Uzbekistan0914 ForUpload 0
Uzbekistan0914 ForUpload 0
Uzbekistan0914 ForUpload 0
Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate
abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and
secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that
works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of
human rights for all.
Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries,
and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg,
London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo,
Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich.
Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1
Methodology.................................................................................................................... 12
Recommendations........................................................................................................... 113
To the Government of Uzbekistan ..........................................................................................113
To the European Union and EU Member States ...................................................................... 114
Specifically, EU Member States and Institutions Should ..................................................115
Other Specific Measures the EU Should Take ...................................................................115
To the United States ............................................................................................................. 116
Other Specific Measures the US Should Take .................................................................. 116
To the United Nations ............................................................................................................117
At the end of January 2012, just days before Bekjanov’s prison sentence was set to expire,
he was given an additional five-year sentence for alleged and unspecified “violations of
prison rules.” Along with another jailed Uzbek journalist and opposition activist, Bekjanov
has been imprisoned longer than any other reporter in the world. Bekjanov’s alleged crime,
like so many other individuals imprisoned on politically motivated charges in Uzbekistan,
was his peaceful exercise of fundamental rights, including freedom of speech, association,
and assembly. Like other such prisoners, there is no evidence that he has ever committed
any act of violence.
Bekjanov is just one of thousands of actual or perceived government opponents and critics
the Uzbek government has imprisoned on politically motivated charges to enforce its
repressive rule since the early 1990s. The victims span broad categories, including human
rights activists, journalists, political opposition activists, religious leaders and believers,
cultural figures, artists, entrepreneurs, and others, imprisoned for no other reason than
their peaceful exercise of the right to freedom of expression and the government’s
identification of them as “enemies of the state.”
Based on more than 150 in-depth interviews with the relatives of such prisoners, their lawyers,
human rights activists, scholars, and former Uzbek government officials, this report examines
the cases of 34 of Uzbekistan’s most prominent individuals imprisoned on politically
motivated charges. The interviewees also included individuals previously imprisoned on such
Fifteen of those whose cases this report documents are rights activists: Azam Farmonov,
Mehriniso Hamdamova, Zulhumor Hamdamova, Isroiljon Kholdorov, Nosim Isakov,
Gaybullo Jalilov, Nuraddin Jumaniyazov, Matluba Kamilova, Ganikhon Mamatkhanov,
Chuyan Mamatkulov, Zafarjon Rahimov, Yuldash Rasulov, Bobomurod Razzokov, Fahriddin
Tillaev, and Akzam Turgunov. Five are journalists: Solijon Abdurakhmanov, Muhammad
Bekjanov, Gayrat Mikhliboev, Yusuf Ruzimuradov, and Dilmurod Saidov. Four are
opposition activists: Murod Juraev, Samandar Kukanov, Kudratbek Rasulov, and Rustam
Usmanov. Three are independent religious figures: Ruhiddin Fahriddinov, Hayrullo
Hamidov, and Akram Yuldashev. Seven others are various perceived critics of the
government or witnesses to the May 13, 2005 Andijan massacre, when Uzbek government
forces shot and killed hundreds of mainly peaceful protesters: Dilorom Abdukodirova,
Botirbek Eshkuziev, Bahrom Ibragimov, Davron Kabilov, Erkin Musaev, Davron Tojiev, and
Ravshanbek Vafoev.
The cases here do not constitute an exhaustive list of all persons convicted on politically
motivated charges in Uzbekistan, nor is their selection meant to privilege some cases over
others. Instead, these 34 prisoners, who come from every region of the country, shed light
on larger trends of political repression in Uzbekistan and on the government’s attempt to
suppress a wide range of independent activity that occurs beyond strict state control. At
the same time, many cases illustrate the remarkable talent, creativity, and contributions of
Uzbekistan’s independent civil society to the country’s civic development, as well as the
immense loss that is caused by their continuing imprisonment.
