Reflections on interpreting settings and

ethics in view of visual representations of

la Malinche
The International Journal for
Translation & Interpreting
Research

trans-int.org Krisztina Zimnyi

Universidad de Guanajuato, Mexico
krisztina.gto@gmail.com

DOI: 10.12807/ti.107202.2015.a01

Abstract: During the conquest of the territory of todays Mexico, a young indigenous
woman, mostly known as la Malinche, emerged as the main interpreter, and later
lover, to the Spanish Conquistador, Hernn Corts. Numerous written references and
pictorial representations attest to her linguistic, communication and diplomatic skills,
and they also reveal a fascination with her private affairs. This article applies 21st
century conceptualisation and terminology to analyse the kind of interpreting she
practised and to evaluate her professional performance from an ethics perspective. By
examining both contemporary and subsequent illustrations that depict her in a
professional or personal capacity, the study comes to a number of interesting
conclusions. First, the kind of interpreting in which la Malinche could best be
described as interpreting in conflict zones. Second, the iconography of interpreting
displays a series of recurring motifs. Third, there seems to be a distinction between
the focus in contemporary and retrospective images along the lines of skills versus
ethical guidelines. Finally, this idiosyncrasy could serve as a valuable lesson for
todays interpreters.

Keywords: interpreting, ethics, visual arts, la Malinche, New Spain

Introduction

Most images, written or pictorial, respond to previous

stereotypes. This is particularly true of images created at
the beginning of the contacts between Europeans and
peoples from other cultures.
(Alonso Arragus & Baigorri Jaln, 2004, p.130)

This article aims to consider certain aspects of interpreting ethics against the
backdrop of some visual representations of la Malinche1 across the centuries.
While these musings are not the first of their kind either in terms of interpreting
role descriptions and ethical considerations (Hale, 2007; Pym, 2001; Roberts,

1
A number of academic sources (Flores Farfn, 2002; Karttunen, 1994) discuss the
origins of her probable birth name, Malinalli, which in Nahuatl refers either to a
bunch of grass or to the day of the month she was born. There seems to be consensus
that she was baptised Marina on her conversion to Christianity, which took place near
the sea. Thereon, she was referred to as Doa Marina among Spanish-speakers. It is
the corruption of her Christian name among the indigenous population, with the
addition of the female endearing suffix -tzn, that led to the appellation Malintzn. In
turn, this version was re-Hispanicised as Malinche. For its prevalence in the T/IS
literature, this last designation is used in this article. Furthermore, this version gave
rise to the concept of Malinchismo, or the preference for anything foreign over
Mexican resources, be they human or otherwise, which still permeates Mexican
culture, originating in the notion that la Malinche sold out the indigenous population
while interpreting for the Conquistador.
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 1
1997), or the analysis of la Malinches role in the conquest of New Spain
(Glantz 2001c; Karttunen, 1994; Nava Snchez, 2001; Yannakakis, 2006), or
even contemplating visual art works in the interpreting context with reference
to la Malinche (Alonso Aragus & Baigorri Jaln, 2004; Brotherson, 2001;
Slautina, 2007), it hopes to contribute to the existing literature in a refreshing
way. Following an attempt at classifying the type of interpreting once carried
out by this historical figure, I will discuss the three pillars of interpreting ethics,
namely, impartiality, neutrality and confidentiality in relation to her persona.
The conceptualisation will be aided by highlighting recurring motifs in the
artistic depictions of la Malinche, ranging in time scale from codices scripted at
the time of the Conquest through Romantic paintings and works by Mexican
muralists in the twentieth century to current imaginings. The pieces have been
selected from a rather eclectic array of art works on the basis of their relevance
to the argument presented2, and, thus, will appear in a thematic rather than a
chronological order, given that the focus here is on the interpreters role and
position rather than on an art historians perspective.

