The New Old Age

Lab Account Part 2
The new
old age:
Perspectives on innovating
our way to the good life
for all
Edited by Geraldine Bedell and Rowena Young

Age unlimited
Age Unlimited
T
he challenge of an ageing society will be one of the initial
themes for NESTA’s public services innovation Lab. This is our
Age Unlimited programme.
The Lab will identify, test and demonstrate important new services
we need for an ageing society. In particular, the Lab will focus on
services that help to extend work and social participation for people
aged 50 to 75.
Our work will have three main strands
First, how individuals in their fifties can be helped to age well and
exercise choice before these become too constrained. We call this
age-readiness.
We will tap into user-centred innovation in order to increase the
chances of understanding culture and behaviours well enough to
change them. Our hypothesis is that participation will be key to finding
new ways to engage this group.
Second, how employees can strike up very different kinds of
negotiation with their employers. What models can help them plan
candidly to balance more frequent and persistent health problems,
changing motivations, and productive and valued work?
This strand of practical trials aims to crack open these processes of age
management – there is a growing international body of experience –
to fit them for widespread uptake in the UK. It will also help us build
models of user-centred innovation.
Third, creating more stimulating alternatives to traditional paid
employment, such as social entrepreneurship or community self-help.
This strand will utilise and develop incubation processes, advice,
support and seed funding to systematically develop promising new
ideas and bring the best to market.
The Lab will work with a wide range of decision-makers and
organisations to spread proven methods of innovation.
Introduction i
Introduction
O
ne in three of us is now aged over 50. For the first time in our
history, there are more people over 65 in the UK than there
are young people.
We have known for some time that falling birth rates and increasing life
expectancy are creating an ageing society. But we are only gradually
realising the extent of this challenge.
By the 2020s the number of older people relying on community care
services will rise by nearly 40 per cent to more than two million. At the
same time, the ratio of the working-age population to retired people
will halve over the next 40 years.
An ageing society will – and should – challenge everything. This
collection of essays provides both personal and professional
perspectives on this challenge and the new thinking we need in
response.
Jennifer Jaynes from Blackpool Council explains how her authority is
developing public services for an ageing society. Celia Hannon and
Richard Reeves provide inspiration to innovators for the baby boomer
market. Most fundamentally, Rosie Boycott challenges conventional
ideas about ‘growing up’.
Traditionally, of course, old age means retirement. But, as David Brindle
argues, retirement isn’t working. Our notion of retirement derives from
Otto von Bismarck and the Prussian Army – hardly relevant to a 21st
century in which one in four babies born today will live to 100.
Continued participation in the economy, community and culture is good
for individuals and good for society. It keeps us active, healthy and
happy. The research community calls this productive ageing, and Sarah
Harper reviews the evidence for us.
This is well-known by those who do it – the ‘optimal agers’ who have
the skills, knowledge, and good fortune to pursue new interests and
even new careers in their 60s, 70s and beyond. They successfully
negotiate the transitions that older age brings by being adaptable,
creative, and resilient. Emine Saner’s interviews with artists like Paula
Introduction ii
Rego, and Tom Schuller’s meditation on time and meaning illustrate

these age-friendly behaviours. Sam and May, the winning couple in
Charlie Leadbeater’s article, show that ageing well is within the reach of
all of us.
Yet too few of us manage to cope – let alone thrive – as well as the
optimal agers. Too many of us effectively disappear from society. We
experience mandatory retirement as an abrupt and unwanted shock.
Our health worsens and our world narrows.
For many people this happens well before pensionable age. Almost a
third of people between 50 and the state pension age are unemployed.
Almost half of recipients of Incapacity Benefit are between 50 and
state pension age – some 1.2 million people. John Browne calls upon
employers to play a leading role in changing this landscape.
The more we understand older age as a series of transitions that can be
prepared for – as the optimal agers do – the better chance we have as a
society of developing the new services and products that will help more
people become optimal agers.
This will require us to re-think public services, housing, transport and
personal finance. It will create new markets and transform existing
ones, and could provide the spark for a new era of civic participation in
voluntary groups and social enterprises. Heikke Raisanen reviews what
we can learn from the Finnish government’s experience, where the
ageing spike has happened sooner.
Such new thinking requires us to recognise an ageing society as an
opportunity as well as a threat. This means experimenting with new
approaches and testing out new ideas. And it demands that, together,
we develop a bold new vision for a society in which no-one is cast
aside, forgotten or rejected on the basis of an arbitrary number.
Dr Michael Harris and Rowena Young
Contents 1
The new old age

Consigning Retirement To History?
by David Brindle page 3
What the young old really want

by Rosie Boycott page 8
Productive Ageing: What Do We Know?

Sarah Harper page 12
Ageing well
Time of their lives
by Tom Schuller page 21
Age shall not wither her

by Emine Saner page 30
policy responses – the case of Finland

by Heikki Raisanen page 36
The role for

innovation
Silver Staffers: The New Frontier
For Corporate Renewal
by John Browne page 47
Sam and May’s Recipe:

A lifetime of consuming
is no preparation for old age
by Charlie Leadbeater page 52
Boom to Bust? Innovations

for when baby boomers age…
by Richard Reeves and Celia Hannon page 60
CELEBRATING AGE
by Jennifer Jaynes page 74
The new old age 2
The new
old age
Consigning Retirement To History?
by David Brindle page 3
What the young old really want

by Rosie Boycott page 8
Productive Ageing:
What Do We Know?
Sarah Harper page 12
The new old age: Consigning Retirement To History? 3
Consigning
Retirement
To History?
Though our lives are lengthening at a faster rate
than at any other time in history, we are leaving
work sooner. It’s time we reversed the trend,
argues David Brindle.
A
ctuaries are not known for their sense of humour. These days,
though, they can conclude the driest of presentations on
financial security and risk by assuring their audience that
while they may have had to listen patiently for half an hour, the good
news is that they will get eight minutes of it back through the
improvement in life expectancy during that time.
Actually it’s not quite as simple as that. But as a rhetorical device, it is a
devastatingly effective way of bringing home to people the meaning of
the astonishing growth in longevity being enjoyed by the UK and much
of the western world. It is a rate of growth without any precedent and
appears to be accelerating: between 1975 and 1995, actuaries were
adding a month or six weeks to life expectancy calculations every year;
now, they are adding more than three months.
According to the Office for National Statistics, which is notoriously
conservative in its assumptions about improving mortality, a boy born
in 2006 is likely to be able to expect to live to 88 and a girl to almost
92. Notwithstanding the unknown effects of a flu pandemic, which
experts regard as inevitable, and the uncertain long-term impact of
childhood obesity, we can safely say that the pensions industry will be
working on figures that are higher still.
The implications for what we think of as retirement are profound. Since
1945, our whole approach to the period of life after work has been
based a premise that it should last, on average, some 15 years. Yet we
are now looking ahead at an average of 25 to 30 years, and far longer
for some. By 2031, official projections suggest, there will be 57,000
people in the UK aged 100 or more.
Of course the government has acted to raise the state pension age.
Between 2010 and 2020, for women this will increase in stages from 60
to 65, the same as for men. Between 2024 and 2046, the qualifying age
for both men and women will rise from 65 to 68. But such is the
dizzying pace of improvement in longevity that these changes are
starting to look inadequate; moreover, the issue that should concern us
is less the age of retirement, more what retirement ought to be about.
Why do we retire? Obviously there comes a point in life when, through
physical and/or mental deterioration, we become ineffective workers.
But the idea of a fixed retirement age was unknown until the mid-19th
century: before then, people would work until they felt unable to
continue, or until they dropped in harness, and the concept of old age
was something in the mind of the individual and thereby something
flexible.
There is a peculiar symmetry to the history of UK pensions policy that
makes 2009 ripe for fresh thinking about retirement. In 1959, the
top-up state pension based on earnings was introduced. In 1909, the
first non-contributory state pension was paid. And in 1859, the Civil
Service Superannuation Act brought in a civil service pension at 65 that
set the benchmark for schemes introduced in both public and private
sectors over the next 50 years.
Quite why 65 was fixed so rigidly is not
Quite why 65 was fixed so entirely clear. The Northcote-Trevelyan
rigidly is not entirely clear… report on the civil service had recommended
The capacity for work late a retirement pension as a means of easing
in life varies from individual out older civil servants who were deemed
inefficient. An associated report concluded
to individual that 65 was the age “at which bodily and
mental vigour begin to decline”. But Pat
Thane, the leading academic authority on retirement, points out that
the same report argued for a flexible age threshold, only for the idea to
be rejected as administratively cumbersome.
Indeed, the clear preference of authority, big employers and trade
unions for a universal threshold has been the main impediment to
introduction of the much-vaunted flexible decade of retirement. This
institutional opposition thwarted even Beveridge, the great welfare
reformer, who wrote in 1942: “The capacity for work late in life varies
from individual to individual. There is no reason to doubt the power of
large numbers of people to go on working with advantage to the
community and happiness to themselves after reaching the minimum
pensionable age!”
Beveridge, note, saw 65 as a minimum retirement age. But it has

become accepted as the maximum. Even today, workers can exceed it
only at the discretion of their employer. Late last year, a test case
brought by Heyday, the membership arm of Age Concern, failed to
persuade the European Court of Justice that the UK was in breach of
the European directive on age discrimination by retaining 65 as a
default retirement age. The government has promised to review the
position in 2011.
We find ourselves, then, in curious circumstances whereby we accept
the imperative to end our working lives at an age that once – 150 years
ago – was deemed the point at which the human body and mind begin
to give out. Yet even then the great majority of older people remained
in work. The 1881 Census, the first to capture relevant information,
found that 73 per cent of all those aged 65 or over were in employment.
By 1911, this had fallen to 56 per cent. By 1991, it was just 5 per cent.
The trend has reversed slightly in recent years and there are now an
estimated 1.3 million workers of pensionable age (including many
women aged 60-64) which represents some 12 per cent of all those in
that bracket. Two in three work part-time. A few leading employers,
most famously the B&Q do-it-yourself chain, have well-publicised
policies to recruit older staff, but there remains strong resistance to the
idea, and a dominant youth/energy equation in the culture of many job
sectors, and it will be intriguing to see if these green shoots survive the
recession in the economy. In a survey in October 2008, when the
recession was still gathering, one in five employers said they intended
to enforce a mandatory retirement age of 65 more rigorously.
But how many employees wish to work beyond the state pension
threshold? According to the 2008 CBI /Pertemps employment trends
survey, covering more than 500 employers, 31 per cent of workers
reaching 65 ask to continue. Other surveys suggest, however, that some
six in 10 workers have already retired by 65. And focus-group research
conducted by the IPPR think-tank has suggested that many people
regard their 60s as precious time to enjoy before the malign effects of
old age kick in.
These focus groups, eight of which were held in four locations across
England, found that people based their expectations very much on the
experiences of family and friends, anticipating retirement at – or before
– the age their parents or grandparents did and, despite longevity
trends and improving general health, anticipating dependency and
death on similar timescales, too. Thus the years immediately after 65

were regarded as ‘protected time’ to enjoy in an active way before
debilitation set in (it was assumed) after 70.
This is not a contradiction of the Saga-style take on retirement as a
rewarding time of travelling, playing gentle sports, enjoying arts and
crafts and learning new skills. Indeed, the concept of a ‘third age’ of
healthy retirement and a ‘fourth age’ of dependency, as propounded by
Peter Laslett and others in the 1990s, appears to have taken firm root.
But there seems a popular view that the ‘third age’ is a relatively short
opportunity that needs to be maximised, often by taking early
retirement, and that should not be sullied by any form of work.
All this may of course not withstand the pensions crisis. If you lack
the means to fund a comfortably leisured retirement, your attitude
towards continuing to work is likely to change. But there is another
factor, too, that means we must think more radically about how we
use our later life.
In 1948, just over 10 per cent of the UK
In 1948, just over 10 per cent population was 65 or older. By 2050, the
of the UK population was proportion will be almost 25 per cent. For
65 or older. By 2050, the the first time, there are now more people of
proportion will be almost pensionable age than there are children
under 16. Assuming the economy recovers
25 per cent from its current dip, and the government
resumes its mission to have a record 80 per
cent of the working-age population in or seeking employment, it is
extremely difficult to see how we shall be able to support and care for
dependent older people in conventional ways. This is especially the
case in light of the fracturing of the nuclear family and modern patterns
of female employment, meaning that far fewer dependent older people
will be looked after by dutiful daughters or sons.
Commentators have already warned of the impact on the existing pool
of 1.5 million ‘informal’, unpaid carers aged 60 or more if employment
rises in that age group. Any substantial expansion of caring within the
family looks extremely unlikely. To bridge this looming care gap, we
need to put in place extensive and imaginative schemes that will
encourage people in retirement to support older friends, neighbours
and strangers to enable them to continue living in the community.
What kinds of support are needed? Very often, quite simple things,
characterised as ‘that little bit of help’: shopping, changing a light bulb,
putting out the wheelie bin. In the past, such assistance might have
been a natural part of good neighbourliness; today, and particularly
given the scale we are talking about, it will need stimulating, organising
– and rewarding.
This may mean payment, though that will presuppose a much more
flexible approach to benefits and pension clawback. It will likely mean
council tax credits, awarded by local authorities that would otherwise
be funding formal care provision. It will certainly mean incentives,
including reciprocal services arranged through local timebank-type
schemes: in return for keeping an eye on 95-year-old Younis down the
street, you can get someone else to trim your hedge or give you a
Spanish lesson.
A cartoon in the New Yorker magazine a couple of years ago showed
an adviser asking an evidently mature gentleman: “Have you given
much thought to what kind of job you want after you retire?” As we
contemplate spending possibly a third of our lives in ‘retirement’, this
already seems a less perverse question. Many of us will continue after
the pension age in some form of paid employment; many more will play
a crucial role in our neighbourhoods in supporting other, less
independent older people to remain out of residential care. Either way,
the challenge will be to ensure that retirement does not lose its
essential qualities as a time of just returns for a life well lived.
About the author

David Brindle is public services editor of
the Guardian. He has won awards for his
writing on social services, disability and
nursing and was awarded the Social Care
Association’s merit award for 2007. He is
vice-chair of 2Care, a mental health
services charity, and is a visiting fellow at
the Centre for Citizen Participation, Brunel
University.
The new old age: What the young old really want 8
What the young

old really want
Rosie Boycott explains why she dreads the day she
becomes all grown up, and why a life ‘without maps’
suits her generation just fine.
I
grew up in a conventional household – conventional in that it was
my father who went to work and earned the money while my
mother (cleverer, more able) stayed at home and looked after the
cooking, the housework and my sister and me. Even when we’d flown
the coop – me at the age of 17, my sister when she went off to university
and then married a Danish man, which meant she, literally, never
returned home again, this pattern stayed the same. I’ve always thought
that it was my mother’s life which spurred me, unconsciously at the
time, into co-founding Spare Rib. The boredom, as I saw it it, of her life,
frightened me and I was determined that mine would be different. I
used to wonder, and I still do, just what she did with her days once we’d
gone off to school, my father to work, the housework done, the
mending and washing taken care of. All I can recall is that she, like
women of her generation and situation, took a nap in the afternoon. At
the least, it got rid of that tedious bit of time between lunch and
tea-time, although a cup of tea, drunk on your own, is hardly something
to relish.
But once we’d gone – by which time my mum was in her early fifties –
what happened then? Those days, which must have seemed long
enough even when we were around, must have stretched into an
eternity of boredom. Even the nap and the mandatory walking the dog
can hardly have filled her energetic mind with much fodder for thought
and discovery. So as I set out on my peripatetic life, I realised that I had
to make it up for myself. Not just how I would be as a woman going out
to work and earning her own living, but being a working (mostly single)
mum and now – as a woman in her fifties – how to go on being
engaged in the world without the demands and dynamics that rearing
children inevitably brings with it. For my whole generation were, I think,
living without maps, unless you count a deep desire not to repeat my
mother’s life as a map of sorts, though one based on negatives, not on
positive choices.
The results were mixed. I feel sadness that I didn’t get to spend more
time with my daughter while she was growing up. I look back on a
failed marriage, which landed me up at 40 as a single mum with a
mortgage to pay; I feel sad about that, too. Not that I’m sorry that I am
no longer still married to her late father, more that she was denied the
stability of a steady partnership in which she could grow and flourish. I
wonder too if I didn’t make work – which I found so fulfilling – too great
a part of my life, one that meant that I wasn’t around every evening to
cook supper and help with homework. Did I let the pendulum swing too
far in the other direction – from my mother’s life of seeming sterility to
my own, which has been so rich with experiences? But you can’t put the
clocks back. You live, hopefully you learn, and you do come to some
conclusions. I’ve always been someone who tends to say ‘yes’ to
whatever comes along and I don’t regret that. It has led me, at times,
into situations that have been scary and uncomfortable, but overall, I
think one regrets most the things you didn’t do, not the ones you did.
So if someone asks me now what do I regret, the answer is – with the
exception of not seeing enough of my daughter – very little. And today,
in my mid-fifties, I find that the same impulses still govern my thinking
– I tend to leap before I look, I take on too much work, I sign up to too
many projects. At times I find myself overwhelmed with exhaustion, but
nowadays, I relish taking to my bed on the rare afternoons when I can,
snuggling up under my duvet with a novel – like my mum, passing the
hours between lunch and tea, but with a sense of entitlement and bliss
that I know she never shared.
I don’t feel like a ‘grown up’. Its not an expression I think I even
understand. When I was growing up, I used to imagine that I would end
up as a married woman in the country, driving a Volvo on the school run
with a couple of dogs creating mayhem in the back. That was my idea
of being grown up, and I think I imagined that you knew you were
grown up when you were settled into the groove in which life would run
from there until the grave. Had my life actually ever become like that, it
would have meant I’d given up looking for the new, the unexpected and
the surprising. My emotional sea-saw, of love, fears, anxieties and just
sheer excitement, would have settled down into just getting on with it.
How wrong could I be?
I’m lucky in that I am healthy and reasonably fit. I do yoga a couple of