• At least 6 have been imprisoned for 15 years or longer, with 2 of them, Murod
Juraev and Samandar Kukanov, behind bars for more than 20 years, and 22
receiving sentences that are at least 10 years or longer;
• At least 9 are over 60 years old and 4 are women, making these 13 eligible by law
for an annual government amnesty, but all have been repeatedly denied amnesty,
often on pretexts of committing minor infractions of prison rules;
• At least 11 have had their prison terms arbitrarily extended while in prison on the
basis of unpublished, vague, and overly broad “violations of prison rules,” with
some prison sentences extended multiple times, including one case where the
sentence has been extended on four separate occasions;
• At least 15 have suffered or are currently suffering from critical health problems
such as tuberculosis, nerve damage, broken bones, hypertension, heart attacks,
and ulcers;
• At least nine allege they have been denied access to urgently needed medical care;
• At least 12 say they have been subjected to cruel, inhuman, and degrading
punishment through extended exposure to hot and cold elements or held in
isolation cells in solitary confinement for long periods;
• At least four are either serving or have served periods of their sentence at
Uzbekistan’s “Jaslyk” prison, well-known for more than a decade for high-profile
reports of torture and ill-treatment over a decade and for the calls by various
governments and international bodies for its closure;
• Five were kidnapped from the territory of other countries, including Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, and Ukraine, and forcibly returned to Uzbekistan either in the absence
of legal proceedings or in proceedings that did not conform to international human
rights norms, and;
In a separate section, the report also analyzes by category the extent to which specific
abuses that persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges in Uzbekistan experience
violate legally binding international standards. This section draws both on the experiences
of the 34 prisoners profiled in the report and on interviews with 10 additional individuals
who were formerly imprisoned on politically motivated charges, several of whom were
released in the last year.
Information gathered by Human Rights Watch shows that in many cases the conditions in
which persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges are held—overcrowded cells,
poor quality and insufficient food and water, and inadequate medical treatment—do not
meet international prison standards. Authorities have routinely denied these prisoners
treatment for serious medical problems, many of which emerged over the course of
prolonged imprisonment. Authorities neither monitor nor remedy the poor prison
conditions that may have caused and then exacerbated such health problems in violation
of Uzbekistan’s core international human rights obligations. Failure to provide adequate
health care or medical treatment to a detainee in prison may contribute to conditions
amounting to inhuman or degrading treatment.
Human Rights Watch research indicates that prison officials have wide discretion over who
to release under amnesty and sometimes receive instructions from government officials to
find justifications to keep persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges
incarcerated despite their ostensible eligibility for amnesty.
Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that authorities have based multi-year
extensions of sentences on minor, insignificant, or absurd alleged infractions, such as
“failure to lift a heavy object,” “wearing a white shirt,” “failing to properly place one’s
shoes in the corner,” and “failing to properly sweep the cell.” Our interviews with
numerous former prisoners, their lawyers, civil society activists, and a senior prison official
demonstrate that prison officials interpret broad regulations arbitrarily and in an entirely
ad hoc fashion, as a pretext to extend sentences or deny amnesty eligibility and thereby
punish those imprisoned on politically motivated charges.
Despite the commitments Uzbekistan has made relating to the protection of human rights,
including the freedoms of expression, assembly, association, and religion guaranteed in
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the prohibition on torture
enshrined in the Convention against Torture, it has faced virtually no consequences for its
persistent refusal to acknowledge the existence of any individuals imprisoned on
politically motivated charges, release them from prison, improve their treatment in custody,
or end the cycle of crackdown, arrests, and convictions. Nor has the government paid any
real cost for its systematic failure to cooperate with international institutions, including
eleven special procedures of the United Nations Human Rights Council, various UN treaty
bodies such as the Human Rights Committee and Committee against Torture, or the ICRC.
Significantly, when the Uzbek government has faced sustained external pressure,
including sanctions, restrictions on military assistance, and other robust, public, specific
criticism from its international partners, it has responded by taking incremental steps to
improve human rights, including by releasing some individuals imprisoned on politically
motivated charges on the eve of key bilateral summits or high-level visits. But in the
absence of such pressure, the Uzbek government has defied international calls for human
rights improvements, even denying that any problems exist.
Human Rights Watch strongly believes that the Uzbek government’s continued refusal to
release wrongfully imprisoned individuals and lack of any meaningful progress on human
rights for more than a decade should trigger in key capitals such as Washington, Brussels,
Berlin, and London and at the UN Human Rights Council an assessment of their current
strategies for pursuing improvements in Uzbekistan. Given president Islam Karimov’s long
record of defying calls to implement meaningful reform, years after Western governments
had eased sanctions on the country as a way to encourage reform, Uzbekistan’s
international partners should convey a clear and consistent message to Tashkent, both in
public and in private, about the urgent need for measureable, concrete steps, including
the release of all those imprisoned on politically motivated charges, in addition to steps to
address other serious human rights violations. They should also publicly acknowledge
Tashkent’s systematic retrenchment on rights and be ready to follow through with
meaningful policy consequences, some which Human Rights Watch outlines below, should
the Uzbek government continue to commit widespread human rights abuses.