1. Taxonomical difficulties

Although, apart from the date and circumstances of her death, la Malinches
biographical details are not exactly shrouded in mystery, they cannot be
corroborated entirely, either. What is known is that she was born to an Aztec
family and once her father, a cacique, or community leader, had died, she was
most probably sold to some traders from Xicalango who passed her on to a
Mayan community of Tabascans. This series of changing of hands led to her
learning not only Nahuatl and Maya but also their various dialects. This later on
raised her to the ranks of an interpreter when presented as one of the twenty
young women who were part of an offering levied upon the Chontal Maya by
the victorious Spaniards in April of 1519. According to contemporary sources
(Daz del Castillo, 1966 [1555]), she literally emerged from among the other
women and began interpreting between Maya and Nahuatl. From there on, she
became the interpreter, intercultural guide and probably informer to the Spanish
colonisers in general, and Hernn Cortss lover in particular. As these two
aspects are intrinsically linked, they will both feature in the following visual
analysis of her role.
At first sight, it appears difficult to
determine whether la Malinche was more
akin to todays conference or community
interpreters. On viewing the painting in
Figure 1 (Historical Boys Clothes,
2004/2013), for example, la Malinche is
seen interpreting between Corts, the
representative of the Spanish Crown, and
Moctezuma II, the Aztec ruler, which
would suggest interpreting in high
diplomatic circles. Today, such activities
are carried out by conference interpreters
rather than community interpreters. On
Figure 1. War and social upheaval
the other hand, the variety of settings and,
above all, the bidirectional nature of the linguistic transfer would suggest a
closer relationship with a community interpreters work. Therefore, in order to

2
As a result, a number of paintings have had to have been excluded, such as La
Malinche by Alfredo Arregun (1993) or Diego Riveras mural in the Palacio Nacional
in Mexico City.
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 2
avoid confusion, I will begin with examining a number of factors that are
traditionally considered when establishing this classical divide, and then offer
another categorisation that may prove useful in the circumstances before
moving on to the discussion of ethical concerns.

1.1 Conference vs. community interpreting

I would argue that Pchhackers conceptual spectrum of interpreting (2004,
p.17) with reference to settings and constellations provides a helpful starting
point and, accordingly, will discuss the matter in terms of (1) the number of
parties involved; (2) the professional role of the primary participants; (3) power
relations between the primary participants; (4) the number of speakers and
listeners; and, (5) directionality.

1.1.1 The number of parties involved.

Pchhacker (2004, pp.13-17)
suggests that interpreting in
international and / or
conference settings may be
more likely to involve
multilateral communication,
while in the community sphere
interpreting generally takes
place between two parties.
Figure 2. Florentine Codex (12: fo.14)
Given the multi-ethnic and
multilingual nature of contemporary reality in the territory that was to become
New Spain, it would be difficult to fathom that multilateral encounters did not
take place during the Conquest. Nevertheless, la Malinche is consistently
depicted as an interpreter between two, and only two, parties, as, for example,
in Figure 2 (Sahagn, 1577 Book 12, folio 14) from The general history of the
things of New Spain, also known as the Florentine Codex. In this sense, la
Malinches interpreting activities tend to resemble the community interpreting
setting more than a conference interpreting environment.

1.1.2 The professional background of the primary participants.

In contrast, regarding the professional background of the participants, la
Malinche would probably qualify as a conference interpreter today. As
mentioned in relation to Figure 1. above, the primary speakers for whom la
Malinche interpreted were mostly dignitaries on both the indigenous and the
Spanish sides. Whether of royal blood and chosen to rule, as in the case of
Moctezuma II, or of noble lineage and entrusted by his king as is the case with
Corts, there is no doubt that they both represented what today would be
considered as highly powerful positions both in political and professional terms.

1.1.3 Power relations between the participants.

The relative position held in
their respective societies
would indicate an equal
standing between the Spanish
conquistadors and their
leaders, on the one hand, and
the indigenous population and
their chiefs, on the other.
However, the defeat of the
locals by the colonisers
resulted in a power imbalance
illustrated in Figure 3 from the
Figure 3. Lienzo de Tlaxcala: Quiatlauhtique Lienzo de Tlaxcala (Palace of
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 3
the Governors, 2002-2009a). Here Moctezuma II presents the quitlauhtique, or
welcoming offerings, to Corts who is seated as if to confirm his superiority
(Barton Kranz, 2007, p.8). Although unequal power relations are a feature more
closely associated with community than conference interpreting, it is not
unheard of in the latter settings, either.