times a week. Five years ago I started a farm – a project I was
hopelessly ill-equipped to take on, but somehow, it’s still going, and it
brought me back in touch with the joys of nature and – more
importantly – to where I am now: working for the Mayor of London as
Chair of the London Food Board. Now my days are full of meetings with
people from allotment societies, helping work towards a sustainable
Olympics, fulfilling a role on the edge of politics which, after a lifetime
spent in the media, is proving fascinating and extraordinarily rewarding.
I feel, in short, very blessed that at a time when most people are
thinking about hanging up their clogs and planning six month trips to
New Zealand, I still feel in the thick of it, with something to contribute to
society. I’ve realised too, that money – while it is horrible and scary to
be without it – isn’t the driver of my life. Interest and intellectual
stimulation are and, in truth, there’s nothing I really need and new
handbags leave me feeling pretty cold, whereas discovering a new
writer or learning more about my new career keeps my spirits singing.
I’ve learned, too, that while the old adage ‘everything passes’ is
certainly true and brilliant for helping you through a tricky time, it’s also
true that time is the most precious commodity we have and for me, the
sense of wasting it feels almost criminal. I’ve learned to count my
blessings in an imperfect world and I know how lucky I am that my
phone still rings, my email box is always full and that I never seem to
arrive at a moment when there is nothing to do (and that includes the
laundry, or sorting out a birthday present for someone).
I hate the fact that too many women of my
Experience, of any sort, generation are passed over for jobs on the
isn’t something you can grounds that their looks are fading or that
acquire like a quick course their very presence somehow sends out a
signal that the company they are working for
in how to operate Quark
is in someway ‘out of touch’. It’s not just that
that’s mean, it’s also stupid and short-
sighted. Experience, of any sort, isn’t something you can acquire like a
quick course in how to operate Quark. In just the same way as you can’t
suddenly acquire an ‘old friend’, you can’t learn how to ride the highs
and lows of life until you’ve been there – and many more times than just
once. In my life, I’ve been blessed with being friends with women who
were years older than me. Martha Gellhorn, in particular, who I knew
from the age of 21 until she died when I was 49, was a virtual surrogate
mother to me. From her, I learned, one, that you must never give up,
and two, that the world is constantly full of surprises provided you stay
open and willing to receive them. I keep a picture of her on my study
wall and when I’m in a quandary as to what to do, I try and guess what
her answer to my question might be. Invariably, it’s ‘go for it’.
I know that our friendship – and I was just one of Martha’s friends who
were 30 or 40 years younger than she was – was important to her. She
knew that if you don’t keep yourself in touch with the younger
generation then your mind – like those ageing bones – will start to
ossify, so I now find myself doing the same. Mental stimulation, more
than anything else, keeps your world spinning round, keeps you
wondering what tomorrow will bring and keeps you on your toes. It
seems to me that there is still plenty of time ahead to decide whether –
if ever – I want to turn those occasional afternoon naps into events that
govern my days. When that happens, maybe I will have become a
‘grown up’. It’s a situation I anticipate with dread.
About the author

Rosie Boycott was the co-founder of
Spare Rib and Virago and Editor of
Esquire, the Independent on Sunday,
the Independent and the Daily Express.
She regularly broadcasts on radio and
television, and is currently Chair of the
London Food Board and the Mayor’s
Food Advisor and is the author of
A Nice Girl Like Me and Spotted Pigs
and Green Tomatoes – a year in the life
of a small holding.
The new old age: Productive Ageing: what do we know? 12
Productive Ageing:
What Do We Know?
At worst, we see older people as a burden, at best we fail
to notice them. But international experience tells us they
are often net contributors, and mature societies ignore
them at their peril, says Sarah Harper
F
ollowing the World Assembly on Ageing in Madrid in 2002, the
concept of ‘productive ageing’ has become commonplace. The
World Health Organisation talks similarly of ‘active ageing’,
involving “opportunities for health, participation and security, in order
to enhance the quality of life as people age”. In this essay, I want to look
at the components of a productive or active older age and ask what we
currently know about the constituents of the good life for older people.
Demographic patterns mean we can look forward to far greater
numbers of old people in the years to come, providing the opportunity
for different generations to live and work alongside each other in a way
that has never really been possible before. Part of the challenge will be
to foster the contributions of the older generations, and to value and
make use of their expertise.
Mental capacity does not necessarily decline with age, and for most
adults, not until late old age. Research suggests that fluid intelligence
(ability to carry out higher level cognitive functions) may decline from
the mid-60s, though not at a standard rate, while crystallised
intelligence (acquisition of new skills though education) continues to
grow throughout adulthood. It may be that an apparent decline in
mental capacity is partly due to lack of use, and that an absence of
new mental opportunities and activities and a lack of focused training
and educational opportunities is an extremely important factor in
mental decline.
Few physical capacity changes are directly related to age. Most are
heavily influenced by environment and lifestyle. Those that are age-
related, such as sensory change, can be adapted for through aids
(declining eyesight and glasses etc.); and others though a change in the
physical environment, such as the provision of hand rails, or
improvements in transport to help those who no longer wish to drive at

night. There are thus few intrinsic changes that need deter an individual
from taking part in and benefiting from productive activities
throughout their lives.
In this overview of productive ageing I want to discuss the four main
ways in which older people currently undertake active contributory
roles in society – through work, care, volunteering, and education – and
look at what we know about how best to foster those activities.
Work
While it is true that the majority of people aged 60 and over around the
world are not in paid employment, there are nevertheless substantial
numbers who do continue to work. Globally speaking, 11 per cent of
those in their 70s have some form of paid work, and one-third of those
in their 60s, rising to nearly one-half in the mature economies of North
America and Europe.
Oxford’s Global Ageing Survey revealed significant differences between
the developed countries in the proportions of people working in the
three oldest age groups. France, for example, has relatively low numbers
of older workers: 67 per cent of those in their 50s, 9 per cent of those in
their 60s and just 1 per cent of those in their 70s. In the United States, by
contrast, nearly one-fifth of those in their 70s are still in work. These
differences reflect both government and employer policies, such as the
availability of early retirement schemes, as well as the different health
status of the cohorts in different regions of the world.
Early retirement schemes were introduced in developed countries in
the 1970s and 80s as a response to massive youth unemployment with
the intention of making room in companies for younger workers. Early
retirement has since become an embedded part of the culture and of
people’s expectations, but there is evidence that many who retired
early have regretted it and that subsequent generations are slowly
beginning to reject it as an option. The notion of retirement moved
during the second half of the 20th century from one of Rest, to Reward,
to Right. Many people – in government, employers and workers
themselves – are now questioning the Right of healthy active men and
women to withdraw prematurely from the labour market and rely on
others to work to support them. Personal responsibility appears to be a
growing factor in the decision to retire, or rather, not.
That said, one of the key determinants of whether an old person can
stay within the labour market is whether they are able to retrain and
upgrade their skills. While some argue that the requirement for new
skills – particularly familiarity with information and communication
technologies – increasingly excludes older workers, it is also clear that
technological innovation and flexible working patterns could easily
increase opportunities for older workers, if we chose to make use of
them in that way. The need constantly to retrain to meet the demands
of new technology means that future cohorts of older workers will have
had experience of continual training and skills updating throughout
their lives. There is no reason why this shouldn’t continue as they age.
This does mean, though, that attitudes will have to change, with
governments giving greater priority to vocational and life-long learning,
adult education and training. Whether they will be willing to make this
commitment will depend partly on the demands of the world economy
and its need for skilled labour. But if they do take a positive approach, a
focus on training for older cohorts will have the dual benefit of
significantly enhancing the employability of older people and
addressing potential national skills shortages.
It is clear that Europe is now moving into a period of redefining late-life
work as governments, employers and workers come to terms with the
implications of demographic changes and their far reaching implications
both for institutions and individuals. There is now a growing incentive to
recruit, retain and retrain that generation of men and women in their 50s
and 60s who are increasingly being seen as essential to retaining
Europe’s economic competitiveness as the upcoming skills shortage
washes across the region. Governments and institutions are likely to
compete with one another to attract and retain this group, which will be
more and more seen as capable of contributing to their communities
and economies through their labour and their taxes.
Care
Around the world, there are more people between 60 and 79 giving
money, support and care to families and friends than are receiving it.
This support by older people is of three main kinds: financial, in the
form of gifts or loans; practical help in the home, with cleaning,
shopping, cooking and other everyday tasks; and personal care, such as
helping someone to bathe or dress, or nursing them. It is estimated that
in the UK alone, people over 60 contribute up to £50 billion per year,
over 3 per cent of GDP, in unpaid family care. The main recipients of
practical help are children, spouse/partner and, among the younger
old, their parents.
According to estimates by the Oxford Institute of Ageing, the UK
provision of informal care by people aged 50 and over amounted to
between £19 billion and £75 billion in 2006, or between 1.51 and 5.83 per
cent of GDP. For people aged 60 and over, total costs amounted to
between £11 billion and £50 billion or between 0.9 and 3.9 per cent of
GDP, depending on costing convention – i.e. whether the value of care is
assumed to correspond to the minimum wage (currently £5.35 per
hour), to average unit costs in formal home care (currently £9.40 per
hour) or to the average hourly wages for males and females (currently
£12.11 and £14.62, respectively). There is also a grey area concerning
stated hours and whether these are equal to those that would otherwise
have to be provided from the formal sector, or should be seen to include
periods of ‘non-care but accompaniment’ by family carer.
But whichever way the figures are calibrated, the contribution of
older people is clearly considerable. The labour they provide comes
on top of substantial financial transfers from older to younger people
within families and households. The Global Ageing Survey suggested
that around the world, 44 per cent of those in their 60s and 70s
provide financial support to children, and 16 per cent of those in their
60s and nearly one-third of those in their 70s provide financial
support to grandchildren.
Volunteering
Although people over 60 are often seen to
Although people over 60 are be a burden, in reality they are making a
often seen to be a burden, considerable contribution to communities,
in reality they are making a societies and economies through their
considerable contribution productivity, contributing billions of dollars
to the global economy in voluntary work –
to communities, societies in the US alone some US$18.9 billion.
and economies
In the mature economies, voluntary work is a
good indication of how engaged a person is in the community. In
English-speaking countries, voluntary organisations are often referred
to as the ‘third sector’, complementing the public and private sectors in
providing welfare support. In economies with more comprehensive
welfare systems, such as the Scandinavian countries, volunteerism may
seem an anomaly – yet it flourishes because the welfare provision
provided by the public sector has allowed older people to develop and
maintain the health, ability and resources to volunteer to help others,
and freed up the time they would otherwise have had to spend on
looking after themselves and their families.
Of all those surveyed in the Global Ageing Survey, around a third of
people over 60 currently or previously have volunteered, and there is
only a slight decline in voluntary work with age. Of those who do
volunteer, over 50 per cent give half a day each week. In the UK, the
over-60s contribute around 18 million hours per week, or approximately
792 million per year. At the UK’s current minimum wage of £5.35 per
hour, their work is worth £4.2 billion each year. In the US, they provide
3.67 billion hours per year of voluntary work at the Federal minimum
wage of $5.15 per hour: in other words, US$18.9 billion. In the UK, it is the
case that the older the group, the greater the proportion of volunteers:
people aged 50-74 are more likely to volunteer than younger adults. The
type of voluntary work in the UK also varies with age: older groups tend
to take part in social-humanitarian activities, such as helping other old
people or disabled adults and children, whereas the younger ones tend
to focus on activities that relate to their children, such as joining school
organisations, or related to leisure activities, such as youth football clubs.
Education
Education is a key factor in promoting and sustaining productive ageing.
Not only does it help maintain the skills required both to work and live in
the modern world, but it also enhances mental capacity and social
networking, which are known to enhance healthy life expectancy and so
productivity. As people age, they accumulate a wealth of experience,
knowledge, skills, memories, wisdom and creativity. We need to find
ways for this wealth to be distributed throughout our society.
Since there is evidence that lifelong learning has a significant effect on
health and wellbeing, we may need to move towards envisaging
education across the life span as a social responsibility. Beyond the
formative education of young people, there are different reasons for
embarking on education, and each of these is likely to become
increasingly imperative. Education may be a lifestyle choice; may be
undertaken to enhance employment prospects; may be embarked on in
order to enable full citizenship; or may be a public health initiative.
These incentives to seek education are of course not mutually exclusive.
As new technology blurs leisure and education, learning is liable to
become more of a lifestyle choice, offering both mental enhancement
and enjoyment; and as the relationship

As new technology blurs between mental capacity and physical health
leisure and education, becomes clearer, education is likely to be
learning is liable to become seen as an aspect of personal enhancement.
more of a lifestyle choice, As we have already hinted, education is likely
also to be increasingly vital to employment
offering both mental prospects, and in that case is more likely to
enhancement and enjoyment focus on language, life skills, and the global
arena to enable full mobility of highly skilled
individuals in an increasingly open international labour market. It is
important that such education and training is targeted, builds on
previous experiences and skills and is properly evaluated, so trainers will
need to become supporters and enablers, particularly when dealing with
an older, more experienced workforce. There will also be a growing role
for Human Resources to move to employee-dialogue approach,
whereby the employee is positively encouraged to identify training and
skills updating needs.
Modern complex democratic societies will not be able to function
without well educated individuals at their centres. New inequalities will
arise between those who are educated in a way that fits them for
modern living, and those who do not have the skills, knowledge or
capacity to cope with new demands and ways of interacting,
contributing and behaving. Finally, productive age is closely linked with
health, and education is a key public health initiative, particularly for
older adults. Research indicates that mental development, brain
capacity, and longevity are closely associated, so education contributes
to an active healthy life. It is now widely accepted that keeping the
mind active is as important to health and wellbeing as physical activity.
The role that education may play in keeping down national health costs,
especially in older age groups, will increasingly come to the fore.
Will we be up to providing the kind of lifelong learning that is needed
for all the reasons above? Societies that want to be pro-ageing will have
to invest heavily in education if they are to avoid their ageing
populations becoming more isolated and burdensome, with
implications both for individuals who will find their lives moving further
and further from the mainstream, and for society at large, which will
have to deal with heavy problems of degenerative populations.
Conclusion
Today’s over-50s already hold Mature societies are not doomed to be
60 per cent of the UK’s savings, societies of old people, burdened by the
represent about 80 per cent of need to provide health and social care to frail
elders. They have the opportunity to
the UK’s disposable wealth and
comprise communities of active experienced
are responsible for 40 per cent older men and women who are contributing
of the consumer demand in and consuming alongside younger adults.
this country Indeed, today’s over-50s already hold 60 per
cent of the UK’s savings, represent about 80
per cent of the UK’s disposable wealth and are responsible for 40 per
cent of the consumer demand in this country, spending some £200
billion per year. They are aware of new technology and increasingly use
it in their daily lives. Around half of those in their 50s regularly shop on
eBay, and more shop online than the under-30s. Advertisers are
beginning to recognise the over-50s as creative consumers, who
respond to attractive relevant marketing propositions.
As mature societies provide the first opportunity we have seen for
multiple generations to live and work alongside each other, there will be
challenges, but also opportunities. There is no reason why older people
should not feel that they are contributing their experiences and expertise
to the general good. But in order for them to do that, we will need a
more holistic policy framework to plan for the ageing population. We
will need to pay attention to what has worked around the world, and to
the evidence that shows that assumptions about what older people can
or cannot do are often misleading, and are more often based on lack of
opportunity than lack of ability. As people go through their lives, they
accumulate a wealth of experience, knowledge, skills, memories, wisdom
and creativity. Encouraging productive ageing enables this wealth, in its
fullest definition, to be distributed throughout our society.
About the author