• Provide families of all prisoners with full information regarding the location and
current health conditions of their relatives. Rigorously investigate all allegations
of intimidation or reprisals against family members and prisoners who
communicate with journalists, human rights defenders, and nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs).
• Investigate and hold to account all officials, security service personnel, and
penal system staff alleged to have tortured or ill-treated prisoners and detainees or
denied requests for medical care.
• Comply with the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and ratify the Optional Protocol
to the Convention against Torture, which requires Uzbekistan to permit visits by
the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment (SPT) and to establish an independent national
preventive mechanism for the prevention of torture at the domestic level.
• Clarify and bring into line with international standards overbroad criminal
articles, such as article 158 on “threatening the president,” article 159 on
“threatening the constitutional order,” and article 244 on “forming, leading, or
membership in an extremist, fundamentalist, or otherwise banned organization,”
which are frequently manipulated to target people expressing their legitimate
rights to the freedoms of expression, speech, or religion.
To the European Union, the United States, the United Nations Human Rights
Council, and Other International Partners of Uzbekistan
• In the capitals of Uzbekistan’s international partners, given Uzbekistan’s persistent
failure to meet the human rights demands articulated in various pieces of US
legislation and in joint statements by EU foreign ministers, the US, EU, and EU
member states should urgently take up the human rights situation in
Uzbekistan with a view to devising an appropriate policy response.
• At the UN Human Rights Council, given the Uzbek government’s longstanding and
systematic failure to cooperate with UN human rights bodies, including non-
• Convey in public diplomacy and in private settings that the Uzbek government
should demonstrate a commitment to human rights by allowing civil society to
function without undue interference.
Human Rights Watch has continuously monitored the human rights situation in Uzbekistan,
including the situation for human rights activists, journalists, peaceful opposition activists,
independent Muslims, and others imprisoned on politically motivated charges since
Uzbekistan gained its independence in 1991. This report is based on more than 150 in-depth
interviews with human rights activists, journalists, lawyers, former political prisoners, family
members of current prisoners, members of unregistered political and religious groups, and
other Uzbek citizens between October 2010 and July 2014. The report also draws on some
Human Rights Watch interviews and publications from earlier periods. Some interviews were
conducted in person during a mission to Uzbekistan from October to December 2010. Others
were conducted subsequently by phone with individuals inside Uzbekistan. Interviews were
also conducted in person and by phone with individuals in other countries, including in
Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, Ireland, France, and the United States, where formerly imprisoned
activists, relatives of current prisoners, their lawyers, and other activists now reside.
Human Rights Watch was able to obtain copies of dozens of documents, including
indictments of persons convicted on politically motivated charges and court judgments.
Human Rights Watch acquired these from family members, unofficial civil society groups,
and local rights defenders. The documents, which help to corroborate the patterns of abuse
established by the accounts of abuse presented in this report, are on file with Human Rights
Watch. In addition, we conducted an in-depth review of Uzbekistan’s laws, which provide the
legal underpinnings for criminalizing dissent. Finally, we researched press accounts— both
from the state-sponsored media and from independent (and thus illegal) media—as well as
reports produced by local groups and international bodies such as the United Nations.
Human Rights Watch has researched the cases of some of the individuals profiled in this
report for many years. That research included interviewing victims and witnesses to
abuses, speaking with the prisoners’ lawyers, and monitoring other media reports about
their conditions in prison. Other cases were identified by our close colleague human rights
organizations in and outside of Uzbekistan, including the Association for Human Rights in
Central Asia, Memorial, the Fiery Hearts Club, the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, the
Human Rights Alliance, the Initiative Group of Independent Human Rights Defenders,
Frontline, the Committee to Protect Journalists, the International Federation for Human
Interviews were conducted in English and in Russian by researchers who are fluent in both
languages. Some interviews were conducted in Uzbek, during which a translator for Human
Rights Watch (a native speaker of Uzbek) translated into English and Russian. Researchers
explained to each interviewee the purpose of the interview and how the information
gathered would be used. No compensation was offered or paid for any interview.
Human Rights Watch carried out the research for this report in the face of the Uzbek
government’s aggressive efforts to prevent Uzbeks and others from documenting rights
abuses in the country or sharing information with the outside world. Nearly all prisoners’
trials are closed to independent observers and foreign diplomats, and individuals
prosecuted or imprisoned are consistently denied documentation of their cases.