1.1.4 The number of speakers and listeners.

If the professional background or the relative power of the participants does not
help decide whether the interpreting at hand is closer to conference or
community interpreting, the number of speakers or listeners will not provide the
solution, either. Pchhacker (2004, p.17) suggests that a single speaker
addressing a multiple audience may be more characteristic of the former, while
face-to-face, or one-to-one, communication is more typical of the latter.
However, judging by contemporary illustrations, la Malinche engaged in a
variety of situations with regard to the number of participants on each side.
For example, in Figure 4 (Sahagn, 1577
Book 12, folio 26), she is in the line of verbal fire
between a group of Spanish soldiers and
representatives of the Aztec nobility, with more
than one speakerlistener on each side. The
activity of speaking is visualised by a glyph or
pictogram of a curlicue speech sign, or speech
scroll called tlatolli. It resembles a tongue and
signifies verbal interaction mostly between
speakers of a noble origin. Here it is drawn on both
sides of the Malinches figure in the centre of the
image. In this scenario, based on the number of
participants, the setting could be identified as inter- Figure 4. Florentine Codex (12:
social, leaning towards the conference interpreting fo.26)
end of the spectrum.
In comparison with the group picture, the
image in Figure 5 (Sahagn, 1577 Book 12,
folio 29) captures a one-to-one conversation
facilitated by la Malinche as the interpreter. It
shows both the speech scroll as well as the
elevated hand with the index finger pointing in
the recipients or listeners direction. Thus,
based on this illustration, we could argue that
la Malinche is engaged in community
interpreting practice. This could also be
supported by the power difference between the
primary speakers made apparent by their
Figure 5. Florentine Codex (12: relative positioning, with Corts taking the
fo.29) upper level.
As Pchhacker also comments (2004, p. 17), the division between the two
types of settings is not clear-cut. Conference interpreters may interpret between
two heads of state with only the three persons, and perhaps security present.
Similarly, a community interpreting situation may involve a medical service
provider, a patient and his/her family members. Thus, the classification as to the
type of interpreting practiced by la Malinche remains inconclusive. Let us
consider if the answer lies in the directionality of the interpreting activity.

1.1.5 Directionality.
In contrast with conference interpreters, community interpreters generally work
in a bidirectional or dialogic manner (c.f. Ozolins, 2007; Pchhacker, 1999;
Rudvin, 2007; Vargas, 2012). In la Malinches case, at first this meant
interpreting between her mother tongue, Nahuatl, which she learnt as a child,
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 4
and Maya, whose dialects she acquired as an adolescent, once sold to traders
from Tabasco by her mother (c.f. Bastin, 2004; Daz del Castillo, 1966 [1555];
Flores Farfn, 2002). Later on, once she had also learnt Spanish, she worked in
any combination involving these three languages and their respective dialects
such as Chontla Mayan or Mayan from the Yucatan.
Interestingly, at first
la Malinche worked in
relay with Jernimo de
Aguilar, a missionary
who had survived a
shipwreck about a decade
earlier and learnt Mayan
as a captive. Thus, she
interpreted from Nahuatl
to Mayan and then
Aguilar took over from
Mayan to Spanish and
then they repeated the Figure 6. La Malinche and Aguilar in relay
chain in reverse. The only known representation of this procedure can be found
in the Lienzo de Tlaxcala (California State University, n.d.), a contemporary
manuscript, where la Malinche and Aguilar are depicted in the line below the
two negotiating figures of Moctezuma II and Corts (Figure 6)3. While the relay
mode is in use both in conference and in community settings, the bidirectional
nature of la Malinches work would indicate that it is closer to community than
conference interpreting.

1.2 Further considerations

Even if we regard the conference community interpreting divide as a
continuum, rather than two mutually exclusive settings, the analysis of
Pchhackers conceptual spectrum has not yielded conclusive evidence as to
the type of interpreting involved in la Malinches case. It appears that further
reflection is called for, this time with a focus on the interpreter rather than on
the interpreted event. In particular, I will discuss the interpreters ethnic-
linguistic background, training and remuneration.