Sarah Harper is Professor of Gerontology
at Oxford University and Director of the
Oxford Institute of Ageing, a multi-
disciplinary research unit concerned with
the implications of population ageing. Her
research concerns globalisation and
global ageing, and the impact of
population change, in particular the
implications at the global, societal and
individual level of the shift in population
ages from predominantly young to
predominantly older societies.
AGEING well 20
Ageing well
Time of their lives

by Tom Schuller page 21
Age shall not wither her

by Emine Saner page 30
policy responses –
the case of Finland
by Heikki Raisanen page 36
Ageing well: Time of their lives 21
Time of their lives

Tom Schuller looks at life after work, and the corrosive
impact of time deserts. Public services need to bring
meaning to people’s lives, not just help them fix problems,
he argues.
‘Life is a sexually transmitted disease with a

100 per cent mortality rate.’
R
.D. Laing’s typically mordant turn of phrase reminds us where
we are all headed. But it is harder and harder to specify the
remission time. Ninety per cent of us live to the current State
Pension Age of 65 (as compared to less than 50 per cent when
pensions were introduced early in the 20th century). Rapidly increasing
numbers are living 20-30 years beyond that. A not insignificant
minority will make it to three figures, so much so that the
congratulatory telegrams will look strange for marking an exceptional
event, and not only because hardly anyone in the whole population will
know what a telegram looks like. How well will we prepare for this
enormous gift of time?
Ageing is surprisingly stealthy, as a demographic trend as well as a
personal experience. The curves (in the former case; maybe more
bulges in the latter) have been there for a long time, though modified
by inward and outward migration. We have been able to predict for
many years the shift in the shape of the population, not quite as
precisely as we as individuals can predict our next big birthday but not
far off. Yet the collective we have done little to prepare for. Even
actuaries, paid well to peer ahead and crunch the numbers, seem to
have their calculations undermined remarkably quickly. Despite a clutch
of Inquiries, Foresight exercises and widespread personal evidence of
ageing in the family, we have mostly been behind the curve, at least
until the Turner Report came along with a wake-up call. In addition
individuals do not believe that the average life expectancy figures will
apply to them. They consistently (and perhaps wisely) think that they
won’t last as long as the average – so don’t need to worry.
And now a recession is with us of dimensions which put all economic
projections back into the melting pot, and with them quite a lot of our
social planning. And talking of pots, pension pots will yield a lot less in
the light of the financial crisis, which means that most of us will need to
work longer; not new as a message, but with a new bite to it. And yet
one prediction is a good deal more solid than most icebergs are these
days; we are going to see unemployment levels which will take us back
at least to the 1980s. They may even continue back to the 1930s. To find
some possible insights into how to tackle these challenges, let’s take
the nearer date, since the current demographics were already
recognisable then. Social innovation may be the ‘development of new
ideas to meet new problems’; but ‘new’ ideas are often seeded in the
soil of the past.
From the early 1970s until the mid 1990s
Large numbers of older there was a large-scale expulsion of older
people were dumped out men from the workforce. Employment rates
of work, with no ceremony, for men aged 50-64 plunged from 85 per
cent to 65 per cent. The trend for women
little compensation and was quite different. In the 1970s their
no prospects employment was around 60 per cent
whether they were under or over 50. But in
the next 25 years the employment rate of women under 50 rose to 70
per cent while for women over 50 it stood still at 60 per cent (I’ll come
back to the gender issue, and the age specification, later). ‘Expulsion’
was not always how it seemed: many were glad to go, if they could
afford it, exhausted after a long life of fulltime employment – long,
because so many had gone straight into work from school and,
especially the men, never left it. But others, even where they agreed to
go, perhaps because of a relatively good redundancy deal, felt
excluded from the business of life. And large numbers of older people
were dumped out of work, with no ceremony, little compensation and
no prospects.
The expulsion was made ideologically easier by a simplistic and
unfounded rationale: that the way to handle economic restructuring
was automatically to move out the older workers and make space for
the young. The waste of youth was presented as a self-evident tragedy
in a way that the waste of experience never seemed. It was time for the
older generation to move over, so that young people could get a decent
start in life. (And who knows what social problems youths with time on
their hands might cause?) The fact that older people left but were
rarely replaced as projected by their younger counterparts made little
impact. There was a kind of convenient intergenerational compact
between government, employers and unions, whose costs and effects
were rarely examined. France, for example, rushed into a national early
retirement scheme, levering out millions over 55; some benefited
handsomely in the short term, but very few young people got jobs as a
result. The financial costs of this are now all too evident in the yawning
pension deficits, and the social costs of working lives which came to a
sad and premature end are hardly recorded.
Time and work
I come in a moment to the lessons we might learn. First, though, some
insights from a study Michael Young and I made during that period,
focussed on men and women aged 50-65 who had left full-time
employment. Our primary interest was how they managed (or not) to
structure their time, once the tent-pegs of employment were knocked
away. This – to continue the historical glance – had been the subject of
Marie Jahoda’s classic 1930s study of Marienthal, an Austrian village
devastated by unemployment. She described how the men’s sense of
time collapsed, so that they slid into aimlessness and though without
any occupation were usually late even for the few appointments they
had, such as a midday meal. We aimed to see how the departure from
employment affected people 50 years on, and interviewed 149 who
had in the previous two years left full-time work.
Some did very well. They busied themselves with civic affairs, or with
grandchildren. For the men, close contact with young family members
was not something that their work, or the traditional social division of
domestic labour, had allowed, and some were able to enjoy it for the
first time, without much responsibility. Mr Stephen, a retired foreman,
found his schedule almost entirely shaped around his grandson Peter,
fetching him from his daughter’s to take him to playschool, then from
playschool for lunch and so on. Asked whether he had got used to
having free time he replied ‘I haven’t had much yet’, but without a tinge
of regret. Mr Savoy’s day was even fuller, with great diversity: a local
councillor with problems to solve, he also prepared meals for his
still-working wife and enjoyed snooker and crosswords.
Others were stranded in a desert of time. We asked our interviewees to

fill in a diary for a couple of days. Mr Sawyer’s showed him drinking
three cups of tea between 7.15am and 9.15am; then hoovering between
9.30am and 11.30am, when he allowed himself a treacle sandwich in
what must have been a spotless house. Cigarettes marked the passage
of time – one every two hours. He had some contact with others, via a
visit to the social club in the afternoon. But from 3.45pm it was sleep
and television. For Mr West, only the dogs got him out of bed. Mr Aziz
had a large Pakistani family around him, but his only recorded activity
was to make himself a cup of tea, if he was on his own.
These flattened, featureless cases were all, it should be said, men;
women, however unhappy some of them were from the loss of a valued
job, all had other things to occupy them, and greater experience at
switching from one rhythm of life to another. Mother of three Mrs Bright
had no problem in adjusting; leaving work was ‘like being in the delivery
room – my God it’s a relief. Then it was the beginning of another
traumatic life, but with this there’s no catch to it’. As the patterns of
male and female working lives converge, this difference will of course
continue to shrink.
In Mr Sawyer’s circumstances, the gift of time was not much of a
present, more a coating of poisonous aspic. In the current employment
climate we are in danger of seeing a gelatinous avalanche which will
sweep millions of older people out of work and into a prolonged period
of semi-frozen stasis. Even in the recent salad years of full employment,
and despite legislation, discrimination against older people was rife. It
has been hard to regain employment after a certain age, and not easy,
at most levels, to maintain and improve the skills needed (training
participation falls off particularly sharply from the 50s onwards, so that
opportunities to retrain with employer or government financial support
are very limited). How much worse that will become as unemployment
shoots up to 3 million and more.
Forward from the age trap
The context has of course changed significantly in the intervening
period. In LAW we described the Age Trap: people who were out of
work, but who were discouraged from even looking for work because
of their age. They could not yet claim a pension. So they were neither
‘unemployed’ nor ‘retired’, but in a limbo of society’s making.
These days, the trap is different. The pensions and welfare officers tell
us we should mostly go on working longer than before, as increased
longevity means we cannot collectively afford to pay the pensions and

we are anyway physically healthier (true enough). But as they
enthusiastically disseminate this message, the jobs have been slow to
appear. And the message will surely now be stifled, to keep down the
dole figures.
So the current challenge is for innovative developments which will
enable people to stay in work if they want, but to exercise as much
personal control over the structure and shape of their lives.
Innovative developments
75: the new 65
The first change would be hugely symbolic: remove the chronological
age of 60/65 as the endpoint of most official data collection. Either we
believe that working longer is genuinely a significant issue or we do not;
we cannot both say it and then behave in all our official data collection
and presentation as if it doesn’t matter, and ‘real’ working lives finish at
65. The ‘dependency ratio’ is still calculated damagingly in this way,
relating over-65s to the ‘active’ population. It damages both because of
its connotations, and because it is inappropriate.
One of the best suggestions never acted
One of the best suggestions upon was for a regular shifting of the
never acted upon was for retirement age to reflect population age, at
a regular shifting of the least in part. A quinquennial or decennial
retirement age to reflect review would have sufficed to keep things in
proportion, shifting the age slightly upwards
population age – not the full distance to match increased
longevity but enough to avoid the huge gap
which has now opened up. It would have balanced the distribution of
additional time between work and leisure. But we cannot do such a
regular adjustment for data, so it will have to be a big jump at longer
intervals.
One candidate might be suggested: 68 being the new pension age.
But this won’t do: it’s not a big enough jump, it’s not a good round
number, and, most importantly, we want to break the link between
pension and work.
So 75 is my suggested outer age limit; or possibly take a staged and
long-term view and say 70 from 2010 and 75 from 2025. If all official
statistics on employment were based on this, it would send a powerful
signal that the labour market had changed.
A further step would be to cluster employment – and other – data

routinely on the following basis, around three poles: under 25, 25-50
and 50-75. This division into First, Second and Third Ages is so simple it
will provoke instant suspicion and horror. But it makes sociological,
political and psychological sense.
Third Age birthday present: a learning entitlement
The Third Age resists chronological definition. But let’s trade these
sensibilities for an entitlement at 50 which will kickstart or boost Third
Agers’ learning opportunities. It’s quite likely that we shall have some
form of Individual Learning Accounts, despite the fiasco of a few years
ago. In Scotland they have already revived them, with £500 annually
available for all those in households below £18,000 income. Here the
proposal is that everyone (or, if too expensive, all those below a certain
income level, or without a degree) receives on their 50th birthday a
signal that they are entitled to a quantum of personal education or
training, to be taken sometime over the next five years, plus an
invitation to an interview with the new AACS to give them guidance on
what is available. The components of this have been around for a while
– NIACE (National Institute for Adult and Continuing Education) has
suggested a ‘skills healthcheck’.
This is not just a personal benefit. As the
Learning will help people stay recent Foresight exercise on Mental Capital
in, and enjoy, work, as well and Wellbeing pointed out, addressing
as sustaining an active life cognitive decline should be a high public
outside and beyond work priority. Learning will help people stay in,
and enjoy, work, as well as sustaining an
active life outside and beyond work. It will
save the state, communities and families hugely, which is why it should
be seen as a social investment not a private one. Engaging in some
form of learning matters much more than what form of learning it is.
But social forms will also help to strengthen the personal networks and
therefore wellbeing.
Local learning mutuals/exchanges
Let’s extend the previous point. Entitlements as vouchers are fine. But
we can do better by going beyond the simplistic model of individual
choice, and bridge the producer-consumer divide. Web-based but local
information systems could be set up to link together people who are
interested in learning, and perhaps also teaching. The University of the
Third Age is of course an outstanding example of this kind of

interchange. But it could be extended and made more flexible, allowing
both the direct exchange or bartering of skills and the pooling of
entitlements to enable some form of paid teaching or training to be
bought in, under local control. FE colleges would be the natural hosting
places for such operations, but there is plenty of room for variety.
Granddads: plugging men back in
A straight steal from Sweden – ‘new’ ideas in one country being old
elsewhere. The initiative is designed to help older men who are either
unemployed or early retired play a part in schools. Many Swedish
children have low levels of contact with adult males, because of large
numbers of single parent families and high feminisation of the teaching
force. ‘Granddads’ provide a male presence in schools. This gives the
students an adult figure to chat to; helps discipline in the schools, and
therefore the teachers; and gives the granddads a role in society, and a
little extra income above the basic benefit. It’s a win-win-win initiative.
The Swedes have even extended it to a few grandmums.
More ambitiously, the principle could be extended to a wider range of
volunteering activities, enabling older people to continue to deploy
their experience. This kind of thing has been discussed under the
umbrella of a Gray Peace Corps in the US or schemes for retired
executives on both sides of the Atlantic, but its scope is potentially very
large. The financial crisis will raise both supply of and demand for such
expertise in the third sector.
Some of these, especially the first, go against the spirit of Life After
Work, which argued for the discarding of chronological age wherever
possible, including in national statistics. I am a little older and if not
wiser, more pragmatic; my co-author is, sadly, no longer alive to argue
the case. But he would certainly have agreed that trying, failing and
failing better is an innate part of innovation.
About the author

Tom is head of the Centre for Educational
Research and Innovation and director of
the Commission of Inquiry into the Future
of Lifelong Learning.
Previously Tom has spent over 20 years
working and researching around the
education of adults in Scotland and
England, with roles including the Dean of
the Faculty of Birkbeck, University of
London, and co-director of the Research
Centre on the Wider Benefits of Learning.
In 2003 Tom joined the Organisation for
Economic Co-Operation and Development
(OECD) in Paris to head up the Centre for
Educational Research and Innovation
conducting international comparative
policy research on education in its
economic and social context.
Tom has authored a number of books
including Understanding the Social
Outcomes of Learning (OECD, 2007),
Evidence in Education: Linking Research
and Policy (OECD, 2007), and the Benefits
of Learning (Routledge Falmer, 2004).
Ageing well 29
Ageing well: Age Shall Not Wither her 30
Age Shall Not

