrived in ished population await answers.

67
 I
\

A nmn-made mountain 200 feet tall,

the Pyramid of the Sun rises from the
floor of the Teotihuacan valley. Begun
in the first century AD, it took 35
million cubic feet of sun-dried bricks
and rubble to finish. Its base, meas-
uring 738 feet on each side, is equal
to that of Egypt's Great Pyramid.
 This three-foot-diameter stone carving of a skull
surrounded by rays was unearthed near the
front of the Pyramid of the Sun. It is thought
to symbolize the descent of the sun into the AWESOME
world of the dead at the end of the day.
ABODE OF
THE GODS
During its heyday, when Teoti-
huacan was a rehgious mecca for
myriad Indian cultures, pilgrims
must have been awed by the
three-mile-long Avenue of the
Dead, a name given the thor-
oughfare by the Aztecs. Lined
r with numerous shrines and
'\ temples, it shadow
lay in the
1 of the two major tem-
city's

ples, the Pyramid of the Sun

i
and the Pyramid of the
Moon, each of which was
j
covered in stucco, orna-
, mented with sculpture, and
;
brighdy painted.
The Pyramid of the Sun
continues to dominate Teoti-
fc.j huacan in both size and sig-

; nificance. Priests would have

ad an arduous climb to the top
! 1

of the 20-story-high structure.

From its truncated peak, they
could survey the entire city
sprawled below as well as gaze
Sid..
heavenward. Trained in astrono-
my, they kept carefiil track of the
seasons and presided over the
continuous cycles of public ritu-
al. The religious importance of

the P)Tamid of the Sun is sup-

ported by the 1971 discovery of
a lava cave below it containing
offerings. Archaeologists suspect
that the pyramid was built over
the cave after it had become a
shrine and goal for pilgrims.
MAPPING THE
REMAINS OF A
METROPOLIS
In the 1960s, a French-born Amer-
ican archaeologist named Rene
Millon, convinced that Teotihua-
can had been not just a religious
center but a city of unimagined size
and complexity, embarked on an
ambitious mapping project to
prove his point. He would define
the boundaries of" the ancient city
and record its every archaeological
and topographical feature.
Millon first had the city photo-
graphed fi-om the air so that a to-
pographical map could be pre-
pared. Then he and a team of
experts trudged over a 10-square-
mile area, collecting shards and fill-
ing out record sheets for each struc-
ture they encountered. Five years
later the project was complete, and
the results were staggering: More
than 2,200 apartment complexes
had been identified. The evidence

was incontrovertible Teotihua-
can had at one time been a flour-
ishing metropolis with a popula-
tion possibly as great as 200,000.

<i
This schematic map shows a 5J-
D
square-mile area ofTeotihuacan
Do D
that includes the Avenue of the
Dead, lined with shrines and pal- DD

aces and surrounded by apart-

^Db D D
ment confounds (small black rec- DDno'='l=ID

tangles). The much-larger map co on 0oD = D

dDd nnta D -
= nbDD
nrP"D nn- Do
nnb D
developed by the archaeologists -| o U D

oD o00n aDoDDnDonDD
encompasses the entire city and DD D^D^DDQ oo
Oa "ob'cDc o o g go .oDoaoa,QDoa,D
notes every surviving structure DDVnDD"o^n^D"lna
within the quadrants into a-'D^S ^DSD=D''
So UoUUU
'^ DodD Do
o UoUUU
DodD d'^ o UoUUU
DodD d o Uo Drf
which the city was divided. nnonnn nnonnn ^nonnn /

o '-'oD = 0^0 Do ,DoOoooDonoao nooDo nOD

DacDDD"'-Lan
^oDoo'
oqD O-OonQ D^DnQD
D n^QoaO D0""ri noD,
o = no[ -
Da Uou o
1 Avenue of the Dead SDotlSODbDog'=QtlDDo
Q oD o odDd D : DonODoonDDDor D
2 Citadel JToD Dn D
3 Feathered Serpent Temple oD D D?o D
on ono
4 Great Compound Dd J^
D'DO 1Q^dSq1d6
5 Sun Pyramid o o n n_ UoUULJoUoUULJoUnUun
noDDQ? dodDd^ nnonn isi
'-'_ oD

Dn oDDDr a
6 Quetzalpapalotl Palace So
Do o5oDo Do a
7 Moon Pyramid D
D'
,D^Db
"D Do DoD 0DDQDoDD o D o
QOD oDD
DoD^
^D D Do0

d"o^
n
o oD
D
o D D o D a: "do
Dnn'S,i=iaDnDoDaD nDD ,oDnnr
n no

_ --wZ
HOUSING OF A HIGHER ORDER
The architecture of the apart- rainwater. Typically, a large plat- Others specialized in pottery, i
ment compound below, only form off the patio served as a stone, gems, cloth, leather, and
one of many such one-story small temple. wood- and featherwork. In the
dwellings in the city, must have Many of the occupants farmed teeming marketplace, people
afforded the residents a great land outside the city, but others from the entire region intermin-
deal of privacy. The windowless worked as artisans, exchanging gled. Native inhabitants lived
exterior buffered noise from the their goods in. a central market- in barrios, or neighborhoods,
street and helped keep the inte- place. Teotihuacan was the cen- which contained a rich mixture
rior cool by day and warm by ter of a thriving obsidian trade, of classes and professions; but in
night. Rooms surrounded a spa- and many workshops were de- at least one area of the city, for-
cious patio that let in light and voted to chipping the volcanic eigners occupied their own
air and had drains to carry away glass into tools and weapons. sharply defined quarter.
A portion of a mural reconstruction common people frolicking in water
from an apartment compound in the and on land. Scholars think that the
northeastern part of the city shows mural may illustrate an origin myth.

A terra-cotta figurim cfa woman at

her ease one of thousands ofpieces
is

produced by Teotihuacan craftsmen

often using molds that depict ordi-
nary mortals as well as deities. This
one is only four and a half inches high.

m-
73
This brazier lid, believed to represent
Quetzalpapalotl, the quetzal-butterfly
god, is decorated top and bottom with
attributes of the deity. The plume
protruding from the headdress is a
stylized butterfly proboscis.
L
B".

AT HOME WITH THE NOBILITY

The elite li\'ed well in Teotihua- the hubbub that prevailed uncovered a central patio sur-
can. Their palatial homes were where the streets were narrow- rounded by richly decorated
scattered throughout the city. Today their collapsed walls
est. rooms embellished with color-
Many lay not far from the two and faded murals belie their ful frescoes. Stone columns,
grand boulevards that divided former grandeur. bearing elaborate bas-reliefs of
Teotihuacan into four parts, The Quctzalpapalotl Pal- quetzal-butterflies and water
the A\'enue of the Dead and the ace (below), located just south- symbols, hold up the roof of
so-called East-West Avenue, west of the Pyramid of the the arcade around the patio to
while those of priests and nobles Moon, is one of the most ex- which the inhabitants could
occupied ground near the great tensively studied residences. retreat for shade during the
pyramids, well insulated from Here, in 1962, archaeologists brightest part of the day.
 ^
76 ..i.
THE CENTER
OF GREATNESS
Teotihuacan's two axial streets
intersect at the enclosure called
the Citadel (lower left) This . com-
plex, with its 11 -acre square pla-
za,could have served as an as-
sembly point where throngs
gathered to witness ceremonies.
Given the immensity of the
^!
site and the presence of the ruins

of two palaces and a highly or-

nate temple, archaeologists sus-
pect that the Citadel was the po-
litical center of Teotihuacan. Yet
information on the city's ruling
class remains elusive. Frustrated
by the paucity of evidence,
archaeologists have re-
cently concentrated
on the Citadel's
seven-tiered Feath-
V
ered Serpent Tem-
ple (near center of Cit-
adel at lower left) for
clues. Ornamented with
rows of alternating stone
serpents, shells, and
goggle-eyed faces,
it is by far the
city's most elabo-
mon-
rate religious 23S-

ument. If heads of
state were buried within Te-
otihuacan, archaeologists rea-
son, the temple would have been
their most likely resting place.

Stone serpent heads like this one,

wreathed with feathers, decorate the
western facade of the magnificent
Feathered Serpent Temple. Traces
of the original red mineral paint
can still be seen on the feathers.
 ^1

GRIiMNESS AT THE
TEMPLE'S HEART
Hoping to fathom die secrets of the Feathered
Serpent Temple, a team of Mexican archaeolo-
"^
gists set out to exca^ate along its southern edge
in 1983. Da)'S later they were rewarded with a

spectacular find. Deep in the volcanic soil they

came upon three burial pits. The largest, some

26 feet long, contained 18 skeletons. With their
arms tucked behind their vertebrae and their
\\Tists crossed as if tied, there was litde question

that these individuals had been sacrificed.

Then, in 1988, a joint team of Mexican and
American archaeologists started digging to-
ward the center of the temple. Eight)' feet in,
the\' came upon a tunnel made by tomb robbers

and the sparse remains of tw o heavily

looted burials. Fortunately, the thieves
had missed the central burial. The ex-
cited diggers painstakingly unearthed
20 skeletons, all sacrificial victims, who
had been interred with rich offerings.
Despite the significance of the find, the
archaeologists were disappointed by
the absence of a roval burial. Whether
such a burial exists, or whether, if it

exists, it was looted long ago, only fior-

ther excavations can tell.

These two skeletons were among a

group found in 1988 on the east side
of the temple. The one to the left wean
a collar from which nine human up-
per jaws are suspended. Above this
necklace can be seen a choker made of
imitation teeth carved from shell.
4r

T ::#
^^^^

79
 f \

g^m I
J i_ w
 H R

THE
TERRIBLE
SUSTENANCE
OF THE
GODS

ebruaw 21, 1978, would be a

day to remember. Workmen digging ditches for new electric cable

in the heart of Mexico Cit}' had penetrated the street's concrete

pavement and dug down six feet when their shovels struck a large,
flat, round stone. Scraping away some of the dirt covering it, they

could see a car\'ed surface. This, they knew, was a discover}' that the
Archaeological Recover)^ Office would want to know about, and a
call was made to the authorities. When a team of excited archaeol-

ogists arrived, its members remo\'ed more of the dirt to reveal a

horrific scene cut into the stone the severed head, arms, legs, and
torso of a woman stre\\ n in a circle almost 1 1 feet in diameter. Except
for jewelry and a serpent belt adorned with a human skull, she was
A smiling skull, naked. Studying the stone, the archaeologists identified the figure as
embellished with the moon goddess Coyolxauhqui, sister of Huitzilopochtli, the war-
eyes of iron pyrite
rior sun god and Aztec patron deit\'.
and bits cf turquoise
and jet, may have Under an\' circumstances this \\'ould ha\'e been considered a
belonged to a youth major find, but what made it all the more
was that itsignificant
who for a year per-
sonified Tezcatli-
occurred at the spot where el Templo Mayor, the Great Temple, prin-
poca, omnipotent cipal shrine of the Aztec capital of Tenochtidan, had stood. Indeed,
od of the Aztecs. the discover}' would launch one of the centurv^'s most fascinating
When his time
was up, he was rit-
archaeological excavations (pa0es 108-123), in which large portions
ually sacrificed. of the Great Temple would emerge into davlight after being buried

81
for centuries in the sr >il of Mexico
City. By extension, the stone v^ould serve to
illuminate the importa'-ice of war and hu-
man sacrifice to the functioning of the Aztec
Coyolxauhqui played a crucial role
state, for

in one of the central Aztec myths.

This myth told of a time in the dis-
tant past when Huitzilopochtli wreaked
vengeance on his sister, Coyolxauhqui. The
story goes that Coatlicue, their mother, after
having given birth to the moon and 400
stars,had taken a vow of chastity. But one
day, as she was sweeping out the shrine atop
the sacred mountain where she hved, she
was impregnated by a ball of feathers. Her
offspring were outraged when they heard of
their mother's pregnancy, convinced that
she had broken her vow. Coyolxauhqui ral-

lied them, and together they agreed to kill

Coatlicue for her transgression. But one

child ran to inform the still-unborn Huitzilopochdi of their plans. Still lying where it was found in 1978 at
the foot of the Great Temple in Mexico
When the band approached to do murderous work, the infant
their
City, the stone bearing! a relief of the dis-
sun god sprang forth fully armed from his mother's womb and cut the membered body of the goddess Coyolxauh-
vengeful moon goddess Coyolxauhqui down before chasing after his qui is protected by temporary metal scaf-

other siblings a mythical expression of the rising sun's daily defeat

folding. It
the Museum
was subsequently moved to
of the Great Temple and
of the moon and the stars. In his anger, he hacked Coyolxauhqui to today is regarded as one of Mexico's

pieces and threw all but her head down the mountainside. greatest archaeological treasures.

The newly found stone did more than echo this ancient myth.
Its placement at the bottom of the stairs leading to the top of the
Great Temple recalled Coyolxauhqui's fate, for it had served a grue-
some purpose, which was to catch the bodies of sacrificial victims
hurled from the killing stone in front of Huitzilopochtli's shrine, one
of two shrines that adorned the flat summit. Bouncing and skidding
down the bloody steps of the man-made mountain, the bodies landed
on the Coyolxauhqui stone in the chaotic poses of death.
Driven by fear of the gods, particularly Huitzilopochdi, the
Aztecs performed human sacrifice on a scale unknown either before
or since in history. The conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo was an
eyewitness to this bloodletting and wrote vividly of the fate of some
of his friends, whom the Aztecs had captured during the climactic

82
battle bet\\'een the Indiansand the Spaniards for control of the cit\'
in the spring of 1521. From the place to which Diaz had been forced
to retreat, he could see the temple. At the terrif\-ing sound of the
Huitzilopochtli shrine drum, which was accompanied by the blare of
conchs, horns, and trumpetiike instruments, Diaz glanced toward the
Great Temple and saw that some of his comrades, who had been
captured b\- the .\ztecs, were being dragged to the top to be sacri-
ficed. \Mien the Indians had gotten them "to a small square where
their accursed idols are kept," recounted Diaz in the breathless st\'le
of someone who has beheld horror and ne\er been able to forget it,
'^^e saw them place plumes on the head of manv of our men and with
diings like fans in their hands thev forced them to dance before
Huitzilopochdi, and after thev had danced thev placed them on their
backs on some rather narrow stones which had been prepared as
places for sacrifice, and with stone knives the\' sawed open their
chests and drew out their palpitating hearts and offered them to the
idols that were there, and the\' kicked the bodies down the steps, and
Indian butchers who were waiting below cut off" the arms and feet
and tlaved the skin off the faces, and prepared it afterward like glove
leather with the beards on, and kept those for the festivals when they
celebrated drunken orgies, and the flesh thev ate with chilies."
The butcher\- that was so incomprehensible to Diaz and his
fellow Spaniards would, of course, ha\e recalled to those who carried
it out the ritual dismemberment of the goddess and the triumph of
the fierce and vengeful Huitzilopochtli, deit\' not just of the sun but
of war and warriors the presiding genius of the Aztec people.
If ever there was a people dedicated to martial prowess, it was the
warring Aztecs. Nothing was more honorable in their eves than a
manh- death in combat, or as a captive offered up to the gods on the
sacrificial stone. Warriors who died in battle or as human sacrifices

and women who perished in childbirth were deemed worthv of an

afterlife; almost all others, regardless of status and rank, wandered for
four vears through the unden\orld until the\' reached its lowest level,

which the Aztecs calleci the Land of the Dead, or "our common
home," presented their gifts to the Lord of Death, and then disap-
peared into the shadows. Aztec orators praised, in particular, the
glorious end of men on the batdefield. Indeed, the records tell of one
thanking his creator for allowing him "to see these manv deaths of
my brothers and nephews." Their poets sang of such a passing. One

83
wrote: "There is nothing hke death in war, nothing like the flowers- Superimposed over excavations of the
Great Temple, this outline of the pyra-
death so precious to him w^ho gives life. Far off^ I see it: Mv heart
mid su[gests its appearance when Cortes
yearns for it!" Another spoke lyrically of the battlefield: "WTiere the arrived at Tenochtitlan in 1519. The
burning, divine Uquor poured out, where the divine eagles are
is shrine on the ri^ht honored the rain god,
Tlaloc, the one on the left Huitzilo-
blackened with smoke, where the jaguars roar, where gems and rich
pochtli, the Aztecs' patron deity.
jewels are scattered, where feathers wave like spume, there, where the
warriors tear each other and noble princes are smashed to pieces."
The Aztecs even viewed birth as a battleground, full of pain
and blood. WTien a baby boy came into the world, the midwife held
onto him, as though he were her captive, and let out war cries. She
then exhorted the child to heed her words. "Thy home is not here,"
she intoned, "for thou art an eagle or a jaguar" a lone predator.
"Here is only the place of thy nest," she told the infant. "War is thy
task. Thou shalt give drink, nourishment, food to the sun." She was
referring, of course, to blood. The batdefield was viewed as a sacred
place, and the midwife went on to speak of the honor of dying on it

84
as a warrior or as a captive on the sacrificial stone: "Perhaps thou wilt
merit death bv the obsidian knife." Poets elaborated on the nobilit}'
of such a death. "May his heart not falter," goes one incantation to
a god on behalf of a warrior. "Mav he desire, may he long for the
flower\' death b\- the obsidian knife. Ma\- he sa\or the scent, sa\or the
freshness, savor the sweetness of the darkness." Little boys destined
to be warriors were presented with miniature shields and arrows
svmbolizing the goal of their future existence; their umbilical cords
and the weapons thev had been gi\en were entrusted to warriors for
ceremonial burial on a battlefield.

Part of die reason for this militan' emphasis was religious. The
sun's struggle with the moon and the stars had to be resumed each
night, and if Huitzilopochdi were to lose the batde, life would come
to an end in a shroud of darkness. His strength had to be constandy
replenished, and to Aztec eyes the surest nourishment lav in human
blood, which thev referred to as "most precious water." So there was
a constant demand for sacrificial victims. Scholars van' in their tallies
of the number of people the Aztecs killed ever\' \'ear, but perhaps as
man)' as 20,000 were sacrificed throughout the empire.

were other reasons for the

'here
t:
cultivation of warfare. Like its
exact historical contemporar\'. Renaissance Ital\', Mexico in the time

of the Aztecs was a land of cit\'-states. Dozens of small urban centers,

each one controlling an area of surrounding land large enough to feed
its own population, vied for power. The one that could strike terror

in the hearts of all the others would dominate and rule

and exact the
greatest tribute. Another condition that fostered warfare, curiously
enough, was the unusual agricultural fertilit\' of the \^allev of Mexico,
whose nutritional riches had been further boosted through the use of
chinampaSy small garden plots anchored in lakes, spread with woven
twigs on which was piled fertile muck brought up from the bottom.
The result was that comparatixelv litde labor was needed to produce
enough food to li\e on. One modern estimate suggests that a familv
could have supported itself through the vear on the fruits of onlv

about seven weeks' work. Part of the resulting crop surplus went to
feed the cities in the form of tribute; but a labor surplus remained,
lea\'ing men able to pursue militaristic ambitions. One effectwas to
produce a hierarchical social structure, in which different groups of
people emerged, such as warrior and priesdv classes.

85
 I

In a world of contlicang states, there was much to be gained,

as the Aztecs were to find out, by refining the art of warfare. Aztec

codices, Spanish accounts of the conquest, and archaeological evi-

dence show diat military technology in Mesoamerica did not run to
elaborate siege engines or other complex machinery of war. Success
or failure on the battlefield depended instead on the efficient training
of individual warriors. Under the circumstances, the victorious na-
tion was likely to be the one that excelled in tu'o fields: the organi-
zation of its fighting force and the morale of its warriors. The Aztecs'
entire culture was effectively structured to maximize both of these.
The process began at the highest level. The Aztec throne did
not automatically pass to the eldest son; instead an element of
selection was involved. A council of warriors, priests, and various
officials chose the future monarch from within the ranks of the
royal family; militarv leadership and priesdy aptitude were per-

haps the most important of the criteria involved in the choice.

Soon after ascending the throne, the new ruler was
expected to lead his troops on a campaign of conquest. The
success of this initial expedition was a vital test of his mettle.
When one new ruler, Tizoc, came back with only 40 captives

after losing 300 men, he was branded a failure and his rep-

utation never recovered. His reign lasted only five years. Ac-

APPEASING AN APPETITE iggr'^C^ '^e^

FOR HEARTS AND BLOOD

The Aztecs beliexed that in cre- tion of human hearts and blood,
ating the world, their gods gave he would lack the strength to
their hearts and blood to the do battie with the forces of
sun, and that as the gods' bene- night and would fail to rise as
ficiaries, they must make a simi- the sun the next morning.
lar sacrifice to keep the universe The codex illustration at left
in perfect balance. Although depicts the standard rite at the
most of their deities required Great Temple at Tenochtitlan,
regular sacrifice, the one who with a priest cutting out the
needed the most nourishment heart of a captive, whose blood
was their patron, the war god spills down the The heart
stairs.