1.2.1 Ethnic-linguistic background.

Traditionally, conference interpreters work in the
official languages of a country or an international
organisation. The United Nations operates in only
six languages, while the European Union caters
for 24 languages. However, as Baylav et al.
comment, it is well known that in most European
countries hundreds of different languages are
spoken by people of various different ethnic
groups (2007, p. 4). Those members of these
ethnic groups who do not speak any official
language of the country where they reside face
difficulties in accessing public services, a
Figure 7. Ramos Martnez situation that can only be remedied by the use of
community interpreters.
As the probability that someone from outside the ethnic community would
speak their language or dialect to act as an interpreter is quite slim, it naturally

3
It is perhaps worth mentioning that la Malinche is positioned in front of Aguilar,
although this may be due to the interpreting order, and her proximity to the Nahuatl-
speaking people portrayed, rather than owing to her supposed significance over
Aguilar himself.
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 5
follows that the interpreters come from a native-speaking background, be they
from an indigenous, immigrant or deaf community. In illustrations
contemporary or almost contemporary to la Malinche herself, her ethnic
background is usually implied by her attire, as discussed in section 2.1.1. In
later depictions, however, albeit not necessarily in an interpreting setting, there
is a greater emphasis on other features. Alfredo Ramos Martnezs portrait (ca.
1930) in Figure 7, exhibited in the Phoenix Art Museum, for example, displays
a darker skin tone, indigenous facial structure and the traditional hair braids. In
this respect, la Malinche shares more with todays community interpreters than
with the conference interpreters who would not be versed in the vernacular(s).

1.2.1 Interpreter training.

In a similar vein, we could
argue that the spontaneous
nature of her first recorded
interpreting, described in the
introduction to Section 1 on
taxonomical difficulties, would
be more easily associated with
community interpreting than
with conference interpreting.
Not only did she acquire
Mayan as a second language
independently, she was also
self-trained, became an Figure 8. Florentine Codex (12: fo.44)
interpreter by chance and interpreted in an ad hoc manner as the need arose (c.f.
Ozolins, 2000). Thus, she could be described as the epitome of the natural
interpreter, a term coined by Brian Harris (Harris, 1976, 2012; Harris &
Sherwood, 1978), or regarded as a language broker from an early age (Antonini,
2010; Faulstich Orellana, 2009; Morales & Hanson, 2005).
In addition, it could also be argued that her role is closer to that of an
intercultural mediator than that of an interpreter (Martin & Mart, 2008;
Pchhacker, 2008; Rudvin, 2007; Rudvin & Tomassini, 2008; Verrept, 2008).
The differences in attire, positioning and gestures, for example, in Figure 8, all
suggest distinctive cultural backgrounds and communicative styles between the
primary speakers that are apparently being successfully mediated by la
Malinche. She seems to be embracing both worlds by wearing a traditional dress
while positioning herself with the Spaniards, a duality further discussed in
Sections 2.1.1-2.1.4. While such considerations fall outside the scope of the
current article, even the fact that the discussion can arise seems to suggest that
the type of interpreting in question is closer to the community-based end of the
spectrum than to the conference interpreting opposite.

1.2.3 Remuneration.
One of the most contested issues
with regard to the
professionalisation of interpreters
(see for example, Furmanek,
2012; Pchhacker, 1999;
Wadensj, Dimitrova & Nilsson,
2007), and perhaps the most
tangible distinction between
conference and community
Figure 9. La lengua interpreters, is the question of
remuneration. Throughout the second half of the last century conference
interpreters fought for proper working conditions, including payment, while
their community interpreting colleagues, often including qualified and certified
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 6
court and medical interpreters, are lagging behind in becoming recognised and
appropriately recompensed.
Payment was viewed differently during the time of the Conquest and
shortly after, and was likely regarded as a reward or compensation. Although la
Malinche enjoyed benefits that went beyond wage or stipend, her situation
could not be entirely compared to that of todays conference interpreter. Like
other interpreters (Echevarra, 2001; Glantz, 2001a, 2001b), she was regarded
as a mouthpiece and went by the denomination la lengua or the tongue, a
metonymic expression designating the interpreting profession (Bastin, 2004).
The essence of her contribution to the colonising and evangelising efforts is
beautifully captured in Adriana Canteross watercolour (2009) in Figure 9,
using part-for-whole images of a hand adorned with rosary beads and a cross
pulling out the tongue, or the speech scrolls from la Malinches mouth.