In July 2014 Human Rights Watch requested meetings with the Uzbek government to
discuss and obtain their response to the findings documented in this report, directing
information requests to Uzbekistan’s minister of internal affairs, prosecutor general,
minister of justice, minister of foreign affairs, ombudsperson for human rights, and the
National Human Rights Center, a government institution. We also requested permission to
visit Uzbekistan, in hopes that the government would break with its practice of denying
international human rights delegations access to the country. At the time this report went
to press, Uzbek officials had not responded to any of these requests.
To protect their security, all individuals with whom Human Rights Watch spoke were given
the option to remain anonymous in the report, to exclude information that might reveal
their identities, or to leave their stories out of the report altogether. Where in-person or
telephone interviews in Uzbekistan are cited in the report, some names, dates, and
locations of sources have been omitted. While most interviewees’ real names are used,
others’ identities have been withheld due to concern for their security or at their own
request. These interviewees have been assigned a pseudonym consisting of a randomly
chosen first name and a last initial that is the same as the first letter of the first name (for
example, “Alisher A.”). There is no continuity between pseudonyms used in this report and
those used in other Human Rights Watch reports on Uzbekistan.
Political repression, including the arrest, torture, and imprisonment of actual or perceived
government opponents, has been a constant feature of life in Uzbekistan since Islam
Karimov first became the Communist Party secretary of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic
in 1989 and following independence when he became the country’s president.1 While the
denial of fundamental freedoms over the past two decades has been unrelenting, the
government has pursued campaigns of persecution in waves.
These campaigns of repression can be broken down into roughly four periods: the
crackdown on the political opposition (1992-1997); the persecution of independent
Muslims (1997-present); the May 13, 2005 Andijan massacre and its aftermath (2005-
2007); and the period since 2008, when authorities continued to persecute earlier targets
but also focused on new perceived critics, including followers of the late Turkish
theologian Said Nursi and those suspected of affiliations with Western and other
governments. The campaigns have not been mutually exclusive but have overlapped with
and reinforced one another.
uzbekistan.
2 Human Rights Watch, Uzbekistan: Persistent Human Rights Violations and Prospects for Improvement, vol. 8, no.5 (D), May
1996, http://www.hrw.org/reports/1996/UZBEK.htm.
Opposition
activist and
parliamentary
deputy Meli
Kobilov
photographed
while being
detained by
Uzbekistan’s
secret police in
Tashkent in 1993.
© 1993 Bahtiyor
Hamraev
3 In 1992, the government banned the IRP, presaging its wider campaign against religious believers a few years later. The
IRP’s leader, Imam Abdulla Utaev, disappeared in late 1992, prompting some observers to suspect foul play on the part of
the authorities. 1994: Uzbekistan, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994),
http://www.hrw.org/reports/1994/WR94/Helsinki-24.htm. Birlik co-chairman Abdurahim Pulatov suffered a similar attack in
June 1992. Erk’s general secretary, Samad Murad, was badly beaten in Karshi within days of his election.
4 Shohruh Ruzimuradov died after being tortured in custody in 2002. Human Rights Watch telephone interview with
Tashpulat Yuldashev, St. Louis, September 26, 2013 and email correspondence with Tolib Yakubov, France, August 27, 2013.
In 1993 at least 10 individuals, all of whom had publicly criticized Karimov, were prosecuted and convicted for criminal
offenses, ranging from violating the president’s “honor and dignity” to narcotics possession. In all cases, the defendants
were given prison sentences; all but one case ended in immediate release (in August 1993, Pulatjon Okhunov, a teacher and
local opposition movement leader, was sentenced to three years in a prison labor camp on narcotics and assault charges,
which were likely to have been fabricated). Human Rights Watch, World Report 1994: Uzbekistan, (New York: Human Rights
Watch, 1994), http://www.hrw.org/reports/1994/WR94/Helsinki-24.htm
5 Human Rights Watch, World Report 1994 (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994), Uzbekistan chapter,
http://www.hrw.org/reports/1994/WR94/Helsinki-24.htm.
6 Human Rights Watch, Uzbekistan: Leaving No Witnesses: Uzbekistan’s Campaign Against Rights Defenders, vol.12, no. 4(D),
March 2000, http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2000/uzbekistan/Uzbek003-02.htm#P108_9310.
7 Human Rights Watch, Human Rights in Uzbekistan, p.14.Three of Solih’s brothers who remained in Uzbekistan were jailed
and tortured repeatedly in the ensuing years. One of them, Muhammad Bekjanov, is still incarcerated.