Wither her
Some things get better with age, and some things help you
age better too. A clutch of artists at the top of their game
demonstrate the value of productive work and leisure for
older people. By Emine Saner
S
ome of the most exciting artists working today are women over
60. They talk about the persistence of inspiration and the
desire to keep working, in a piece by Guardian journalist Emine
Saner, originally commissioned by the artist Natalie d’Arbeloff, who
adds a postscript.
Working in her studio for up to 12 hours a day, six days a week, Paula
Rego’s creative drive is as intense as ever. “Even if I’m tired when I start
working, by the end I have a lot of energy”, she says. “It’s very
important for women to keep working.” At the age of 73, she has never
considered retiring. “Hopefully [my life] will end at my easel – I’ll just fall
down sideways.” Then she adds mischievously: “Either that or in a
drunken stupor.”
Women artists have long laboured in the shadow of their male peers,
and this has been particularly true of older women artists, whose later
work has often been rendered invisible. When people refer to a creative
energy that lasts over a lifetime, they tend to point to Picasso, who lived
to 91, or Matisse, who lived to 84. Recently, though, a string of
exhibitions has challenged the invisibility of older women artists. A
Bridget Riley retrospective, which opened last week at the Museum of
Modern Art in Paris, reveals that the 77 year old artist’s recent work is
just as vital as ever. And one of the thrills of the recent Louise Bourgeois
retrospective at London’s Tate Modern was in seeing her latest work in
the context of her life as a whole. At 96, Bourgeois has carried on
creating with a stark, uncowed intensity.
I spoke to a number of well-established women artists, and found that
age certainly does not seem to have had a detrimental effect on their
creativity – indeed, for many, their later years have been among their
most productive. At 65, the painter and sculptor Ana Maria Pacheco, for
instance, has no time for looking back. “When I look at the work I did, I
think, ‘God, I don’t know how I did it’,” she says. “It feels alien to me. I’m
not interested [in the old work]. It belongs to the past and should stay
there.”
One of the dangers of ageing and continuing
With the difficulties of life, to work, she says, is “in repeating yourself
humans tend to be rather sad, and finding formulas. You have to make a
but I have always refused to conscious attempt not to do that... People
say my work is very sombre but I don’t think
take that path
so. They say, ‘You must have had a terrible
childhood’, but I had a wonderful childhood.
With the difficulties of life, humans tend to be rather sad, but I have
always refused to take that path. Notions of mortality come to us all,
but when you are so engaged in creating something, you tend not to
think about that”. I wonder whether one of the benefits of getting older
is being able to shrug off criticism, but Pacheco replies that she has
“never really cared much what people think”.
I ask the abstract painter Gillian Ayres, 78, how she feels about ageing.
“Old age is a bastard really”, she says, “but it’s only when you see a
photograph of yourself that it is the most awful thing. I don’t feel any
different to how I did when I was 15. I would like the time again – I
would just paint.” Does she feel she has achieved everything she can?
“No, I don’t know if an artist ever feels that, I don’t think it’s possible to
in art. You can be pleased with your work, but I don’t think you can
judge how good you are.” The physical restraints of older age have
limited Ayres’ work in that she is no longer climbing up ladders and
throwing heavy cans of paint around, but her pictures still buzz with the
same energy. She can’t imagine retiring. “I wouldn’t know what to do”,
she says. The suggestion that creativity diminishes with age is
dismissed. “I hope it increases all one’s life”, she says. “One can never
have enough. Your art does change over the years – you’re still trying to
find out things. I know that I won’t be here in another 78 years. I think
that does come with a slight pressure, but I just carry on. I’ve always
just wanted to paint and work.”
Many of those I speak to, women who have kept up their creative
momentum through middle age and beyond, never had children or a
traditional family. “I love solitude”, says Pacheco. “I have wonderful
friends and family, so I do go out, but the activity of making my work
means I need to be on my own.” She says she doesn’t regret not having
children and points out that women’s position in society has changed
so much now that her single lifestyle is not considered unusual. “In the
past, it would have been difficult to live on my own. Society would have
thought it very strange.” How does she work? “I always have a deadline.
At the minute, I’m trying to finish a large piece. The idea that you can
get up in the morning and go to your studio and get on with your work
is very idealistic. If you’re as obsessed with your work as I am, you will
work whenever you can to get it done.” This often means toiling
through the night, before moving on immediately to the next piece.
The Austrian artist Maria Lassnig, 89, whose recent London exhibition
attracted enormous praise, has never married or had children. “My
mother thought I would be very lucky if I had a husband and became a
housewife and mother”, says Lassnig. “When I was young, I was clever
enough to know that if I got married or had children, I would be eaten. I
would be sick if I couldn’t paint, and I would be schizophrenic because I
would have wanted to do both [paint and have a family]. So I
renounced it. I don’t understand young women who have a big family
and want to make art. I don’t think it is possible.” Relationships were,
however, important to Lassnig. “When you are young, you have time.
You can waste your time with a lover”, she says. Her lovers often served
as her models – was this so she could be with them while continuing to
work? “Yes”, she says, laughing. Were they supportive? “Some were
jealous a little bit, they didn’t admire me so much. There was too much
jealousy, although the jealousy came more from my colleagues, not my
lovers.”
Lassnig says she hopes her creativity “is growing all the time. For me,
the most important thing is to have time to paint. When I’m getting
inside the painting, it goes well and I’m very fast. The thinking [part of
the process] is the whole of the rest of my life, but when I get to the
work, it’s very intensive but it doesn’t last very long. I can’t paint for
longer than two hours – I get exhausted.” She has always worked like
this – her quick, powerful brushstrokes attest to it – although in more
recent years, because of a bad back caused by years of running, it has
become more difficult. “I have the same energy... [but] I am sick very
often, that is a pity.” Does she feel that time is running out? “Of course.
I’ve wasted my time when I wasn’t painting.”
Rego, meanwhile, bucks the idea that children are an obstacle for
women artists, saying that one of the most productive periods of her
career was when she was pregnant with the second of her three
children. “I worked like a maniac, the work came and came”, she says.
“If you have a child, all you do is open your legs and it comes out. You
don’t need an idea behind it. To do a picture, you have to have an idea
and then you struggle over it. Having children never got in the way of
my work.”
In Rego’s lifetime the art establishment’s attitude towards women
artists has become more positive, although nobody would say that
female artists are now on an equal footing with men. “When I first went
to art school, I think the women there were picked on whether they
would make good wives for the male artists, whether they would have
an understanding of the troubled males”, she says. “Women were good
either for going to bed with or making good wives – particularly if they
came with their own money and could support the men.”
Living through a huge range of experiences has enabled Rego to
produce some of her best work. Her paintings and drawings, often dark
and disturbing – shot through with suppressed violence and turmoil –
have dealt with subjects that include her time spent caring for her
husband, the artist Victor Willing, who had multiple sclerosis, and her
intense grief after his death in 1988. The arrival of her five
granddaughters allowed her to revisit childhood stories and fairy tales,
which found their way into her work.
Does she feel that she is running out of time, that she may not be able
to create everything she would like? “That you do. I work harder now
than ever. But you also have more desire to do it. You do it because that
is what you do. I feel better when I draw. I haven’t even begun to learn
how to draw – I practise and practise. Eventually”, says Rego, “I will be
able to draw”.
Portrait of the Artist

Natalie d’Arbeloff
As far as I’m concerned, age goes like this: first, you’re a baby. Then
you’re a kid, you’re a kid, you’re a kid. Then, suddenly, people are
offering you their seat on the bus. How and why this happens is one of
the mysteries of the universe which will never be solved unless science
comes up with proof that age is an illusion, confirming what artists,
female and male, have known all along.
From childhood onwards, I never doubted
Choosing art as a career that I was an artist and always would be.
means that you have Drawing, painting and making things gave
permission to be a child me freedom to be simultaneously involved
forever, a child with the with and separate from the adult world.
Choosing art as a career means that you
benefit of experience have permission to be a child forever, a child
but preferably without with the benefit of experience but preferably
its burdens without its burdens. Picasso said: “It took me
four years to paint like Raphael, but a lifetime
to paint like a child.” For me, a major struggle has been to retain that
childlike art-freedom while caught up in the various degrees of inner
and outer upheaval that adult life brings.
Being an older-than-thou artist myself I thought it would be
enlightening to interview some of the female creators who, like me,
ignore the antiquated concept of retirement and believe that their best
work is yet to come. In my own journey, obsessively documented in
journals and – since my conversion to all things digital – a graphic
novel-in-progress, I have always been absorbed by this question: why
does life, specifically emotional life, so often interfere with the making
of art, much more so for female artists than for our male counterparts?
Admittedly, gender conditioning, child-rearing and/or mate-
maintenance all play a part, but emotional involvement in itself
undeniably soaks up art-making energy for many female artists, and
can divert it. Of course this doesn’t apply to all; I wanted to know how
those who are the exception managed to focus their creative elan
consistently and continuously throughout a long career.
About the authors

Emine Saner lives in London and writes
for the Guardian. Although it is still quite
a long way off, she can only hope she will
be as energetic, funny and productive in
older age as the artists she interviewed
for this piece.
A painter, cartoonist and book artist,

Natalie d’Arbeloff was born in Paris to
Russian and French parents and grew up
in South America, the USA and Europe.
She now lives in London and also teaches
in adult education and says: “It is my
conviction, supported by experience,
that every individual regardless of age,
background or education, has some
unique creative ability which can be
‘Myself in 2009’ by Natalie d’Arbeloff.
encouraged, developed and in some
Oil on canvas. www.nataliedarbeloff.com cases, become the driving force in
their lives.”
Ageing well: policy responses – the case of Finland 36
policy responses –
the case of Finland
Heikki Raisanen compares the choices governments make.
A
geing populations present challenges to all European
economies, but Finland has so far faced the sharpest effects
of the phenomenon. While the country’s population is not the
oldest in Europe in absolute terms, it is ageing the most rapidly and
dramatically, thanks to the size of its post-war baby boomer cohorts
compared to those that have followed.
The ageing of a society has various implications – cultural, economic
and social – as well as important micro-level effects on the everyday
lives of the citizens. It is not, for example, self-evident in an ageing
society who takes care of you when you are old, who pays your pension
and who keeps the economy running. This article discusses what
Finland has learned to date, and examines the attempts the country has
made to mitigate the disadvantages of an ageing population, focusing
especially on the country’s employment policy.
While the current economic crisis inevitably distracts us from the more
structural developments going on in our societies, the difficulties posed
by ageing populations are clearly not going to disappear, even if some
of their effects may be postponed by a couple of years because of the
world recession.
Finland seems to offer useful lessons in how to cope with the ageing
society. Its experience suggests decision-makers should abandon any
‘wait and see’ attitude that still exists, and start preparations for ageing,
the sooner, the better. Finland has had areas both of success and failure,
but it is possible to learn from both.
Finland has a population of 5.3 million people with a very low
population density: an average of 17.4 persons per square km. Regional
disparities are large. Life expectancy at birth is 76 years for males and
83 years for females. Finland is a modern service economy with some
highly developed industrial branches, like telecommunications, forestry,

metal and chemical industries.1 Figure 1 demonstrates the rapid change
in the age structure of the population. As already mentioned, the
change is not caused by a low birth rate, which on the contrary is quite
high in Finland, but by the rapid increase in the proportion and absolute
number of persons over 65 years of age. The reason for this is that the
post-war baby boom cohorts are relatively much larger than others.
The changes caused by this post-war bulge will affect the country until
2030 at least.
Figure 1. Population projection by age for Finland in 2008-2040 (Source: Statistics Finland)
70 0-14
15-64
60 65-
50
40
30
20
10
0
2008 2015 2030 2040
Finland is at the top of the European list as regards the rapidity of

ageing of its population. While some societies, such as Sweden, have a
more aged population, these societies tend to have greater balance
between generations. In Finland, the younger cohorts are significantly
smaller than the older, and it is this that causes adaptation problems,
but which has also been the key to policy development: the change has
been so huge in Finland that it has been impossible to ignore.
What happened in Finland is that, in the 1990s, there was first public
discussion and an attempt at education and training of employers and
public bodies, such as those involved with occupational health, in dealing
with the issues of an ageing society. This attempt to shift attitudes
mainly took the form of written material and forums. The policy changes
came as a second wave only after this first wave of attitudinal work. The
Work Ability programme (designed to foster the capacity to work
among older people) found that it was possible to increase opportunities
to work later in life, but quite quickly concluded that policy changes had
to be directed not only at the aged, but also at younger people. The
1. Many people in Britain today read their morning news printed on a Finnish paper and use mobile
phones which are developed and made in Finland.
timing of entry into work from education and the high participation rate
for people in their thirties and forties have to be taken into account in
any attempt to manage the overall composition of the workforce.
Employment policy responses
The greater life expectancy The greater life expectancy of the population
of the population at large at large over the last century can be
over the last century can be considered an exceptional achievement of a
modern society. Better nutrition, health care
considered an exceptional
and a safer and, for most people, physically
achievement of a modern less demanding work have brought about
society these developments. As people live longer,
they also tend to study longer. This then
raises the issue of economic sustainability and puts pressure on
individuals who are already in work to remain working longer.
From a labour market policy point of view, comparing the numbers of
people who will soon leave the labour market for retirement with those
entering it is important, because while young people are often not
substitutes at the individual or job level, a numerical imbalance in the
age cohorts in the labour market affects the welfare of the whole
population. An ageing population is not necessarily a problem as such;
the difficulties are caused chiefly by having different sizes of various
generations, meaning that some people have to take greater
responsibility for the care of larger numbers of people than did their
predecessors. In financing health services and pensions for the aged, if
the working age population shrinks, the pension burden on those in
work tends to rise.
If various cohorts are clearly of different sizes, this can cause difficult
problems in terms of recruitment: where are we to find the new
employees to replace those reaching pensionable age? The imbalance
can also be problematic for the education system, because different
sizes of cohorts require different numbers of teachers and support
staff. Education is widely regarded as important in Finland, which
attained the highest scores in the OECD PISA study, measuring
educational attainment and application of knowledge among young
people, and this is an area of excellence the country wishes to protect
and promote. But protracted involvement in education is liable to retard
the entry of young people to the workforce and is a disadvantage when
trying to balance the working and retired populations.
Economic policy, taxation and social security

Finnish employment policies are based on the co-ordination of
economic policies and more strictly targeted labour market policy
measures. In recent years, fiscal policies have remained relatively stable
(the current economic revival measures are not discussed here), while
changes in labour taxation and social security have been increasingly
based on employment policy considerations.
Taxation of labour has been continually eased since the recession years
of the 1990s. The overall tax to GDP ratio is still one of the highest
among the EU27 countries, some 43 per cent, but the tax wedge on
earned income is not much higher than the EU average, especially for
the average worker (indirect taxes are high). Social security reforms
since 1996 have also had an effect on the labour market, especially in
creating incentives to work and in easing employers’ contributions in
the most depressed regions of the country. Evidence of the
employment effects of taxation is scarce and at least partially
inconsistent: for example, the incentive reforms of the 1990s seem to
have fostered participation in the labour market, but the regional
employer tax exemption experiment did not prove to have produced
any employment effects.
A major pension reform started at the beginning of 2005, providing a
flexible pensionable age for all employees between the ages of 62 and
67, supported by high economic incentives for remaining longer in
employment. In addition, pension rates have been adapted to be
sustainable in conditions in which people live longer. This means in
practice that pensions will be lower for younger people in relation to
their wages than for pensioners today. This is an important cross-
generational welfare decision but, despite this fact, it has not been
discussed much in Finland. Currently, one can get a full pension at the
age of 63. The benefit is lower if one leaves earlier, and vice versa, so
the incentive to continue working is economically relatively high in
terms of the future pension one receives. The fundamental idea is to
foster longer working careers.
Finnish citizens seem to be generally in favour of this kind of system of
individual flexibility. What really is a radical innovation is that employees
themselves choose when to leave for a pension, if within set limits. This
puts pressure on the employer to discuss with employees their plans to
continue working or to leave, and to invest more in the quality of the
work and the working environment in order to retain their staff. One of
the difficulties in Finland as well as in the other Nordic countries, is that

work-related health problems are relatively common. But the work ethic
in Finland is very strong, and it is much an ‘on-off work society’: one
either continues in full-time work or leaves the labour market totally. It
would be preferable if people could use part-time pensions to continue
working, but more flexibly.
Labour market policy and unemployment
Some three people in 100 in the labour force participate in active labour
market policy measures – training and subsidised employment. As
many of the programmes are of relatively short duration, the total
figures participating in these programmes during one year are much
higher. The main idea of these programmes is to help some groups of
job-seekers to cope better. These groups include the long-term
unemployed, young people, immigrants and people with disabilities.
Helping employers to recruit has also become more and more
important.
Finnish labour market policy relies quite heavily on training measures,
with employment subsidies and direct-job-creation the other major
planks of the programme.
Unemployment among elderly people is
Unemployment among very different in character from
elderly people is very unemployment among the young.
different in character Unfortunately, there hasn’t been much
from unemployment success in decreasing the number of elderly
unemployed people, although the labour
among the young market situation of young people has been
improving significantly for a number of
years. As the numbers of older people staying on in work have greatly
improved in Finland, this has exacerbated the difference between them
and their unemployed contemporaries, who are not likely to find new
jobs. The success in reducing unemployment in younger groups has
come about mostly because of the improved general labour market
situation and young people’s better qualifications, both from the
regular education system and various job training measures.
Employment or pension for the elderly?
In the 1980s it was usual for Finns to leave the labour market as early as
possible. One reason was the fact that work-related health problems
are very common in the Nordic countries. All kinds of individual reasons
for entering early retirement were common and, as a rule, dismissals
were heavily targeted at the elderly, who were also relatively willing to
leave working life. That was seen as sensible at the time, since there
were plenty of younger people waiting to enter the world of work.
Change became necessary once the numerical balance of the
generations began its shift. Finns have historically been flexible about
finding new solutions to economic challenges, such as the recession of
the 1990s. Once the ageing of the population became apparent, the
practice of leaving work and taking a pension before the age of 60 had
to be changed. Citizens were receptive to a shift in attitudes, because
people were healthier than 20 years ago at the same age, so more
willing to continue in work. Employers also started to see benefits in
keeping people in work longer.
From 1994 to 2006, the employment rate for the 55-64 year old
population increased by 21 percentage points in Finland. Within the
elderly workforce, younger cohorts are more widely employed than the
preceding generations at the same age, which gives grounds to believe
that employment rates for the elderly will further increase in the coming
years.
The main reasons for this development are probably changes in
working life, along with the capability, educational attainments and
health of the elderly population. Policy changes may also have an
effect: the benefit system for the elderly unemployed has been
changed to make unemployment less attractive; early retirement
systems have become stricter to enter in general; and the old-age
pension system has been reformed, with high economic incentives to
stay in work.
For the elderly unemployed in Finland, it is possible to receive earnings-
related unemployment insurance benefits without the limit of the
regular maximum duration of 500 benefit days. But the lower age limit
to enter this so-called ‘unemployment tunnel’ has been raised twice
and this has clearly decreased the appeal of unemployment.
In February 2009, the Finnish government decided that the general
pensionable age should be raised to 65. This change should have taken
place during a 12-year transition starting in 2011, with each year adding
two months to the age limit. However, this decision was not accepted
by the Finnish population; the trade unions and the opposition were
strictly opposed to it. In response to heavy pressure, the government
decided within a fortnight to abandon the original decision and to start
joint discussions with the social partners (employers’ groups in the