1.3 Possible classification: interpreting in conflict zones

As we have seen so far, applying current terminology to practices of half a
millennium ago does not prove an easy task, yet the reason for completing such
an exercise is primarily to give a historic perspective to our understanding of
the development of interpreting as known today. We can also observe that la
Malinche was not unique in her professional endeavours at the time and there
are other documented near-contemporaries or at least fellow interpreters
working in similar situations during colonisation across the globe.
Among these, Pocahontas has risen to Disney fame; Juan Gonzlez, Ponce
de Lens interpreter, has given his name to a mountain in Puerto Rico; and
Felipillo has notoriously lent his name to referring to corrupt politicians (c.f.
Alonso Aragus & Baigorri Jaln, 2004; Bastin, 2004; Karttunen, 1994; Kurz,
1991; Yannakakis, 2006). These historical figures were the predecessors of a
long line of interpreters who have worked and continue to work in difficult
conditions during moments of military and cultural conflict.
Although Pchhacker mentions military,
warfare and diplomatic variants among the
inter-social settings where interpreting may
take place (2004, p. 15), in view of recent
research developments and publications it
appears that the term interpreting in conflict
zones (Baker, 2006; Carr, 2007; Fernndez-
Ocampo & Wolf, 2014; Footitt et al., 2012)
would be the most appropriate terminology. It
encompasses a variety of settings ranging
from negotiations through religious events to
actual military encounters, where interpreters
may find themselves in the middle of conflict Figure 10. Florentine Codex (12: fo.43)
and confusion, as was la Malinche, identifiable by her braids, in the bottom left
corner of this chaotic illustration in Figure 10.

2. Ethical issues in interpreting in conflict zones

Having defined the type of interpreting provided by la Malinche, I will now

move on to examine how her performance and the visual representations of her
historic persona map onto the three pillars of interpreting ethics. Given the
strategic position she found herself in, and the potential danger these encounters
entailed, codes of ethics as well as common sense would dictate adhering to the
requirements regarding impartiality, neutrality and confidentiality. However, as
we will see in the illustrations, nowadays la Malinche could be barred from a
modern professional association on a number of counts.

Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 7

2.1 Impartiality
Within the first decade after the arrival of Cortss troops, the work of the
interpreters in New Spain was regulated by the Spanish Crown. The first decree
was signed in 1529 and by 1563 the interpreters had received professional status
with fixed rates (Bastin, 2004, p. 508), similar to the assignment-invoice based
remuneration system familiar to freelance interpreters today. Among other
aspects, there were rules about quality, accuracy and impartiality or the duty to
interpret clearly and openly, without omission or addition, without bias (Catelli
& Gargatagli, 1998 quoted in Bastin, 2004, p.508). Furthermore, in order to
ensure that the message was not distorted against their interests, the Spaniards
often employed two interpreters at the same time to corroborate their versions
(Murillo Gallegos, 2009). Given that impartiality continues to be one of the
fundamentals of interpreting ethics, this section is dedicated to a number of
components that can be visually interpreted in the depictions of la Malinche,
including her attire, size and position relative to the other participants as well as
to the communication channels used.

2.1.1. Attire.
Based on her attire, la Malinche is
identified as la india, or as the
indigenous woman from the early
representations onwards. Shown
in Figure 11, in a detail depicting
offerings by the inhabitants of
Tlaxcala to Corts (Palace of the
Governors, 2002-2009b), she
appears wearing the huipil, a cape
or gown made of traditional
textile, with indigenous colouring.
Sometimes she is also shown
Figure 11. Lienzo de Traxcala: Offerings at wearing a rebozo, or shawl,
Tlaxcala
common among Mexican women
even today. In this sense, she is clearly considered a member of the local
community, however complex that community may be (Gonzalbo Aizpuru,
2001).

