Livelihoods Principles and The Livelihoods Framework
Livelihoods Principles and The Livelihoods Framework
Livelihoods Principles and The Livelihoods Framework
framework
The livelihoods principles and framework form the basis of all livelihoods programming. The
fundamental principles of livelihoods programming are that it is people-centred, multilevel,
dynamic, and ultimately aims to achieve sustainable livelihoods4.
People-centred
Livelihoods programming fully involves the people whose livelihoods are affected. A
livelihoods approach identifies programmes based on the priorities and goals defined by
people themselves and supports their own livelihoods strategies. It builds on people's
strengths, and in emergencies, people are assisted in becoming less vulnerable and more
resilient to the impact of disasters.
Dynamic
Livelihoods change over time. A livelihoods approach aims to understand and learn from
change so that it can support positive patterns of change and help mitigate negative
patterns. It explicitly recognises the effects on livelihoods of external shocks and the longer-
term processes that may erode livelihoods, such as climate change, HIV/AIDS and
economic decline. It also recognises the potential for competing livelihood strategies.
People compete for jobs, land, etc, and this makes it difficult for everyone to achieve
simultaneous improvements in their livelihoods. This is particularly important in emergency
situations where competition for access to resources may increase.
Sustainable
Livelihoods are sustainable when:
they are resilient in the face of external shocks and stresses
they are not dependent upon external support (or if they are, this support itself is
economically and institutionally sustainable)
they maintain the long-term productivity of natural resources, and
they do not undermine the livelihoods of, or compromise the livelihood options open to,
others.
The sustainable livelihoods framework is shown in figure 1. This captures the main
elements which comprise and influence people's livelihoods. This framework was devised
for development programming, and a number of changes have been suggested for
emergencies (see figure 2). The description of the different elements below includes an
interpretation of the framework for emergencies.
Vulnerability context
This refers to the structural and underlying causes of people's vulnerability to food and
livelihood insecurity. According to DfID (1999) it frames the external environment in which
people exist, and is the element of the framework that is most beyond people's control. It
includes shocks (e.g. natural, economic, conflict), trends (e.g. population, economic,
governance), and seasonality. Together with policies, institutions and processes, the
vulnerability context determines the options that people have in achieving their livelihood
goals. Adapted emergency frameworks either show the vulnerability context as having a
direct relationship with each element of the livelihoods framework (Collinson, 2003,
February) or eliminate the external box on the vulnerability context (Lautze and Raven-
Roberts, 2003, September). Rather than being external, vulnerability needs to be
considered as endogenous and inherent to livelihoods systems.
Livelihood assets
This encompasses what people have, i.e. physical, financial, human, social and natural
assets or capital5.
Human assets represent the skills, knowledge, education, ability to labour and good
health that enable people to pursue different livelihood strategies and achieve their
livelihood objectives.
Social assets refer to status in society, as well as access to an extended family and
other social networks, such as membership of more formalised groups. It also includes
relationships of trust and reciprocity that facilitate cooperation, reduce transaction
costs and can provide the basis for informal safety nets amongst poor people.
Natural assets comprise natural resource stocks, which people can access and use to
build their livelihoods (such as agricultural land, forests, water resources etc.).
Physical assets include livestock, land, shelter, tools and equipment, but may also be
community owned, e.g. road infrastructure, communication networks, etc.
Financial assets include income, but also access to credit and investments. It may
include available stocks, which can be held in several forms, e.g. cash, bank deposits,
livestock and jewellery. It may also comprise regular inflows of money, including
earned income, pensions, other transfers from the state, and remittances.
Emergency livelihood frameworks have added a sixth asset - political assets or capital. This
can be most easily interpreted as proximity to power, which in many emergency and
nonemergency contexts can be the main determinant of vulnerability to food and income
insecurity. In many internal conflicts, people's vulnerability is linked to their political status,
and traditional minority or marginalised groups (often particular ethnic groups) are exploited
by state or non-state actors.
Policies can be taken to include any government, donor, United Nations (UN) and non-
governmental organisations' (NGO) policies, and private sector policy and behaviour, which
shape people's livelihoods, at local, national and international level. For example, a
country's agricultural, land tenure or land use policies can be instrumental in increasing or
reducing vulnerability to disasters. Land rights and access to land are often key issues in
emergencies. Policies or strategies of warring parties are frequently deliberately aimed at
undermining the livelihoods of some groups. At international level, structural adjustment
programmes often hamper the ability of countries to deal with disasters by removing some
of the state support mechanisms by, for example, removal of food and agricultural
subsidies, and reducing the role of marketing boards (de Armas and Clay, 2002). The
agricultural subsidies of western countries (such as the European Union (EU) and the
United States (US) and international trade rules, undermine the production and export of
agricultural products from developing countries.