private, state, municipal sectors and the church, plus the three trades
union central bodies) with the target of prolonging working careers for
three additional years. So the pension age limit change was abandoned.
One important factor in fostering longer working careers was a recent
report on ageing from the country’s Economic Council, which argues
that the ageing population will put pressure on health and social care
services. This may be mitigated somewhat by a decline in demand for
education services, but the report also pointed out that the key to good
welfare provision is productivity, and since that depends very much on
the use of technology and levels of education, we cannot afford to be
complacent about an assumed decrease in education budgets.
Entry into the labour market
Entry into the labour market of course comes at the other end of the
lifespan, but is relevant to the issue of ageing. Young people
experienced high levels of unemployment in the recession years of the
1990s, but the recovery created new job opportunities for them. From
1994 to 2007, the employment rate for the 15-64 year old population
increased by 3.2 percentage points (reaching 75.1 per cent in 2007); for
the age group of 15-19, the increase was 7.5 percentage points; for
20-24 it was 10.3 percentage points and for 25-29, 3.7 percentage
points. Young people are more flexible in their work patterns than other
age groups. They can also make trade-offs between education and
work, so that when they are in tertiary education, some six out of ten
students also have a job, which may be part-time. Lowered labour
taxation plus benefit levels that have failed to rise have also created
better economic incentives to work for young people, not least since
Finns tend to take their tertiary degrees late compared to other
Europeans – at an average age of 27 years, having taken eight years
between leaving high school and taking a degree.
More young people than before now take degrees, and the educational
attainment of the population and labour force is increasing. But the late
age of taking a degree retards entry into the labour market (at a high
level, other than in part-time work) and puts further pressure on others
to continue working longer. The selection system to enter the
universities is to be changed in order to speed up the studies of new
students.
Policy conclusions
Ageing has broad effects Ageing has broad effects throughout the
throughout the whole of whole of society – economic, social, cultural
society – economic, social, and political. There are effects on the
cultural and political dependency ratio, and on the costs of social
and health care, as well as on pensions.
Those people who are physically and
mentally able to work will have to be employed as long as possible if
welfare is to be properly funded, meaning that the number of years
people spend as part of the labour force are likely to have to increase.
Ageing has effects on citizens’ consumption patterns, on the
environment, on housing, mobility and the supply of services. So for
example, private consumption is at its highest when a person is in his or
her late 50s and decreases subsequently; new forms of sheltered
housing are required for people who cannot live alone; labour market
mobility decreases as the population ages.
Preparation for the changing age structure is probably better in Finland
than in most other countries. The consensus in the country is that
without first changing attitudes, it would not have been possible to
make the policy changes, certainly not without generating resentment.
As it is, public debt has been decreased; the pension system has been
reformed; the funding of future pensions has been increased; and there
is a longer-term target to increase the rate of return on pension fund
investments. The Finnish government’s report on future issues for
Parliament is unique by international standards and large companies
are well aware of the coming tightness in the labour market. However,
the preparations so far have not been enough, not least because they
have been considered quite often solely from an economic point of
view; other effects have been given less consideration. Public debate is
not very lively on these issues, which may partially explain why
economists dominate the discussions.
Immigration could play a role in easing the labour shortage in Finland,
but is generally believed to be unlikely to solve the problems of ageing
completely. In Finland it is often assumed that suitable immigrant
labour can be found, but this may not be the case. The language barrier
is quite difficult to overcome.
The recent pension reforms are likely to be highly significant. The
Commission and Council of the European Union have estimated that
the economic sustainability of the Finnish pension system is good. But
further reforms still are needed: exiting too early to retirement should
be further decreased and there should be even more flexibility in
part-time pensions.
Finland and other societies are not at the mercy of demographic
change. Active preparation in terms of fostering economic growth and
making structural reforms early enough can meet the challenges of
ageing. Multiple policies have been tried in Finland and some have been
more successful than others. Those that can be considered to have had
good effects include a far-reaching healthcare at work system,
education and life-long learning. In an ageing society, education and
life-long learning can intensify adaptability, improve innovation
potential and make transitions in the labour market possible.
What is more difficult to judge as yet is the
The general improvement in effect of the large-scale pension reforms
employment opportunities for introduced in 2005. There is only short-term
the elderly has been achieved evidence of the earlier policy changes so far.
One hoped-for outcome has not happened:
by continuation in work, not
the reintegration of the elderly unemployed
re-integrating those outside into work. The general improvement in
of work who still struggle to employment opportunities for the elderly
find new jobs has been achieved by continuation in work,
not re-integrating those outside of work who
still struggle to find new jobs. Meanwhile, Finns, like many others in
developed countries, consider that the main drawbacks to working life
are hurry, pressure and the decreased meaningfulness of work.
The current economic crisis hits a small, open and export-dependent
economy like Finland heavily, even if domestic factors are in good
shape. Ageing is a common phenomenon in Europe, even if it is likely to
take longer in other countries than is happening in Finland. Both these
crises affect many countries, and need broad, coordinated responses
both within societies and between different economies. They also need
the consent of citizens if they are to achieve results.
Where could Europeans learn from?
There may be some additional lessons for European countries to be
learned from Japan, the world leader in ageing.
One of the most well-known Japanese practices is the life-time
employment system, which has been implemented since WWII in large
companies. New employees are recruited once a year (Spring
recruitment); they start from the bottom and proceed according to

seniority. This system results in an expensive elderly workforce and has
led to employers selecting those who can continue working after
reaching pensionable age. However, the continued employment of the
elderly population is really impressive in Japan. Small enterprises tend
to recruit more mid-careerists than do large, but they also keep their
elderly employees, as they cannot attract the young.
Comparative work with my colleague Haruhiko Hori suggested that
Japanese experts believe that the country’s pension system needs
reform if it is to be sustainable in the future. The main potential labour
reserve in Japan is the female population, followed by the elderly and
young people. In contrast with Europe, the number of unemployed
people is low. The Japanese do, however, face similar problems to many
European economies in integrating young people without sufficient
education or training into the labour market and the world of work.
Immigration currently plays an extremely limited role in Japan and
there is clearly potential for growth here.
Reference:
This article is mainly based on the following study: Heikki Raisanen – Haruhiko Hori: Employment Policies in
Two Ageing Societies: Japan and Finland Compared (2008). Government Institute for Economic Research,
Helsinki (www.vatt.fi) (published in Japanese at the Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training, Tokyo
(http://www.jil.go.jp/institute/chosa/2009/09-052.htm).
About the author
Dr Heikki Raisanen is Research Director at

the Finnish Ministry of Employment and
the Economy. He is also Adjunct Professor
of Labour Market Policy at the University
of Tampere. He has worked as a journalist
and information officer in the private
sector and since 1993, for the Finnish
government. In 1996-97 he worked as a
senior government advisor in preparing a
major labour market policy reform. He has
published numerous monographs and
scientific articles in the field of labour
market policy and recruitment.
The role for innovation 46
The role for

innovation
Silver Staffers: The New Frontier
For Corporate Renewal
by John Browne page 47

A lifetime of consuming is no
preparation for old age
by Charlie Leadbeater page 52
Boom to Bust? Innovations

for when baby boomers age…
by Richard Reeves and Celia Hannon page 60
CELEBRATING AGE
by Jennifer Jaynes page 74
The role for innovation: Silver Staffers 47
Silver Staffers:
The New Frontier For
Corporate Renewal
Businesses of all kinds need innovation in the workforce
if they are to be winners in an aged society, says
John Browne.
B
ritain, like many countries in the developed world, is an ageing
nation. The average Briton is 39 years old (up from 37 a
decade ago) and, for the first time, there are more pensioners
than there are children. The post-war baby boomers are beginning to
enter retirement, and the Office of National Statistics (ONS) notes that
the fastest growing demographic group is the over 80s.
The impact of ageing on policy appears obvious – increased strain on
public services and a concentration of the tax burden on fewer working
adults – but the cultural impact is less clear. Some fear that an ageing
population foreshadows a divided society marked by intergenerational
friction. Alternatively, the changes in Britain’s demography could force
politicians and businesses to ask searching questions about how they
treat older workers.
In the UK, the official retirement age is set at 65 for men and 60 for
women – a system which has experienced little change since the 1920s.
The government has plans to increase the retirement age to 68 for both
sexes but the process is slow and won’t be completed until the middle of
the century. In the meantime, the economy is being deprived of many
able workers in their 60s – a situation which no longer makes sense.
There are two reasons why the sexagenarian workforce will be
increasingly important.
First, it is vital that people continue working for longer if we are to avoid
a public services crisis in the near future. Pension systems vary
considerably from one country to another – but all of them
fundamentally depend on the continued creation of wealth. To sustain a
fair and just society, the balance between those in work and those who
are in one way or another dependent on them, has to be maintained.
ONS statistics show that there are currently 3.3 workers to every person
of pensionable age, but that this is projected to fall to 1.8 workers per
pensioner by 2080. Clearly we cannot afford to sustain the idea that
everyone will retire at a fixed age – a system that was put in place at a
time when the majority of men started work at 13 and it was
exceptional to live beyond 70.
When Lloyd George’s government first introduced the state pension in
1908, they were acting in the spirit of decency and humanity. But the
world of work has changed a lot since then. In the course of my lifetime
alone, improvements in public health and medical science have boosted
life expectancy in the UK by ten years. At the other end of the age
scale, more young people are moving into higher and further
education, thus postponing their entry into the job market.
The significance of these demographic
Businesses that persist with trends – increased longevity and more time
rigid retirement ages will spent in education – is that the period in
increasingly find that there which an adult is available to work has
are fewer replacements for changed significantly. Businesses that persist
with rigid retirement ages will increasingly
their older workers find that there are fewer replacements for
their older workers.
The second reason why the older workforce has become more
important is the changing nature of the economy. More than 70 per
cent of the European economy is now based on services, rather than
manufacturing. Many of the jobs involved in the services sector are
based on knowledge gathered through experience. That is true in
business, but it is also true in the health service, in education at all
levels, and in many other activities. When experience is so important to
businesses, they can ill-afford the inefficiencies involved in neglecting it
– especially in the tough economic climate of a recession.
It is striking that in the United States there is no formal retirement age
and people commonly work beyond sixty. Maybe it isn’t a coincidence
that as populations have aged on both sides of the Atlantic, US
productivity levels leapt ahead of Europe’s in the mid-1990s and
continue to increase more rapidly.
In American public life, many prominent figures defy the ageing
stereotype. In the 2008 US elections, John McCain became the oldest
person ever to win a presidential nomination at the age of seventy-two,
while ex-Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker has taken up his latest
job in Obama’s treasury team at the age of eighty-one. These famous
older workers set an example which businesses would do well to heed:
as long as a person feels physically fit, they can make a useful
contribution well beyond an arbitrary retirement age.
This lesson will be very important to businesses which rely on skills that
are increasingly concentrated in the older workforce. In key disciplines
such as engineering, a disproportionate share of the workforce is over
45, and indeed over 50. With fewer students taking A-level maths and
fewer engineering graduates entering industry, there are simply not
enough young people coming through to replace those due for
retirement.
The simple fact is that there is a shortage of engineers in many
industries, and businesses have every incentive to encourage as many
as possible to stay on longer than would previously have been the case.
I suspect the same is true in other businesses and professions.
If the problem is not to become chronic, companies must respond to
the changing times and give their staff as wide, and as flexible, a choice
as possible. Workers should have the chance to stay on, either on a
full-time basis, or where it is practicable, to work part-time, combining
paid income with some income from their pension. They should be able
to phase out of work or to change their role, becoming advisors rather
than managers, for instance. At BP, we made good use of our former
employees by retaining their services as advisors so that they could
work as coaches and sources of wisdom and experience for the
younger generation.
Businesses should also be more flexible when recruiting people from
outside whose former careers have come to an end, sometimes
because other organisations have rigid retirement ages. Businesses will
find that this group increasingly has a lot to offer. Of course, some
people will want to move on earlier than 60 or 65. Businesses should
help to make that possible as well, for instance by ensuring that
accumulated pension entitlements can be transferred without a
discount penalty.
These are the practical and economic reasons why we need to rethink
the idea of a rigid retirement age. But beyond these arguments there is
a moral case to be made for employing older workers.
In the UK we have long recognised the need for a civilised society to

overcome prejudice in all its forms. Slowly and imperfectly we have
come to accept over the last few decades that it is a matter of prejudice
to judge someone simply on the basis of their gender, their religion or
the colour of their skin. But too many people seem to think that it is still
acceptable to discriminate on the grounds of a person’s age.
As with all forms of prejudice, attitudes to age run very deep. They are
reinforced by a culture in which the word ‘young’ is synonymous with
vitality, energy and the future; and in which the world ‘old’ is
synonymous with the past, the slow, and the failed. Except where
applied to works of art or bottles of alcohol, the word ‘old’ has become
a pejorative term.
It is important that businesses recognise that, as with all forms of
prejudice, ageism harms their interests. People who might otherwise
choose to continue working have their careers brought to an abrupt
halt by a rigid adherence to the belief that at 61 they are worth less than
they were at 59. The waste is shocking and the prejudice is intolerable.
While businesses might be unsure about the economic benefits of
employing individual older workers, they should be in no doubt that
they act in self-interest when they work to break down prejudices.
In fact, once we rid ourselves of the distorting effect of perceiving age
through social prejudice, we can see that the issue has been incorrectly
formulated. Populations are getting older, but they are also becoming
healthier. By excluding perfectly healthy older people from the
workforce, the issues associated with ageing take on the appearance of
a self-fulfilling prophecy.
If we are to avoid this trap of our own making we must encourage
businesses to retain their older workers for longer. The current
retirement ages are unhelpful anachronisms that threaten business
performance. Overcoming the deep-seated prejudices of employers will
be challenging, but we should draw comfort from the fact that
employing more older workers is both good for the economy and in
accord with the highest moral principles.
About the author

Lord Browne of Madingley joined BP in
1966 and rose to become Group Chief
Executive, a post he held until May 2007.
He is currently Managing Director and
Managing Partner (Europe) of Riverstone
Holdings LLC. He is President of the Royal
Academy of Engineering; a Fellow of the
Royal Society; and Chair of the Trustees of
the Tate Gallery. He has held numerous
non-executive positions and was voted
most admired CEO by Management
Today from 1999-2002. Knighted in 1998,
he was made a life peer in 2001.
The role for innovation: Sam and may’s recipe 52

A lifetime of consuming
is no preparation for
old age
Most old people do not want a public service that cares for
them; they want a way to be able to manage their own lives.
This is the innovation goal for an ageing society, says
Charlie Leadbeater.
S
am and May met dancing in 1937. They carried on dancing for
the next 60 years, until their failing eyesight meant that they
could no longer see their dance instructor setting out the steps.
Lively and alert, healthy and happy, Sam and May are in a sense
innovators in their own right: they are entering largely unknown
territory, living the kind of life that was beyond most working-class
people until very recently, remaining fit and well into their late eighties.
Over the next two decades, people living beyond the age of 75 will be
the fastest-growing group in the population. These people will have to
innovate new ways to live – new ways to age well – or otherwise, the
apparent miracle of vastly-extended life spans could create millions of
private nightmares: a recipe not for hope but instead for quiet despair
and mounting anxiety on a mass scale.
Sam and May’s sense of wellbeing as they sit together in their neat,
modest, light second floor flat in a sheltered housing complex on the
outskirts of Welwyn Garden City is evident. They are relaxed and at
ease with their life together. After more than 60 years of marriage, they
still like being with one another.
The key to the source of this wellbeing doesn’t lie in their material
wealth. They are not rich in any conventional sense. Their flat is
comfortable and tidy and but not in the least bit showy: everything
does its job. Sam and May have enough, no more, to live in the way
they wish – together, within their means, without worrying about
money. Sam spent his life in the building trade. May devoted herself to
her family. They have never owned a home. They always rented from
the council because it seemed to make more sense, gave them more
freedom to do what they most loved – being with their family and
dancing. Income and wealth are not the keys to Sam and May’s
wellbeing. More money would not make them happier.
They also count themselves lucky to be fit and healthy. Declining health,
which restricts mobility and capability, is a major cause of distress for
older people, often leaving them dependent, housebound and severely
limited in what they can do. Sam and May’s failing eyesight has set
them back in the last few years. When they shop, they now have to stay
within five metres or they quickly lose one another. As they have grown
older, they have become even more dependent upon one another,
almost like Siamese twins. Sam says that when things change – like the
layout of the cash machine at their local bank – it throws them. They are
anxious and easily spooked and so have grown more fearful of going
into town. They complain, without making a big song and dance about
it, that young people have become more rude and unruly. Yet thanks to
all their dancing, Sam and May are fit and well, albeit living a more
restricted and confined life than they would like.
It is not what Sam and May own that makes them happy, but how they
live. Two features of their lifestyle stand out, both of which are central
to living well in old age, and neither of which depends on money nor on
the direct provision of services to them.
The first is that Sam and May are participants, not just consumers.
Dancing gave them a purpose in life for six decades, sustaining them in
a way that work or shopping never could. Right until the end, they were
learning new dance styles, testing their bodies and their minds, finding
ways to dance even when they felt frail and slow. Dancing got them out
of the house. They planned their lives around their commitments to
dancing. Most importantly, dancing was not something done to them,
delivered by a service, it was something in which they took part: they
made it happen. Were policymakers to follow Sam and May’s recipe for
a satisfied older life they would encourage mass participation in leisure
activities that promote learning. One thing is for sure: a lifetime
consuming does not prepare one well for a good old age. A lifetime
with an active hobby which is intellectually engaging might be much
more valuable.
The second ingredient in the Sam and May recipe is their relationships.
Dancing is an inherently social activity. Over the years, Sam and May
made scores of friends in clubs and competitions. In their eighties they
were still attending classes together to learn with others and to have a
laugh. When their children and grandchildren took up dancing, that