2.1.2 Size.
It is important to note that in the
contemporary illustrations la
Malinche is at least equal in size
to the primary speakers, if not
larger, with spatial perspectives
taken into account. Such
visibility is rarely granted to
interpreters today. For example,
in the image in Figure 12 (Palace
of the Governors, 2002-2009c),
showing negotiations between
Moctezuma II and Corts before
the battle of Tenochtitln, la Figure 12. Lienzo de Tlaxcala: Tenochtitln
Malinches standing figure is just a little larger than that of the seated Spaniard.
While Arencibia (1998, pp.92-93, cited in Alonso Aragus and Baigorri Jaln,
2004, p.132) points out that la Malinche is normally portrayed larger than other
indigenous characters in the images, Alonso Aragus and Baigorri Jaln (2004,
p.132) go so far as to say that this reflects the contemporary historiographers
attempt to provide the victors, i.e. the Spaniards, official version by
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 8
highlighting the personalities key to their successful conquest in their
chronicles.

2.1.3 Position.
In Cueva del Ros work
(1969) in Figure 13, la
Malinche appears by
Cortss side as if to signal
her alignment with the
Spanish leader. Although
here the fire snake
enveloping Cortss figure
symbolises the belief that he
was the reincarnation of
Figure 13. Cueva del Ro Quetzalcatl, the Aztec
deity of the feathered serpent whose second coming was to be welcomed, not
much has changed since the 16th century depictions regarding la Malinche
herself. In other words, she is clad in a traditional dress, stands behind the
Conquistador with whom she is equal in size, and is shown with the speech
scroll and the pointed index finger directed towards the Aztec king who stands
over his doomed city of Tenochtitln. The only aspect that seems to have been
altered in this portrayal by the artist is that the spectator is invited into Cortss
viewpoint in actual visual terms, as if having joined his ranks.

2.1.4 Channels of communication.

As remarked in Sections 1.1.4 and 1.2.3
above, the two primary ways to visualise
speech is through the inclusion of the
tongue glyph and the use of the hands with
the index finger pointing in the direction of
speech. In addition, the illustrators also seem
to have utilised gaze as a display of open
communication channels. Once again, in the
image in Figure 14, while wearing a huipil,
la Malinche is to be found on Cortss side,
as if to create a balance between her two
allegiances. Furthermore, while she is in
conversation with the representatives of Figure 14. Florentine Codex (12: fo.47
back)
Tepotzotln, as shown by the speech scroll
between the two speakers, she is also transferring messages between Corts and
the Aztec leader, as indicated by her two hands pointing at the two primary
speakers. As the two-dimensional image cannot display temporality, we can
only speculate as to the simultaneous or consecutive nature of these two speech
activities. Nevertheless, the bilateral directionality of the activity cannot be
questioned.
In an interesting artistic afterthought,
the gesture of the pointed index finger
is somewhat reinterpreted in a later
work of art by Lujn Mora (2009), seen
at the Exhacienda de San Antonio de
Chautla in San Martn, Texmelucan. In
the mural reproduced in Figure 15, la
Malinche is depicted as a more servile
interpreter, with a downward gaze, as
if sent forward by the Conquistador.
Figure 15. Lujn Mora
Corts himself is seated on top of the
offerings merely listening to the
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 9
standing figure of a local chief or king, probably Moctezuma. In this case, the
hand is shown in an ambiguous position, and could be construed as the sign of
interpreting, but also as if la Malinche were holding on to her rebozo, in order
to protect her fragile figure and identity.
Finally, la Malinche takes a
central, though backstage, position in
Desiderio Hernndez Xochitiotzins
painting from 1979 (Figure 16) where
there is no visual reference to her
interpreting role, yet she appears in the
intermediary stance almost
overlooking the seemingly peaceful
meeting between the indigenous and
the colonising leaders. Unlike the
Chautla mural, here the three figures Figure 16. Hernndez Xochitiotzin
are represented equal in size, at a
mutual equidistance from one another, and there is no indication that she would
be serving either side.
In fact, she is very much present in her own right, not a mere onlooker,
rather an overseer of what was to become a historical occasion. The two
undeniable facts are that a) this is a unique representation where the heralded
equilateral triangle, that is, the true triadic relationship (c.f. Wadensj, 2001,
2004), between the two primary speakers and the mediator is considered; and
b) there are no attributes that would identify her as an interpreter. This may
indicate that rarely does the ideal become reality. The reason as to why la
Malinche is not visually associated as the perfect interpreter may lie in her rather
personal relationship with Corts, as discussed in the following section.