8 Inaddition to Muhammad Bekjanov, at least seven other Erk-affiliated individuals remain in prison, including Murod Juraev,
Akzam Turgunov, Yusuf Ruzimuradov, Samandar Kukanov, Fahriddin Tillaev, Nuraddin Jumaniyazov, and Bobomurod
Razzokov. Businessman Rustam Usmanov, who voiced support for Erk, has also been imprisoned since 1998.
9 In 1993 the government empowered two institutions, the Muslim Spiritual Board and the Cabinet of Ministers’ Committee
on Religious Affairs, with defining acceptable Islamic practices and weeding out Islamic leaders who refused to conform to
them. The Muslim Spiritual Board retained much of its Soviet predecessor’s authority. It could register mosques and
medressehs, appoint and dismiss individual imams, dictate the content of sermons, and issue religious edicts. Human
Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State: Religious Persecution in Uzbekistan, March 2004,
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/03/29/creating-enemies-state.
10 Even after the Tajik civil war ended, Karimov continued to refer to Islamic fundamentalist activity in Tajikistan in justifying
draconian controls on religion. Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State, p.20
11 Ibid, p.1. By fall 2000, officials routinely justified the campaign to arrest independent Muslims as necessary to protect the
country from violent attack by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). An armed, militant organization, the IMU sought the
overthrow of the Karimov government through violent means. In August 2000, the US government designated the IMU a terrorist
organization. A little more than a year later, following the attacks on the US on September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush
and other world leaders revealed the IMU’s close cooperation with the Taliban and Osama Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda organization.
The Uzbek government has frequently claimed that the IMU, and Hizb ut-Tahrir together with those it refers to as Wahhabis, form
a united movement, though it has never presented any material evidence to prove this is the case.
12 For a detailed analysis of the Uzbek government’s multi-year campaign against independent Muslims through 2004, see
and Wahhabi. In fact, Wahhabism, a revivalist movement that grew out of the Hanbali school, is a Sunni Muslim movement
practiced in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. The name derives from its eighteenth century founder, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab
(1703-1792). Wahhabism advocates a purification of Islam, rejects Islamic theology and philosophy developed after the death of
the Prophet Muhammad, and calls for strict adherence to the letter of the Koran and hadith (the recorded sayings and practices
of the Prophet). In promoting what its adherents view as the precepts of early Islam, Wahhabism maintains a strict and
puritanical view of religious rites. Mehrdad Haghayeghi, Islam and Politics in Central Asia, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995).
14 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies, p.6
15 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies, p.22
16 Vitaly Ponomarev, “List of Persons Arrested on Political or Religious Motives in Uzbekistan (January 2004-December
The tragedy marked a further turning point in government repression, which resulted in the
European Union and the United States imposing sanctions on Uzbekistan and calling on
Tashkent to allow an international independent investigation, demands that President
Karimov proudly defied. In the wake of the Andijan massacre the Uzbek government
unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on civil society, pursuing and prosecuting anyone
believed to have either participated in or witnessed the events. The string of criminal cases
against witnesses and victims of the events included numerous human rights activists and
journalists, including Azam Farmonov, Isroiljon Kholdorov, and Nosim Isakov, all of whom
remain imprisoned.
For example, in 2009, amid worsening relations with Turkey over Ankara’s unwillingness to
extradite opposition leader Muhammad Solih, authorities launched a round of arrests
against followers of Turkish-Kurdish theologian Said Nursi (Nurchilar in Uzbek) and former
students of prestigious Turkish lycées that had been founded by Fethullah Gulen in the
early 1990s across Central Asia. The government also imprisoned alleged spies among
18 Ibid; Human Rights Watch, Saving Its Secrets: Government Repression in Andijan, May 2008,
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2008/uzbekistan0508/4.htm, p.42.
19 Interviews with numerous witnesses revealed that protesters spoke about economic conditions in Andijan, government
repression, and unfair trials—and not the creation of an Islamic state. Human Rights Watch, Saving Its Secrets, p. 4.
A poster in Nukus,
Karakalpakstan in
northwestern Uzbekistan
in 2014 shows dozens of
persons wanted on
charges of “threatening
the constitutional order.”