Huitzilopochdi. It was thought rises heavenward here; in reali-

that without his dailv fortifica- ty it would have been deposited
 cording to one chronicler, "Members of his court, angered by his
weakness and lack of desire to bring glor\' to the Aztec nation, helped
him to die with something they gave him to eat."
In view of his dismal militar\' reputation, it is ironic that this
ruler isnow best remembered as the dedicatee of the triumphal Stone
of Tizoc, a massive circular monument eight and a half feet across by
three feet high that is today a treasure of the National Museum of
Anthropology' in Mexico Although carvings depicting Aztec
Cit\'.

triumphs decorate the rim, onlv one can be linked to Tizoc's known
campaigns, and scholars now think that the rehefs celebrate the em-
pire he inherited rather than just his own sparse victories. (A similar
stone, apparenth' depicting the exploits of a far more successful mon-
arch, Motecuhzoma was unearthed from the garden of the Arch-
I,

bishop's Palace in Mexico City in 1988.)

ehind the Aztec emphasis on

martial triumph lav a compel-
ling logic. Interestingly, the Aztecs made little attempt to subjugate
the peoples they conquered. No chain of fortresses kept the defeated
nations under the voke; even permanent miUtan' garrisons seem to
have been rare. Instead, the conquerors depended on intimidation
for the continued submission of the other citv'-states of the region:
The fear of retahator\' action was what kept the tribute flowing. Anv
hint that Aztec armies \\'ere no longer invincible could therefore
spark defiance and insurrection a fact the Spanish conquistadors
were to capitalize on when hostile Indian groups allied
in a special receptacle, such with them to help accomplish the Aztecs' o\'erthrow.
as the immense stone jaguar
Until that fmal, unforeseeable cataclvsm,
pictured abo\'e.
however, the Aztec \\ar machine was about as ef-
But the heart was not the
onl)' organ to receixe ritual
fective a \\'eapon as, in the existing state of tech-
treatment. Xipe Totec, a god nology-, it could have been. All the energies of the
associated with springtime, de- state ^^'ere directed to encouraging martial prowess.
manded human sacrifice in an From the age of 20, ever\' able-bodied male was
annual rite of renewal.
liable to be drafted for the campaigns that were
After prisoners perished ^ a regular part of the Aztec vear, usuaUv start-
during a mcKk battle
ing in the late autumn, after the har\'est had
ceremony, their bodies
were flayed, and peni- been completed and the summer rains had
tents wore the skins for come to an end. In addition, there was also
20 days. The figure at a professional mihtarv' class, drawn from
right shows Xipe Totec in both the nobilirs' and the commoners \\'ho
the gruesome garb.
had proved their valor in war. These full-time fighters had no other
commitments but warfare, as they were supported by the state largely
from the supply of tribute provided by conquered cities.
All boys receix'cd some militar}' training. At the age of about
10, their hair was shorn but for a lock on the nape of the neck as a
preliminary initiation into the sacred ranks of the warrior. When they
The Stone ofTizoc, carved during that
turned 15 they received weapons training, meeting every evening
unsuccessful ruler's five-year reign and
with veterans who regaled them with tales of war and taught them the measuring eight and a halffeet in diam-
requisite dances and chants. They were also given tasks designed to eter, illustrates a series of military cam-

paigns, in only one of which Tizoc himself

toughen them, such as carr^ang logs from far- distant forests to the
participated. At the center of the sun-disk
temples, where these were fed to the eternal fires kept burning there. top is a depression that may have held
Each boy had to retain his telltale tuft of hair until he had hearts from human sacrifices.

participated in the capture of a prisoner. His first experience on the

battlefield was limited to carrying a warrior's shield and ob-
serving the action, but his second required that he par-
ticipate, with many as five of his fellow novices,
as in

taking alive a foe. The captive was then taken to

those men in charge of sacrifice, who killed
him. The body was divided up among the
boys for their ritualistic consumption:
The right thigh and torso went to the
youngster who had behaved most hero-
ically; the left thigh went to the second
bravest youth; the right upper arm to the
third and so on until no part was left.
Having proved himself, the new
warrior had his lock cut off and let his hair
grow to cover his right ear. But now he
was on his own. No longer could he count
on the assistance of his friends, nor could
he give any help to them in their next bat-
de, even when he saw that a companion

was in trouble if he were to go to his aid,
he ran the risk of being accused of tr)dng to
steal the other's potential captive. And he
was stricdy enjoined not to take pit\' on a
friend who had failed to capture a prisoner
during a battle; giving him one of his own
would be cheating punishable by death.
The goal of such conflict was to try to engage
a foe \\hose status equaled or exceeded the fighter's o\\'n and to
subdue him without inflicting too much injur)'. Mutilated prisoners
did not make fit subjects for sacrifice. For each man he took ali\'e, the
aspiring warrior received special mantles, and thus his military' record
became visible for all Those voung men who failed
to see at anv time.
to distinguish themsehes on the battlefield by seizing captives risked
being subjected to ridicule and reduced to li\ing a humble life.
The principle of public recompense was further extended
once a warrior had four or more captixes to his name. He then
became an honored soldier with the right to his share of the tribute
from N'assal states and might even qualif\' for a seat on the war council,
which advised the ruler on militan- matters. In addition, the warrior
was eligible to assume senior responsibilities in civil life, such as
administering the schools where the children of commoners were
trained. Elaborate laws decreed the exact dress and regalia to which
his militar\' exploits entided him. Indeed, under the ad\ice of Tla-
caelel, a general who ser\ed as a kind of grand vizier to three 15th-
centur\'monarchs, such a hero became the recipient of onlv the finest
jewels and the best cloaks and shields. To preser\'e the exclusi\it}' of
these awards, no one could bu\' them in the marketplace.
In further recognition of his accomplishments, the seasoned
warrior, especiallv if he were a nobleman, might be summoned to
join one of the elite societies of professional fighting men that helped
make the Aztec armies so formidable in the field. The aristocratic
Order of the Eagle and the Jaguar Knights had supreme standing.
The tides the knights bore were proud ones, calling to mind the
supreme air and land predators of the Mesoamerican natural world.
The Aztecs considered the eagle "fearless," a "brave, daring" bird, a
'S\ing beater, a screamer" that could "gaze into, face, the sun," qual-
ities to emulate. The\- saw the jaguar as "cautious, wise, proud," a
powerful animal that deflected a hunter's arrows before stirring,

stretching, and then springing upon its attacker.

Young nobles who had distinguished themselves on the bat-
defield received enhanced miLitar\' training, particularlv in the use of
the Aztec wooden, obsidian-edged sword, a weapon that flinctioned
primarily as a club. Their prixileges included the right to keep con-
cubines and to dine in the ro\'al palace. Moreover, each order had its

own house where the war council met to discuss mil-

in the palace,
itary' matters in the presence of the ruler. The so-called Hall of the

Eagle Knights disco\ered as the temple was being excaxated

89
 THE TRAPPINGS
AZT^^^WiiirRIORS:
AND PABLAPHERNALIA OF POWER

One wav to assure the Aztecs' wear a lavishly worked cloak Dependittff on the number of enemy
bloodthirst\' gods a steady called an ehehcailacatzcozcatl soldiers they captured, the warriors
shown here with their captives could
stream of living sacrifices was to meaning "wind-twisted je\Nel."
dress in ever more resplendent finery.
capture them on the battlefield. With four captives to his credit,
Warriors who brought them he advanced into the upper ech-
home were showered with gifts elon of the militar\' classes and
and honors, among which were could wear his hair in their dis-
the fine capes and headdresses tinctive st)'le. He also received
seen here in illustrations from new weapons, special insignia,
various codices. Such raiment and additional garments and
was intended not merely to ceremonial gear.
adorn the warrior but also to When he became recog-

proclaim his rank ^which was nized as a tequihuah, or \eteran
determined primarilv bv the warrior, he could join the ranks
number of men seized in battle. of the elite Eagle and Jaguar
When a soldier took his first Knights (overleaf) and wear
captive, the ruler awarded their distinctive uniforms. In
him a cloak decorated with a time, he might rise to the rank
scorpion or a flower design, of general or ser\'e as an adviser
along with various other gar- in the ruler's councils. But
ments. The fighter who took his in climbing the ranks, he also
second prisoner received a man- put himself at increasing risk:
In battle, warriors shed their awk-
de trimmed in red. And in rec- The accouterments of success ward robes in favor of tighter-fitting
ognition of his having taken a made him a conspicuous target garb but kept the headdresses and in-
third captive, he was entitled to on the battlefield. signia that announced their status.
This feathered ceremonial
a fierce
shield, sporting
1*
would have been
coyote,
awarded to a warrior who ^^-
performed well in battle.

m
m
^^^
1
1W.
Exceptional warriors, seen
below, earned distinctive
office or rank, which was
marked by their special
dress. The one at far lefi

was known as an honored

cuauhnochtecuhtli, or
eagle prickly-fear lord.

'^m
'.^:^

4^ iiSh
 SERV TS OF THE SUN GOD
T H E EAGLE S AND THE JAGUARS
Upon dclivcnraiicf of his toiirth better opportunities to distin- ble origins received land as well;

captive for sacrifice, the sea- guish themselves in battle. and his children could inherit
soned warrior entered the After initiation into the his noble status, although such
knighthood and as either an corps. Eagles and Jaguars en- a family was denied other privi-

Eagle or a Jaguar Knight came joyed many privileges. As in the leges a\'ailable to blue bloods.

to serve the god of the sun, case of other warriors of high Gathering at the cuauhcalli,

Tonatiuh. These two elite soci- standing, they were exempt their quarters in the palace at
with no apparent con-
eties from taxation and tribute. In Tcnochtitlan, Eagles and Jag-
ceptual between
differences addition, they could keep con- uars hosted war councils with
themadmitted both nobles cubines, eat human flesh, drink the ruler and his officers. There
and commoners. The nobles, oali, which was alcoholic, in they also conxened for worship
whose titles were hereditar\', far public, and dine in the royal of Tonatiuh and for business, as
oumumbcred the others, how- palace. The rare warrior who well as for pleasure in the
ever, because they were given rose to knighthood from hum- form of cannibalistic feasts.

.-.vAi'AY-.

^1
.

:-^^-

'^A ^."^.^S,

Shawn actual size, this flint knife,

with mosaic handle in the shape of

an Eagle warrior, was probably
used in sun-god worship ceremonies.

m0^
In the inner sanUum at the Temple
ofMalimUco, outside the capital,
new Eagle and Jaguar warriors prob-
ably underwent the sacred initiation
rites of their orders. Here a low plat-

form curves around an eagle effigy.

A codex drawing illustrates the battle

regalia of the Knights of the Sun
an Eagle warrior dressed in an eagle-
headed helmet and feathers (left) and

a Jaguar wearing the animal's skin.

comprises an entrance by a corridor to a courn^ard
r-;ected

widi two adjoining chambers. The rooms are furnished widi benches
decorated with carved reliefs of soldiers and serpents. In one of the
inner chambers, nvin processions converge on the can'ed image of a
zacatapayolliz balj of plaited grass into which bloodied spines from
the maguey plant, traditionally used for self-laceration, have been
inserted as an offering. Two enigmatic ceramic skeletal figures were
found flanking the entrance to one of the chambers.
Arrayed for battle, these elite warriors wore eagle or jaguar
costumes. Archaeologists have unearthed sculptures that suggest the
fearsome appearance the Eagle and Jaguar Knights must have pre-
sented. A 30-inch-high stone statue now in Mexico City's National
Museum of Anthropology shows a squatting figure, his head emerg-
ing from a jaguar's gaping maw. Even more extraordinan,' are two
life-size images of Eagle Knights, executed in fired clay, discovered
on either sideof another entrv'way to the rooms of the order. The
warriors' faces peer out from open beaks; their arms are encased in
feathered sleeves that flare out like wings, almost as though the men
were about to take off. The presence of the Eagle Knight figures in
the temple has led scholars to assume that the complex was used for
some of the order's ceremonies. Given the proximit\' of the Great
Temple to the royal palace, it is likely that the ruler himself might
have come here to sit in council with his leading warriors.
Among the other prestigious orders were the otontin named
after a tribe admired for its fierceness and the cuahchicqueh, or
"shorn ones." The cuahchicqueh sported a single lock of hair over
one ear braided with red ribbon and painted their bare pates red and
blue. The otontin also wore a lock, but they tied theirs close to their
otherwise shaven heads so that it would wave above them in battle.

Members rose through the ranks in reward for their combative skill.
The cuahchicqueh in particular were noted for their valor; they
fought in pairs and were sworn not to take a single step backward on
the battlefield or ever to retreat, despite the odds. If one fell dead or
wounded, the other had to fight on alone. They formed the shock
troops that won many famous victories.
Behind them the common soldiers were organized in bands of
20 that were in turn grouped into larger companies of either 200 or
400 men. Each urban district of Tenochtidan provided a number of
such companies, each one commanded by an officer chosen from the
ranks of those who had taken four or more captives. The companies

94
were themselves arranged in regiments linked to the four quarters of
the capital. The forces from Tenochtitlan were bolstered by addi-
tional troops provided by tw^o other cit}'-states in response to a triple
alliance that their rulers had set up for economic and militar)' reasons.
Mercenaries were also sometimes used, among them aggressive
northern hunters who ser\'ed as bowmen.

'he Aztec army was a splendid

T!and terrif\ing sight as it pre-

pared for battle. In keeping with the ceremonial nature of Mesoamer-
ican warfare, the troops dressed for display as well as for effective
fighting. Although way of Aztec arms and armor has
litde in the

survived, the codices and Spanish sources have good descriptions of

the panoply of war. The basic protective garment, available mosdy to
proven warriors and members of the militar\' orders, was an armor of
quilted, brine-saturated cotton, about two fingers thick. It pro\'ed so
effectix'e against arrows that the Spanish conquistadors learned to
prefer it to their own chain mail. Over this the soldiers wore feathered
tunics decorated with skirdike hanging borders of feathers, or else
body-encasing jumpsuits of heavy cloth. These were also often cov-
ered in multicolored feathers, sometimes sewn to resemble
cle\'erlv

animal pelts or the features of gods or demons. Nobles and leading

warriors occasionally wore helmets that mimicked the heads of beasts
of prey. Virtually all combatants carried round shields, usuallv made
of cane or flame-hardened wood reinforced with leather and faced
with feather ornamentation.
In addition, officers carried standards strapped tighdy to their
backs bv means of shoulder harnesses. Besides advertising the rank of
their wearer, these towering basketwork emblems, oft:en splendidly

decorated with featherwork, gems, silver, or gold, served a vital

communications fiinction. In the din of batde they enabled com-

manders to locate indi\'idual companies and also ser\'ed as rallying
points for the soldiers within each unit. Their \'er\' visibilitx^ was to
make the standard-bearers tempting targets for the Spaniards; not
the least of the reasons for the conquistadors' supremacy in batde
against the Aztecs was to be the relative ease with which they could
dismantie the enemy's system of communications.
The offensive weapons the warriors carried included bows up
to fn^e feet long, firing arrows tipped with sharpened flint or chipped
obsidian. They wielded slings made from the fiber of the maguey

95
 'i%,^
that hurled specially
shaped stones 300 yards or more and could stun a man, if not kill This richly carved and gilded spear-
thrower, known as an atlatl, probably
him. Wooden darts, their tips fire-hardened, were flung from atlatls, served a ceremonial, rather than func-
hooked spear- throwers whose use increased the force of the projec- tional, purpose. In warfare, atlatls en-
tile by more than 50 percent. Lances longer than the soldiers who
abled warriors to hurl darts with enough
force to pierce some types of armor.
used them were edged with blades of obsidian sharp enough to
shave with. There were clubs with heads of wood or
stone. Most formidable of all, however, were the clubs
made of wood but armed with glass-sharp obsidian
chips inserted into grooves along their cutting
edges and fixed in place with turde-dung glue.
Some were designed for two-handed use; the
Spaniards said of them that they could strike the
head ofi^ a horse at a single blow.
Not all of these weapons had equal status. Bows were
associated with the hunting tribes to the north, barbarians in
Aztec eyes, and so they were the arms of the lower orders. By m^
way of contrast, the nobilit)^, trained from their youth in the
use of heavy weapons, wielded the great clubs and halberdlike
spears that proved so formidable in hand-to-hand combat. As
a result, they probably suffered fewer battlefield casualties
than the commoners and took more prisoners, thereby rein-
forcing their position at the top of the social tree.
The battles these warriors fought were for the most part
ferocious and confused melees in which there was plent\' ot
room for individuals to make their mark. In their heroism and
intensity they must have resembled the conflicts of Homer's
Greece more than the armored clashes of the Europe of
their day. Typically, combat would begin with a fusillade
of arrows and stones. The troops, stretched out in a long
line, would then close, hurling javelins from their adads

as they approached the enemy lines. With the hardened

veterans of the military orders in the Aztec vanguard, the
front lines of the opposing armies would clash, and
hand-to-hand fighting would ensue. These tactics en-
couraged frontal fighting and explain the popularit)^ of
long thrusting weapons.
One of the oddest features of the batdes to the
 eves of Europeans was that little
emphasis was put on annihilating
An ornate helmet, worn probably by an the enemv. Killing a man on the bat-
aristocrat in ritual ceremoniis, preserves tlefield sened no purpose, for a wound-
only portions of the turquoise, mother-
and pink mosaic
ed or maimed captive would be unfit for temple sacrifice. Rather than
of-pearl, malachite, shell
that once covered it entirely. use the sharp side of his club on the victim, the warrior would
probabh' ha\e struck him with its flat side to stun him. More likely,
he would ha\e tried to weaken and exhaust his adxersarv so that he
would falter and faint, as related in the Florentine Codex, and throw
"himself down as if dead, as if he wished that breath might end." Thus
could the foe be seized intact for subsequent sacrifice.

were not unknown to Mesoamerican armies. The im-

Tactics
portance of flanking was appreciated, and here the length of the x\ztec
line for, as the imperial masters, the\' normall\- managed to field
more men than their opponents proved more than helpful. In ad-
dition, the Aztecs successfull\- emploved the age-old stratagem of the
feigned retreat. One account describes how soldiers of the otontin
and cuahchicqueh orders were instructed before a battle to prepare
an ambush. "All these soldiers were ordered to lie down upon the
earth with their shields and clubs in their hands, about 2,000 men
from all the provinces. Thev were then covered with grass until not
a man could be seen." WTien the opposing armv appeared, the Aztecs
remained still. "They ran to the place where the great warriors waited
in ambush. WTien the enemv had entered the trap, the men concealed
bv the grass stood up and annihilated them. Not one escaped; all were

killed or taken prisoner. Even the vouths took manv captives."

After a \'ictor\' and the Aztecs lost few battles in the course
of building their empire the winners rareh' sought to destrov the
opposition. The losing cit\'-state would be offered terms. If its leaders
proved obdurate, the might enter their cit\' and fire the main
\'ictors

temple: A gh'ph depicting a burning temple was the Aztec svmbol for
\ictor\'. Such an act was a de\astating blow to a cit\''s pride; it implied

that the local god had been overcome. But it also had vital practical
significance. The temple was usually a town's most hea\'Ll\' fortified
site and also the seat of the principal armor)', so its destruction meant
theend of effective resistance. Even so, the conquering troops rarelv

went on to devastate the civilian districts a poIic\' that would not

97
have served Aztec interests, as it would have reduced the amount of
tribute the losers could pay. Similarly, the conquerors were normally
content to leave the existing loyal house in place, so long as its leader

agreed to fulfill his pec^pie's obligations to the victor.

The goal of militarv action was to force defeated nations to
accept Aztec hegemony and to pay tribute. By 1 5 19, some 370 towns
had come to such an arrangement, and the amount of goods that
arrived annually in Tenochtidan was staggering. It included an esti-
mated 7,000 tons of corn, 4,000 tons of beans, and two million
cotton cloaks, along with smaller numbers of war costumes, shields,
and feather headdresses. The arrival of such tribute was a wonder to
behold, reported the Spanish chronicler Duran. In addition to basic
commodities, there might be live birds, including green, red, and
blue parrots, snarling jaguars and wildcats, "great and small snakes,
some poisonous, others not, some fierce, others harmless; toasted
locusts, winged ants, large cicadas and little ones," and a wide range
of gourds, "some carved, some gilded and painted," with one flat type
used "in the same way that we use silver trays or large plates to carry
the food to the table or to give water for the hands."
Of the luxur\^ products unobtainable in the Valley of Mexico,
many that came as tribute to the been unearthed
Aztec capital ha\'e
in the course of the excavation of the Great Temple and are now on
display in the on-site museum. Among them are greenstone car\'ings
from the southern region of Guerrero, vast quantities of shells and
coral from the coastal states, obsidian from the state of Hidalgo, and
alabaster goods from the state of Puebla, in central Mexico.
The Aztec system of enforcing voluntar\^ submission on the
neighboring fiefdoms has left fewer monuments for archaeologists to
investigate than if chains of fortresses had marked the triumphant
passage of the nation's armies. One recovered site, however, still

retainssomething of the brooding splendor of the empire's latter

days. The
ruins of Malinalco stand on a hillside about 70 miles
southwest of Mexico City, in a region that had only recendy been
conquered when the Aztecs decided to build there at the turn of the
16th century. The complex they constructed seems to have served
both and an administrative center, and the exaa reasons the
as a ritual
Aztecs chose to erect it are unclear. But Malinalco lay close to the
border of their empire, with the undefeated and hostile land of
Michoacan not far beyond. Whatever its exact function, the place was
in part a frontier outpost.