2.2 Neutrality
La Malinches personal
involvement with her employer
or contractor would clearly
present a conflict of interests in the
interpreting practices of today. The
image of a seductress, innocent
though she may be meant to appear
in Jess de la Helgueras 1941
painting in Figure 17, does not
provide a helpful reference on a
Figure 17. Jess de la Helguera professional CV (c.f. Dragoje &
Ellam, 2007). On the contrary, any kind of private relationship, amorous or
otherwise, with either service user or service provider, would have to be
immediately disclosed to both parties, and a new interpreter would have to be
called.
When portrayed alone, or outside her interpreter
role, la Malinches femininity is often exaggerated and
presented from a romanticised or exotic perspective, as
in Armando Drechslers (1936) calendar girl image
depicting Anna May Wong as the historical figure in
Figure 18. She appears rather stylised without even the
slightest allusion to her professional involvement.
Furthermore, rather than the traditional huipil or rebozo,
she is adorned with a jewellery and feathers that
represent her identity in the eyes of the viewer rather
than from an indigenous perspective. This approach is Figure 18. Drechsler
also characteristic of a number of illustrations where she
appears as Cortss lover.
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 10
 The erotically-driven destructive force between the
Conquistador and his interpreteradvisor is illustrated
in Esmeralda Reynosos drypoint print (2013) in
Figure 19. It juxtaposes the facial portraits of la
Malinche in the top right corner and Catalina Sarez,
the wife Corts allegedly killed by choking her with
her own pearl necklace (Thomas, 1993, pp.580-582),
in the diagonal opposite. As far as contextualisation is
concerned, the illustration makes no reference at all to
la Malinches involvement as an interpreter.
However, it alludes to the cruelty of the Church in the
cross-headed dagger slaying the apparently
Figure 19. Reynoso insignificant figures which probably represent the
indigenous population.
Significantly, while the contemporary illustrations
seen in earlier sections emphasise her role as an
interpreter and depict her in professional situations,
more recent images display a fascination with la
Malinches personal life. Some of these images are
quite explicit and emphasise her vulnerability, as is the
case with Ral Anguiano Valadezs painting (1953) in
Figure 20, where a heavily armoured Corts embraces
the naked figure of la Malinche in a protective or
patronising gesture. Although the depiction may seem
extreme, projection of superiorityinferiority is not
unheard of in community interpreting situations where
the service provider often is the party who contracts the Figure 20. Anguiano
interpreter and who definitely enjoys a higher position Valadez
in the prevalent power structure (see, for example, Inghilleri, 2005).
The work titled Corts y la Malinche (Figure 21)
by the renowned Mexican muralist, Jos Clemente
Orozco (1926) encapsulates a similar
conceptualisation. Here the power relations are
evident not only from the way Cortss extended
left arm blocks (or protects?) the figure of a more
enervated Malinche, but also from the gesture with
which his left foot tramples on a young man, an
allegory of the indigenous population whose face
is invisible to the viewer (c.f. Taylor, 2006, p.830).
Judging by the positioning of the three persons and
their size, la Malinche somehow appears an
accomplice in the oppression, albeit in tacit
Figure 21. Orozco
agreement.
Whether considered consensual or not, the
union of Corts and la Malinche has acquired a
rather symbolic nature especially through the
process of creating a national identity (Del Ro,
2009; Paz, 1967; Serrano, 2012; Townsend,
2006) which positioned her in the foreground of
a more modernist Mexican metanarrative. It is
widely accepted that la Malinche bore a son,
Martn, to Corts. He is regarded as the first
white-indigenous child, the first mestizo, a
metaphor for an entire nation. This concept, and
a loving family portrait (c.f. Wood, 2007, p.231)
is visually foregrounded in Santa Contreras Figure 22. Barraza
Barrazas 1991 oil painting on metal (Figure 22). The painting, however, also
Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 11
encompasses the themes of violence as represented by the figures outlined
against a bloodshed backdrop.
It is apparent that none of the images in this section are in any way related
to interpreting. It is also obvious that la Malinche had the linguistic abilities and
the interpreting skills to provide quality services, otherwise she would not have
been hailed by her contemporaries and we would have no evidence, pictorial or
otherwise, of her existence. However, for whatever reason, be it for her survival
instinct or her ambition, her neutrality could not be preserved. This, in turn, also
jeopardised confidentiality, as we shall see in the following section.