created another layer of friendships among fellow-parents. Sam and
May are lucky that their daughter, a semi-professional tap dancer, lives
close by. She organises most of the day-to-day care they need but
cannot provide for themselves. The sheltered housing complex where
Sam and May live has a daily programme of activities in which they can
get involved, from group walks to quizzes and slide shows. If
policymakers were to follow Sam and May’s recipe, they would realise
that it is wrong to think that basic care needs – personal hygiene,
cleaning, cooking – come first, and the need for relationships second. In
many respects, it is the other way around. Relationships provide people
with access to the basic care they need. Sam and May do not need
formal, public care services, because they can rely on friends and
family. They are cared for, supported, made to feel significant by these
relationships with family and close friends.
The Sam and May recipe is clear: if our
If our rapidly-ageing rapidly-ageing population is to have a richer
population is to have a old age we should focus on participation and
richer old age we should relationships rather than just services or
income. A reliable, sustainable income and
focus on participation and
good health are vital. But more money and
relationships rather than even greater levels of fitness do not make
just services or income people happier. It is opportunity to
participate in activities of various kinds and
to be involved in relationships that really sustains wellbeing in later life.
We should focus on expanding older people’s opportunities to
contribute and to connect.
The UK, along with many other developed world societies, faces a huge
challenge of social and economic innovation to adapt to an ageing
population. Over the next 25 years, the number of children will increase
by 11 per cent and the number of working age adults by 15 per cent,
while the number of older people will rise by 32 per cent, with number
aged 75 and over increasing by 76 per cent. By 2031 there will be
15 million older people in the UK, a 4 million increase on 2008. The
oldest old, who tend to be the most frail – those aged 85 and over –
will more than double.
People in this group are likely to be among the most vulnerable in
society: often living by themselves, sometimes going days without
having a proper conversation with someone. Chronic loneliness is a
significant issue among old people,

People age well when they especially those whose spouse has died.
have relationships and One-third of all older people say they are
activities that engage them lonely. Two-thirds of older people living
alone say they are lonely. The most effective
strategies to reconnect older people to relationships are not services
that deliver something to them and then leave, but small, peer-to-peer
group activities in which they can engage. People age well when they
have relationships and activities that engage them. Older people prefer
to remain independent and want to be able to feel useful, giving
something to a reciprocal relationship. Their esteem often rests on
being able still to contribute as well as receive.
The most important question with any innovation, whether social or
commercial, is how the challenge is framed. Everything turns on that.
Or to put it another way: the question you ask will determine much of
the answer you get.
So, if we were to frame the challenge of ageing primarily as a question
of how better to organise care services for elderly and dependent
people, we might come up with plans to reform public services,
increase funding, introduce personal budgets or bring in the private
sector. If we framed the challenge of ageing as primarily one of raising
incomes among the elderly so they could then buy whatever services
they needed, then we would explore taxation, pensions and earnings
from employment among the old.
If we frame the challenge as how to promote participation and
relationships, contribution and connection – because those usually
provide the route to other goods and services people need, including
opportunities to work – where would that take us?
At Participle, the public service design agency, we have spent the last
two years working in partnership with Southwark Council, Sky
Television and the Department for Work and Pensions to devise
answers to that question. The challenge for Southwark, as for most
localities, is not just how to reorganise public care services, which reach
only a small minority of the elderly population. Improvements to public
care services would affect perhaps the 10 per cent of the population
who are eligible, but leave the 90 per cent who are not untouched. For
Southwark to improve the quality of life of all older people, it needs to
address the 90 per cent who do not access public services.
Most old people do not want a public service that cares for them; they
want a way to be able to manage their own lives, in their own homes,
with a degree of dignity, which means controlling who comes in and
out. Above all, perhaps, for as long as possible, they do not want to be
made to feel old.
The challenge for Southwark, as for other local authorities, is to lead a
wider process of social and economic development in order to create a
diverse range of new opportunities for older people to participate,
socialise and help one another. Better services, public and private,
delivering solutions to waiting consumers, are necessary; but they are
not on their own the answer. The goal must be to develop a new kind of
social economy in which older people can find opportunities to work,
take leisure, learn, socialise and contribute. It is a challenge of social and
economic development rather than just of redesigning services.
What might that involve? With our partners in Southwark, we came up
with more than 50 ideas that might be taken up by either the public
sector (new kinds of day-care centres that would promote self-help),
the private sector (new home-based services delivered by television),
or mutual and informal solutions (social networks to link adult children
to their elderly parents). Making Southwark a good place to grow old
will require changes to public services well beyond care: making public
transport cheap, safe and flexible; providing new kinds of mobile
services for people at home; ensuring public places feel safe for older
people. There is also unmet demand for private services – for leisure,
learning, socialising – particularly in what we call the daytime, 10am
– 3pm economy.
We concluded that new kinds of social infrastructure will be needed,
based on mutual and self-help organisations. In 2009, we launched a
new membership mutual, Southwark Circle, by going door-to-door,
street-by-street, to recruit people who would both contribute time and
effort to help others and receive services in return. We hope Southwark
Circle will create a model social enterprise that could go to national
scale, offering older people a new way to meet their needs and remain
active contributors to life in their neighbourhoods. In Westminster, after
intensive work with lonely and isolated people, we are also piloting a
service called Meet Up which connects isolated older people together
over the phone and then makes it easy for them to meet face-to-face
by providing a flexible shared transport service, so that, for example,
they will be able to hire scooters for the elderly when they need them.
Many older people, we have found, want help to make relatively short
journeys – to the shops, round the corner to see a friend, for a walk in
the park. Our Meet Up service’s motto is ‘no journey too small’.
Our approach in Southwark and Westminster has been based on the
idea that older people want:
• A much wider range of local activities they can engage in, ideally
within walking distance of home, which encourage them to be active
and to learn. There is huge scope to expand the 10am – 3pm
economy, when children have gone to school or playgroups, most
adults are at work, and before schools break up. In the past decade,
cities, retailers, bars and clubs have focused on the 24-hour, night-
time economy. We now need a similar focus on the daytime economy
of activities for older people.
• Activities which are aspirational and fun, rather than those that
condemn them to be recipients of care. The goal has to be to
promote wellbeing in later life, building on capabilities and
aspirations, rather than assuming that older people have deficits,
failings and needs which services need to make good. Start from
what people want to do and get involved in rather than assessing
their needs and shortcomings.
• Opportunities to contribute, to feel useful,
Treating older people as to give to others, as they did when their
if they are necessarily children were at home or they worked.
dependent and needy is Having something valuable to give makes
people feel wanted and young. Treating
completely the wrong older people as if they are necessarily
approach dependent and needy is completely the
wrong approach. Expanding opportunities
for part-time and informal voluntary work, mentoring and teaching
will be vital.
• Ways to socialise, especially to maintain relationships with family and
friends. Policy tends to focus on individuals in need, but in reality, the
unit of success in older age is a social network, a set of relationships.
People who have significant social relationships are far more likely to
be happier, healthy, and less dependent on public services than
people who are isolated and lonely. We should not assess individuals’
needs and resources in isolation. We should examine first the kind of
relationships they have. The more that solutions can work with
existing relationships or by developing relationships – providing care

for people at home with their family rather than shipping people to
day-care centres – the better. Southwark Circle aims to help people
not just because it will provide useful services but also because as a
mutual it will encourage people to socialise.
• Solutions that work in society rather than by cutting people off in
entirely separate institutions. Taking an older person to a day-care
centre, for example, means taking them out of their homes, detaching
them from their everyday relationships and belongings, ferrying them
in special transport, condemning them to socialise exclusively with
other people like them. A different approach would start from the
assumption that people are better off in the long run if they are in
their own homes, with relationships than can support them, drawing
on resources – shops, libraries, buses, leisure centres – which are also
used by the rest of the population. Effective solutions in future will be
distributed – they will operate ‘out there’ in society – rather than
pulling people into special institutions.
• Older people are often happier to have a bit of technology in their
homes to help them look after themselves than a person coming in to
do a job. My elderly parents now have a stair lift, an oxygen canister, a
special seat in the shower, and hearing aids. Older people are more
averse to strangers coming into their home than new technology that
they can use easily.
Wellbeing in later life depends on promoting
The key to living successfully participation and relationships, contribution
in your late 60s to late 80s is and connection. Income, health, social care
to stay active, engaged and all matter. But the key to living successfully
connected in your late 60s to late 80s is to stay active,
engaged and connected.
Shifting the focus from care to wellbeing, income to participation,
consumption to relationships will require innovation across the board.
Older people will need to contribute through work and volunteering,
will need to learn and stay active, maintain and form relationships, help
and support one another, and find solutions that keep them in their
homes as part of the flow of life in their communities, rather than
cutting them off. It will also require new approaches to funding and
resources. There will have to be more scope for social enterprise to
provide services that are paid for by older people, either through
individual budgets allocated by councils or from their own pockets.
Southwark Circle is being built with investment from Southwark Council

to become a self-sustaining social enterprise, with paid-for services as
well as unpaid mutual self-help. Public funding needs to be more
integrated, rather than focusing on social care as the main service for
older people; local authorities charged with improving the wellbeing of
their older populations will have to find ways to bring together budgets
from transport, leisure, adult services, education and housing to
promote services that make it easier for older people to remain as
active as possible for as long as possible. There will have to be more
emphasis on the long-term pay offs from prevention. Reaching people
earlier in their lives, in their sixties and early seventies, so they build up
the habits, social connections and hobbies that will sustain them in later
life will be critical. One possibility would be for councils and the
voluntary sector to provide coaching and life-skills programmes, to
show people how vital it will be for those who might have devoted their
lives to work, for example, to find other ways to be active and to foster
relationships. The more that older people can be encouraged to take up
lifestyles like Sam and May’s, the lower the call on public resources later.
So the main challenge is not to reform public care services designed for
the elderly, to raise incomes, or to provide better access to health
services, though all these matter. The main challenge is for communities
to mobilise the resources, informal and formal, public and private, that
can create a new and fulfilling stage of life, one that has not been lived
before by millions of people together. That will require collective social
and economic innovation on a grand scale, in which millions of private
decisions, like those taken by Sam and May, create a vast public good.
About the author

Charles Leadbeater is the author of
We-Think (Profile), a co-founder of
Participle, the public services design
agency, and a visiting fellow at NESTA.
The role for innovation: boom or bust? 60
Boom to Bust?
Innovations for when
baby boomers age…
Richard Reeves and Celia Hannon give their starters for
ten on innovations for a new generation of older people.
[The baby boomers] are trying to rob our

children and grandchildren… On one of
the great issues of our time, the social and
economic costs of our retirement, we have
adopted a policy of selfish silence.
Robert J. Samuelson,1 The Washington Post
T
he baby boomers are an extraordinary generation: big, bold
and powerful. In the UK they number around 17 million, making
up approximately 29 per cent of the total population. These
individuals make up one of the most controversial and most closely
watched cohorts in history. Do they remain the liberal trailblazers they
once had a reputation for being or are they now greedily entrenched in
positions of power, wielding a disproportionate share of the nation’s
wealth? Either way, we can be sure they will not go quietly and
quiescently into their dotage. Just as they have driven innovation in
youth and middle age, so the boomers are likely to change the face of
ageing.
Educated, independent-minded and well-travelled, the boomers have
been pioneers of change: within the family, education system, labour
market and beyond. From the liberalisation of social attitudes and
questioning of political legitimacies, through to the invention of ‘youth
culture’ and the escalation of consumerism, the baby boomers have
transformed every life station they have passed through. Yet as they
move beyond middle age there could be an unpleasant surprise in store

for them – their aspirations about ageing look likely to clash with the
reality of growing old in the UK today.
For one thing, social attitudes towards older people have not changed
as much as they have for other groups. “Age discrimination is still
ingrained into the fabric of society”, according to research from the
Joseph Rowntree Foundation. “And the ageing of the population is
often portrayed in negative terms in the media and at a policy level.”2
At the same time, the ageing of the boomers
There is a danger that will put new strains on public services,
intergenerational conflict pension schemes, the welfare system, the
could rise, just when workplace and family relations. Martin Amis,
a man never knowingly understated, has
intergenerational
warned of a ‘civil war’ between the
collaboration is most needed generations. Certainly there is a danger that
intergenerational conflict could rise, just
when intergenerational collaboration is most needed.
Baby boomers will bring many of the values characterising their
generation to the next stage of their lifecycle, not least a strongly
independent streak – and desire for highly personalised and responsive
services. The boomers wanted it all (and often got it). They are likely to
want a full, active, healthy Third Age and both demand and drive
innovations to help them achieve it.
Our ten boomer innovations are based on aspects of the life they are
likely to need: work, home, health, politics, connections, community,
play, love, adventure and money.
1) Work
‘Elderpreneurship’
The government’s targets for extending working lives after retirement
age look much tougher in 2009 than they did a year ago. But standard
employment is not the only way forward – the government could be
doing more to support older entrepreneurs.
While there is already a patchwork of services available (PRIME, a
business club and support network connected to Age Concern, aims to
support older people who wish to become self-employed)3 there is little
to rival the financial support offered to younger entrepreneurs. Last
year, the Prince’s Trust supported around 40,000 young people.4
‘Elderpreneurs’ could be supported by making micro-credit loans

available to them and an ‘Elder Credits Guarantee Scheme’ introduced
to underwrite some of the financial risk involved in launching a new
venture.5
Yet promoting innovation in this field is unlikely to be a quick win:
unexpectedly low uptake for pre-existing schemes indicates that the
challenge will not simply be one of building a more sophisticated
infrastructure, it will also be a question of stimulating demand. To start
targeting potential entrepreneurs in the 50+ age bracket, Local
Authorities could offer an outreach programme of training for older
people with ideas for new business ventures. At the grassroots level,
well-networked baby boomers could become ‘community enterprise
champions’. These mentors would be key players in identifying and
encouraging fellow entrepreneurs. From sharing local business
knowledge to signposting people on to more structured services, such
individuals could help the boomers to translate unrealised ambitions
into profitable enterprises in later life.
2) Home
MySpace: making ‘Extra Care Housing’ available to all
While their aspirations may be complex in many respects, one thing is
clear; the baby boomers are certain to want to remain in their own
home for as long as they possibly can. Research for Communities and
Local Government indicates that they have very high attachment levels
to their homes.6
The challenge is twofold: enabling boomers to adapt their existing
homes and opening up innovative opportunities to design new models
of housing. One new approach, ‘extra care housing’, is already gaining
momentum.7 This type of accommodation is designed around the
needs of frailer people, with facilities such as walk-in showers,
wheelchair access, raised electric sockets and 24-hour care staff. The
main appeal is that such housing means individuals can avoid having to
enter full residential care when health deteriorates. Telecare and ever
more sophisticated assistive technologies mean that the baby boomers
may not have to relinquish their desire to live independent lives in their
own homes.
Since 2004 the Department of Health has approved funding for 86
extra care housing schemes in England. Earlier this year, it announced
an extra £80 million funding to support the creation of extra care
housing, including £3.5 million for a second development in Milton