98
 An air of mvsterv' surrounds the complex's best- preserved

building, a small, circular temple whose entrance is in the form of a

gaping serpent's mouth. In the center of the cool, dark interior, a
carv^ed stone eagle, its wings outstretched, faces the doorway. A stone
bench running around the back of the chamber is decorated with an
eagle- and-jaguar motif In the center a jaguar skin is carved, its head
and paws from the seat rim.
rising
The building was probably intended to commemorate Aztec
military prowess, but there may also have been a deeper symbolism
at work. The Malinalco area was associated in Mexican minds with

the goddess Malinalxochid, a sinister deity sometimes confiised with

the rebellious Q)yolxauhqui. Like Coyolxauhqui, Malinalxochid was
a disruptive force, an evil sorceress who, in the days of the Aztecs'
early wanderings, supposedly commanded a faction of the people.
On Huitzilopochth's orders, the rest of the people abandoned her
and her followers overnight, whereupon she founded the town of
Malinalco. The I6th-centur\^ chronicler who related the story went
on to comment that "the people of Malinalco to this day have the
reputation of being sorcerers, and it is said that they inherited this gift
from the woman who founded the city."
The gods of the Malinalco area were earth deities believed to
Live in caves. Perhaps that is why, in such a dangerous and supernat-
ural frontier region, the Aztecs apparently chose to symbolize their
fmal victor)^ over the dissident followers of Malinalxochid by carving
a cave of their own and filling it with all the symbolism of the empire's
militar\^ might. As the jaguar seat was the special preserve of the Aztec
ruler, it may even be that occasionally he came in person to sit in
council in the dark temple, symbolically watching over the conquered
lands from his eagle's aerie on the high mountainside.
There was, of course, litde benevolence in the Aztec attitude
to conquest, even if they practiced limited rather than total warfare.
The eagerness with which neighboring city-states rallied to Q)rtes
against the imperial forces shows plainly enough that they were
hated. And no allies proved more loyal or helpful to the Spaniards
than the Tlaxcalans, an unconquered people who for almost a century
had been confronting the Aztecs in the most ritualized of all Mes-
oamerican military conflicts, the Flower Wars.
Dating to the earliest years of Aztec power, these stylized
combats were fought by stricdy observ^ed rules. A batdeground was
chosen somewhere on the borders between the two combatant states.

99


and a day was fixed in aJvancc ror the clash to begin. A large pyre of
paper and incense s r ablaze between the two armies signaled the
WARRIORS'
CLIFFSIDE
onset of hostilities. The nauire of the fighting was different from
other batdes, too; the fusillade of arrows, stones, and spears that
for the point of the exercise was to
RETREAT
began other conflicts was absent,
demonstrate prowess in hand-to-hand combat. Hidden in the mountains some
The purpose of the Flower Wars seems to have been three- 80 miles southwest of Tenochti-
fold. First though this motive was never publicly acknowledged tlan at a place called Malinalco

they were a potent reminder of Aztec militarv' might, discouraging (right), seven Aztec structures

potentially threatening neighbors from any more menacing demon- escaped destruction at the hands
of 16th-century Spanish con-
stration of militar\' enterprise. Second, they furnished an opportunity'
quistadors. Hewn mosdy fi-om
for combat training. Finally and perhaps most important, they pro-
the living rock, though some
vided a steady supply of prisoners of war to feed the Aztecs' unceasing were fronted with masonry, the
need for sacrificial victims. strucmres apparently served the
Human sacrifice had most Mesoamerican cultures,
a part in needs of two elite military cults,

but on nothing like the scale it was to assume under the Aztecs, for the Eagle and the laguar

whom it drew its importance from the mystical significance attrib- Knights. The most elaborate
edifice, carved with eagle and
uted by them to blood, the vital fluid that
jaguar motifs, can be seen
kept the world running. Aztec creation
with its restored conical
m\ths were numerous and various, and of- thatched roof near the bot-
ten contradictor}', but they all featured the tom of the aerial photo-
deities' insatiable appetite for blood. One graph. The building may
myth told how the sun had been created bv have functioned both as a
a divine act of sacrifice. As the gods gath- ceremonial center and as a
secret setting for meetings
ered in the primordial twilight, a mal-
of high-level Aztec leaders.
formed and diseased dwarf threw himself
Some of the sacred
into an enormous brazier and rose from stone sculpmres resemble
the coals transformed into the sun. For the Eagle Knight in a
want of blood, however, the solar disk beaked helmet shown
could not at first move through the sky. It floating above the site.

was only after the other gods in turn had Only one of the wooden
immolated themselves that the sun started
relics survives a large
cylindrical drum (left) Mi- .

on its daily course through the heavens;

raculously, it mrned up
I

their deaths gave it life. From that time on, intact in a nearby village,
blood was needed to keep iton its course. where the inhabitants had
The blood of beasts was acceptable preserved it as evidence of
to the gods, and quails were sacrificed dai- their ancestors' once-
glorious culture.
ly. In the temples, the day began with the
beheading of the birds to salute the rising
sun. The practice continued thereafter
through the daylight hours; hun-
dreds of quails died every day,
necks wrung and heads torn oft"
Dogs, too, were sacrificed, at

the winter solstice.

Humans were expected
to offer their own blood. Few es-
caped this painful obligation;
even babies had their ears pricked
so that they might bleed. The ruler
himself had to lacerate his flesh in the
course of the coronation ceremony. In
so doing he demonstrated an ability to
endure pain that was expected of all Az-
tec males; the stoical indifference to suf-
fering thus demonstrated was one gauge of
The
a youth's suitability for advancement.
normal instrument of bloodletting was a
maguey spine. The penitent would prick the
upper ear, tongue, penis, or some other fleshy
part of the body, then stick the bloody spike into a
ball of plaited grass or place it on a bed of leaves.
The most diligent performers of self-laceration,
however, were the priests. Besides the maguey-spine rit-

ual, they would sometimes use obsidian blades to slice their

earlobes or the foreskins of their penises; or the)' might

pierce their flesh with obsidian skewers so they could insert
Apparendy straws and thorns were
straws to collect the blood.
also passed through holes in the tongue; some priests are said to
have practiced this form of self-injur\' so energetically that they
A jaguar skull, another relic of the
developed speech impediments. These seeminglv masochistic exer- Great Temple, clutches a jade ball be-
cises were thought to be beneficial for both the individual and the tween its teeth. With the ball serving
symbolically as the animal's heart, the
state, for the Aztecs conceived of a contractual relationship between
predator was thus assured an afterlife.
men and gods; if sufficient offerings were made to them, the deities
in return would provide rain, good harvests, and military success.
Yet self-laceration and animal sacrifice were not a sufficiendy
high price in themselves to ensure divine favor. Human sacrifice grew
increasingly significant as the empire expanded. If any one man's
hand can be seen behind the great upsurge in numbers killed, it seems

102
to have been that of Tlacaelel, the adviser to three rulers of Te-
nochtitlan. In authorit\' at a time when Aztec power was on the rise,

he seems to have deliberately fostered the cult of Huitzilopochtli,

with its attendant rites of sacrifice, as an imperialist creed and as a

prop to encourage Aztec militarism. "In addition to being bold and

cunning in the tricker\' of war," the Spanish chronicler Duran re-
ported, he "also invented devilish, cruel, and frightful sacrifices."
According to Duran, Tlacaelel oversaw one monstrous sacri-

fice where the victims were so numerous that the Spaniard feared
being called a liar for describing it, but, as he assured his readers, he
had the information from reliable Aztec sources. "Before dawn the
prisoners who were to be sacrificed were brought out and lined up
in four files," he reported. "One extended from the foot of the steps
to the pyramid all along the causeway that goes to Coyoacan and
Xochimilco; it was almost one league in length. Another extended
along the causewav of Guadalupe, and it \\'as as long the first. The
third went along the causeway of Tlacopan, and the fourth toward
the east as far as the shore of the lagoon." It took four days for all the
victims to be killed, and the streams of blood that ran down the
temple steps were so great "that when they reached bottom and
cooled the)' formed fat clots, enough to terrifs' one."
There were many different forms of human sacrifice, each
associated with a given deit}' or one of the many festivals that punc-
tuated the Aztec year, and the \'ictims could be slaves as well as
captured warriors. Without doubt the most common t\^pe of sacrifice
was that in which the victim was held down while his still- pumping
heart was cut out, but it was by no means the onlv method. Some
unfortunates were decapitated. Still others became living targets,
shot through with arrows or adatl darts.
Perhaps the noblest form of human sacrifice was one that
involved gladiatorial combat, albeit of a lopsided kind. Known as the
Flaying of Men, it formed part of a ritual carried out in the spring,
the time of planting, and celebrated the rejmenation of life. The
prisoners, seized on the batdefield and brought back to Tenochtidan,
were carefiilly tended by their captors and treated almost as kinsmen,
as brethren in death, that they might honor the victors through the
dignit}' and bra\'er\' of their dying. Indeed, this relationship started

on the battlefield where, by tradition, the warrior was supposed to

say to his prisoner, "He is as my beloved son," and the prisoner in
turn was to reply, "He is as my beloved father."

103
 The of the Fiayiiig of Men took place over a two-day
rite

period at the temple of the god Xipe Totec, known as the Flayed One
or the Flayer, whose connections with the east, a region considered
by the Aztecs to be a land of plent)^ made him an appropriate deit\'

to please at this time of year. The ceremony called for the prisoners,

wearing paper loincloths, to be smeared all over with a chalky sub-

stance. Then their heads were covered with sticky latex, the juice of
the rubber tree, to which turkey feathers were attached; the milk\'-

colored latex was applied to their faces as well. On the first day of the
rite, onlv the lesser captives went to their deaths atop Xipe's temple;
they were supposed to sprint up the steps, but many had to be
dragged to the sacrificial stone by the temple priests. After they had
their hearts cut out, their lifeless bodies were thrown down the steps
and flayed and butchered. One thigh of each was dispatched to the
ruler, while the victims' captors got to keep the rest except for the
heads, which were used to decorate an enormous skull rack.
The warriors now summoned their kinsmen to homes
their
for ritual cannibal feasts. Mindful that they themselves might wind
up one day on an enem)^s killing stone, they abjured their captives'
flesh, but urged their relatives to each eat a small piece with a handful
of uncooked corn kernels a symbolic act calling to mind the earth's
bounty. With much wailing and weeping for the deaths that might
one day befall their own sons, either on the battleground or
as sacrifices, the families partook of the flesh and com.
The next day, the more important prisoners
were sacrificed on the so-called gladiatorial stone at
the base of Xipe Totec's pyramid. The captives had
been prepared for the rite over a four-day period
during which, among other things, they were
obliged to fight in mock combat and submit to
a sham removal of their hearts that organ be-
ing represented by dried corn kernels. After
spending the eve of their deaths with their cap-
tors, who symbolically cut off their warlocks at
midnight, they were led to the temple. The high
priest, dressed as Xipe, came down the steps, fol-

lowed by his entourage.

A captive would be tethered to the waist
high, circular stone, which was set on a raised platform
Stripped to his loincloth, he was provided with mock
 arms four pine cudgels and a club rimmed \\^ith feathers in place of
the usual obsidian blades. With these imitation weapons he was
expected to defend himself against four of the mightiest Eagle and
Jaguar Knights, who were armed with real weapons. To ease his pain
he was gi\en a drink of pulque, spiked, doubdess with a drug pre-
pared from morning-glor\' seeds, and then he was set upon by his
adversaries and their superior weapons.
As he fought his losing batde, he was subjected to what was
known as the striping, the slitting here and there of his skin, so that
his blood would seep from the tin\^ wounds. There was perhaps an
intended parallel here, the breaking of the skin suggesting the split-

ting open of seeds in the earth as thev germinate. When at last the

poor captive collapsed, the high priest impersonating Xipe stepped

forward, cut out the heart, raised it up to the sun as an offering, and
then dipped a hollow cane into the pool of blood rising in the chest
Qzs'ws and held it up so that the sunmight drink. He presented the
captor \\'ith the cane and a bowl of the blood with u'hich the warrior
went about the cit\', reddening the mouths of the idols in the temples.
After making his rounds, the warrior returned to Xipe's tem-
ple and rejoined the celebrants, who flayed and dismembered the
Religious sacrifice took a variety of captives; they then lubricated their own naked bodies \\ith grease and
forms in Aztec culture. The retnains
slipped into the skin. Sometimes a warrior would pass the honor of
of dozens cfsnuill bodies found at the
Great Temple (above) are testimony to wearing a skin to a penitent. Trailing blood and grease, the grue-
the practice of sacrificing children, in
somely clad men ran through the cit\% "thus terrifying those they
the belief that their tears brought
rain.At the opposite end of the spec- followed," as Sahagun noted. They would chase vouths so bold as to
trum, warriors ritually pricked them- of the dead men's skin under
xx\ to pluck at the navels to get a little
selves with maguey spines and bled
and would beat any thev caught. Welcomed every-
their fingernails
into a grass ball, sometimes placed in
a cuauhxicalli, or eagle vessel (left).
where, they went from house to house. According to Sahagun, they
took seats spread with lea\es, and "their hosts provided them with
necklaces formed of maize ears; they placed garlands of flowers upon
their shoulders; they placed crowns of flowers upon their heads."
The second-da\^s rite also included a cannibal feast for each
warrior's family, and as on the da\' before, the slaver would hold back
from eating the flesh, saying aloud, "Shall I perchance eat mv ver\^
self?" During the 20-day period in \\'hich he wore the skin, he and

those around him had to endure the stench it gave off. In the end, he
shed the crumbling, rotting suit, which was buried in a cave at the
foot of Xipe's temple, then cleansed himself deeplv, rubbing off any
lingering grease with cornmeal. The ceremonv over, the reborn
spring was joyouslv celebrated throughout the cit^^

105
 Women were sacrifucd at a fall festival honoring the mother
goddesses of growing and ripe maize, the Aztec staple. They were
decapitated, their heads lopped off like ears of corn as they danced in
imitation of the divmity.The idea of divine impersonation was taken
furthest in the case of thehandsome youth chosen annually to rep-
resent Tezcatlipoca, archsorcerer and supreme god of the Aztec pan-
theon. For a year the young man was honored as an incarnation of
the deity, walking about in the apparel associated with the god and
playing on the flute. One month before his death, he was provided
with four maidens representing goddesses to enjoy. When the ap-
pointed day arrived, he had to say farewell to them and climb the
steps of the temple alone, casting down and breaking a flute on each
step as he ascended. Then the waiting priests seized him and cut out
his heart. A new youth was immediately chosen to take his place for
the following year until his time too should come.
Children were offered to Tlaloc, the god of rain and agricul-
tural fertility. The victims were bought from their parents; Aztec
records indicate that infants with two cowlicks of hair, born on days
considered propitious, were sought, and that the price paid was high.
Their fate was reported bv Duran.
Each spring "the entire nobility
of the land, kings

Sk
r^^^'
and princes, and
Ktumm as the Tomb of Time, an altar
decorated with skulls and bones served as
the burial place of each passing century
in Tenochtitlan. Every 52 years a bundle

of 52 canes the number ofyears in an

Aztec century was thrust throttgh the
opening on top in a symbolic interment.

=^-
.^"^ M

if-'

-*r,,-

:]^^^J
 great lords, took a child of six or seven years and placed him within
an enclosed litter so that he would not be seen." The procession
crossed Lake Tetzcoco and wended its way to the summit of Mount
Tlaloc, a peak near Tenochtidan that the Mexicans associated with
clouds and rain. "If they go along cr\ing," an Aztec document pre-
served in another chronicle records, "if their tears keep flowing, if

their tears keep falling, it was said, indeed it will rain." At Mount
Tlaloc the child was sacrificed by the priests to the wail of trumpets,
conch shells, and flutes, and its blood was used to bathe an image of
the god; if a drought persisted, additional children might be killed.

Litde wonder that the memor\' of the ceremonv was slow to die even
after the Spanish conquest.
Meanwhile, in Tenochtidan itself, a little girl dressed in blue,
the color of water, waited in a second enclosed litter within the Great
Temple WTien news came through that the mountain sac-
precinct.
rifice had been accomplished, she was carried to a canoe and paddled

to a given spot out on the lake. There her throat was slit, so that her
blood flowed into the water, and her body was cast into the lake.
The saddest discover)' at the Great Temple was made in late
July 1980, on the northwest corner of the side of the pyramid ded-
icated to Tlaloc. Digging re\'ealed a cache containing stone vessels
bearing Tlaloc's effig)' laid on top of the bones of 42 of his young
victims. E\'idence from dental examination of the skulls suggested
that the children were between three and seven vears of age at the
In an illustration from the Florentine
time of their deaths. Half showed some signs of disease, raising the
Codex prepared by Friar Sahagiin, a sac-
rificial victim tearfully contemplates his poor health may have formed a dispro-
possibility' that children in
fate before a priest cuts out his heart, portionate percentage of the victims; e\'idence from similar caches of
after which two Aztecs boil and consume
his body in an act of ritual cannibalism.
bones excavated at nearby Tlatelolco seems to confirm this fmding.
Medical examination of the skeletons suggested that the children
died by having their throats cut rather than their hearts extracted. It

was not possible to determine whether theywere boys or girls.

and tears, so those
Just as sacrifices to Tlaloc involved water
to Xiuhtecuhutli, the fire god, featured burning. His partiallv
drugged victims were tossed into braziers and roasted on the coals.
Before they could expire, however, their blistered bodies were pulled
out by priests equipped with hooks, so the chests could be opened
and the hearts removed. Some were dispatched bv drowning or
strangulation; others were crushed against a rock or locked up and
left to die miserablv.
One of the strangest sacrificial rites was the merchants' cus-

107
torn of offering up so-calied bathed slaves. A merchant would buy an
attractive slave, male or temale, who was skilled in the arts of singing

and dancing. He would build houses in which his purchase would

later be expected to dance. He would make lavish gifts to other

merchants and militar\' men who had already sacrificed slaves of their
own, and would go on pilgrimage to the merchant headquarters of
Tochtepec, near Mexico's east coast, to indicate his intention of
partaking in the slave-bathing ceremony. Returning to Tenochtitlan,
he would embark on a round of entertaining at which the
la\'ish

chosen slave, who had been meanwhile well cared for, would per-
form, bedecked in fme clothes and ornaments.
The process culminated in an elaborate set of rites whose
climax came when master and ser\'ant climbed the staircase of the
Great Temple together. At the top, the merchant handed the sla\'e
over to the priests, who cut out his heart. The body was then returned
to the merchant, to be consumed by his relatives at a banquet. "Sep-

arately, in an olla, they cooked the grains of maize," the chronicler

Sahagiin reported. 'They serv^ed his flesh on it. They placed only a
Htde on top of it. No chili did they add to it; they only sprinkled salt
on it. Indeed all the host's kinsmen ate of it." Thus merchants won
status and showed off their success.
The cannibalism that often followed Aztec sacrifice was gov-
erned by strict rules. Because sacrificial victims were thought to have
become divine, their limbs were consecrated and were, in the words
of a chronicler, "eaten with reverence, ritual, and fastidiousness as
were something from heaven." The torsos, however, were treated
if it

with less respect, serving as meat for the wild animals in the ro\'al zoo.
In many went stoicallv to
cases, sacrificial victims apparently
their deaths, convinced a glorious
afterlife with the gods awaited
them. There are accounts of warriors captured in battle insisting on
being sacrificed even when offered their freedom, though whether
the motive was religious credulit)', the wish to displav manl\' indif-
ference to unbearable pain, or the desire to escape the shame of defeat
is impossible to tell.

In the end, the blood-hungr)' gods let the invincible Aztecs

down. More than five centuries after the last victim
died atop the
Great Temple, the words of a poet ring achingly hollow: "Proud of
itself is the cit)^ of Mexico-Tenochtidan. Here no one fears to die in

war. That is our glory. Who could conquer Tenochtidan? Who could
shake the foundation of heaven?"
 THE TEMPI.B OF DEATH -1: -^

e shall conquer all the people in the uni- carried out a regular round of sacrifical rites, tearing out
/ verse," boasted Huitzilopochtli, patron god the hearts of male victims (above), most of whom were
/ of the Aztecs or at least that is what the captives or slaves.
Aztecs reported his having said to them. And that was When the Spaniards seized Tenochtitlan, they
not his only prophecy: "I will make you lords and kings sought to erase every trace of the alien gods. They tore
of ever\^ place in the world." In fulfillment of their down stones of the sacred mountain and used them to
god-given destiny, the Aztecs designated the center of build a cathedral; apparendy they removed and de-
their power with the utmost exactitude. At the inter- stroyed the effigies of Huitzilopochdi and Tlaloc
section of the causeways leading to their island capital although some people believe that the Indians snatched
of Tenochtitlan, they erected an imposing four-tiered them away and hid them. But the soft subsoil of Te-
pyramid that the Spaniards would call el Templo Mayor, nochtitlan retained secrets that would come to light
or the Great Temple. centuries later. In 1978, when workers laying electrical
Like a spike through the fabric of existence, this cable near the center of Mexico City discovered a rem-
man-made mountain was seen as joining the everyday nant of the Great Temple
the huge stone portrait of
terrestrial plane to the heavens above and the under- Coyolxauhqui, the dismembered rebellious sister of
world below. Fittingly, it was a fearsome place. At its
Huitzilopochdi a new era of Mexican archaeology
base crawled immense stone snakes. Within the struc- opened. For the next five years, archaeologists and oth-
ture lay dark chambers stuffed with religious offer- er specialists excavated the surrounding area. They
ings figurines, stone masks, animal bones, seashells, learned that the edifice razed by the Spaniards had been
skulls. Two steep sets of stairs led up the western face to only an outer shell,one version of the Aztec world-
the pair of shrines that held the statues of Huitzilo- center built over the structures of earlier temples. Hid-
pochtli, god of sun and war, and
Tlaloc, god of water den in the spongy soil into which these had gradually
and Here, to ensure that crops flourished and
fertilit)'. sunk was a prodigious record of Aztec belief written in
tribute continued to flow from subject peoples, priests the Great Temple's blood-soaked stones.
 >^ H IN PYRAMIDS
Soon after the IHIHP^"*^^^^^ *" hundred steps ascending to the sacrificial area on
AD1325,^they ^jSieirdeliverauBKeto top.As archaeologists dug deeper at the site, they
their guafcUsuav^t^-; ^^: r^sh^ a shrine from Some of the re-
traced at least six reconstructions.
reeds, skaw, aiid gra^^^^^ rude structure long building had been done because the increasingly
since decaved-rrvC^^tfi^ seed from which the Great hea\y structure steadily sank into the waterlogged
Temple grew^Over the next ^o centuries it would earth, butmuch of the work was designed to reflect
be repeatedly rebuilt, each new version enclosing the growth of empire. A diplomatic message from
the one before. Meanwhile, a vast ceremonial pre- a neighboring state deli\'ered to the Aztec ruler

cinct spread around the temple

a walled area during one phase of enlargement urged, "Make it
where worshipers, entering through four gates ori- vour destiny to see that the honor of the Aztecs does
ented to the four cardinal points, propitiated a mul- not diminish but rather becomes greater." Each
titude ofgods at as many as 78 temples and shrines. completed expansion demanded celebrations that
In this sacred setting, the Great Temple rose in were deemed sure to please the gods, including
a pyramid some 135 feet high, with more than a mass sacrifices that could continue for da\'S on end.