2.3 Confidentiality
Legend has it that la Malinche more than
served the hand that fed her. It is said
that, while Cortss army was stationed
outside the town of Cholula (Figure 23,
Palace of the Governors, 2009), an
elderly lady warned the young interpreter
that the locals were planning to ambush
the Spanish troops. If the old woman
feared for la Malinches life, she, in turn,
Figure 23. Lienzo de Tlaxcala: Cholula
was afraid for the Conquistador, and
allegedly informed him of the impending
attack. In order to prevent losses, Corts ordered the massacre of the Cholulan
male population, resulting in the death of over 5,000 people.
Ever since the battle that took place on 18th October 1519, la Malinche is
considered to have committed treason against the indigenous population, even
if contemporary sources do not corroborate the same (Flores Farfn, 2002,
p.128) and that the indigenous population was not homogenous in itself. For
this reason, her name, in the form of the derivation Malinchismo, today is
associated with the concept of betrayal, and the preference for anything foreign.
This is also why the sleeping
body of la Malinche in Figure 24 is
troubled by nightmares in the
painting by Antonio Ruiz (1939).
Here the props turn into metaphors:
the outline of her body becomes the
landscape, supporting the still
standing city of Cholula; her hips, a
symbol of her femininity and the root
of her betrayal, sustain the fortress
that will fall; the crack in the wall
Figure 24. Ruiz
seems like a rupture in the
establishment and a lightning strike from the heavens is a punishment for her
actions.
A whistleblower, a natural-born survivor,
an indispensable tool in the conquest of
New Spain, la Malinche lives on as the
seller-out of her people in the popular
imagination in Mexico. Her burden, the
guilt from breaking unwritten ethical codes,
weighs heavily on her mind, as depicted in
Rafael Uriegas (2011) strikingly scarlet-
hued painting in Figure 25. Undoubtedly,
she must have been a formidable interpreter
Figure 25. Uriegas who has captured both the artistic and the
academic imagination.

Translation & Interpreting Vol 7 No 2 (2015) 12

Conclusion

During the course of this article we have identified the type of interpreting la
Malinche provided as interpreting in conflict zones. We have also traced
certain recurrent motifs in her representations as an interpreter, including the
traditional attire she wears, which identifies her as la india; her positioning and
size relative to the other participants in the images, which reflect her importance
and alignment with the Spanish conquistadors; and a pictographic speech scroll
or her hand gestures indicating channels of communication, which reveal her
role as an interpreter. Finally, we have found that there seems to be a significant
difference between the contemporary sources that focus on her role as an
interpreter and later depictions that tend to display a fascination with her private
life. This distinction perhaps holds the key to her legacy, and the lessons to be
learnt, with regard to interpreting practices today, once we realise that technical
skills and ethical considerations together are required from professional
interpreters, regardless of the setting or type of interpreting, but especially in
conflictual situations.
In brief, we can state that the quantity and
quality of the visual representations of la Malinches
life and work are in themselves astounding, and proof
that an interpreter can make a mark on history. It is
fascinating that, given the lack of recording
opportunities at the time, the chroniclers deemed her
role as an interpreter significant enough to
commemorate this otherwise ephemeral activity in
more enduring ways. We can conclude with a
painting by the Argentinean Rosario Marquardt
(1992) in Figure 26 that recaptures the curlicue
speech scroll of traditional iconography on both sides
of her double face, as if depicting her astonishing Figure 26. Marquardt
ability as an interpreter.

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