Institutions include civic, political and economic institutions (formal and informal
governance), or any other customs, rules or common law that is an important feature of
society. Examples include judicial systems, public services, but also credit systems and
markets. People's protection and welfare depends on accountable political systems, rule of
law, functioning judicial systems, and the provision of public services (Cliffe and Luckam,
2000; Jaspars and Shoham, 2002, December). The vulnerability of some groups is
frequently determined by the absence or failure of these institutions. The role of informal
governance often becomes more important where formal governance is weak or collapsed.
Local institutions can play a positive role in maintaining public order, for example, in
Somalia through customary law and sharia courts (UNDP, 2001). In Darfur, a study found
good examples of localised conflict resolution initiatives and good local governance (Young
et al, 2005, June).
Processes determine the way institutions and people operate and interact. They can include
changes in the economy (e.g. inflation, exchange rates), changes in employment patterns,
markets, and long term processes of social, economic and political marginalisation. Access
to, and participation in, markets is crucial for all livelihoods in cash economies. HIV/AIDS,
urbanisation, and climate change and long term processes of social, economic and political
marginalisation all have fundamental impacts on the viability of livelihoods.
Livelihood strategies
Livelihood strategies are generally understood as the strategies that people normally use in
stable and peaceful times to meet basic needs and to contribute to future well-being.
Coping strategies, in contrast, are temporary responses to food insecurity, although in many
protracted emergencies, the coping strategies that used to be adopted in periods of acute
crisis, have now become the de facto livelihood strategies.
In emergencies, certain livelihood strategies may no longer be possible, whilst others will
need to be increased to compensate. New strategies are adopted in response to food
insecurity. The initial strategies adopted are generally those that are not damaging to
livelihoods, such as migration for work, collection of wild foods, etc. As more people adopt
the same strategies, however, or options become more limited (e.g. as a result of war),
strategies become more damaging to both livelihoods and dignity. In political or conflict
related emergencies, options may include engaging in violent, illegal, unsafe or degrading
activities (Jaspars and Shoham, 2002, December). In many internal conflicts, the conflict
itself provides economic benefits for some groups or individuals. This has led to the most
extreme forms of abuse and exploitation of historically marginalised groups (Keen, 1998).
The longer a conflict continues, the more likely it is that people will find a way to profit from it
which in turn perpetuates the conflict.
Livelihood outcomes
Livelihood outcomes go beyond food and income security, to also include quality of life. The
right to life with dignity is one of the fundamental principles in the Humanitarian Charter
(Sphere, 2004), but in the rush to respond to emergencies, people's dignity is often
forgotten. In fact, there is no commonly held definition of dignity, and as such it remains
unidentifiable and unregulated in humanitarian response (Martone, forthcoming). Whilst
there is no standard definition of dignity in most societies, it will include an element of
choice, a sense of self-worth and control over one's future.
Objectives of providing livelihood support
A blacksmith in Sudan (above) and a potter in India (below), both examples of livelihood
strategies
The focus on livelihoods in emergency programming originates from the late 1980's,
following the African famines in the middle of that decade. At that time, emergency
response started when people were destitute, malnourished and had migrated to famine
camps. The actors involved in the emergency response realised that if the response had
started earlier, it would have been possible to prevent large-scale loss of livelihood assets
and migration to camps. In other words, that lives could be saved in the longer term by
saving livelihoods. The late 80's and early 90's was also associated with the development of
famine early warning systems (FEWS), whose primary objective was to detect deterioration
in food security early on and to trigger responses that would prevent destitution and famine
associated with large scale loss of life. Studies on people's responses to food insecurity and
famine, also contributed to a focus on livelihoods in emergency response (e.g. Corbett,
1988 and de Waal, 1989). These studies showed that a key priority for people threatened
by famine was to preserve essential livelihood assets and to prevent destitution, rather than
maintaining levels of food intake.