^^XJ^
 A cutaway shows six stages of construc-
tion that the Great Temple under-
went during its 200-year history. Five
of these involved enlargements, with
new walls laid over old ones and rub-
ble used to fill in the spaces. The over-
head view reveals excavated areas
that yielded significant finds, includ-
ing the Coyolxauhqui stone.

Stage I (unexcavated)
1 Stage U (ca. 1428)
2 Stage UI (1431)
3 Stage IV (ca. 1454-1469)
4 Stage V (ca. 1480)
5 Stage VI (ca. 1500)
6 Stage VU (ca. 1502-1520)

Close by Mexico City's cathedral, the

Great Temple ruins embrace a 7,000-
stfuare-yard area. Sacrificical victims
climbed, danced, or were led up the
steps to the killing stones once posi-
tioned on the long-vanished top.
A COM PIETY
The Aztecs V'l
As the pxeavation of the Great
once optimisti i^^- Temple proceeded, the archaeol-
All that the go f^ the ogists unco\ered more and more
gods could tai;c .specially evidence of Aztec de\'otion, but
in Mexieo::fiere;he rainy season none more chilling, perhaps,
was jfoiloweiby a diy one in than the remains of a shrine to
which plants could wither and Huitzilopochtli. There they
die. hideed, the Aztecs, who had came face to face with the dark
wandered through arid lands for stone opposite, over which
\'ears before settling down, had priests had stretched \ ictims and
firsthand experience of the disas- cut out their hearts. At Tlaloc's
ter drought could bring. Twice shrine nearby they found the
they had endured se\'ere famines. sculpture below thought to rep-
,

Out of such calamit)', thc\' saw resent a messenger bet\\ een the
the world as existing in a state of god and the priests. It ma)' have
precarious balance that could been used as an altar or
shift: and result in catachsm. In ofTertor}' for the steam-
an effort to staxe off disaster, ing hearts that the Aztecs
thev regularly propitiated the belicNcd would help e-n-

gods with blood. sure Tlaloc's blessing. ,

Still retaining traces of its original

paint, a divine intermediary, or chac-
moo!, reclines near Tlaloc's shrine,
eternally awaiting bloody offerings.
One version of the Great Templethe
first ^reat renwdelitig, designated
Stage II was unearthed almost in-
tact. The darker area shows where the
supine figure (1) and sacrificial stone
(2) pictured below turned up.
M
^Si

r
.Wv^,

,->*

ih' ?aBfc">
vT- e

l^<^i^l^

::>

li

The sacrificial stone in Huitzilopoch-

tli's shrine presents a grim profile.
Victims had their hearts cut out here
with ritual knives like the one above,
shown actual size. Breaking through
the floor beside the stone, the excava-
tors fimnd several knives that had
been left as religious offerings.
TEMPE RETS
Dreadtiiind^ci \ nvolaeities who resided
atop the Grc^t'rempk.'^Hmtzilopochtli,'\rep^
one Spariish \\;riter, ''was a second Hercules, who
was extiemcly strong and \er\' bellicose, a great
destroyer of towns and slayer of people." Tlaloc,
who supplied the rains that made the earth produc-
tixe, had his fierce side, too. He "sent hail and light-

ning and storms and danger on rivers and at sea,"

said this same chronicler.
The Great Temple embodies the gods' dual con-
trol in many ways
most prominently in their two
shrines, but also in associated sculptures, such as
those shown belov\'. The pyramid itself is a double Numbers on this higihli^hted floor
symbol, representing both the holy mountain plan note the places where the objects
in the photographs turned up during
where Huitzilopochtli was born and the heaxens
dicing. The standing figures (I), the
where Tlaloc's rains formed. and the sacrificial stone
frogs (2),

(3) date to the Stage III reconstruc-

tion of the temple, begun in 1431.

Found reclining against the stairway

that rose to Huitzilopochtli's shrine,
these nearly life-size statues, referred
to as standard-bearers, may repre-
sent the war god's brothers. They are
thought to have adorned the summit.

Sitting on pedestals infivnt of stairs

leading to Tlaloc's shrine, a pair of
frogs symbolize earth, water, and fer-
They were also associated with
tility.

the underworld, since they burrowed

in mud during the dry season:

^^
 ^

^^^-

ft-^
-K^jT-
^v<S^.
^ '^'^.
'v' "^ :-r^** -'M^

-^S^
'^
^.. 1^
>%.:^
/^"^

-iP^ '.^

*iasft^

Most extraordinary cfall the carvings sisterofHuitzilopochtli. The Aztecs formed herself into a sorceress." Here,
found in the temple excavations is this deemed Coyolxauhqui, whose name bells decorate her cheek, and in ac-
almost 11 feet in diameter, of
relief, means "painted with bells,'' a "very cordarue with her ferocious image,
a decapitated and dismembered Co- evil woman," one who "spoke to all she wears a skull on her belt and ser-
yolxauhqui, the moon goddess and the the centipedes and spiders and trans- pent armbands with claws attached.
GIFTS FOR THE
INSATIABLE GODS
As archaeologists explored the various generations
of the Great Temple, they found much that succes-
si\ e reconstructions had hidden from view e\en in

Aztec times. In and around the temple were more

than 80 caches of offerings to the gods. The repos-
itories contained more than 7,000 items, ranging
from skulls of sacrificed infants to seashells. In some
cases, the articles had been placed in stone cham-
bers; others were sealed in stone caskets, and some
had been hidden in the rubble behind \\ alls.
Onlv a small fraction of these propitiator\' gifts
are of Aztec origin; most come from tribute-pa\'ing
areas, testimony to the scope and strength of the
Aztec empire. The caches hold manv effigies of
gods, particularlv of TIaloc. The secret tro\ es also
include masks, funerar\' urns, flint and obsidian
blades, jaguar skeletons, crocodile heads, rattle-
snake and boa skins, and turtle shells, as well as a
large arrayof corals.
Within the offertory' chambers, the articles were
e\'identl\' arranged according to some ritualistic s\'s-

tem, but the meaning of the placement patterns has

not yet been deciphered. There is no doubt, how-
ever, that the giftswere a kind of metaphoric lan-
guage for the pillars of the Aztec world: images of
their gods, the spoils of war, and the natural abun-
dance of the earth.

A chamber of offerings built into the temple

when it was enlarged between 1469 and 1481
holds painted jars, stone masks, jaguar bones,
11 multicolored effigies cf TIaloc, and the
skulls, ribs, and limb
bones of 30 babies and
children, none older than eight years. All
the objects here are seen just as they lay
when archaeologists jound them.
 '
This Olnuc mask,' i

lennia old when it .

cache of offerings r.

measures a littU over urnr.

'kf^ -

The fierce face ofTlaloc, his eye rings

formed of coiled serpents, glares from
the base of a multicolored vase a
receptacle syrnbolizirtg the
water that
brought forth the bounty of the soil.

A group of tiny fish,

carved from
mother-of-pearl byan Aztec crafts-
man, honors Tlaloc, who held do-
minion over the world's seas, lakes,
and rivers as well as the clouds that
provided farmers with rain.
TREASURES FROM THE TEMPLE'S DEPTHS
Whenever the Great Temple underwent an expan- regions indeed, from ever}' corner of the empire.
sion, offerings from subject peoples were lavished A great sweep of time as well as space was rep-
on its resident gods. One chronicler of Aztec his- resented bv the gifts. Into temple caches 'went
tory' reported: "Each cit\', striving to surpass the masks made 1,000 years earlier in the cit\' of Teoti-
others, arri\'ed with its jewels and precious stones to huacan, the place where, according to Aztec lore,
throw them into the foundations. They threw in so The oldest offering of all was
the fifth sun was born.
much treasure that it was an astonishing thing; and an Olmec mask created around 800 BC. Perhaps
the Aztecs said that their Huitzilopochtli had given such gifts were intended to link the Aztecs
them those riches, so it was appropriate that they be to these illustrious cultures of the dis- ^_,r-E=s
dedicated to his serxice, since they truly belonged to tant past, helping to justif\' their
him." The homage, whether paid to Huitzilo- right to hold dominion -^^
came from all the outlying
pochtli or to Tlaloc, over all other groups.

k
V
Symbol of life, creation, and fecundity,
a nearly three-foot-lon^ conch carved
from stone once occupied a prominent
place in the temple. Excavators uncov-
ered it where the Indians had appar-
ently hidden it from the Spaniards.

With flints inserted in its nasal cavity

and mouth, and bone and pyrite plug-
ging its eye sockets, a human skull
conjures the horror of death. The holes
in the brow may have been threaded
so it could be worn as a mask.
A COMPr W^ENTARY TRIO OF SHRINES
Around the \cai j.nn/, uit .x/- small temples were constructed adorned with 240 car\ings of
tecs were hmi-prcsscd to main- in a flagstone court on die north skulls (opposite, far rijjht). It is
tain a firm grip on their empire, side of the pyramid. One was a thought that priests may have
but difficultiesfin war and gov- rectangular, east-facing structure placed the heads of sacrificial \'ic-
ernance did not stand in the wax that enclosed a round altar; near- tims here after decapitation.
of yet another expansion of the by stood a large sculpture of a
Great Temple; indeed, the trou- deity thought to be Huehue-
bles ma\- ha\ e made enlargement teotl the old fire god (below). A Hunched andfanffed, this stone effigy
of the old fire ^od has aflat top so
seem e\'en more urgent. second shrine contained a small,
that it could hold a brazier contain-
During this phase of rebuild- undecoratcd altar. The third ing burning incense, uset '
'

ing, designated Stage VI, three shrine was a macabre platform Great Temple ceremonies.

^^x---

f c^S^",.

^N>^*"

-
j;.y i,ijai ii j^..
|
 *>'.

fj.

Shown here is the temple's north side,

sitecf three small shrines, including a
skull rack (\) front the Stage VI re-
construction, as well as the effigy ef V
Huehueteotl, the old fire god (2). Stone skulls, originally covered

coats of stucco, are arrayed

with
on three
V 2
sides of an altar meant to recall the
racks on which the Aztecs displayed
the heads cf their sacrificial victims.


HE
AGLE HTS
Warriors as weflis prK?sts fonored the gods at the
Great Temple; aB%)ev^ideticed b)' the archaeologists'
discoxen; of a-tlirec-chambered hall close by. Here
the most i:c6mplished soldiers of the noble class
members of a rntlitar)' order associated with the
eaglegathered for their rites. Altars, statues, and
braziers found at the site testif)' to their ancient
ceremonies, as does a frieze depicting the eagle war-
riors in plumed headdresses and centering on a
spiked symbol for the personal bloodletting expect-
ed of them. In effig\', at least, members of the long-
ago militar)' order were still on hand when archae-
ologists cleared the hall: A pair of life-size statues of The Hall of the Eagle Knights, dating
these heroic men dressed in full eagle regalia stood from Stage VI, lay in the courtyard
guard at the entrance to the second chamber. on the Great Temple's north side, de-

marcated here, with locations of the

Tlaloc brazier (1), the skeleton (2),
and the eagle warrior figure (3) shown.

Among the statues in the Hall of the

Eagle Knights was this now-headless

ceramic skeleton thought to represent
Mictlantecuhtli, god of the dead. His
bones poke through his flesh, suggest-
ing the ephemeral nature of life.

Uncovered within one of the chambers

of the Hall of the Eagle Knights, a
pottery representation of the god Tla-
locweeping tears of rain served as a
brazier used in the ceremonies.

-^,

-^
 As thoughready to fly, an Eagle
Knight wearing a helmet mimicking
the bird's head lifts his feathered arms.

'5^ This life-size pottery figure, made up

'#^
offive separate pieces, was once cov-
ered with painted stucco plumage.
 ^
^
m?l^m
Wi^

^
mi
^j^^lr- " >

'^KX*.-

'4p
 o u R

THE GENTLER
SIDE OF
AZTEC LIFE

"^R;,
iven their fierce reputation,
Aztec warriors looked forward to ?^curious fate after death one that
perhaps says more about their culture's sensibilities than the grue-
some rites performed at the Great Temple. According to the Flor-
entine Codex, warriors who died in battle traveled straightaway to
become attendants of the sun, "the turquoise
the Eastern Paradise to
prince." Before dawn each morning, they would gather on a vast
plain to await the sun's arrival, which they greeted with relish,
beating their wooden clubs against their shields in noisy celebration.
Dancing and singing, they would then escort the sun to its ze-
nith, where women who had died in childbirth
a battle of another
sort would take over, transporting the fiery orb on a feathered lit-
From a perch fes- ter to the day's end.
tooned with what But an even more blissfiil reward lay in store. After four years
may be halltuino-
as "companions of the sun," the souls of Aztec fighting men returned
genic plants, Xo-
chipilli, the god of to earth, "changed into precious birds
hummingbirds, orioles, yel-
music, poetry, low birds, and chalky butterflies. And here they came to suck honey
dance, and feast-
ing, raises an im-
from the various flowers."
mortal storu face in No image better conjures up the startling contradictions in-
song. His fists once herent in the Aztec world: tough, death-inured warriors transformed
clutched rattles
with which he ac- into hummingbirds and butterflies. In many aspects of their daily
companied himself lives, the Aztecs exemplified such competing strains. Their propen-

125
sity for bloodletting v/as offset by ^

deep-seated reverence for beauty in

both nature and the arts, their ex-

cesses reined in bv a rigorous social

order and code of ethics. Theirs
was, in fact, a complex and diverse
societ}^ that, like so many others
throughout histor\% was as fasci-
nating in its ordinar\^ comings and
goings as in its grandest and its

most horrific moments.

Fundamental to the culture
was a love of language. The Aztecs
deserv^edly rank among the world's
great speechmakers, seizing virtu-
ally even' opportunit)' to flaunt
At public and
their rhetorical skills.
private functions alike, Aztec
speakers engaged in elaborate rec-
itations of historical events or leg-

ends of the ancestors and the gods.

Stories passed orally from genera-
tion to generation; a number of
works of literature ranging from
poems to m\'ths ha\'e sur\'i\'ed,
written do\\'n in the vears following the Spanish conquest b\' converts to Against a backdrop of a watery city, the
Aztec marketplace swarms with activity
Catholicism who had learned the European alphabet.
in the well-known Mexican painter
Some orations ma\' ha\'e bored their listeners, especiallv when Diego Rivera's 1945 mural, The Great
one of the old men chose to preach from the so-called Precepts of the Cit\' of Tenochtitlan. The variety ofprod-

lengthy cataloging of ad\'ice and admonition intended to keep

tuts pictured including featherwork
comalong
Elders, a
and baskets of multicolored
the younger generation versed in proper behavior. But this would ha\'e with busy merchants, porters in forehead
been rare. Jacques Soustelle, a French scholar who devoted his life to straps, and even a prostitute raising her
skirt, brings to life the colorful reports of
studying the Aztecs, has noted that public occasions could turn into
Spanish conquistadors who witnessed the
"positive tournaments of eloquence," ^^'ith speakers not just men, but thriving entrepot at Tlatelolco.
noble women also wordplav and the clever
exercising their talents for
use of metaphor. A standard technique was to unite nvo words or
phrases to express an abstract concept. Taken together, for example, the
words for "jade" and "feathers" meant "beauts'." The language itself,
Nahuad, noted to this da)^ for its melodiousness, added to the effect;
Nahuatl translates as "elegant speech."

126
 By far the highest form of the art

was poetr}'
"poetr)^' being desig-
nated in Nahuatl by the pairing of
thewords for "flower" and "song."
Poets were among the most re-
spected figures in the societ)', so
much so that they would not hes-
itate toname themselves in their
works. Noblemen and even rulers
would sometimes tr\^ their hand at
composition; among the most fa-
mous practitioners was Nezahual-
coyod, leader of the Tetzcocans,
whose verses were still being sung
decades after his death in 1472.
Not unlike their modern
counterparts, Aztec poets often
chose as their theme the evanes-
cence of beaut\^ and the suffering of
the artist: "Eagerly does my heart
yearn for flowers; I suffer with
songs, yet I create them on earth, I,

Cuacuauhtzin: I crave flowers that

will not perish in my hands! Where
might I find lovely flowers, lovely
songs? Such as I seek, spring does not produce on earth."
The importance of language grew as the societ\^ matured. In
the decades leading up to the arrival of the Spaniards, a deft tongue
had become one of the emblems of authorit\% and qualit\' and re-
finement of speech set off the classes from one another. Aztec rulers
traditionally bore two honorific "lord of men,"
titles: tlcicatecuhtli,

and huey tlatoani, "great speaker." Motecuhzoma II, like his prede-
cessors, depended on militar\^ prowess as a basis of his power; vet his
effectiveness as an orator, especiallv before the ruling council made
up of state officials, priests, and warriors, clearly helped him to main-
tain his position at the center of the Aztec government.
As for the common people, they exercised their love of speech
in several venues, but in no more colorful a setting than the economic
heart of this bustiing societ^^ North of the Great Temple, in the
adjacent c\t\ of Tlatelolco, which Tenochtidan had annexed, lay a

127
market that surpassed any the invading Spaniards had ever seen.
From it rose a great din as people went about the daily business of
bartering. In his second letter back to his monarch, Charles V, Cortes
ran on at length about the place and all it held. Although he felt that
he had not done it justice, leaving out many items he could not
remember or had not been able to identify, his account captures a
sense of the astounding varietv' of goods. "There is also one square
twice as big as that of Salamanca," he vvTOte, "with arcades all around,
where more than 60,000 people come each day to buy and sell, and
where ever\' kind of merchandise produced in these lands is found;
provisions as well as ornaments of gold and silver, lead, brass, copper,
tin, stones, shells, They also sell lime, hewn and
bones, and feathers.
The temple plaza cfTlatelolco shoxpn
unhewn stone, adobe and cut and uncut woods of var-
bricks, tiles,
partly excavated amid its modem sur-
ious kinds." The remarkable abundance of food available on anv nmndingsflourished as a center of reli-
market day might include corn, beans, salt, honey, chili peppers, gious and ceremonial life next-door to its
sister city, Tenochtitlan. Just beyond the
tomatoes, various fruits, edible roots, nuts, fish, frogs, and insect plaza, crowds gathered in a vast market-
eggs, which were treasured as a delicacy. place: the commercial hub of the empire.
 A wide range of fowl andgame was commonly bought and
sold. 'There is a street where they sell game and birds of every species
found in this land," Cortes reported, "turkeys, partridges and quails,
wild ducks, flycatchers, widgeons, turdedoves, pigeons, cane birds,
parrots, eagles and eagle owls, falcons, sparrow hawks and kestrels;
and they sell the skins of some of these birds of prey with their
feathers, heads, and claws. They sell rabbits and hares, and stags and
small gelded dogs, which they breed for eating."
People flocked to Tlatelolco for practically all their needs. At
barbers' stalls, patrons could be shaved or have their hair washed.
Other booths sold decorated gourds, obsidian mirrors, and cosmet-
ics. Cortes was impressed by the array of medicinal herbs and roots

as well compounds, ointments, and plasters prepared in apothecaries'

shops. Love potions were available as well, along with other ingre-
dients for working magic. Elsewhere, household items such as earth-
enware cooking pots, wooden bowls, reed mats, brooms, and bas-
kets were stacked high.
The section devoted to clothing must have been particularly
impressive. Here, everything from the skins of wild animals and fancy
embroidered capes and skirts to rough cloth and maguey-thread
fabrics for everyday dress was available. The shops were undoubtedly
among the most colorfiil in the entire square. "There are many sorts
of spun cotton," Cortes noted, "in hanks of every color, and it seems
like the silk market at Granada, except here there is a much greater
quantit)^" For brilliance of hues their only rival would have been the
booths of artists' supplies, where there were "as many colors for
painters as may be found in Spain."

H owever crowded and busy it

.may have been, the market
was noteworthy for its orderliness. Bemal Diaz, Cortes's soldier-
chronicler, was astonished not only at the overall spectacle but also
at "the method and regularity of everything." The square was divided
into separate shopping districts for each category of goods or serv-
ices. All items were sold by quantity or by some other measure such

as length, but, as far as Cortes could see, never by weight. Coins and

paper money did not exist, but a few selected commodities served as
currency. The standard medium of exchange was cacao beans, al-
though mantles or cloaks called cuachtli were also frequendy used.
One hundred cacao beans were the equivalent of one cuachtli and

129
both were enough to bay a dugout canoe or 100 sheets of bark paper.
Two cuachtli bought a load of cochineal, a red dye derived from an
insect. Still-more-expensive aiticles such as a warrior's costume and

shield, a feather cloak, or jewelry called for mantles, small copper ax

blades, or gold dust. Thirty mandes purchased a slave; 40, one who
could sing and dance.
As the people wandered up and down the many aisles of stalls,
they would chat with one another as well as barter with the vendors.
Occasionally, voices might be raised in anger when someone sus-
peaed that a seller had cheated or was charging an exorbitant price.
Settling such disputes with all haste seems to have been a prime
concern. According to Cortes: "There is in this great square a very

large building like a courthouse,where 10 or 12 persons sit as judges.

They preside over all that happens in the markets and sentence crim-
inals. There are in this square other persons who walk among the

people to see what they are selling and the measures they are using;
and they have been seen to break some that were false."