© 2014 Private
20 The cases of Erkin Musaev and Kayum Ortikov, discussed below, are two leading examples. OHCHR, “Joint letter of the of the
Chair-Rapporteur of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment or punishment to the government of Uzbekistan” (“Joint letter on Erkin Musaev”), UA G/SO 218/2 G/SO 214
(53-24) UZB 5/2012, May 3, 2012, https://spdb.ohchr.org/hrdb/21st/UA_Uzbekistan_03.05.12_(5.2012).pdf (accessed
September 11, 2014); “Third Strike for Former Defense Official Erkin Musaev,” Wikileaks, January 15, 2008,
http://cablegatesearch.net/cable.php?id=08TASHKENT49&q=erkin%20musaev (accessed September 11, 2014); “Human Rights
Watch Submission to the United Nations Committee Against Torture on Uzbekistan,” October 2013.
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/10/28/human-rights-watch-submission-united-nations-committee-against-torture-uzbekistan.
21 Rights activist Akzam Turgunov and journalist Solijon Abdurakhmanov were both arrested in connection with their work on
cases in Karakalpakstan. Furthermore, Human Rights Watch has learned from Karakalpak activists that authorities also
began a campaign in 2011 to arrest and imprison dozens of peaceful political activists in Karakalpakstan whom the
government accuses of separatism.
The 34 current and 10 former prisoners whose cases are documented in this report
therefore represent only a fraction of the thousands of persons in Uzbekistan whose
imprisonment is politically motivated. Establishing the total number of such prisoners in
the country is challenging for many reasons, including the fact that Uzbekistan has
become virtually closed to independent scrutiny since the Andijan massacre of 2005,
does not allow local or international rights groups to operate in the country, and does
not make publicly available any information on the overall number or location of
prisoners convicted on various charges.
A prisoner at an unidentified
prison in Uzbekistan. © date
unknown, Fiery Hearts Club
In 2004 Human Rights Watch found that the government’s campaign of religious
persecution had already resulted in the arrest, torture, and incarceration of an
estimated 7,000 people.23 Memorial, a leading Russian human rights organization,
which has monitored politically motivated imprisonment in Uzbekistan for many years,
estimates that there are now approximately 10,000 “political prisoners” in the country
currently imprisoned on charges of religious extremism and other related so-called
“anti-state” crimes.24 In July 2014 the Tashkent-based Initiative Group of Independent
Human Rights Defenders, led by rights activist Surat Ikramov, estimated the total
number to be closer to 12,000 persons imprisoned on such charges, with over 200
newly convicted in 2013 alone.25 Ikramov noted the length of sentences handed to
prisoners convicted on such crimes and the authorities’ practice, especially since the
Andijan massacre, of finding various pretexts to prolong such prisoners’ incarceration
by substantial numbers of years.
22 In 2013, authorities imprisoned at least three activists: Bobomurod Razzokov, a representative of the human rights
organization Ezgulik (“Compassion”) in Bukhara; Nematjon Siddikov, a member of the Human Rights Alliance in the Fergana
Valley; and Turaboi Juraboev, a Jizzakh-based rights defender and a frequent contributor to Ozodlik, the Uzbek service of
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Another activist, Kudratbek Rasulov, a member of the political opposition movement, the
People’s Movement of Uzbekistan, was detained in October 2013 on unspecified charges and remains in detention. None are
involved in violence.
23 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State, p. 1.
24 Interview with Vitaly Ponomarev, Memorial Human Rights Center, Brussels, March 20, 2014; Vitaly Ponomarev, “List of
Persons Arrested and Convicted on Political or Religious Motives in Uzbekistan (January 2004-December 2008),” Memorial
Human Rights Center, (Moscow: 2009), on file with Human Rights Watch, p.10. Combining Memorial compilations of “Lists of
Persons” imprisoned on political or religious grounds in Uzbekistan from 1997-2003, 2004-2008, 2009-2010, and the as of
yet unpublished compilation for 2011-2014, it is probable that the number of persons imprisoned on such charges is likely
within the range estimated by Memorial and Ikramov.
25 Human Rights Watch interviews with Surat Ikramov, Bishkek and Tashkent, July 18 and January 22, 2014.
I am at peace with the life I have lived. The life I still have left holds no
interest for me any longer! If by chance or by destiny I die in this place,
please do as I asked. Do not bury my body in Tashkent, but in Bulungur,
next to my beloved Barno and Ruhshona!!!
—Imprisoned journalist Dilmurod Saidov, who suffers from tuberculosis,
speaking of his late wife and daughter during a prison visit with his brother
in 2014
The various, sometimes overlapping, categories of prisoners illustrate that the government
does not only imprison opposition activists, rights defenders, or journalists but will target
anyone they perceive as government critics from any sphere of Uzbekistan’s society,
including religious communities, entrepreneurs, cultural figures, or even professionals
who work in international organizations. At the same time, the profiles of these individuals
show the remarkable contributions, talent, and creativity of Uzbekistan’s diverse civil
society despite constant pressure and intimidation by authorities.