One of the main objectives of livelihood support in emergencies is, therefore, to protect the
assets that are essential to people's livelihoods, and to support people's own priorities and
strategies. The core principle of humanitarian action, that of humanity, implies the need to
protect livelihood. Humanity is generally defined as: "to prevent and alleviate human
suffering wherever it might be found. To protect life and health and ensure respect for the
human being". Livelihood 'protection' can also be taken to have a broader meaning relating
to upholding people's rights. A protection activity, in this sense, is any activity which aims to
prevent or put a stop to a specific pattern of abuse and/or alleviates its immediate effects; to
restore people's dignity and ensure adequate living conditions, and to foster an environment
conducive to respect for the rights of individuals in accordance with the relevant bodies of
law (Caverzasio, 2001).
The objectives of livelihood support may vary according to the stage and severity of an
emergency. This is illustrated in table 1 which demonstrates that different types of livelihood
support can be implemented at different stages of an emergency, and can be carried out at
the same time as life saving interventions.
In development contexts, capacity building and working in partnership are also key
objectives of livelihood support, which can include building the capacity of local institutions
such as local NGOs, other forms of civil society, or government institutions. The
appropriateness of this in emergency contexts depends on the nature of the emergency, as
such objectives may compromise humanitarian principles in situations of internal conflict.
Livelihood support may also include interventions to address the policies, institutions and
processes that are part of the livelihoods framework. For example, advocacy to change
national and international policies of states, donors and UN organisations.
A bike repair shop in Trinco (above) and a laundry shop in Kilnochchi (below), Sri Lanka,
both supported by cash grants as part of an Oxfam livelihood activity rehabilitation project
Figure 3 illustrates how programme objectives and the sustainability of livelihoods are linked
to stability of the context. Stability essentially means situations in which there is peace,
basic respect for human rights, and that food security, malnutrition and mortality are at
acceptable levels. In the most unstable situations, the main aim of emergency interventions
is to save lives and if possible, livelihood protection. As stability increases, programmes
may be able to build or recover assets as well as protect existing ones. Livelihoods will only
become truly sustainable, however, if people have power in local, national and in
international markets. An example where all objectives were combined simultaneously is
Aceh (see Box 1).
Table 2 provides a description and objectives that have been used in the past for different
types of livelihood interventions. The interventions are grouped according to the Sphere
minimum standards for food security: income and employment support, market support and
production support. In reality, the grouping is not as clear cut as represented here and so
multiple Sphere standards will apply to the same intervention (box 2). For example, the
standard on access to markets will apply to most food security or livelihoods interventions.
Searching for bodies immediately post-tsunami was supported through Oxfam CFW
programming in Aceh, Indonesia
The range of potential interventions in any particular emergency context is much wider than
table 2 indicates, as each intervention must be designed to suit the local context, both in
terms of the nature and severity of the emergency and the types of livelihoods affected.
Arange of programming options should be considered based on an analysis of expressed
needs by the affected population. Interventions that do not take account of local priorities
rarely work (Sphere, 2004).
Livelihood interventions to address the failings of policies, institutions and processes are not
included in the table, as these will be particular to the emergency context. Support for
assets and strategies is often more effective if combined with policy and advocacy work to
address the policies, institutions and processes that limit people's livelihood options. For
example, agricultural support will often need to be accompanied by policy work on
increasing access to land and land rights issues. Working in conflict may require advocacy
on respect for International Humanitarian Law to stop warring parties destroying or
undermining livelihood strategies and assets.
Box 1 Supporting livelihoods while saving lives in Aceh
In the first two weeks following the tsunami, many displaced families in Aceh wanted to
return home. The proportion of internally displaced people (IDPs) who wanted to go home
varied by location. Assistance was requested first for burying bodies, then for water and
food. People then wanted to be able to rebuild houses and recover farmland, followed by
livelihood recovery. At the same time, the vast majority of IDPs had lost everything and
were depending on emergency relief to meet their immediate food and non-food needs
While implementing emergency water, sanitation, health and food distribution programmes,
international agencies started CFW programmes almost immediately. The CFW
programmes aimed to provide cash to meet immediate needs (such as food and kitchen
utensils), stimulate markets, and ensure essential work activities. Work started with clearing
roads and solid waste disposal. This allowed some people to return home immediately as
they had road access. Once back in their home areas, further work was carried out on
clearing waste, burying bodies, and later on, building houses. Subsequently, CFW was
used to rehabilitate farms and rebuild fishing boats. Cash grants were provided to people
who wanted to re-establish businesses and to purchase assets essential to their livelihoods.
As well as emergency livelihoods programmes, work was initiated in the first month on land
rights issues, and promoting sustainable access to markets for small scale timber
producers.
Source: S. Jaspars.