These arbiters of justice for the marketplace came from a

distinct social group known as xhcpochteca, or professional traders.

The name referred not to the generalized mass of hawkers, peddlers,

and stallkeepers of the market but to the traveling merchants who
conducted the lucrative foreign trade with the so-called Hot Lands
to the southeast. The economy's chief powerbrokers, they were just
one step below the ruling nobility. A people very much unto them-
selves, they lived in their own separate districts of the city, married
only within their own class, and worshiped their own god Yacate-
cuhtli, the "lord who guides."
Within their class, the pochteca were as stratified as the society
at large, and ritual played as important a role in their endeavors. Ten
cities within the Aztec confederacy had their own pochteca corpo-
managed by a handfiil of older merchants who no
rations, typically
longer ventured out on trading expeditions. Caravans were led by the
tecuhncnenque, or traveling lords, experienced traders who had dis-
tinguished themselves on dangerous missions in the past. Young
apprentices, perhaps on their first journey, would accompany them
to learn the ins and outs of dealing with foreigners. Because of the
perils likely to be encountered from gangs of robbers along the way,
certainof the traders would be armed; these were either the tecyaua-
louanime, "those who surround the enemy," or the even more fear-
some tecuanimc, "the wild beasts." In addition to protecting the

130
 A WARRIOR-KING WHO NURTURED ART,
POETRY, AND GOOD GOVERNMENT
NezahualcoN'otl, often called battle won the throne that
today the poet-king of Tetz- rightfiilly belonged to him.
coco, a neighboring cit\'-state of As ruler, NezahualcoNOtl
Tenochtitlan, ushered in an age became a renowned poet; he
of intellectual achievement for was also a patron of art and sci-
his people. He ruled according ence and sponsored public recit-
to loft)' principles dexeloped als of \'erse. He built a temple

during his youth. As a teenager, without idols dedicated to a

^ "tf^
he saw his father killed bv in- unknown
single deit\',"the
\'aders and spent the follow- god," and banned human sacri-
ing eight years as a virtual '
fice there. Wandering anony-
exile. Hiding from his ene- mously among his
mies for the last two '
J*
people, Nezahualco-
years in the mountains, ;
* s would reward
\'od
he recei\'ed aid from worthv citizens and
Aztec allies, and in ,.,* redress grievances.

A 16th-century illustration
shows Nezaliualpilli, son of
Nezahualcoyotl, who ascend-
ed the throne at seven and
reigned for 44 years, during
which time he advanced
his father's high ideals. His
f
?i'
flowers, sandals, and long
decorative cotton mantle
signify his elevated rank.

"^^^-^.v^

Poised to lunge, Nezahualcoyotl irips his

obsidian-studded club and raises his
leather shield. In battle, he signaled his
men with the drum on his back. The gold
'^00^^
lip plug was worn as a sign of status.

^/f^
THE QAikDEN
PARADISE OF
TETZCOTZINGO
At the toot of the Sacred
Hill of Terzcotzingo (far
right), some six miles east of
his capital, Nezahuaicoyotl
built an elaborate country
villa. Terracing the adjoin-
ing mountain, he turned its
'>^-^*
arid slopes into lush gar-
dens, watered by numerous
pools and canals.
Paths led up to the 180-
foot-high summit, where a ritual
area la)'. Baths, probably for reli-

gious purification, were located at

key points along the way. Like all

the gardens' waterworks, they

drew from a stone aqueduct that
was connected to springs atop
Mount Tlaloc, several peaks away.
Although church officials de-

stroyed the buildings and sculp-

ture in 1539, archaeologists study-
.^-^
-.>*^
ing the site, as well as early texts
and illustrations, discovered clues
to the gardens' original appear-
ance. A mask of Tlaloc, the rain
god, engrav^ed on bedrock, indi-
cated that there was a Tlaloc tem-
ple on
the summit. Just below the
crest were found remnants of a
large rock that once had listed, in
glyphs, the king's achievements.
Nearby, a stone stump proved to
be the remnant of a sculpted
plumed coyote, Nezahualcoyod's Water pushed into the gardens through
openings such as the monkey spout (above,
animal namesake and totem. And
left) and into ritual pools such as the
on an overlook facing Lake Tetz- three-foot-deep Queen's Bath above. The
coco lay fragments of a shrine to staircase in the background was carved
earth and agricultural deities. from bedrock and ascends fi-om a sacred
cave (not seen) to a walkway.
 i^

~M^-'^%^'
^^tm^nom

2Lt"'^.^4

^m *^. .V
f^^
^rH;>

^f'!^~: .-=? "

QUEEN'S BATH

A topographical map of the garden notes

ritual baths (circles) on a path (red) with
canals (blue),^</ by an aqueduct. The
trail winds past remainders of sacred
sites (squares), including earth and agri-
cultural deities Tlaloc mask
(1), (2),
and various historical monuments (3).
caravan, they might also help persuade reluctant communities to
accept Aztec terms. On the longest treks, which could last for several
years and might reach as far as present-day Panama, the nahualoz-
tomeca, or disguised traders, played a crucial role. They could speak
the languages of remote peoples and would dress in their garb to act

as spies, ferreting out the most promising opportunities.

Careful preparations were necessary for a major expedition.
The Aztec goods that would be traded for exotic foreign items had
to be assembled and then divvied out to porters, who would be
expected to carr\^ the heavy' loads and walk as much30 to 40 miles
as

a day. Due consideration was also given to ceremony. The chiefs of

the corporation would consult divinator)' almanacs to help select the
most propitious date for setting out. The day before departure, of-
ferings were presented to Yacatecuhtli and to other gods, and a feast
was given for the travelers. EJtual speeches emphasized the riskiness
of the undertaking. Then, at night, the caravan would set out with
little fanfare, making every effort to avoid tipping off brigands who
might lie in wait in the surrounding countryside. Each member of the
part}' kept his farewells brief. According to the Spanish chronicler
Bernardino de Sahagiin: "None entered the women's quarters, nei-
ther did any turn back or look to one side. If perchance he had gone
forgetting something, he might no more come to take it, nor might
they still go to offer it to him." Those who were left behind could
only wait, worry, and, no doubt, dream of the riches that their loved
ones might bring back.
Those riches were among the most prized in an\' Aztec mar-
ket: translucent green jade, jaguar skins, and tortoise shells, seashells

from the coast and gorgeous plumage from exotic tropical birds.
Upon their return, however, the pochteca made no great show of
their success. Arriving as they had left, under cover of darkness, they
would hurriedly stow all their goods away from pr\'ing e\'es before
daylight. If a trader was caught on the street before he had hidden
away his share, he would insist that the merchandise was not his but
belonged to another merchant whom he was helping. At all times,
they walked about with their eyes lowered in a gesture of humility
and, except on special occasions, dressed in old clothing. All this was
intended to avoid any appearance of challenging the governmental
authorities or aspiring beyond their station.
The pochteca were happy with their lot in life, content to see
their wealth and concurrent influence over economic affairs grow

134
unobtrusively. Their word was already law in the marketplace, and
they had little concern about how things functioned elsewhere. Had
the conquest never occurred, they might one day have aspired to
political power. But for the moment, they were more than satisfied

to grow steadily richer and pass on their affluence to their heirs.

intact. Class distinctions

w: hen the Spaniards arrived, the
Aztec social structure stood
defined the very fabric of the culture, and no
one had a clearer understanding of their significance than Motecuh-
zoma II. More than earlier rulers, he set himself above not only the
common people but also the nobility. Even important members of
the court were required to prostrate themselves before him, and
noblemen carried his travel litter. Bernal Diaz noted the extreme
deference shown to Motecuhzoma by the captains of the royal body-
guard, lauded personages in their own "They were obliged to
right:

take off their rich cloaks and put on others of little value. They had
to be clean and to enter barefoot, with their eyes downcast, for they
were not allowed to look him in the face. And they had to make him
three obeisances, saying as they came toward him, 'Lord, my Lx)rd,
my great Lord!' Then when they had made their report, he would
dismiss them with a few words. They did not turn their backs as they
went out, but kept their faces toward him and their eyes to the
ground, turning round only when they had left: the room."
Traditionally, the various city-states of the central valley had
elected their leaders, and the Aztecs had continued the practice,
carrying up to the highest levels of governance. In earlier times, the
it

ruler was elected from a single family by heads of all the families in
the community; later, as the upper classes emerged, the system
evolved so that the ruler came to be chosen from the ranks of the royal
family by a council of nobles, priests, and warriors.
Motecuhzoma apparently took matters even fiirther. He was
said to have dismissed all the officials of his predecessor's court chiefly
on the grounds that they were of inferior descent. He supposedly
allowed in his court only nobles of legitimate birth, rejecting those
bom of the exalted concubines traditionally permitted the elite.

In all on a rigid hierarchy, but this was

things, he insisted
hardly foreign to the Aztecs, who seemed to thrive on bureaucracy.
Directly under the king was an official called the cihuacoatl, or
woman-serpent, a strange title that was also the name of a goddess

135
 I

and probably derived from the fact that the position was originally

occupied by the goddess's chief priest. In any event, the cihuacoad

was a kind of prime minister who handled the day-to-day running of
the state, organizing military campaigns, handling royal fmances, and
serving as the nation's chief justice. Below him were four military
commanders, corresponding to the four wards into which Tenochti-
dan was divided by its main arteries. These five served as the ruler's
closest advisers. The city's ruling council
a body of some hundred

men in Motecuhzoma II's day came next in line. A further sign of
the times was that these officials, once elected by the various clans
that had come together to form the Aztec nation, were by the late
15th century almost exclusively appointed by the ruler.

In addition to warriors and priests, there were a host of others

in civil positionsbelow these loftiest circles that also qualified as The terraced palace ofMotecuhzoma n
housed the ruler and his personal entou-
belonging to the ruling class, from taxgatherers and judges to clerks,
rage upstairs, his counselors and^uard
messengers, and constables. "There were even officials in charge of below, as depicted in the Codex Men-
sweeping," noted Duran. But the basic unit of political organization doza. In its entirety, the complex boasted
proportions far grander than the draw-
was more directly linked to the way the common people lived. Te- ing suggests, and in fact almost amount-
nochtidan was divided into dozens of small districts called calpulli, ed to a town in its own right.

literally "great houses," each of which was head-

ed by an elected chief, the calpullec. A particular
calpulli could trace its origin to one of the an- IPTo)CQ)Co)(9)l
cestral groups, but by the 16th century, they
were essentially residential associations that in-
cluded parcels of communally owned farmland. ys ^^yi

A council made up of the heads of the calpulli's

various families and chaired by the calpullec de-
termined how the land should be allotted to
meet each household's needs. In the days when attti* .

J^i^vfcr/if^^

he was the chief of a tighdy knit clan, the calpul-

lec had been a powerflil figure; latterly, howev-

he had become a minor bureaucrat,

SnCs sHr^nfcliZsKa,
^tym
^
*^J
eS4vS .fuM *.*> 9-ot c-i-nwa /y Jt<?
tlMt^i t/L
er, much of
his authority abrogated by the city council.
The people of the calpulli and two lower
classes the tenant farmers and the slaves ^were
the true lifeblood of the nation: They farmed its

land, provided labor for the building of its tem-

and causeways, and fashioned eve-
ples, palaces,

rything from its fabrics to its most exquisite art-

works. The community at large was especially
 enamored of its artisans and craftsmen. The
people called them the tolteca, after the ethnic
group that had spread through the \'alley be-
fore the Aztec ascendanc\' and were reserved by
the Aztecs for \\hat thev believed was their
artistic achie\ement. The tolteca tended to
congregate in certain wards and for the most
part to associate only with the pochteca, who
soldthem feathers, gems, and gold, and who
bought their fme jewelr\', decorated shields,

masks, and other treasured objects.

The Aztec attitude toward art, re-
corded in some of the texts produced after
the Spanish conquest, put a premium on re-
alism and clarit\' as a w^lx of conveying reli-

gious and ceremonial concepts. Art was also

considered to haxe salue, this in a societ)' that

had vet to develop a monetar\' economy. Saha-

gun captured the popular sentiment: "WTiatever
the artist makes is an image of realit\'; he seeks its
true appearance. If he makes a turtle, the carbon is
fashioned thus: its shell as if it were moving, its head
thrust out, seeming to move, its neck and feet as if it

were stretching them out." Some artisans were said to be so

skUled that they could cast a bird with a moNable tongue or a
fish with all its scales.

Naturally enough, the craftsman's best efforts were resen'ed

The prominent features of a carved stone for ceremonial items, and some of these precious objects have sur-
mask are rendered with a realism com-
vi\ed. During the excavation of the Great Temple in the early 1980s,
mon to other Aztec masks but not typical
ofAztec art in general, which was highly archaeologists unearthed delicate jade and greenstone figurines, no

stylized. How such a piece too heavy to doubt intended as offerings to \'arious gods. Craftsmen produced

wear was used, no one can say.
intricateh' decorated Nessels to hold oali, or pulque, an alcoholic
drink fermented from the juice of the maguey plant that was con-
sumed during certain rituals.
Many other forms of labor occupied the lives of average cit-
izens. The women of practically ever)- house spent their days spin-

ning, wea\'ing, and grinding com. The men worked as potters or

tanners, carpenters, builders, and quarn^men, as \vq\[ as part-time

farmers. Despite the rigorous insistence on class divisions, members

of this \'ast middle class could, through their own efforts, be ele\'ated

137
 I

to a higher station, either by distinguishing thcmseh'es in military

service, by entering the priesthood, or perhaps by performing some
special ser\'ice for a member of the nobilit^^
At the bottom of societ>' were the slaves. The Mesoamerican
RELICS OF
A VANISHED
s}'stem of slaver\' was entirely different from the brutal practices of
the invading Spaniards, who branded the faces of their captives with GLORY
hot irons and forced them into killing labor in the
mines. Only a few of the Aztec slaves were cap- In the moneyless societ)'
tives. Most came from the ranks of the Aztecs of the Aztecs, decora-
themselves, constituting a group known as -
* tive objects of gold

the tlacotin, and they lived remarkabh' ordi- and silver symbolized
They had become slaves for one of
nary' lives. ,
wealth, and onl\' the

elite could wear or
two reasons: Thev had been convicted of a
possess them. The
crime and sentenced to pa\' for it through ^
highest classes be-
servitude, or thev had \'oluntarily sold them- decked themseh'es with
selves into ser\ice. Aztec enslavement thus had, necklaces, rings, and hair
in a sense, moral underpinnings. ^-- 1 ornaments, as well as ob-
The vast majority' were voluntary slaxes, ^^
r^H5ll
^?^
jects that required bodily
mutilation. Lips and ears
people who had fallen into povert)' through la-
^ were pierced to accommo-
date spools such as the pair of
ceramic flowers shown below, and
a hole had to be made in the sep-
tum of a nose for the gold butter-
fly at left to be worn.

Craftsmen created their most

intricate pieces, such as the tiny

This intricate 15th-century crystal carp-

ing of a human skull, only four inches
tall, represents in miniature a popu-
lar theme ofAztec art death.
 in*U/.

ziness or bad luck. Not surprisingly, a ceremony attended an indi-

vidual's decision to give up his hberty; it helped ensure that he was

treated fairly. Four respected witnesses were called together, and the
prospectix'e slave recei\'ed his price, topically a load of mantles. He
was allowed to remain free until he had gone through the payment,
which might take a year or more. Then he reported to the man who

had bought him perhaps a merchant seeking porters, or a nobleman
requiring farm labor or a household servant.
silver mask above, using the lost-
wax method. This inxohed first Except for the fact that he had to render ser\dce without pay,
coxering a clav model of the object a slave retained the rights he had had as a free man. He could own
w ith beeswax, then plastering goods and propert}' and even buy slaves of his own, if he could
charcoal paste on top to make a somehow manage to acquire some collateral on the side. He could
mold. After the mold hardened,
marry another slave or even a free woman; in either case, his children
the artisan heated it until the wax
were born free. Some rose to positions of authority' as overseers of
dripped out, then poured molten
estates or by marr\ing the widows of their masters. Women slaves
metal in its place. Once the metal
cooled, he broke awa\' the mold. often became their owners' concubines. One Aztec ruler, Itzcoatl,
Although fine pieces of Aztec was the son of a slave woman.
metalwork existed in abundance Even bad slaves had certain protections. One who was dis-
500 years ago, ver\' few surxive. In honest or who failed to perform his duties had to be chastised three
their lust for gold, the Spaniards
times in front of witnesses before his master could get rid of him. He
melted works of art into bullion
and shipped it home.
was then put in a wooden collar and taken to the slave dealers' section
of the market to be sold. Only after he had been thus sold off by three
different masters did he suffer a harsher fate: He could then be
purchased for sacrifice.

Regaining one's was almost always a possibil-

liberty
it^^ If a slave was resourceful enough to have saved up his

original purchase price, he could buy back his freedom.

Often a master would indicate that his slaves were to be
released upon his death. Even the worst troublemakers were
given a chance. In one of the more curious Aztec customs, a slave
about to be sold at the market could legitimately make a dash for
freedom. None but the master or the master's son could tr\^ to stop
him, and anyone interfering with his attempted flight would be put
into slaver\' himself. If the fiigitive could make it to the royal palace
a distance of a httle over a mile from the Tlatelolco market he was
declared free on the spot.
With the exception of a few types such as the incorrigible
slaves, Aztecs across the entire social spectrum prized their dignit}'.
They considered themselves inherently superior to the uncivihzed
nomads of the north. Good breeding and correct demeanor were of

139


I
paramount importance, and bLimptiousness was condemned. A civ-
ilized man was expected to walk quiedy, eat carefully, revere his

elders, and speak with gravity'.

CRIME AND
Sahagiin gives perhaps the best depiction of this refined sen-
sibilit}' in his sketch of the Aztec physical ideal
a youth "slender like
PUNISHMENT
a reed; long and thin like a stout cane; well built; not of o\'erfed body,
not corpulent, and neither ver)^ small nor exceedingly tall." Women To enforce the upright, orderh'
conduct so valued b\' Aztec soci-
aimed at a related tastefulness and sense of moderation. They liked to
et\', courts meted out stem sen-
lighten dieir bronze-bro\\n skins to a pale yellow with a special
tences for offenses against the
ointment or cosmetic known as yello\\' earth, prepared fi-om ocher. common good. Drunkenness
With the exception of the prostitutes, Tenochtidan's women dis- considered the root of most sin
dained the gaudv makeup and tattoos that \\'ere common in some earned the death penalty- under
other cities. One of the chronicles quotes a father admonishing his certain circumstances, and anvone
me, Never make up your face committing theft or adulter}' ran
daughter on this issue: "Listen to child:
the risk of execution. The codices
nor paint it; never put red on \'our mouth to look beautiful. Makeup
warn against
and paint are things that light \\'omen use shameless creatures. If
e\'en,' \ice,

a loose-haired prostitute (upper

portraying

\'ou want husband to love }'ou, dress well, wash

\'our right) and adulterers
'^
vourself, and wash vour clothes." Such descriptions stoned to death for their
suggest how stoical this great \\-arrior people could . , ^ ., infraction (below, r^ht).

be. The impression is confirmed bv even a brief sam- : O Guilt)' persons who
\T^j : had not been caught
pling of the man\' laws that helped maintain the social
order and the penalt}', usually harsh in the extreme, J
r
could escape punish-
ment hv confessing to
imposed if thev were broken. * ,*- the goddess of filth,
"J^
Wearing clothes abo\e one's was con-station ^,rw
Tlazolteotl. Curious-
'^^^^
sidered a serious crime, sometimes punishable by Iv, this deit^'

death. According to a statute decreed by Motecuh-

zoma I in the mid- 15th centun' and stiU in effect \\hen -

the Spaniards arrived, only the nobilit\' could wear cot-

ton. 'The common people will not be allow^ed to wear
iv:^P'm
// ^1
cotton clothing, under pain of death, but onlv garments /.0-1 ^^
of mague\' fiber," said the ruler's hw. A commoner's man-
tle could not be \\'orn below the knees unless his legs had ^;' t"-
^^ nJiU
been scarred in battie. Furthermore, "No one but the great ^/ //^^
noblemen and chieftains is to build a house with a second
stor\', under pain of death."
ou
The list of crimes that could bring the death penalt\' was
lengthy. Public drunkenness initiallv in\oked the shaving of ou uu
the drunk's head and the knocking down of his house; a
second offense merited death. At
plebeians; members of the nobilit\'
least that was the rule for
never got a second chance.
MO
140
M^uoou
 ^

^^.
Again according to Motecuhzoma Fs law, adulterers "are
to be stoned and thrown in the rivers or to the buzzards."
tl^ Judges could be put to death for taking a bribe, as could
taxgatherers for embezzling. The message was unequiv-
M'^r ocal: No price was too high to maintain orderly conduct.
n iV*J

rrespective of their class, then,

I;.most Aztecs shared a devotion
to the social standards and codes of behavior of their
culture. But more than this, they all tended to enjoy the
same same mysteries, suffer the same
pleasures, revere the
weaknesses, and harbor the same fears. Noble and com-
moner alike took special joy in the birth of a child. As soon as a
identified in Aztec art bv a band of woman knew that she was pregnant, the whole local community
raw cotton on her headpiece and a
began to get involved. Elders offered advice to the young parents and
dark spot around her nose and

mouth (below, left) not only ab-
selected a midwife.
When her time had come, the mother-to-be took a sweat bath
solved sin but also inspired it.
Scheduling a confession with administered by the midwife and then was given an herbal beverage
the priests of Tlazolteotl required to help induce labor. If the drink had no
ground up opossum
effect,
strategic timing, though, and peo- tail was provided. The Codex Borbonicus, the largest, most detailed,
ple put it off as long as possible.
and most beautifijlly painted of the sur\'iving codices, shows that she
The reason: They were allotted
squatted to give birth, all the time attended by the midwife. After
only one absolution in their life-
times. Any subsequent crime
emitting the ritual battle cr\' indicating the mother's symbohc status

could be punished to the full ex- as a warrior, the midwife cut the umbiUcal cord. A baby bo)^s cord
tent of the harsh Aztec law. was buried on a battlefield, in the hope that he might one day achieve
great militar\^ fame; a was buried beneath the hearth,
girl's signifv^ing
her dedication to the home.
Soon after the birth, the father sent for a diviner to determine
0. the child's day sign the most important indicator of the bab\^s
future prospects. He consulted a special 260-day divinator\' cal-
endar (distinct from the regular 365-day solar calendar used for
ritual purposes), which consisted of a combination of 13 num-
bers and20 day names. Among the most propitious birthdates
were 10 Eagle, which promised strength and courage, and 11
Vulture, which signaled a long and happv Hfe. A boy unlucky
enough to be born on 1 Jaguar, however, might end up a slave
or a sacrificial victim. Fortunately, a better sign within a few days
J could offset such a negative reading, especially if the child was offi-
cially named on that day.
Four days of celebration followed the birth, during which

141
 GODS, GODS, AND MORE GODS
iS-
i? Bountiful hanests, militarx' for example,Chicomecoad
success, personal prosperit)', (lower was just one of a
left)

the rising of the sun, and a number of vegetation and fer-

whole lot more depended, the tilit)' goddesses.
Aztecs beliexed, on the grace No da\' went b\' without
of their gods. As their society' the imputed needs and whims
evohed their pantheon grew, of the divinities being met,
until the Aztecs were worship- largely through rituals con-
ing such a bewildering variet)' ducted at shrines and temples
of gods that keeping track of around the empire. Of the
tliem could well ha\e posed a
difficult challenge for priests

The identity of this figure and populace alike. This prolif-

remains a mystery. He may be eration of deities came about
the fire, earth, or creator ^od. partly as a result of conquest,
after which the local gods of
^'^^tO^-
N'anquished peoples were taken
.