Uzbekistan’s rights activists face the constant threat of severe government reprisal,
including imprisonment, torture, harassment, and other forms of pressure. The
government routinely interferes in the activities of both domestic and international rights
groups, making it nearly impossible for them to carry out their work. This includes:
preventing groups from gaining registration, making it illegal for them to accept any kind
of grants or other assistance of funding; denying activists exit visas to prevent them from
participating in trainings or international conferences; placing activists under
surveillance; and frequently subjecting activists to beatings, arbitrary detention and
house arrest. Authorities also block international rights groups, including Human Rights
Watch, from operating in Uzbekistan and have aggressively pursued rights activists
living in exile.
and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms,” A/RES/53/144, March 8, 1999, http://daccess-
dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N99/770/89/PDF/N9977089.pdf?OpenElement (accessed September 11, 2014).
Taken together, these standards express the strong interest of regional and international
bodies in ensuring that human rights defenders are able to carry out their work safely and
without interference, which is not the case in Uzbekistan. At time of writing, the Uzbek
government holds in prison at least 15 human rights activists on wrongful charges and has
imprisoned or brought charges against hundreds of others for no reason other than their
legitimate human rights work.
28 Council of Europe, Steering Committee for Human Rights (CDDH), 1017 Meeting, CM(2008)/5, February 6, 2008,
http://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?Ref=CM%282008%295&Language=lanEnglish&Ver=add&Site=CM&BackColorInternet=999
9CC&BackColorIntranet=FFBB55&BackColorLogged=FFAC75 (accessed September 11, 2014)
29 OSCE, “Guidelines on the Protection of Human Rights Defenders,” June 10, 2014, http://www.osce.org/cio/119655
Farmonov was not represented by independent counsel at his trial.35 On June 15, 2006, the
Yangiyo’l City Court sentenced him to nine years in prison, sending him to Jaslyk prison colony,
30 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
31 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013 and
Tashanov, October 21, 2013; email correspondence with the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, August 27, 2013.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid.
35 Human Rights Watch interview with Ozoda Yakubova, Tashkent, November 12, 2010.
Farmonov’s relatives and rights defenders believe that his lengthy prison term and abuses
he has suffered have caused serious damage to his health.40 In a July 2013 meeting with
his wife, he complained of constant tooth pain and the appearance of a number of hard
lumps in various places on his body.41 Beyond routine check-ups, prison authorities have
denied Farmonov’s repeated requests for medical and dental care.42
36 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, October 21, 2013 and April 29, 2014.
37 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
38 International Federation for Human Rights, “Torture in detention of Mr. Azamjon Farmonov - UZB 002 / 1111 / OBS 131,”
40 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Ozoda Yakubova, Tashkent, August 23, 2013.
41 Ibid.
42 Ibid.
On November 5, 2009, police arrested them with their relative and fellow HRSU member
Shahlo Rahmonova and around 30 other women for holding “unsanctioned religious
gatherings” in their homes. According to the warrant, the meetings’ purpose was to
organize underground religious congregations (jamoats).46
43 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Ozoda Yakubova, August 23, 2013; email correspondence with Tolib
On April 12, 2010, the Kashkadarya Criminal Court sentenced the sisters and Rahmonova
to terms ranging from six and a half to seven years of incarceration.49
HRSU leaders, rights defender Surat Ikramov, and other observers suggested that the
charges and the severe sentences were in retaliation for the women’s independent
religious practice and active rights work, in particular their monitoring of cases brought
against people on grounds of religious extremism.50
In 2012 Rahmonova was released pursuant to an amnesty, but the Hamdamova sisters
remain in prison.51 Rights activists report that SNB officers have intimidated the sisters’
relatives, warning them not to speak with anyone about their plight.52 In February 2014
Mehriniso’s relatives told Human Rights Watch and Forum 18, an independent
international religious freedom group, that she is gravely ill and in urgent need of an
pan-Islamic caliphate in Central Asia, even though the organization expressly rejected the use of violence towards that goal.
Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State.
47 European Court of Human Rights, Umirov v. Russia, (Application no. 17455/11), Judgment of 18 September 2012, available
at www.echr.coe.int; para. 85; “Interview with Latofat Orzikulova, daughter of Zulhumor Hamdamova” (in Uzbek), Ozodlik,
April 14, 2010.