Keynes.8 Unfortunately such schemes are still beyond the reach of most
people in the UK – new strategies will be needed to connect it with
mainstream housing provision.
Social Care could represent an ideal testing ground; individual budget
holders could come together to jointly commission Extra Care Housing
– friends, partners, or people with similar needs and disabilities could
pool their money and their ideas together to design homes for
themselves. However, as these schemes grow in popularity we need to
be wary of the emergence of ‘grey ghettos’; while specially designed
communities bring benefits, they may also be accompanied by isolation
and stigma.
3) Health
Cross-generation running: staying healthy and socially connected
Two of the biggest challenges facing baby boomers will be building
social capital in their areas and staying healthy. One in ten Britons in the
55-64 age group are completely inactive; and only 5 per cent over 65
belong to a gym.9 Baby boomers are also more detached from social
networks in their local areas than both generations below and above
them; only 33.5 per cent of baby boomers agree with the statement
that they ‘are part of several networks of people who communicate and
do things together’, compared with 39 per cent of the older and 51.5
per cent of the younger generations.10 It is now recognised that one of
the most important ways of sustaining active lifestyles is being part of
social networks which encourage exercise. Obesity will be a particular
threat to physical wellbeing in a way that it has not for previous elderly
cohorts.
Ivor Gormley’s ‘Good Gym’, which won first prize at the Social
Innovation Camp in 2008, combines building social capital and
promoting physical activity. The project will establish a framework for
people to integrate brief visits to isolated older people into their
exercise routines. This idea aims to connect a runner who needs some
motivation with one of the nearly half a million pensioners who only
leave their houses once a week (a further 300,000 are entirely
housebound). By unlocking existing social capital and blending it with
exercise, this initiative has the right starting point – and there is no
reason why older people shouldn’t be doing the visiting too.
Nevertheless to have a sustainable impact on the health of the boomers

we need to look to strategies which are as sustainable as possible;
designed to be ‘two way’ interactions.
The Beth Johnson Foundation initiated ‘Active in Age’ to encourage
physical activity in older adults, training people to guide workouts
targeted at the capabilities of the older generation. It is aimed at
motivating older adults to achieve a healthier and more independent
view of their physical and social wellbeing. Staffordshire Council have
worked with the Foundation to offer an accredited peer mentor training
programme which aims to enable older people to lead gentle exercise
sessions in community settings. Active in Age is one of several social
innovations which acknowledge the key role played by peer mentors.
Exercise should be an important pillar of any effective ageing strategy,
building social connections as well as supporting healthier living.
4) Politics
Grey radicalism
Unlike the US, where the AARP, with 40
The baby boomers could million members,11 wields considerable
bring their experience of lobbying power, the UK has yet to see the
political activism to generate emergence of a coherent ‘grey’ politics. This
a truly citizen-led movement is all the more surprising given the range of
potential rallying points from pensions to
transport – and the fact that older citizens
are twice as likely to vote as the under-25s. While strong charities and
lobby groups have done much to ensure that the concerns of older
people have risen up the political agenda, the baby boomers could
bring their experience of political activism to generate a truly citizen-led
movement.
In the UK, the evidence is growing that as the boomers grow older, they
are unlikely to be as predictable a voting block as the ‘elderly’ have
conventionally been. Voting preference has long been closely correlated
with age, and to a large extent it remains a strong predictor of political
affiliation; in the 2005 general election 41 per cent of the over 65s voted
Conservative and only 35 per cent voted Labour. This contrasts with the
18-24 cohort where only 28 per cent voted Conservative.12 But one
recent report from Age Concern suggests that the preference of older
voters for the Conservative Party may be shifting: “the baby boom
generation are now much more likely to ‘swing’ than their parents”.13
This would move the UK closer into line with the US where older people
vote Democrat or Republican in roughly the same proportions as other
age-groups.
These shifting trends in voting hint at the emergence of a grey politics
which is less tribal and more fluid – creating opportunities for new
alliances to be forged. Indeed, there is no reason why such a politics
needs to be defined by a myopic preoccupation with pensions and
healthcare. It could be both progressive and radical, and inclusive of a
range of interest groups. From lifelong learning to the quality of local
green space, there is a raft of issues which could appeal to older voters
across the political spectrum.
Politicians could, and indeed should, do more to mobilise these voters
in an imaginative fashion. To make their voices heard politically at the
national level, the boomers will have to contend with a culture in which
older people are less visible. Digital tools, which enable individuals to
start their own campaigns, could be particularly appealing to a
generation that cut their political teeth in the activism of the late 60s.
Online video has already proved itself to be a valuable campaigning
strategy in the American elections; these technologies could be
harnessed by older age groups to push their concerns up the political
agenda.
5) Connections
An online freedom pass
When the baby boomers start collecting their pension they are issued a
freedom transport pass, but being mobile online – perhaps using an
‘online freedom pass’ – could be as important for their wellbeing. If
every retired person were eligible for a free one-off taster IT lesson and
an internet connection, many might have the confidence to experiment
with the web.14 Meanwhile ‘digital buddy schemes’ could find ways to
match people who are able to exchange help and advice. A recent
Demos report15 found that engaged older users of the web used it for a
range of purposes: researching family history, using genealogy sites,
staying in touch with geographically dispersed family, accessing
information about health, pursuing career interests in retirement,
shopping and price comparison websites.
Younger baby boomers have been enthusiastic adopters of
technologies such as mobile phones over the past 20 years, and recent
developments suggest they are entering into social networking in ever
greater numbers: a new social network ‘Saga

For many of today’s old, Zone’ has been set up specifically to target
technology has only served older users and one study found that US
to compound existing visitors to MySpace and Facebook aged 55+
social exclusion accounted for 11 per cent and 7.6 per cent
respectively of all users.16 Despite this,
younger generations continue to outpace
their older counterparts in terms of digital skills and for many of today’s
old, technology has only served to compound existing social exclusion.
In 2004 the Digital Inclusion Panel reported that around 78 per cent of
people over 65 were digitally unengaged with moderate or low access
to the internet.17 This is particularly worrying given that the use of
information and communication technology (ICT) is increasingly
implicated in what it means to be ‘socially, economically, culturally and
politically involved in 21st century society’.18 The ‘digital dimension’ of all
innovations to support active ageing will need to be carefully
scrutinised to ensure that technology has an inclusive impact rather
than a divisive one.
6) Community
Mobility in the built environment: ‘space for age’ audits
The baby boomers have been an extraordinarily mobile generation;
they live further from their families and travel more than the
generations before them. As they age, and are possibly less able to
drive or travel far, they may struggle to reconcile their declining mobility
with their desire to maintain sociability and contact with the
community. Technology will undoubtedly play a growing role in keeping
the boomers in touch with friends and family, but how will we ensure
that leaving the house remains within reach even in extreme old age?
We are already developing a more sophisticated understanding of how
the built environment shapes our behaviour. Public space professionals
are becoming increasingly interested in ‘obesogenic’ environments
which are more likely to make people fat. For example, one study which
focused on the pre-Baby Boom/early-Baby Boom generations (ages
50-75) was conducted in Portland, Oregon by scientists at Oregon
Research Institute. It found that neighbourhoods with lower mixed-land
use and higher densities of fast-food outlets were more likely to have
residents who were overweight.19 In the long-term new communities
being developed for older residents will need to draw on this learning
about design principles and human behaviour.
On a more practical level, the majority of the town centres and streets
remain woefully inadequate when it comes to the needs of older users.
Local Authorities need to work closely with older citizens to undertake
audits of public spaces to identify the factors which stand in their way;
such as an absence of public toilets and poor lighting. CABE have
already developed a public engagement tool which could make this
possible – the Space Shaper.20 This collaborative process of auditing
captures the views of professionals as well as users of a space.
Facilitated workshops discuss the results, design quality and how the
space works for different people.
Responsibility does not only rest with Local Authorities; in town centres,
much of the so-called ‘public’ space is now owned and managed
privately. All too often, these areas are designed around the needs of
so-called ‘ideal’ consumers, who tend to fall into the 18–55 age bracket.
As a result, many older people find commercial environments alienating
– loud music is just one of the reasons many older people avoid
shopping entirely. An implicit hierarchy of users has emerged, which the
boomer generation (many of them with high levels of disposable
income) may find themselves wishing to challenge directly.
Age audits of the built environment should help to promote what Help
the Aged has termed ‘age equality’ in the design of public spaces.21
Truly accessible local environments need to be safe and look safe too
(fear of crime can inhibit older users as much as experience of crime).
Residential and commercial areas need to be connected by transport
systems which are easy to navigate and close attention needs to be
paid to the details of design which impact disproportionately on older
users – from an abundance of public seating to ensuring that
pavements are in good repair.
7) Play
Intergenerational play spaces
We are never too old to play: playful behaviour is key to human culture
in all generations. Brian Sutton-Smith has argued that “the opposite of
play isn’t work. It’s depression. To play is to act out and be wilful,
exultant and committed, as if one is assured of one’s prospects”.22 Older
people’s need for this form of activity is often neglected and they rarely
get to experience it with people of all ages; which is why
intergenerational play spaces should be a crucial strand of our local and
national strategies on public space.
Research has shown that contact between

Research has shown the generations is exceptionally low in the
that contact between the UK.23 Research for the Joseph Rowntree
generations is exceptionally Foundation found that an initiative where
low in the UK people from different communities and
generations collaboratively debated issues
around play and public space broke down
divisions and fostered trust.24 Welcome investment in playgrounds over
recent years means that we are in a position to provide better facilities
for younger generations, but these models still tend to rely on fencing
children in from the outside world.
Harnessing the power of good design will enable us to break the mould
and shape better spaces for all ages. Even the smallest of parks can
accommodate the needs of people of all ages. When Spa Fields in
Clerkenwell in London was re-designed by Park Life,25 the landscape
architects preserved the rose garden used by older residents and
incorporated it into a design which had play spaces for very young
children and a ‘hang out’ area for older youth. Contrary to popular
belief, the needs of older people and children are not always mutually
exclusive. In fact sociable, welcoming spaces which work for children
often meet the needs of older people too.
Of course, playgrounds are not appropriate for all age groups; instead
investment should be made in outdoor gyms, grassed areas which are
free from ball games and comfortable areas for sitting. And why stop at
parks? Homezones26 are a Dutch model of street re-design which
prioritises the needs of the pedestrian over the car, promoting the
street as social space. While Homezones are most commonly talked of
in relation to children and young people; they can have a positive
impact on quality of life for older residents too.
As they move closer to retirement, many of the boomers are likely to
find themselves supporting their children by caring for grandchildren
on a regular basis. Playful spaces which make this not only possible, but
enjoyable, should be an investment priority.
8) Love
Boomer, 60, WLTM: relationship support in the Third Age
Transitions put intimate relationships under pressure – having a new
baby and moving house are well known sources of tension for most
couples. We often speak of growing old in terms of the disruption it
causes individuals, but it also presents challenges to couples. The

evidence indicates that the baby boomers are finding it especially so –
there were 13,678 divorces last year among over-60s compared with
12,636 in 2006 and 9,052 in 1997. This was the only age group where
the divorce rate rose among both men and women.27
Relationship support in the UK is generally geared towards
interventions at the point of crisis, and it has traditionally been focused
on younger couples. A renewed emphasis on older couples in
relationship counselling might halt or slow the rise in divorces. One or
two sessions could be a universal offer for couples who have both
reached retirement age, and could focus on issues such as ‘empty nest
syndrome’, sex and physical health, communication and negotiating
decisions about money and future care needs. For those who are
already divorced, re-partnering should become as culturally accepted
and encouraged as it is at other ages. The Innovation Exchange is
exploring a partnership with a dating agency for people with learning
disabilities called Stars in the Sky,28 and there are already agencies for
older groups such as ‘Senior Dating Online UK’29 although few cater
directly for the older age groups (whose needs may be quite different
from younger groups).
9) Adventure
Grey gap years
Baby boomers could be forgiven for feeling distinctly envious as they
find themselves financing and supporting their children’s gap year
between school and university. A mainstream trend today, this option
was not on the table when the baby boomers were graduating. Some
pioneers have already recognised that a gap year later in life offers a
valuable way to volunteer abroad and contribute professional skills
acquired over decades in the workplace. There are an estimated
200,000 pre-retirement ‘gappers’ in the UK. They spend around
£5,000 per trip, totalling an impressive £1 billion per year.30
While for some older people a gap year is another tourist experience,
for an increasing number it is also about giving something back. A
growing number volunteer abroad with the VSO, and donate their
professional skills to contribute in developing countries. Such charities
are now making a concerted effort to appeal to this cohort. In the US
‘Encorps’31 has been established for those that want to repeat their
Peace Corps experience of volunteering.
Grey gap years could also be a novel way for

Grey gap years could also boomers to reinvigorate themselves before
be a novel way for boomers returning to the workforce for a final stretch,
to reinvigorate themselves and need not hinge on the idea of travelling
before returning to the abroad. Indeed, for those with commitments
that tie them to the UK, or reservations
workforce for a final stretch about the environmental impact of such
travel, international volunteering may not be
the right choice. Without leaving home, the baby boomers could take a
year out to revisit an old hobby, or learn a new skill. Some may wish to
undertake a period of volunteering in their own community.
10) Money
Financial products to support ‘inheritance skipping’
The boomers are a rich generation – they have benefited from a
flourishing property market and free (or cheap) higher education. The
most fortunate want to enjoy their resources. But many also want pass
on their assets to their descendants. One emerging innovative
approach to legacies is to skip a generation and pass money on, in
some case via trusts, to grandchildren, many of whom are incurring or
struggling to pay off student debt. In some cases, it can represent their
only hope of getting a foot on the property ladder. The new
phenomenon of ‘inheritance skipping’ is emerging, with £4 billion in
legacies being passed directly to grandchildren.
The government could consider a more generous tax treatment for
money that skips a generation, encouraging the boomers to start
considering the practice. While such strategies do little to spread the
wealth beyond the family itself (and could even entrench privilege for
some) there is no reason why ‘inheritance skipping’ should be the
preserve of the very wealthy. Even boomers on comparatively modest
incomes will be keen to put their resources to the best use.
It is likely that the baby boomers’ grandchildren will be making a living
in economically uncertain times, and will be very much in favour of
ways of ensuring greater parity between generations. Meanwhile, the
boomers are actively searching for ways to satisfy their desire to
provide for their extended family. More innovative financial products
are urgently needed so they can manage their money in ways that
address questions of inter-generational justice and match our changing
life cycles.
References
1. Contributing editor for Washington Post and author.
2. Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2004) ‘From Welfare to Well-being – Planning for an Ageing Society.’
Summary conclusions of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation Task Group on Housing, Money and Care for
Older People. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Available at: www.jrf.org.uk/knowledge/findings/
foundations/034.asp
3. See http://www.primebusinessclub.co.uk/about-this-site/about-prime/
4. See http://www.princes-trust.org.uk/Main%20Site%20v2/About%20us.asp
5. Huber, J. and Skidmore, P. (2003) ‘The New Old: Why Baby Boomers Won’t Be Pensioned Off.’ London:
Demos.
6. DCLG (2008) ‘Housing Choices and Aspirations of Older People: Research from the New Horizons
Programme.’ London: DCLG. Available at: http://www.communities.gov.uk/publications/housing/
housingoptionsaspirations
7. See http://networks.csip.org.uk/IndependentLivingChoices/Housing/Topics/browse/
HousingExtraCare/
8. See http://www.open.ac.uk/alumni/news-events/publications/openeye-bulletins/november-2008/
extra-care.php
9. The Information Centre for Health and Social Care (2008) ‘Statistics on obesity, physical activity and
diet: England.’ Leeds: IC: NHS. Available at: http://www.ic.nhs.uk/statistics-and-data-collections/
health-and-lifestyles/obesity/statistics-on-obesity-physical-activity-and-diet:-england-january-2008
10. Ipsos MORI (1999) ‘MORI Social Values 1999.’ London: Ipsos MORI. Available at: http://www.ipsos-mori.
com/content/polls-1999/mapping-britains-moral-values.ashx
11. See http://www.aarp.org/aarp/About_AARP/
12. See http://www.ipsos-mori.com/content/how-britain-voted-in-2005.ashx
13. See http://www.20millionvotes.org.uk/briefing_older_voters.html
14. See Hannon, C. and Bradwell, P. (2007) ‘Web I’m 64.’ London: Demos. Available at: http://www.demos.
co.uk/projects/webim64/overview
15. See ibid.
16. ComScore (2006) ‘More than Half of MySpace Visitors are Now Age 35 or Older, as the Site’s
Demographic Composition Continues to Shift.’ Reston, VA: ComScore. Available at: www.comscore.
com/press/release.asp?press=1019
17. Cabinet Office (2004) ‘Enabling a Digitally United Kingdom: A framework for action.’ The Digital
Inclusion Panel report. London: Cabinet Office.
18. Grant, L. (2007) ‘Learning to be Part of the Knowledge Economy: Digital divides and media literacy.’
Bristol: FutureLab. Available at: www.futurelab.org.uk/resources/documents/discussion_papers/
Digital_Divides_Media_Literacy.pdf
19. Results from the Oregon Research Institute (ORI) study, funded by the National Institute of
Environmental Health Sciences, are reported in the July 2008 issue of the ‘American Journal of
Preventive Medicine’.
20. See http://www.cabe.org.uk/default.aspx?contentitemid=1675
21. See http://www.helptheaged.org.uk/NR/rdonlyres/0523C8ED-F0BA-4E3F-83E4-C4657E8CFDC6/0/
towards_common_ground.pdf
22. Kane, P. (2000) Play for today. ‘The Observer’. 22 October 2000. London: The Observer.
23. Margo, J. et al. (2006) ‘Freedom’s Orphans: Raising Youth in a Changing World.’ London: IPPR.
24. Kapasi, H. (2006) ‘Neighbourhood Play and Community Action.’ York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
25. For more details, see Beunderman, J., Hannon, C. et al. ‘Seen and Heard.’ London: Demos.
26. See http://www.homezones.org/
27. See http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/article4634170.ece
28. See http://www.starsinthesky.co.uk/index.php
29. See http://www.seniordatingonline.co.uk/?gclid=CKT71_KhiZgCFUsa3godPzjXBg
30. See http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/lifestyle-the-grey-gap-year-433931.html
31. See http://encorps.nationalserviceresources.org/
About the authors