Though primarily a com

over by the \ ictors. Adding to
goddess, Chicomecoatl
wielded power over all sus- the confusion, many deities
tenance in general and overlapped in their fiinctions;
over fertility as well.
rm

Quetzalcoatl, here in a jade head-

dress of quetzal plumes, created hu-
mankind and stood for knowledge.
time relatives came to visit, bringing presents and observing impor-
tant rituals.As they entered the house, they rubbed ashes on their
joints to protect the child from lameness or rheumatism. They also
tended the fire, both to keep it from going out and to see that no one
removed any burning logs from the house, "lest this action take
renown from the child who had been born," as Sahagun put it.

four,
E ducation, which was taken very
seriously, began at the

when children were given simple tasks and lessons: boys to fetch
age of

water, girls to learn the names and uses of household items. Later, in
ordinary families, boys were taught to fish and handle boats. Girls
learned to spin thread from maguey fiber and cotton, sweep, grind
maize, and operate a loom.
A formal system of schools accommodated several different
types of training and education. The cuicacalli, or houses of song,
which were attached to temples, were meant for children both of the
nobility and of the common classes. Boys and girls attended between
ages 12 and 15, not only learning to sing and dance for ritual pur-
poses but also picking up details of their people's history and reli-
gious beliefs. The songs they sang often lasting well into the
night were filled with stories of creation, of life and death, of praise
of the deities. Because singing and dancing were so important to a
host of rituals and ceremonies, the youths were learning a vital part
of their community.
role in the
Another type of school associated with the temples was the
mlmecac, literally "row of houses." It was run by priests and priest-
esses primarily for the boys of noble families, although some chron-
iclers indicate that the children of traders and even plebeians were

occasionally admitted. Students started at one of Tenochtidan's sev-

eral calmecacs anywhere between the ages of 10 and 15. They were
taught the workings of the calendar and the interpretations of dreams
and omens, and were required to memorize orations, songs, and
histories. They learned glyphs, or pictographs, so that they might

obtain guidance from the codices on the law, militar}^ arts, and other
public concerns. The calmecac emphasized the art of self-expression
and taught students how to speak well and to be respectful.
A boy who did not go to one of the calmecacs had to enroll
at a telpochcalli, a "house of the young men." These schools were run

by the elders and were primarily for commoners. Their chief purpose

143
An Aztec couple literally tics the knot in
an illustration from theCodex Mendoza,
linking their wedding garments in a
traditional hearthside ceremony held
at the groom's family home.

was to raise a new generation of warriors, but they too included in

the curriculum histor\', religion, ritual, music, singing, dancing, and
correct behavior. "Re\ere and greet your elders," ran one litany.

"Console the poor and the afflicted with good works and words.
Follow not the madmen who honor neither father nor mother; they
are like animals, for they neither take nor hear advice. Do not mock
the old, the sick, the maimed, or one who has sinned. Do not set a
bad example, or speak indiscreetlv, or interrupt the speech of anoth-
er. If you are asked something, reply soberly and without affectation

or flatter}' or prejudice to others. Wherever you go, walk with a

peacehil air, and do not make wry faces or improper gestures."
In some ways, the calmecacs tended to be more severe in the
treatment of their charges. Boys at both schools spent their days at
hard \\'ork, much of it physical and disagreeable. But at the caime-
cac, a boy faced a kind of systematic degradation designed to
toughen him. One father told his son who was about to enter a
calmecac: "Listen, my son, you are not going to be honored, or
obe\'ed, or esteemed. You are going to be looked down upon,
humiliated, and despised. Ever\' dav you will cut maguey thorns
for penance, and \'ou will draw blood from your body with these
spines, and you will bathe at night even when it is ver\^ cold.
Harden your body to the cold, and when the time comes for
fasting do not go and break your fast, but put a good face upon
both fasting and penance."
The young men at the telpochcalli lived a quite different life.
Certainly some of the deprivations were similar; according to one
chronicler, 'They ate but a litde hard bread, and they slept with little

Showing wrinkles and other signs of age, this

rendition of the old earth-goddess Toci, carved
from basalt, realistically portrays an ordinary
womanseldom the subject ofAztec carvings.
covering and half exposed to the night air in rooms and quarters open
like porches." But they also sang and danced and were permitted to
consort with the young women known as auianime, a class of cour-
tesans who attended to the sexual appetites of warriors. The student
warriors spent little time at religious exercises. Sahagun condemned
not only their free and easy relationship with women but also their
manner of speaking. "They presumed to utter light and ironic words,
and spoke with pride and temerity," he wrote. A predictable an
tagonism emerged between the young men of the calmecac and
those of the telpochcalli, which found an oudet in mock battles,
fought during the winter month ofAtemoztli.
By age young man was permitted to marr\% girls
20, a
were betrothed earlier, at 14 or 15. The groom's relatives selected
the bride with the aid of soothsayers who studied the prospective
partners' birth signs to make sure the union would prosper.
Matchmakers, usually old women, were hired to approach the
bride's parents. Repeated were necessary to satisfy the re-
visits

quirements of good manners, and before the arrangements were

made was consulted.
fmal, the girl's extended family
At midday on the day of the wedding, the bride's parents gave

an elaborate banquet two or three days in preparation and supplied
with luxury items to the fuU extent they could afford. The bride's face
was adorned with yellow earth, her arms and legs bedecked with red
feathers. When darkness fell, the wedding procession headed for the
groom's home, with the bride carried piggyback by one of the match-
makers. The ceremony took place at the hearth and, among other
things, involved tying the man's mande to the woman's outer gar-
ment; from that moment they were officially married. Feasting re-
sumed, and the older celebrants were allowed to get drunk on octli.
The newlyweds eventually retired to the marriage chamber and
stayed there in prayer for four days before they were permitted to
consummate the marriage. On the fifth day they emerged, were
cleansed,and then blessed by a priest. For the young man, this might
be only the first of several marriages: A man in Aztec society could
take several wives so long as he could support them.
Despite their concern to satisfy the rigorous and often somber
demands of ritual, the Aztecs found plenty of opportunities to in-
dulge their appetite for extravagance. In addition to the special oc-
casions of births and weddings, the many holy days of the Aztec
religious year were typically celebrated with grand displays of

Although a great deal cfAztec statuary depicts

gods or nobles dressed in finery, this figure of
andesite wears a loincloth like those shonm in
codex drawings of the common man.
 'iiwr'

i*

^^^-K^-^^ f'

Jl^^^V^

feasting and dancing. Large segments of the population were drawn

into the festivities. During the hueytecuilhuitl, the "great feast of the
lords," singing and dancing began at sunset and went well into the
night. Warriors and women cavorted between rows of torch holders,
chanting all the while. Even the ruler sometimes came out and
danced. This particular celebration lasted 10 days; ended with the
it

beheading and ritual sacrifice of a young woman adorned to repre- Playing on I-shaped courts such as the
sent the goddess of the young corn. om at Tenango southwest cf Mexico City

Even (top),noblemen could win the sometimes

in their games, the Aztecs mixed orderliness and excess,
deadly game <^ ollamaliztli by driving a
seasoning their entertainment with a lust)' dash of grim abandon. hard ball through a ring at center court,
Their favorite sport was ollamaliztli, "the ball game." Onlv two Aztec shown in the codex drawing above, or by
scoring points at the opponents' goal. The
ball courts have been excavated, but a description in the Florentine
game, which drew hordes of spectators,
Codex has supplied many of the details of the rules of the game. The was a religious ritual as well as a sport-
participants almost always from the nobility played with great ing event, and was thought to signify the
motions of the sun and the moon.
enthusiasm. Injur\^ was a constant danger; the hard rubber ball often
bruised and occasionally killed. A relief panel from an earlier
Mesoamerican period, unearthed in El Taj in on the Gulf Coast,
shows the captain of a losing team stretched over a sacrificial stone
and a victor plunging a knife into his chest. The Aztecs sometimes
sacrificed prisoners of war on the ball courts, but apparendy did not
kill the losing captains, as had their predecessors. Nevertheless, the
ball game was deeply imbued with religious and m\TJiological mean-
ing and with the imagerv' of death and sacrifice.
The ball game also appealed to another aspect of the national
character. For ail their austerit}^ in other matters, the Aztecs were wild

146
 for gambling. Nobles and rich merchants wagered fortunes in ex-
pensive clothing and feathers on the ball games and on games of
chance like patolli, a board game played with beans marked as dice.
It was said that some men gambled all they had, including their

houses. Some e\'en sold themselves or their wixes or children into

slaver)' to satisfy the urge.

omething in the Aztecs' nature

v3iseemed always to \'eer toward
the dark side of existence. "It is not true, it is not true," runs one of
their poems, "that we come on this earth to live. We come only to
sleep, only to dream. Our bod\' is a flower. As grass becomes green
in the springtime, so our hearts will open and give forth buds, and
then they wither." Aztec lore is rich with instances of consultations
with sorcerers, healings by magicians, spells and curses bought from
wizards. Signs and portents lurked around ever\' corner. Disaster was
on the wav if one saw a wolf crossing the road or a rabbit running into
a house. The night was filled with monsters and headless creatures
that pursued travelers. A person's birthday sign determined not only
his earthly fate but also the time and circumstances of his death.
Most believed that powerful hallucinogenic plants the pe-
yote cactus or the teonanacatl, the "sacred mushroom" would re\'eal

with startling precision what the future held. Ingested during solemn
Five Flower, the god ofgambling, over- rituals, they produced extraordinary' visions. Sahagiin de-
t\'pically
sees fimr men playing patolli in this co-
scribed the result, which varied with the user: "Some saw that they
dex illustration. The board game which
may have symbolized the Aztecs' 52-year
were going to and wept; some saw themselves devoured by a
die,
calendar cycle ruined many men. wild beast; some saw themselves taking prisoners upon a battlefield,
or else growing rich, or becoming the
master of many slaves. Others saw that
they would be con\'icted of adulter)' and
that by reason of this crime their heads
would be crushed."
A guilty conscience perhaps
played a role in many of these hallucina-
tions. Yet the Aztec religion, much like

the Spaniards' own, seemed to provide

an avenue for relief with one major dif-
ference. An Aztec could confess his or her
sins and wipe the slate clean, but onlv
once. The prudent citizen thus tended to


put off the unburdening as long as possible, sometimes waiting until

death seemed imminent. Having decided it was time, the sinner
consulted a soothsayer to determine the most auspicious day. Then,
Sahagun was told, the sinner burned incense and listened to an
exhortation by die priest before reciting his misdeeds in "the same
order in which he committed them." The priest set a penance
perhaps fasting or drawing blood from the body or going naked
except for a paper loincloth. The confessor was now ready to die.
For many, however, death itself, which lingered like a pall
over so much of Aztec life, betrayed them yet again. Class divisions,
it seemed, carried beyond the grave. Warriors could of course look

forward to an Elysian bliss as hummingbirds and butterflies, and

anyone who drowned was believed to go to the Southern Paradise,
where Tlaloc reigned. The remaining masses went to Mictlan, the
Land of the Dead, which was at best a region of all-consuming
blackness. But getting there was hazardous. The journeyers had to
cross eight layers of the underworld (Micdan being the ninth and
final layer), each full of peril, such as "the place of the obsidian- bladed
winds." Belief held that the well-to-do could protect themselves by
taking with them objects provided by their relatives, to be presented
to the lord of the underworld. Some even had their servants killed and
cremated so they could prepare food for them along the way. The
poor, as always, had to take their chances, equipped for the journey
with no more than a bowl of water and a few possessions. was said It

that they suffered much on their way to the outer darkness. But in the

end, when the Spaniards triumphed, no one neither the powerfiil

nor the weak escaped the final death, the oblivion that overtook
the great land of the Aztecs and left: its amazing cities, monuments,

and culture shattered, its people's spirit broken. Today, archaeolo-

gists and ethnohistorians patiently assemble the pieces, and once

again the Aztecs live, this time in the imagination of the world. J^
 INSIDE THE AZTEC WORLD

The might and grandeur of the Aztecs rested on

the daily labors of unsung men and women who
tailed account of life in the Valley of Mexico five cen-
turies ago. They have examined less perishable arti-
modest mud-brick houses on
typically lived in facts a handfulof surviving murals and the more
small plots of swampland, where they fed, clothed, and commonly found tools, weapons, potter)^ and stone
educated their children. They farmed fields, wove cloth, sculpture. Anthropologists also have obser\'ed contem-
hauled stones, dug canals, fired pots, shaped canoes, porary peasants, many of whom live and work in much
polished obsidian, hammered copper tools, and created the same manner as their Aztec ancestors. The flower
objects of commanding beauty. On special occasions growers of Xochimilco, near Mexico Cit\', for example,
they went forth to carouse at festivals, bow to their still farm small artificial islands in the swamp.

rulers, and tremble in awe at religious rites. Finally, there is the evidence of vivid codex paint-
Of their output, scant physical evidence remains. ings, such as the depiction of a peasant (above) showing
Textiles, featherwork, wooden implements, and food- how he secured a burden on his back with a strap across
stuffs perished long ago. Further, the Aztec custom of his forehead. Such images, some of which appear on the
burning rather than burying their dead has left: posterit)' following pages, have been careftilly scrutinized, some-
with few of the items of ftimiture, clothing, and per- times in ingenious ways. By studying the pictures in 24
sonal goods that often accompanied peoples of other codices and several murals, for example, one costume
cultures to the grave. expert was able to determine the type of clothing pre-
Yet, scholars have been able to piece together a de- scribed for each Aztec class and occupation.

149
 THE PLEASURES
AND SURPRISES OF
THE AZTEC TABLE
Motecuhzoma's cooks prepared as many as 30
different dishes for each dinner. The elite sat
Mashed, boiled with com
down in their homes to meals that, while not
meal, and seasoned with
honey, cacao beans (above)
as sumptuous as those of their ruler, were
were blended into a frothy nutritiousand varied. Bernardino de Sahagun
drink known as chocolatl. reported that an Aztec menu might include
It was so valued that the newts with yellow peppers, locusts with sage, or
beans served as currency.
venison with chilies, tomatoes, and squash seeds.
Farmers raised turkeys for special occasions.
Hunters sometimes provided duck, pheasant, deer,
or wild boar, but more often brought home rabbits,
crows, and pigeons. Lake Tetzcoco yielded frogs,
fish,and assorted freshwater creatures.
Staples
com, tomatoes, sweet po-
tatoes, turkeys, and chilies have
since enriched menus worldwide.

Laying up a food supply, women fill ves- But other foods, including algae,
sels with dried com kernels. This impor- com smut, larvae nests, insect eggs,
tant staple could be stored for months water flies and their nests, larvae, sala-
on end without deterioration. manders, iguanas, and armadillos, all of
which were relished by the Aztecs, have not
become international dehca-
cies, although agave worms

and ant eggs are still consid-

ered a treat in Mexico.
Seated on the ground for the day's main
meal, a family enjoys its typical menu
tortillas and a prepared dish, probably
beans with a chili or tomato sauce. At an
earlier, lighter meal, they often ate a
gruel made from amaranth (a grain) or
com. They fattened their hairless, non-
barking itzcuintli dogs, a sculpted exam-
ple cf which is shown below, firr feasts.

Decorated with paintings cf

plantsand animals, this bowl is
incised on the bottom in a criss-
were grated
cross pattern. Chilies
against the protruding segments.
 I
A young woman weaves on a back-
strap loom attached to a pole, with
the other end strapped around her
back. Leaning backward, she could
vary the tension on the warp. A rod
l^ed every other warp thread so the
shuttle could be passed through the
weft in one quick movement.
THE MANY REWARDS Using a pointed wooden
the soil, a farmer drops
stick to loosen
seeds into the

AND BENEFITS OF holes he has made in the top of each

HARD LABOR mound. He carries his seed

the cloth tied over his shoulder.
com in

Each day the Aztec worker rose to begin hours of

toil in communal fields, on public projects, or on

officially controlled crafts. His wife, in turn, devot-

ed much of her day to weaving, pausing from time
to time to look after the children or livestock and to
barter in the market and cook family meals.
A growing need for farmland forced the use of
shallow, marshy areas of the lake. A grid of channels
was dug, and the extremely fertile lake-bottom soil
was piled onto each rectangle, or chinampa. This
resulted in a checkerboard of narrow strips of land
about 300 feet long and 15 to 30 feet wide, sur-
rounded by canals. Farmers could live on these
island plots and grow flowers and vegetables, wa-
tering their crops with buckets toted from the
adjoining canal.
In production all year round, with fresh mud
dredged up when necessary, chinampas yielded sev-
eral crops annually. Extracting produce from every
foot of available earth led to a food surplus, free-
ing some workers to specialize in crafts or to labor
at public works.

Kemek of com were

ground between stone
manos and metates like this set
jbund at Teotihuacan, similar to
ones used today by Mexican peasants.
The resultir^ commeal was shaped into
cakes baked on a clay griddle.
 gBumes^isc.'.x''' raMiifinprinM

DRUMMING A LIVELY
BEAT AT FESTIVE
RITES AND FEASTS
Religious festivals throbbed with vigorous
rh)^thms, since music enlivened both solemn rituals
and jovfiil feasts. Professional singers and dancers
performed at e\'er\- sacred ceremony, accompanied
by small orchestras playing flutes, whistles, shell

trumpets, gourd-and-stick rattles, gongs, and

drums. Dancers added to the percussive effect by
attaching strands of shells, bones, or copper bells
their clothing so they would jingle as they moved
Following the ceremonies, many festivalgoers
sat down to sumptuous banquets in the homes
of the wealthy, where they enjoyed music, po-
etry recitations, and plays performed by pro-
fessional entertainers attached to the noble
households. Poetry was recited to the beat of
drums and the melody of flutes. The guests
often joined in chanting and singing. Some rose
fling themselves into the dance, as the clay figure of
a dancer at a festival (n[ht), wearing lip and ear
plugs, appears to have done.
At Motecuhzoma's feasts, however, a sad fate
might await the vocalist who sang off-key, or
the drummer who missed a beat. 'They
imprisoned him and he died," noted
the chronicler Sahagiin.

The finger holes of the Aztec flute above

suggest that a pentatonic, or five-note,
sctUe might have been in use. Double and
triple flutes, however, have been found
with as ---y as 16 stops.
 Warriors dressed as eagles and toned wooden gong beaten with
jaguars dance to the pulsing rubber-tipped sticks, and the hue-
rhythm of the teponaztli, a two- huetl, a drum hollowed from a log.

The charming ceramic turtle above an

4
is

ocarina. Its tailfitrms the mouthpiece,

'
'''y\i
with the sound issuing from the mouth.

155
 FULFILLING THE
DEMAND FOR
BEAUTY AND STYLE
Rulers and nobles of the Valley of Mexico compet-
ed for the skills of the finest artisans, who worked
in more than 30 officially recognized crafts. Guilds
set standards for payment and quality by ranking
their members. The crafbmen lived in their own
section of Tenochtitlan, to which they flocked from
villages throughout the empire.
Metalworkers hammered gold and silver into
jewelry and religious artifacts and fashioned copper
into needles, fishhooks, drill heads, chisels, and ax-
es. Stonecutters used copper tools, together widi

water and abrasive sand, to cut, drill, and polish

turquoise, obsidian, jade, amethyst, camelian, and
alabaster into jewelry and sacred objects. Most pres-
tigious of all were the featherworkers, who plucked
the brilliant plumage of green quetzals, scarlet ma-
caws, blue cotingas, and parrots to create colorfiil
headdresses, shields, tunics, and mantles.

The rabbit-shaped calcite drinking cup

above was produced with copper tools,
then polished. Rabbits symbolized drunk-
en revelry, and the cup might have held
an alcoholic beverage made from
octli,

maguey sap. Only old people could get

drunk without punishment, which in-
cluded beating to death and strangling.

A warrior's pendant in the shape of an

animal head (right) is a mosaic of tur-
quoise with a garnet mouth displaying
fish teeth. Considered second only to
jade as the most precious afgemstones,
turquoise symbolized water and sky.

156
At the center of a fan offeathers and
bamboo (above) rests a stylized butterfly;
a floral design decorates the reverse side.
Using a bone spatula, an artisan would
glue feathers to a sheet of cotton (right).
The fabric had earlier been backed with
maguey leaves, stiffened with a dried coat
ofglue, and stenciled with a design.
A CHAIN OF CULTURES IN THE NEW WORLD
In the Valley of Mexico, a EAKLY & MIDDLE LATE PRECLASSIC: CLASSIC:
natural basin a mile and PRECLASSIC: 400 BC-AD 100 AD 100-750
a half high in the heart of 1200-400 BC
Mesoamerica, hunting
and fishing communities
appeared as eariv as

20,000 BC. Bv 5000 BC,

on the shores of Lake
Tetzcoco, seminomadic
hunters had begun farm-
ing com, wea\'ing baskets,
and molding potter\'. By
1500 BC, farmers were
building mud-hut villages.
Civilization accelerated,
and in another 300 years
Olmec culture, emerging
in the lowlands to the OLMEC HEAD "PRETTY LADY" FEATHERED SERPENT
southeast, had spread to
the \'alle\'. The Olmecs
The Olmecs developed hiero- Situated on the outskirts of Ol- By AD 100, Teotihuacan domi-
were the first of a string gh'phs and a calendar, and cre- mec culture, the people of the nated the Valley of Mexico,
of regional civilizations, ated networks of communica- Valley of Mexico lived in small spreading its influence through-
described on the right. tion and trade that linked where the\' grew com
villages out Mesoamerica. Occupying
population centers throughout and made attractive potter\' fig- eight square miles, it had a pop-
Lacking u^heeled vehicles
Mesoamerica. The region's first ures like the so-called Prett\' ulation that mav have increased
or beasts of burden, suc- great ci\ilization left its imprint Lady, from the Tlatilco xillage to 200,000 by AD 500 and
cessive groups of settlers most dramatically in sculptures clay pits (above) . At the south- ranked one of the largest cit-
as

gradually created a Mes- of giant heads (above) car\ed em edge of the valley, a setde- ies of its era in the world. At its
from basalt. About nine feet ment at Cuicuilco developed as heart lay a spectacular complex
oamerican lifest\'le that high and weighing as much as a cultural center about 400 BC, of massive pyramids, which re-
culminated in the artistic 40 tons, they are thought to be eventuall\' acquiring a popula- main today as one of the hemi-
and societal grandeur portraits of Olmec rulers. The tion ofmore than ten thousand. sphere's splendors. One of these
stones used were probablv quar- At ceremonial hub stood a
its mav ha\e been dedicated to
of the Aztecs. ried in the mountains near Tux-
temple a tiered circular mound Quetzalcoad, meaning "feath-
da, 80 miles from their ultimate of earth some 390 feet long, ered serpent" (above), a fertility'
destination. Dragged to the riv- faced with stones, rising in four deit\'. The cit\''s art resonated

ers, they were floated on rafts steps to a center 75 feet high. with militar\' themes. Surround-
to the cit\' to be carved. This Toward the end of this peri- ing the sacred center stood pal-
complex enterprise could not od, the cit\' of Teotihuacan, in aces containing beautiftil mu-
ha\e been achie\ed without the northeast section of the \'al- rals, as well as large multifamily
clearly defmed social classes. le)', began to compete with Cui- apartment compounds.
Other statues were of Olmec cuilco for regional influence. Located near obsidian depos-
gods and combined features of Around 200 BC, Cuicuilco was its, Teotihuacan developed and

humans and jaguars, crocodiles, destroyed by the first of two controlled an important obsid-
and other formidable creatures. volcanic eruptions, leaving ian industr\'. Raw stone was
The Olmec system of religious Teotihuacan unchallenged. brought into the cit\' to be
and societal leadership would crafted into products traded
persist through all succeeding throughout Mesoamerica. Arti-
Mesoamerican cultures. sans also introduced alindrical
potter*' that stood on three legs.
Teotihuacan's influence ended
circa AD 750, when much of
the citv was burned.

S^^^^t-
 EPICLASSIC: EARLY LATE EARLY
AD 750-900 POSTCLASSIC: POSTCLASSIC: COLONIAL PERIOD:
AD 900-1250 AD 1250-1521 AD 1521

JAGUAR KNIGHT TOLTEC WARRIOR AZTEC EAGLE SPANISH HELMET

The fall of Teotihuacan marked Among the new towns was Relative latecomers, the Aztecs, In 1521, the Valley of Mexico
the end of centuries of trade Tula, ah)out 40 miles northwest seminomadic Chichimecs was conquered by Spaniards,
and the decline of the high level of Teotihuacan. Its inhabitants, from the northwest, arrived in their iron helmets (above)
of culture that had developed in a mix of peoples who had li\ed the Valley of Mexico about gleaming in startling contrast to
and around the Valley of Mexi- in the area for centuries and AD 1200. They brought along the colorfiil feathers of their
co, ushering in a new era of new settlers whose forebears a representation of their fear- adversaries. Unlike earlier invad-
frequent warfare. As a power had been seminomads, became some tribalgod, Huitzilopoch- ers,they had no desire to ab-
vacuum developed, lesser known as the Toltecs. By about di, whom they placated with sorb the ways of the conquered
groups from far-flung parts of AD 1000, Tula numbered per- human sacrifice. According to peoples; instead, they were de-
Mesoamerica began to establish haps 40,000, with an equal legend, he had told them to termined to force the Aztecs to
themselves in the region. Their population in the oudying setde where an eagle perched adopt the values and religion of
villages grew into defendable farmlands. Tula's ceremonial on a cactus (above) The bird
. Spain. Deliberately and thor-
cities that competed with each center was small, surrounded by was allegedly seen in the marsh- oughly, the civil administration,
other for economic and military well-built housing. Upon a five- lands of an island in Lake Tecz- abetted by the Catholic Church,
power. No single cit\' held step pyramidal platform stood a coco about AD 1325. There the tried to obliterate ever\' vestige
sway; instead, a number of re- row of 15-foot- tall stone col- Aztecs built their canal-laced of the literature, religion, and
gional centers evolved, such umns carved as warriors (above). cit)', Tenochtidan. traditions of the new land.
as Cacaxtla, whose buildings Religious objects emphasized At the center of Tenochtidan, Within a decade after the con-
were painted with scenes of human sacrifice. Racks were the Aztecs erected a spacious quest, churchmen, still combat-
warfare, as is shown in the mu- erected to display captives' religious precinct of stunning ing Aztec influences, found it
ral fragment above. skulls, and temples contained pyramids and temples. They necessar)' to reconstruct in writ-
chacmools, stone altars for sacri- farmed chinampas, small fertile ing the civilization they were
ficed human hearts. islands dredged from the tr\'ing so hard to crush, if only
The Toltecs established a swamp. Aggressive warriors, to better understand it. Ulti-
tribute-exacting empire domi- they demanded tribute from the mately, Aztec ways, gradually
nating much of central Mexico, cit\'-states within their growing seeping into the newly planted
and their influence spread to the empire. The cit)''s wealth, com- culture, created not a Spanish
southern lowlands. Their impe- merce, and culture attracted set- replica but a vigorous hybrid.
rial system became a model for ders, and by 1519 Tenochtidan
the later Aztecs. Although built housed perhaps as many as
on a defensible hilltop, Tula, 200,000 people, approximately
too, collapsed and fell into ruin three times the population of
around AD 1200. Spain's largest cit\', Seville.
 NOWLEDGMENTS
The editors wish to thank thefoliowinj ural Histon,'. Yale Uni\ersit\', New Moctezuma, Direccion General de
for their valuable assistance ir. the prepn- Haven, Connecticut; W. xM. Fer- Templo Mayor, Mexico Cit\'; Donato

ration of this volume: guson, Wellington, Kansas; Peter Pineider, Florence, Italv; Michael
Furst, De\on, Pennsylvania; David Spence, Department of Anthropol-
Donatella Benoni. IGDA, iSiilan; Grove, University' of Illinois, Urbana; Science Centre, Ontario,
og\-. Social

Elizabeth Boone, Dumbarton Oaks Sabine Hesse, Wiimembergisches Canada; Richard Townsend, Art
Libraries, Washington, D.C.; Mi- Landesmuseum, Stungart; Caterina Institute of Chicago, Chicago,

chael Coe, Peabody Museum of Nat- Longanesi, Milan; Eduardo Matos Illinois.

PICTURE CREDITS
The sources for the illustrations in this Bodleian Libran*', Oxford. 35: Bib- chi%'e, London; Salvador Guilliem/
volume are listed below. Credits from left liotheque Nationale, Paris. 36-39: En- National Institute of Anthropology
to right are separated by semicolons, from rique Franco Torrijos/National Insti-
and Histon', Mexico G. Dagli Orti,
top to bottom by dashes. tuteof Anthropology' and Histor\', Paris. 70, 71: Art by Time-Life
Mexico. 40-43: Bodleian Librar\', Ox- Books; background William M. Fer-
Cover: Wiirttembergisches Landes- ford. 44: Werner Forman Archive, guson and Mesoamerica's Ancient Cit-
museum Stuttgart, background Michel London/National Institute of Anthro- ies. 72, 73: Photo by Peter T. Furst/

Zabe. 6, 7: Werner Forman Archive, pology' and Histon', Mexico. 46, 47: National Institute of Anthropology'
London. 8: Werner Forman Archive/ National Institute of Anthropology' and Histor\', Mexico (2); background
National Institute of Anthropology' and Histon', Mexico. 48: Photo by Eberhard Thiem, Lotos Film, Kauf-
and Histor\-, Mexico. 10: Michel Peter R. Furst/Princeton Museum of beuren. 74, 75: Art Institute of Chi-
Zabe/National Institute of Anthropol- Art (2). 49: G. Dagli Orti, Pans. 51: cago; background Compahia Mexi-
ogy' and Histor\', Mexico. 1 1 From :
Map bv Time-Life Books David C. cana Aerofoto. 76, 77: G. Dagli Orti,
The Aztec Cosmos, traced and collected Gro\e/Nat'onal Institute of Anthro- Paris; background Compafiia Mexi-
bv Tomas J. Filsinger, Celestial Arts, pologx' and Histon', Mexico. 52: cana Aerofoto. 78, 79: Photographed
Berkeley, 1984. 12, 13: Background Werner Forman Archive/British Muse- by Saburo Sugivama (2). 80: Werner
Da\id Hiser, Photographers/Aspen/
um, London photo bv Peter T. Forman Archive, London. 82, 83:
National Institute of Anthropology' Furst/National Institute of Anthropol- From Aztechi by Eduardo Matos
and Histor)', Mexico; top right W. L. ogy'and Histon', Mexico; Werner Moctezuma, photo by Salvador Guil-
Clements Librar\', Uni\ersit\' of Mich- Forman Archive, Dr. Kurt Sta\en- liem, Editoriale Jaca Books, Milan,
igan. 16, 17: Werner Forman hagen Collection/National Institute of 1989. 84: Kenneth Garrett, art in
Archive/Liverpool Citv Museum. 18: Anthropolog)' and Histor\', Mexico. gold by Fred Holz. 86: Kenneth
Bodleian Libran', Oxford. 19: Art bv 54: From Mexico by Michael D. Coe Garrett/National Institute of Anthro-
Time-Life Books. 22-25: Copied by (3d ed. ), Thames and Hudson, New pology' and Histon,', Mexico Scala,
Donato Pineider, Florence/Biblioteca York, 1984. 55: Photo by Peter T. Florence/Biblioteca Nazionale Ccn-
Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. 26, Furst Rene Percheron/Artephot/ trale, Florence. 87: Werner Forman
27: Eberhard Thiem, Lotos Film/ National Institute of Anthropology' Archive, London/Museum fiir

Museum fur Volkerkunde, Vienna and Histon', Mexico. 56: Smith- Volkerkunde, Basel. 88, 89: Michel
(2). 28: Michel Zabe/National Insti- sonian Institution, National Museum Zabe/National Institute of Anthropol-
tute of Anthropology' and Histor^', of the American Indian neg. ogy' and Histor\', Mexico. 90: Bocilei-

Mexico jaguar figure, Mexico, Aztec,
# 1 7846 from Mysteries of the Mexi- an Libran', Oxford (4) courtesy
ca. AD 1440-1521, stone, 12.5 cm x can Pyramids h\ Peter Tompkins, John Carter Brovvn Libran' at Brown
14.5 cm X 28 cm, Brooklvn Museum Harper & Row, 1976 (2). 59: Salva- Universin'. 91: Eberhard Thiem, Lo-
38.45, CarU H. deSilver Fund. 29: dor Guilliem; G. Dagli Orti/IGDA, tos Film/Museum fiir \^6lkerkunde,
Photo b\' Peter T. Furst/National In- Milan. 60: Kaz Tsuruta. 61: Fine Arts Vienna Bodleian Libran*', Oxford
stitute of Anthropology and History, Museums of San Francisco, bequest of (4). 92, 93: Enrique Franco Torri-

Mexico Werner Forman Archive/ Harald J. Wagner. 62: Vrom Mysteries jos British Museum, London; copied
Merrin Collection, New York/ of the Mexican Pyramids bv Peter by Donato Pineider, Florence/
National Institute of Anthropology' Tompkins, Harper &Row, 1976. 63: Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Flor-
and Histon,', Mexico. 30: Photo by Michel Zabe. 64, 65: Richard A. ence. 96, 97: Werner Forman
Peter T. Furst/National Institute of Diehl; William M. Ferguson and Mes- Archi\e/Pigorini Museum, Rome
Anthropolog}' and Histor\', Mexico oamerica's Ancient Cities. 67: Rene British Museum, London. 100: Photo
Werner Forman Archive, London. 34: Roland. 68, 69: Werner Forman Ar- bv Peter T. Furst/National Institute of

160
.\nthropolog\' and Histon', Mexico. thropology' and Histor\', Mexico. 121: Percheron/Artephot/National Institute
101: Nick Saunders, London/National Art b\- Fred Holz; Michel Zabc/ of Anthropolog)' and Histon-, Mexi-
Instituteof AnthropoIog\' and Histo- National Institute of .\nthropolog\' co. 144: Bodleian Libran', Oxford
n', Mexico; background Eberhard
and Histor\', Mexico Salvador photo bv Peter T. Furst. 145: Photo
Thiem, Lotos Film, Kautbeuren. 102: Guilliem/National Institute of Anthro- b\' Peter T. Furst/National Institute of

Michel Zabe/National Institute of pology- and Histor\', Mexico. 122- Anthropology' and Histon', Mexico.
Anthropology' and Histor\', Mexico. 123: Art by Fred Holz Michel 146, 147: John Carlson, Center for
104, 105: Sahador Guilliem from Zabe/National Institute of Anthropol-
Archaeoastronomv G. Dagli Orti,
the catalogue Art of Aztec Alextco: ogy' and Histon', Mexico (3). 124: Paris Scala, Florence/Biblioteca
Treasures ofTenochtitlan, National Rene Percheron/Artephot/National Nazionale Centrale, Florence. 149:
Gallen' of Art, Washington, D.C./ Instituteof Anthropolog)' and Histo- Bodleian Libran', Oxford. 150:
National Institute of .Anthropology' r\',Mexico. 126, 127: Bob
Michel Zabe copied bv Donato Pi-
and Histor\', Mexico. 106: Miguel Schalkwijk/National Institute of Fine neider, Florence/Biblioteca Medicea
Salgado from "The National Museum Arts, Mexico. 128: Eberhard Thiem, Laurenziana, Florence. 151: Copied
of Anthropology', Mexico," -Pedro Lotos Film, Kautbeuren. 131: Bib- b\'Donato Pineider, Florence/
Ramirez \'azquez, 1968, Panorama liotheque Nationale, Paris. 132: Na- Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Flor-
Editorial, Mexico. 107: Copied bv tional Instituteof Anthropolog}' and ence; photo bv Peter T. Furst
Donato Pineider, Florence/Bibliotcca Histon', Mexico
Debra Nagao/ Foto Dietrich Graf/Museum fiir

Medicea Laurenziana, Florence. 109: National Institute of Anthropology' \ olkerkunde SMPK, Berlin. 152:
Museo de America, Madrid. 110, aiid Histon', Mexico. 133: Richard Werner Forman Archi\'e, London
HI: Mark Godfrey/D. Brown & Townsend, An Institute of Chicago Salvador Guilliem/National Institute
Assoc; art by Fred Holz. 112: Art by art bv Time-Life Books. 136: Bodlei- of Anthropologv' and Histon',

Fred Holz Michel Zabe/National an Libran', Oxford. 137: Werner
Mexico Bodleian Libran', Oxford.
Institute of Anthropology and Histo- Forman Archixe/Museuni fiir 153: Copied bv Donato Pineider,
ry', Mexico. 113: Kenneth Garrett/ Volkerkunde, Hamburg. 138: Werner Florence/Biblioteca Medicea Laurenzi-
National Institute of Anthropology' Forman Archi\e, London photo- ana, Florence
Eberhard Thiem,
and Histor\', Mexico (2). 114: Art bv graphed bv J. Oster/Musee de Lotos Film, Kautbeuren. 154: Eber-

Fred Holz Enrique Franco Torrijos/ THomme, Paris. 139: Salvador hard Thiem, Lotos Film, Kautbeuren;
National Institute of Anthropology' Guilliem/National Institute of Anthro- Werner Forman Archi\'e/Museum fiir
and Histor\', Mexico; Salvador
Guilliem/National Institute of Anthro-
polog)' and Histon', Mexico
bv Peter T. Furst. 140: Bibliotheque
photo Volkerkunde, Berlin. 155: G. Dagli
Orti, Paris Werner Forman Archive,
pology- and Histor\', Mexico. 115- de TAssemblee Nationale, Paris. London/British Museum. 156:
117: Kenneth Garrett/National Insti- 141: Copied bv Donato Pineider, Werner Forman Archive/National
tute of Anthropology and Histor\', Florence/Biblioteca Medicea Laurenzi- Instituteof Anthropology' and Histo-
Mexico. 118: Michel Zabe/National ana, Florence Bodleian Libran', ry,', Mexico
British Museum, Lon-
Institute of \nthropolog\' and Histo- Oxford. 142: Werner Forman don. 157: Eberhard Thiem, Lotos
r\', Mexico ^3). 119: Mario Carrieri, Archive/Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Film, Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Vi-
Milan/National Institute of Anthro- Basel Foto Dietrich Graf/Museuni enna; copied bv Donato Pineider,
polog]*' and Histor\', Mexico; Michel fur \'6lkerkunde SMPK, Berlin; Florence/Biblioteca Medicea Laurenzi-
Zabe/National Institute of Anthropol- Werner Forman Archive, London; ana, Florence. 158, 159: Art by
og\' and Histon', Mexico. 120: Werner Forman Archive/British Paul Breeden. End paper: Art by
Michel Zabc/National Institute of An- Museum, London. 143: Rene Paul Breeden.