Celia Hannon is a Senior Researcher at
Demos, with research interests including
families, equality, public space and
citizenship. She has produced reports
(Their Space, Video Republic) on young
people, creativity and digital media; and is
currently leading research into social
housing, and young people’s participation
in the governance of mosques.
Richard Reeves is Director of Demos. He is

the author of John Stuart Mill – Victorian
Firebrand; his other areas of interest are
the economics and politics of wellbeing;
trends in British politics; and the future of
the workplace. He is an essayist for the
New Statesman and a regular contributor
to The Guardian, Observer and Prospect.
The role for innovation 73
The role for innovation: Celebrating age 74
CELEBRATING AGE
Jennifer Jaynes reports from Blackpool, where creative
responses to an ageing society just keep coming.
“When you meet Blackpool’s older citizens you

will find that they are direct, witty, supportive,
angry, contentious, frightened, adventurous
and challenging. Some of them may be frail or
incapacitated by disability or illness but most
of them will not be. In short, they are the same
as any other diverse group in the town and they
deserve to have the same respect, quality of life
and opportunities as anyone else. Aged 50 to 100+,
they span three generations, with a wealth of
experience and knowledge.”
T
hese words open Blackpool’s Corporate Strategy for Older
People, in which the hopes and aspirations of the older citizens
in the town are laid down as a challenge to the Council and
local statutory services over the next ten years. Emerging from
Blackpool’s Senior Voice Forum – a self selected, independent group of
over 200 older people living in Blackpool – the vision of local older
people asks that:
• The diverse needs of older people are recognised and responded to
by listening to our views and involving us in local developments.
• We feel safe and respected wherever we go in Blackpool.
• We have a public transport system that gets us where we want to go,
appropriate and safe car parks, and streets that are safe, clean and
accessible.
• We can live in a safe, close-knit community with a range of housing

options that meet individual needs and which are within easy walking
distance of local shops, social facilities and good transport links to the
rest of the town.
• We have increased choice, opportunity and access to community
leisure, learning and back-to-work programmes.
• We have access to high-quality local community-based services that
meet our health and social care needs, and prevent deterioration in
ways that enable us to continue to take our place within and
contribute to the wider community.
This document led to a turning point within the Council, as ‘safety’,
‘access’ and ‘sense of community’ took the agenda for older citizens
way beyond the narrow remit of health and social care. In a community
in which the retired population is predicted to increase significantly by
2012 from a starting point already significantly above the average for
England; where life expectancy is low and the incidence of long-term
illness is high, this presented a unique challenge. It could only be
addressed by creating new links between services and agencies, and in
partnership with older people themselves.
Less than two years after the launch of our Corporate Strategy for
Older People, what progress has been made? The Senior Voice Forum,
which laid down the original challenge, report that they are now
actively engaged in discussing transport, community safety, equality,
diversity and health and social care. They believe they are able to
influence some decisions and they feel their voice is being slowly heard.
They have linked up with The Young People’s Council in the town and
organised three annual conferences featuring local speakers on issues
they wish to highlight, including the regeneration of the town, local
heritage, and health services. At this point, we in the Council think it is
fair to say that we have moved beyond consultation to engagement,
and are now in a position to offer wider participation still. We hope that
we are beginning to erode long-established stereotypes.
The Council’s 2008 Corporate Performance Plan establishes the
following values for a sustainable community:
• We put our citizens’ needs first, delivering quality today and
improvements for the future.
• We respect everyone’s differences and look to meet individuals’

needs.
• We aim to work together better.
• We want continually to improve our services and deliver quality and
value for money.
• We aim to share the information to do the job right.
By working together and sharing information, we believe we have now
begun to deliver services that are ‘joined up’. Our aim is to ensure that
older citizens only need to ask us for assistance once, thereby making
‘seamless services’ a reality.
The Council’s Home Improvement Agency is now based in the Adult
Social Care and Housing Department, and has broadened its agenda to
encompass not only repairs and grants, but home adaptations for
individuals with disabilities; delivery of equipment; falls prevention; fire
safety; energy efficiency; welfare benefits checks; smoking cessation;
healthy living, and more. Its unique approach, based on knowledge of
the correlation between housing, health, poverty and safety, has
created partnerships with local third sector agencies, the Fire and
Rescue Service, NHS Blackpool, and the Blackpool, Fylde and Wyre
NHS Trust. Taking services out to the population and ensuring that
signposting to other available services is central to what it does, the
agency has been recognised as a centre of national best practice. (Ref:
‘Don’t Stop Me Now’, Audit Commission 2008). Central to its approach
is a policy of ‘future-proofing’ any work it undertakes in order that
citizens do not need to ask for help again as their needs change
through ageing. (‘Lifetime Homes, Lifetime Neighbourhoods’,
Department of Work and Pensions February 2008).
The Council’s former Community Alarm Service has been remodelled
and expanded to work alongside Age Concern, NHS Blackpool, The
North West Ambulance Service, Sheltered Housing, Registered Social
landlords, and Council-wide services. Delivering a 24/7 personal
response service, the service delivers a range of Telecare and Telehealth
provision targeted at individuals with chronic illness, disability and
frailty, while also providing basic safety features for socially isolated
older people. Working through community groups with an active
marketing strategy, this service also aims to ensure that older people
only have to ask once in order to get a wide range of their needs met.
(Ref ‘Don’t Stop Me Now’, Audit Commission 2008).
By locating the Home Improvement Agency within a unified

Department of Adult Social Care and Housing, and Adult Social Care
and NHS staff in a shared office, we have been able to break down
traditional boundaries and service silos. Lifestyle Facilitators – NHS staff
appointed to educate on healthy lifestyles – work with other health
promotion staff, general practitioners and Council employees to ensure
the provision of a range of domiciliary and community-based services,
providing information on self-care of long-term conditions, exercise
programmes, and interventions for sufferers of coronary heart disease
or pulmonary disorders. Leisure services and the NHS work through a
‘Sports, Nutrition and Physical Activity Alliance’ to ensure that physical
and leisure activities are not just the province of the young and able.
These programmes are also deliberately
As memories flowed and designed to create a sense of belonging and
music played, a fresh identity for many of the participants. Annual
sense of pride and identity forums are created to bring the attendees
together socially and to plan for new
was generated
initiatives. One such initiative, jointly
designed between Leisure Services, Adult
Social Care, Age Concern, NHS Blackpool and The Fire and Rescue
Service, brought together over 700 older people at the iconic Blackpool
Tower Ballroom. As memories flowed and music played, a fresh sense
of pride and identity was generated, while information was made
available on some of the key services outlined above. This forum has
since become an annual event, an opportunity to bring information to
the audience on issues as diverse as a new volunteer shopping service
and flu vaccinations.
Partnerships, such as those outlined, have enabled Blackpool to move
some way towards the delivery of preventative services. This has
required a re-evaluation of priorities and of the formerly strict eligibility
criteria for services. While some ‘high level’ social care services do
remain subject to eligibility decisions, there is a growing recognition
that ‘low level’ services are often experienced by older people as more
critical to their sense of safety, mental health and social inclusion.
Shopping services are now provided through a self-sustaining social
enterprise, following pump-priming funding from the Council.
Gardening is provided through the Home Improvement Agency, while
there is growing recognition of the need to provide bereavement and
loss counselling and, above all, accessible information. Third sector
agencies including Age Concern, Advice Link and the newly established
third sector Forum are proving to be critical in assisting statutory

agencies meet the challenge of improving information and access to
available services.
Current capital developments are seen as a
This approach aims to further opportunity to create community-
remove some of the age based points of access to information and
and eligibility barriers that universal services. Community campuses are
hamper current services being created around two new extra care
housing developments, providing homes for
life, and access to on-site services for the
local communities. Similarly, a Centre for Independent Living for people
with disabilities due to open this spring aims to provide an answer to
any question which may be posed by any caller. A Social Enterprise
Café and an information service, the latter both computer-based and
interview-based, will aim to maximise access to any information
required concerning disability. With ageing and disability often being
inextricably linked, this centre will bring together third sector services,
a retail equipment service, NHS Blackpool and wider Council services
under one roof. Once again, this approach aims to remove some of the
age and eligibility barriers that hamper current services, and to work
with citizens as co-producers of services, thus improving visibility,
timely access and the availability of information.
The Council has also expanded volunteering amongst the older
population. Initially driven by service needs rather than the needs of
older people themselves, volunteering is now fostered as a way of
capitalising on their skills and knowledge in a range of roles. Volunteers
teach other older people computer skills, provide befriending and carer
respite, mentor individuals with learning difficulties and provide escorts
on local transport of vulnerable individuals. Volunteering, however,
remains fragmented across the town and needs to be harnessed to
further skill development and employment opportunities for older
people. The possibility of utilising the skills and experience of older
people in training younger generations has still to be fully exploited.
Opportunities are currently being developed as part of the town’s
Heritage Strategy, bringing younger and older people together to
record the history of the town as a beach resort and capturing oral
history through modern technology, (Blackpool Heritage Strategy
2006–10).
While the voices of older people in the town are increasingly being
sought and heard, and linkages between local services and agencies
have helped to improve information, opportunities and access, attitudes
towards ageing have not always kept in step. Skills of specialist staff
have been broadened in line with national agendas in areas such as
equality and diversity, dementia, assessment for equipment and basic
nursing tasks, but more is still to be done in changing attitudes towards
ageing. The increase in the number of employees seeking to stay in
work beyond retirement age, and the increasing engagement of older
people in local planning and service development will both make a
valuable contribution to this process of gradual attitude change.
The vision of local older people expressed by
It is now understood that a the Senior Voice Forum makes frequent
sense of insecurity is often reference to feeling and being safe. The
influenced by what older views of older people have been
people see around them such incorporated into the second of the goals of
the Council’s Sustainable Community
as vandalism and graffiti Strategy, which states the ambition to
‘Develop a Safe, Clean and Pleasant Place to
Live, Work and Visit’ and, as part of the effort to fulfil this ambition, an
approach known locally as ‘Reassurance Plus’ has been developed. This
involves multi-agency teams drawing members from the Fire and
Rescue Service, Police, Council and NHS, holding regular meetings with
local residents and community groups. The meetings focus on specific
issues and public events and identify priorities, invite comments and
promote participation with the aim of making the area more
comfortable and safer-feeling. The teams also work closely with
residents in the more deprived areas of the town to tackle problems of
insecurity quickly and directly. Volunteer members of the public work
alongside the teams to help create the links with communities. It is now
understood that a sense of insecurity is often influenced by what older
people see around them such as vandalism and graffiti, and dealing
with these issues has become a key objective for the Council. Regular
meetings between the Council’s officer on Community Safety and
Senior Voice Forum members help to provide feedback and track
progress.
Blackpool Council’s progress to date has undoubtedly been assisted by
the fact that it covers the same area as NHS Blackpool, but the two
bodies alone could not guarantee improvement. The town has high
levels of need and pockets of deprivation, and these are best tackled in
conjunction with the widest possible range of agencies – statutory, third

sector, and Council. The inter-relationships between health, housing,
income, achievement and vulnerability are evident, and there has been
a realisation that the agenda can only be tackled through multiple
partnerships. That said, coordinating all these agencies does require
strong leadership and a shared ethos of ‘public service’.
As the Council has increasingly engaged with older people and
appreciated their perspective, a greater impetus has been given to
making services understandable, accessible and interlocking. Reviews
of the various services on offer have been undertaken from the
customer’s perspective, with the expectation that the organisations’
systems and behaviour will need to change to reflect their perceptions.
The examples above illustrate progress, but many challenges remain.
There are particular difficulties in opening up employment
opportunities to older people at a time of rising unemployment.
Stereotypes of ageing abound, and the dialogue between different
generations in the town needs to be increased. Volunteering is growing,
but remains fragmented; it could and should be further developed to
retain and share the skills of older citizens. Above all, the dialogue with
older people needs to be maintained and enhanced, in order to assess
whether what we are delivering is making a real difference to their lives.
About the author

Jennifer Jaynes is Assistant Director,
Integrated Care Services, with Blackpool
Council, where she has held similar roles
in Adult and Older Adult Services since
2003. She began her career as a
psychiatric social worker, worked for 28
years in a variety of roles for
Worcestershire Council and has an MA in
Public Sector Management.
81
82
The Lab: innovating

public services
The Lab is NESTA’s response to the need for bold new ideas in the
face of major economic and social challenges. By bringing together
experience and ingenuity from across the public, private and third
sectors, and drawing on the insights of citizens and consumers, the
Lab plays a vital role in making public services fit for the 21st century.
The Lab provides the freedom, flexible capital and expertise to
undertake radical experiments. It tests out new ways of finding and
spreading the best ideas – this might be by running a challenge prize,
building a social ventures incubator, or creating powerful new teams
of users, front-line staff and decision-makers.
The Lab is not a physical space or an institution – it’s a series of
practical projects, informed by research and delivered in partnership
with those that run and use our public services. It shares lessons about
what works – and what doesn’t – and creates opportunities for people
to solve problems together.
The Lab’s success will be measured in two ways. First, has it contributed
to the development of better services – and in these challenging
economic times, has it found ways of delivering better for less? Second,
have its methods and approaches been adopted by others to improve
people’s lives.
The Lab is a much-needed facility dedicated to testing radical new
responses to some of the UK’s most pressing social and economic
challenges.
About NESTA
NESTA is a unique and independent body with a mission to make the
UK more innovative. We do this because we believe innovation is vital
to the UK’s economic competitiveness and ability to respond to major
social challenges. We invest in early-stage companies, inform and
shape policy, and deliver practical programmes that inspire and equip
others to solve the big challenges of the future.
www.nestalab.org.uk
Geraldine Bedell is an author, journalist and broadcaster. Her novel,
The Gulf Between Us, was published by Penguin in Spring 2009;
she is also the author of the bestselling handbook of the Make
Poverty History campaign, and a memoir of architecture and family,
The Handmade House. She writes regularly for The Observer.
Rowena Young is the Director of NESTA’s Lab.
Dr Michael Harris, Research Director – Innovation Policy,
NESTA’s Policy and Research Unit.
NESTA
1 Plough Place
London EC4A 1DE
www.nestalab.org.uk
APRIL 2009
Designed by Communications Ltd | Printed on paper containing 55% pre- and post-consumer waste and FSC certified.

The New Old Age

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The New Old Age

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

The New Old Age

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Lab Account Part 2

Edited by Geraldine Bedell and Rowena Young

Rego, and Tom Schuller’s meditation on time and meaning illustrate

The new old age

What the young old really want

Productive Ageing: What Do We Know?

Age shall not wither her

policy responses – the case of Finland

The role for

Sam and May’s Recipe:

Boom to Bust? Innovations

What the young old really want

Beveridge, note, saw 65 as a minimum retirement age. But it has

death on similar timescales, too. Thus the years immediately after 65

About the author

What the young

I’m lucky in that I am healthy and reasonably fit. I do yoga a couple of

About the author

improvements in transport to help those who no longer wish to drive at

and enjoyment; and as the relationship

About the author

Time of their lives

Age shall not wither her

Time of their lives

‘Life is a sexually transmitted disease with a

Others were stranded in a desert of time. We asked our interviewees to

longevity means we cannot collectively afford to pay the pensions and

A further step would be to cluster employment – and other – data

Third Age is of course an outstanding example of this kind of

About the author

Age Shall Not

Portrait of the Artist

About the authors

A painter, cartoonist and book artist,

highly developed industrial branches, like telecommunications, forestry,

Finland is at the top of the European list as regards the rapidity of

Economic policy, taxation and social security

the difficulties in Finland as well as in the other Nordic countries, is that

joint discussions with the social partners (employers’ groups in the

recruitment); they start from the bottom and proceed according to

About the author

Dr Heikki Raisanen is Research Director at

The role for

Sam and May’s Recipe:

Boom to Bust? Innovations

In the UK we have long recognised the need for a civilised society to

About the author

Sam and May’s Recipe:

laugh. When their children and grandchildren took up dancing, that

significant issue among old people,

existing relationships or by developing relationships – providing care

Southwark Circle is being built with investment from Southwark Council

About the author

[The baby boomers] are trying to rob our

Robert J. Samuelson,1 The Washington Post

move beyond middle age there could be an unpleasant surprise in store

‘Elderpreneurs’ could be supported by making micro-credit loans

housing, including £3.5 million for a second development in Milton

Nevertheless to have a sustainable impact on the health of the boomers

greater numbers: a new social network ‘Saga