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INDEX
Numerals in italics indicate an illustra- work on, 60-61; crxstal skull, 138; nial knife, 92-93, 113; ceremonial
tion of the subject mentioned. death motif 138; dog, sculpture
in, shield, 91; chest ornament, 6-7; cre-
of, 151; dugout canoe, statue of, ation mvths, 100; and cremation,
A 152; embellished skull, 80; feather- 149; cultural borrowings of, 46,
Acamapichdi: 42; name glyph of, 42 work, 156, 157; frescoes at Quetzal- 48, 50; daily life of 17, 149-157;
Achitomed: daughter's ritual slaving papalod Palace, 75; gold and silver drinking cup, 156; eagle-crowned
by Aztecs, 49-50 metalwork, 138-139, 156; illegal emblem of 34, 40, 41, 50, 159;
Acosta, Jorge: 65; excavations at trade in, 60-61; Olmec sculptures, ethical code of, 126, 141; fatalism
Teotihuacan, 59-60, 62 52, 53; Roman Catholic attacks on of 19, 112, 147-148; foreign trade
Aguilar, Jeronimo de: translator for Aztec art, 11; stone jaguar, 86, 87; bv, 130-134; gambling, propensity'
Cortes, 20-21 stone mask, 118, 137; Toltec art- for, 146-147; governance, svstem
Alba, Victor: 46 work, 44, 48, 49; warrior sculp- of, 127, 135-136; hierarchical social
Alvarado, Pedro de: precipitates Aztec tures, 94, 122 structure, 85, 87-88, 127, 130,
uprising in Tenochtidan, 3 Artisans: communitv' regard for, 136- 135-139, 148, 149; historical docu-
Archaeological Recoverv' Office (Mex- 137; guilds for, 156; and Toltecs, ments on, 16-17; human sacrifice,
ican): and CovoLxauhqui stone, 45,48 roleof 82-83, 86-87, 90, 100,
81 Avenue of the Dead (Teotihuacan): 112, 159; language of, 17, 18, 20,
Archbishop's Palace (Mexico City): 55, 56, 62, 69, map 71; excavations 22, 126; laws of 89, 140-141; lit-
stone relic discovered at, 87 at, 59, 60 erature, 17, 126; as mercenaries,
Arellanos, Lourdes Beauregard de: Aztecs: agriculture, 33, 149, 152-153; 40, 41, 47, 49; merchant class,
excavadons at Tula, 65 and animals, qualities attributed to, 107-108, 130-135; mv-tiiological
Arellanos Melgarejo, Ramon: excava- 28-29, 89, 156; architectural origin of, 19, 34-39, 47; number
tions at Tula, 65 achievements of, 27-28; and astron- svstem, 18; oral tradition of 16,
Art: animal motifs in, 28, 29, 30, 48, omv, 14; barter economv of, 129- 17; overthrown bv Spaniards, 20,
151, 155, 156; Aztec attitude to- 130, 150; bowl, 151; and caves, 32, 159; personal dignitv' and bear-
ward, 137; clay (terra-cotta) figur- importance of, 61, 99; ceremonial ing of 139-140; poets, respect for,
ines, 54, 55, 73, 154; commoner as atlatl, 96-97; ceremonial drum, 100; 127; polygamy, 145; rhetorical
subject of, 144, 145; conservation ceremonial helmet, 96-97; ceremo- skills of, 126-127; rise to power of

164
 19, 34, 40^3, 47-50, 66, 159; ritu- Cholula: Spanish sack of 21 Diaz del Castillo, Bemal: description
al ball games, 12, 146-147; ritual Citadel at Teotihuacan: 55, 76-77; of marketplace at Tlatelolco, 129;
cannibalism, 92, 104, 105, 10:^, excaxation of, 59 on entrance of Spaniards into Te-
108; rulers, succession ot, 86; self- Clothing: cotton reser\ed for Aztec nochtitlan, 23-25; on fate of Aztec
laceration bv, 102; Spanish polic\' nobilit\', 140; as designation of Mexico, 9; on human sacrifices by
on obliterating culture of, 11, 17, rank, 90; headdress, 26-27; as medi- Aztecs, 28, 29, 82-83; on Motecuh-
33, 34, 109, 132, 159; and Teoti- um of exchange (cuachtlt), 129-130; zoma 11, 135
huacan, 54, 55, 67; and Toltcc her- variety' of 129, 149 Diehl, Richard: excavations at Tula,
itage, 45, 63-64, 66; tribute system Coatlicue (deir\'): 82; statue of 8, 65; theor\' for cause of decline of
of 19, 97-98, 117; warfare, nature 10-11, 14, 15, 143 Tula, 66
and role of, 19, 31-32, 82, 83-89, Coatlinchan: exca\ations at, 45, 46-47 Disease: etfeas of smallpox on Indi-
90-93, 94-100; warriors, training Codex Borbonicus: 141 ans, 25,32
and accouterments of 88-89, 90- Codex Boturini: 36-39 Duran, Diego: on Aztec bureaucracy',
93, 94-95; warrior's pendant, 156; Codex Fejer\ar\' Mayer: 16-17 136; on Aztec human sacrifice ritu-
weapons of, 89,95-96; wedding Codex Mendoza: 40, 41, 42-43, 136, als,29-30, 103, 106-107; as chron-
rituals, 144, 145; at work, 152- 144 icler of Spanish conquest, 18; de-
153 Codices: 48, 61, 95, 143; and Indian scription of tribute for Aztecs, 98;
Aztlan: 19, 36; probable location of, oral tradition, 16, 34; pages and on Motecuhzoma II's death, 31; on
48 illustrations from, 16-17, 18, 22-25, Motecuhzoma IFs reaction to arri-
35^3, 86, 90-93, 140, 141, 144, val of Cortes, 21-23
B 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153,
Batres, Leopoldo: 56; appointed pro- 155, 157; preparation of bv Span-
tector of Mexican archaeological ish friars, 2 1 . See also inciindnal Eagle Knights: 29, 91, 93; ehte na-
monuments, 57; excavations at codices ture of 89, 90, 92; in ritual com-
Teotihuacan, 56, 57-58 Coe, Michael: excavations at San bat, 105; sculpture of, 94, 100,
Bemal, Ignacio: excavations at Teoti- Lorenzo, 53 101, 123
huacan, 59, 60, 62 Colhuacan: 37, 40, 47, 66; ^Aztecs as Education: formal Aztec system of,
Breeden, Paul: painting bv, end paper vassals of 41, 49, 50 143-145
Colhuatepec: 34; myth of Aztec emer- El Tajin: relief panel found at, 146
c gence from, 35
Cacaxtla: mural fragment from, 159 Cortes, Heman: 11, 13, 16, 84; on
Calendar (Aztec): 10, 14, 19, 50; Aztec human sacrifice rituals, 29; Pagan, Brian: 58; on nature of Tulan
glvphs for calendar years, 41 and conquest of Mexico, 9, 14-15, civilization, 65
Calendar Stone (Stone of the Sun): 20, 22, 30-32; contemporar}' record Feathered Serpent Temple (Quetzal-
10, 11, 14, 33; excavation of, 10-11 of atrocities b\, 18; description of coad Temple): 59, 76; burial pits
Calmecac (temple schools): 12, 143, marketplace at Tlatelolco, 128-129, at, 78-79; facade decorations from,

144 130; letters to Charles V, 16-17, 77

Calpullec: 136 27, 128-129; and Motecuhzoma 11, Five Flower (deit\'): as god of gam-
Chapultepec: 39, 41, 49; temple and 21, 23-25, 30-31; retreat from bling, 147
garden ruins at, 30 Tenochtitlan, 3 1 ; on Tenochtitlan, Flaying of Men (sacrificial ritual):
Charles V: Cortes's letters to, 16, 17, 27-28; and Teotihuacan, 67; and 103-105
27, 128 Velasquez, 20, 31 Florentine Codex: 17, 22-25, 97, 107,
Charnay, Desire: exca\'ations at Teoti- Covoacan: 103 125; description of Aztec ritual ball
huacan, 55-57; search for Tula, 64- CovoLxauhqui (deit\'): 99; stone relief game, 146
65 of 81,52-55, 109, 111, 115 Flower Wars: 99-100
Chichen Itza: 64; excavations at, 16 Crime: Aztec punishments for, 140- Food: alcoholic beverages, 137,
Chichimecs: 35, 66, 159 141, 156 156; cacao beans, 129, 150; choco-
Chicomecoatl (deir\'): statue of, 142 Cuachtli: as medium of exchange, 150; hallucinogenic plants,
latl,

Chicomoztoc: and traditional Aztec 129-130 125; staples of Aztec diet, 150-151;
place of origin, 34 Cuicacalli (temple schools): 143 stone manos and nutates used to
Children: birth rituals of 84-85; divi- Cuicuilco: 53, 158 grind com, 153
nation rituals for, 141; education Cuidahuac: death of, 25
of, 143-144; sacrifice of 105, 107,
117 D Games: See Ollamaliztli, Patolli
Chimalma (Reposing Shield): and Davies, Nigel: on fall of Teotihuacan, Gamio, Manuel: 59; excavations of
Aztec journey myth, 36, 37 63 Citadel at Teotihuacan, 58-59
Chimalpopoca (Smoking Shield): Department of Archaeolog)' and An- Garcia Cubas, Antonio: probe into
troubled reign of 42 thropology' (Mexican): 59 P\'ramid of the Moon, 57
Chmampas: 33, 85, 152, 153, 159 Diaz, Portiri^o: 57, 58 General History of the Things of New

165
 : 1 1

Spain (Sahagiin): 18 93, 94, 100, 105 legal code, 140, 141
Glyphs (Aztec pictographic system) Jimenez Moreno, Wigberto: identifi- Motecuhzoma (Xocovotzin) II: 9, 20,

10, 18, 19, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, cation of site for Tula, 65 41, 43; class consciousness of, 135;
43, 50, 97, 132; Olmec influence and Cortes, 21-25, 30-31; death of,
on, 61; use of by students, 143 L 31; incorrea variants of name, 14-
Great City of Tenochtitlan, The (Ri- La Venta: Olmec population center 15; as orator, 127; preparation of
vera):126-127 in, map 51 meals and entertainment for, 150,
^ Lake Tetzcoco: end paper, 19, 22, 39, 154; private gardens and palace of,
Great Pyramid at ienochtitlan: 28
Great Temple of Tenochtitlan: end 40, 41, 47, 49, 50, 107, 132, 158, 9, 27, 736; purported headdress of,
paper, 12-13, 15, 27, 29, 33, 83, 159; drained bv Spaniards, 33; 26-27; zoo of, 27, 28
84, 86, 94, 108, 110, 111, 121, food supply ft-om, 150 Mount Tlaloc: 107, 132
125; adjacent shrines at, 120, 121; Leon y Gama, Antonio de: astronom- Murals: restoration work on, 60
excavations at, 2,1-83, 84, 98, 109, ic interpretations of the Stone of Museum of the Great Temple (Mexi-
110-123; jaguar skull relic from, the Sun, 14; on Aztec skill as arti- co Cit>'): 82,98
102; offerings from, 116-119, 137; sans and builders, 26-27 Musical instruments: Aztec flute, 154;
remains of child sacrificial victims, Linne, Sigvald: excavations at Teoti- huehuetl (drum), 755; ocarina (ce-
104-105, 107, 117; sacrificial stones huacan, 59 ramic turde), 755; teponaztli
from, 112, 113; sculptures from,
114; successive stages of construc-
tion, 110,777, 120 Malinalco: 98-99, 707;
M relics from,
(wooden gong), 755

N
Giiemes Pacheco de Padilla, Juan Vi- 100; temple at, 93, 99 Nahuad (Aztec language): 17, 18, 20,
cente: and discover)' of the Stone of Malinaixochid (deit\'): 99 22, 126
the Sun, 11 Marina, Doiia: 20; warns Cortes of Narvaez, Panfilo de: and Cortes,
Guerrero: tribute from, 98 Cholulan conspiracy', 2 31
Gulf Coast: 66, 146; Olmec presence Madatzinca: 37 National Museum of Anthropology '

on, 51, 55 Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo: excava- (Mexico Cit\'): 12, 15, 45, 46,
'

tions at Tula, 65 94
H
Hall of the Eagle Knights: 89, 94;
Mava: archaeological sites of, 16; lan-
guage, 20-21; and Olmecs, 51, 53
59, 87,
National Palace: 10, 33
Nezahualcoyod: 66, 127, 737, 132
sculptures from, 122-123 Mendoza, Don Antonio de: as viceroy Nezahualpilli: 737
Hidalgo: tribute from, 98 of New Spain, 41 Night of Sorrow (Noche Triste) : 3
History of the Indies of New Spain (Du- Mexica: 14
ranj: 18
House of the
Mexico: access to sites in opened to o
Priests: 58 foreign archaeologists, 13-14; an- Oaxaca: 60
Huehueteotl (deity): sculpture of, thropological studies of contempo- Obsidian: sources close to Teotihua-
120, 121 ran' peasantry' in, 149; archaeologi- can, 54; trade in, 72, 98; uses of,
Huitzilopochtli (deit\'): 14, 19, 23, cal interests of Spanish \icero\' in, 89, 96, 158
24, 28, 29, 31, 32, 41, 48, 49, 85, 11; attitudes in toward Indian heri- OctU: 92, 137, 156
86,99, 103, 109, 119, 143, 159; tage of 45-47; government protec- game): 12,
Ollantaliztli (ritual ball
and dismemberment of Co- tion of archaeological sites in, 61, 146-147; court 146
for,
yoLxauhqui, 82, 83; as god of sun 81 Olmecs: 48, 50, 55, 63, 158; mask,
and war, 12; as patron of Aztecs, Mexico Cit\': 53, 54, 67; difficult)' of 775, 119; population centers of,
34, 36-37, 38, 81, 84; shrine to, conducting comprehensive excava- map 51; sculptures of, 57, 52, 158
12,84, 109, 112, 113, 114 tions of archaeological sites in, 16, Order of the Eagle and the Jaguar
Humboldt, Baron Alexander von: ac- 33; excavations in, 9, 10-11, 54, Knights: 89
count of visit to archaeological sites 81-53. 87, 109, 77C-723
in Spanish Mexico, 14; on reburial M. H. de Yoimg Museum (San Fran-
of Coatlicue statue, 15 cisco): and return of Teotihuacan Patolli: 147
murals to Mexico, 60-61 Pochteca: 130-135, 137
I Michoacan: 98 Precepts of the Elders: and code of ethi-
Indians: tribes allied with Spaniards Micdan: endpaper, 148 cal behavior, 126
against Aztecs, 15, 87, 99 Micdantecuhdi (deit\'): statue of, 722 Puebla: tribute from, 98
Iczcoad: 139; efforts to create noble Millon, Rene: excavations at Teoti- Pulque: 137. See also Octli
histor\' for Aztecs, 47 huacan, 60, 62, 70 P)'ramid of Quetzalcoad as the Morn-
Iztaccihuad: 56 Moctezuma: See Motecuhzoma (Xo- ing Star: stone columns at, 64
coyotzin) II P\'ramid of the Moon: construction
J Montezuma: See Motecuhzoma (Xo- of, 55; excavations at, 56, 57, 59-
Jade: value of as gemstone, 156 coyotzin) II 60, 62, 75
Jaguar Knights: 29, 89, 90, 91, 92, Motecuhzoma I: 47, 87; and Aztec P)Tamid of the Sun: comparison with

166
 Egypt's Great Pyramid, 68; con- and 150, 154; on human
feasts, Sorrow), 31; Tomb of Time, 106
struction of, 55; excavations at, 54, 105; on religious rinials,
sacrifice, Teomama: 37
57-58, 59, 60-61, 68-69 105, 147, 148; on Toltec accom- Teotihuacan: 45, 50, 65, 66, 153,
plishments, 48, 64 158, 159; air sur\'eys and mapping
Q
Quetzalcoad (deit\'): Cortes's arrival
San Juan: 56
San Lorenzo: map 51; excavations at,
of, 60, 70, 71; archaeological zone
at, 61; artwork at, 58; Avenue of

coincides with legends on return of, 53 die Dead, 55, 56, 59, 60, 62, 69,
21, 22; as fertilit)' deit\', 158; statue San Martin: 56 map 71; brazier lid from, 74; Cita-
of, 142, 158; temple dedicated to, Santa Cecilia Acatitlan: pvramid at, del at, 55, 59, 76-77; destruction
12 142 of, 55, 61-63, 67; estimated popu-
Quetzalpapalotl Palace: 74-75; excava- Serpent Wall: 65 lation of, 53, 54, 70; excavations at,
tions at, 75 Slavery: Aztec system of: 138-139; 16, 55, 56, 57-61, 67, 68-79; hous-
Spanish practice of 20, 138 ing in, 62, 72-73, 75; looted objects
R Soustelle, Jacques: on Aztec rhetoric, from and contemporarx' art collec-
Religion: absolution, single opportu- 126 tors, 60-61; murals and frescoes
nit}' for, 147-148; afterlife, Aztec Spain: and conquest of Mexico, 9, from, 60-61, 73, 75; onyx funerary
view of, end paper, 125, 148; ani- 14-15, 30-32; Mexico gains inde- mask from, 67; potter}' figurines
mal sacrifice, 100-102; animals, su- pendence from, 14; obliteration of from, 63, 73; Pyramid of the
pernatural powers attributed to, 28; Aztec culture, 11, 17, 33, 34, 109, Moon, 55, 56, 57, 59-60, 62, 75;
Aztec creation mxths, 100; Aztec 132, 159 Pyramid of the Sun, 54, 55, 57-58,
deities, cvver, 9, 11, 12, 19, 20, 21, Stirling, Matthew W.: excavations at 59, 60-61, 68-69; as religious cen-
22, 23, 24, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36- Tres Zapotes, 53 ter, 69, 70; sacred ca\'e found at,

37, 38, 41, 45, 46, 48, 49, 59, 61, Stone of the Sun (Calendar Stone): 61,69
73, 74, 81, 84, 86, 99, 100, 103, 10, 11, 14, 33; excavation of, 10- Teotihuacanos: 48, 50, 54, 63
104, 106, 107, 112, 114, 115, 117, 11 Tepanecs: Aztecs serve as mercenaries
118, 119, 120, 121, 131, 132, 144, Stone of Tizoc: 87, 88-89; excavation for, 40
147, 158, 159; Aztec deities, diver- of, 11 Tetzcoco: 127, 131
sity of, 142; Aztecs and Christiani- Tetzcotzingo: palace and gardens at,

ty, 9, 15, 17-18, 33, 46; caves as 132-133

cult shrines, 61, 69, 99; contractual Tabasco coast: 20 Tezcacoatl: 37
relationship between man and Aztec Telpochcalli (schools): 143-145 Tezcatlipoca (deirv) : sacrificial victims
gods, 102; eagle vessel used in sac- Temple of Malinalco: 93, 99 for, 8 1 as supreme god of Aztec
;

rificial rites, 104; eschatological Az- Tenango: excavated ritual ball courts pantheon, 106
tec view of life, 11, 33; hallucino- at, 146 Tizapan: 49
genic plants, use of, 147; holy days, Tena\aica: 40, 41 Tizoc: commemorative stone of, 87,
festive celebration of, 145-146, 154- Tenoch: traditional founder of Tenoch- 88; failure as militar\' commander,
155; human sacrifice, 12, 28-29, titlan, 41 86-87
48, 58, 81, 82-83, 85, 86, 87, 90, Tenocha: 14 Aztec general, 89; and
Tlacaclel: rites
100, 102-108, iOP, 111, 112, 113, Tenochtidan: 10, map 13, 14, 21, 40, of human sacrifice, 103
131, 139, 146, 159; icons, Spanish 43, 47, 48, 50, 63, 92, 95, 98, Tlaloc (deitv): 12, 19, 28, 59, 61, 73,
concern for, 15; myxh of struggle 103, 106, 107, 108, 109, 128, 131, 106, 107^ 117, 118, 119, 122, 132,
between sun and moon and stars, 159; annexation of Tlatelolco, 127; 148; as god of rain, 12; non-Aztec
82, 85; Olmec 52; Quetzal-
beliefs, artisan section of, 137, 156; cause- origin of, 46; shrine to, 12, 84,
coad's return, belief in, 21; ritual ways connecting to mainland,
cit\' 109, 112, 114; stone effigy of, 45,
ball game, 12, 146; Teotihuacan 13, 24, 27, 103; comparisons with 46A7
beliefs, 69 contemporar\' European cities, 25- Tlatelolco: 32, 33, 107; excavation of
Rivera, Diego: painting bv, 126-127 26; and Cortes, 23-25, 27-28, 84; temple plaza at, 128; marketplace
Roman Catholic Church: and Aztec difficulties in excavation of, 15-16; at, 126, 127-130, 139; temple at,

culture, 17-18, 159; Florentine Co- dikes in, 13; estimated population 25
dex confiscated by the Inquisition, of, 19, 26, 159; excavations at, Tlatilco: grave sites and art objeas
22 81-82, 109, 110-123; founding of, from, 54, 55, 158
41, 110; Great Temple of, end Tlaxcala: 31, 56; as allies of Span-
paper, 12-13, 15, 27, 29, 33, 81-83, iards, 20, 21, 32, 99; and Flower
Sacrificial Stone: excavation of, 11 84, 86, 94, 98, 102, 105, 107, Wars, 99-100
Sahagiin, Bernardino de: on Aztec art, 108, 109, 110-123, 125, 137; polit- Tlazolteod (deit\'): as goddess of filth,
137; on Aztec sensibilit)', 140; on ical organization of, 136; religious 140, 141
Aztec traders, 134; efforts to save centerin, 12-13, 28; schooling in, Tochtepec: merchant headquarters at,
Aztec heritage, 17-18, 22; and Flor- 143; Spanish recapture of, 32-33; 108
entine Codex, 22, 107; on food Spanish retreat from (Night of Toci (deit)'): statue of, 144

167
 144; and work, 152, 153
Tolteca: 137
Toltecs: 34, 35, 47, 48, 50, 55, 57, V X
159; archaeological snidy of, 63- Vallev of Mexico: end paper, 49, 53,
66; art and craftwork of, 44, 4S, 56, 66, 98, 149, 156; agricultural Xipe Totec (deirv): and flaving rituals,
49 fertilit\' of,85; Aztec domination 104-105; statue of, 57
Tomb of Time: 106 of, 14, 19, 34, 47; cit\-state rivalr\' Xiuhtecuhudi (dein): fire god, 107
Tonatiuh {deir\'): as sun god, 11, 33, in, 85-86; rainv season in, 45; time- Xochimilco: 42, 103; chinantpas at,
92 line of civilization in, 158-159 149, 152
Tres Zapotes; tnap 51; excavations at, Velasquez, Diego: appoints Gartes to Xochipilli (deit\'): statue of, 124
51-53 command of expedition to Mexico, Xoloti (deit\'): cover

True Histon' of the Conquest ofMexico 20; attempts to recall Cortes, 31

(Diaz del Castillo): 23 Veracruz: 21, 25, 31, 51; Cortes's Y
Tula: 63, 159; destruction of, 65- arrival at, 20 Yacatecuhdi (deitv): as patron of mer-
66; excavations at, 64-66; housing ViUa Rica de la Vera Cruz: 20 chants, 130, 134
in, 65; P\Tamid of Quetzalcoad as

the Morning Star, 64; Serpent Wall

at, 65
w
Wagner, Harald: and looted
Young Museum:
Museum
See M. H. de Young

Yucatan: 20; Toltec archaeological

Tula de Allende (Hidalgo): 64 mural fragments from Teotihua- sites in, 64
Turquoise: Aztec trade in, 6; regard can, 60-61
for, 156 Women: childbirth, support and ritu-

Tuxtia: Olmec basalt quarries at, 158 als during, 84-85, 141-143; courte- Zocalo: discovers' of Calendar Stone
sans, 140, 145; and education, 143; and Sacrificial Stone in, 10-11
u
Universiu' of Rochester: and exca\a-
and human sacrifice, 106, 107,
146; and marriage, 145; refinement
Zumarraga, Juan de: destruction of
native Indian art and hterature bv,
tions at Teotihuacan, 60 of, 140; as subjea of Aztec art. 17

168
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