48 European Court of Human Rights, Umirov v. Russia, (Application no. 17455/11), judgment of 18 September 2012; available
50 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdujalil Boymatov, Dublin, August 29, 2013; Human Rights Watch email
correspondence with Tolib Yakubov, Dublin, August 29, 2013; Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Surat Ikramov,
January 28, 2014.
51 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, September 12, 2013.
52 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Gulshan Karaeva, Karshi, September 5, 2013, and Abdujalil Boymatov,
53 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with (name withheld), February 3, 2014; Human Rights Watch telephone
interview with Gulshan Karaeva, Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, Karshi, September 5, 2013.
54 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Musajon Babajonov, Andijan, September 13, 2013.
55 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Musajon Babajonov, September 13, 2013.
On June 10, 2006, Uzbek security services kidnapped Kholdorov in the city of Osh,
Kyrgyzstan on his way home from the UNHCR office and forcibly returned him to
Uzbekistan.58 The circumstances of his kidnapping and treatment in the first months of his
detention are unclear; officials claim that Kholdorov came of his own free will to the police
station in Andijan on September 7, 2006 with a statement admitting his guilt.59 According
to Ezgulik, SNB officers held Kholdorov under guard for six months at an undisclosed,
unofficial place of detention with boarded windows. He was allowed to exit only to use the
outhouse, led by a handler and with his head covered with a sack.60 In February 2007 the
Andijan Criminal Court convicted him on all counts, sentencing him to six years in prison,
not including time served in pretrial detention.61
Kholdorov has long suffered from serious health problems, including a severe spinal
hernia. According to his family, his health has deteriorated significantly in prison.62 On July
15, 2012, with less than a year left on his prison term, prison authorities sentenced
Kholdorov to an additional three years for “violations of prison rules” for such infractions
as “not getting up when called” and refusing to lift a heavy object when asked to by a
prison guard.63 Because such hearings are closed, little is known about the trial on the
additional charges, including whether he had access to a lawyer or a meaningful
opportunity to appeal. Kholdorov’s family fears the authorities will add more time to his
sentence before it expires in 2016.64
56 Human Rights Watch interview with Vitaliy Ponomarev, Bishkek, September 17, 2013; Vitaliy Ponomarev’s monograph
addressing this question, “Refugees from Uzbekistan in CIS Countries: The Risk of Extradition (May 2005-August 2007)
[Bezhentsy iz Uzbekistana v stranakh SNG: ugroza ekstraditsii (mai 2005 g. – avgust 2007 g.)],” Memorial Human Rights
Center, September 2007, http://www.memo.ru/2007/09/26/2609071.htm (accessed September 11, 2014).
57 Human Rights Watch interview with Vitaliy Ponomarev, Bishkek, September 17, 2013; Vitaliy Ponomarev, “Refugees from
59 Ibid.
60 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Musajon Babajonov, Ezgulik, Andijan, September 13, 2013.
61 Vitaliy Ponomarev, “Refugees from Uzbekistan in CIS Countries: The Risk of Extradition (May 2005-August 2007).”
62 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Musajon Babajonov, September 13, 2013.
63 Ibid.
64 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Musajon Babajonov, September 13, 2013.
On October 27, 2005, the head of the SNB branch in Jizzakh summoned Isakov and his wife
to the police station, ostensibly to discuss a letter Isakov had written to the president.
After separating him from his wife, an investigator asked Isakov if he had come with a
lawyer and immediately arrested him without showing a warrant.
Prosecutors charged him with “hooliganism” and extortion, charges that appeared
fabricated. His trial was marred by due process violations.67 The prosecution based the
hooliganism charge on the allegation of Isakov’s neighbor, a fifth-grade girl, that he had
made a lewd gesture toward her. According to Isakov’s Ezgulik colleague, the extortion
charge was based on the testimony of a former classmate who claimed Isakov demanded a
television set in exchange for agreeing not to expose corruption on the part of the owners
of a local flour mill.
At his trial, which began on December 15, 2005, Isakov maintained his innocence and told
the judge that police beat him on the head with a bottle filled with water, causing
headaches and hearing loss during pretrial detention, but the judge refused to investigate
his allegations.68
65 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
66 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, October 21, 2013.
67 Ibid; “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
68 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013 and
69 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, September 11, 2013; Human Rights Watch
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
71 Ibid.
Seven months after his original conviction, on August 4, 2010, a court convicted Jalilov
again and sentenced him to 11 years, one month, and five days on new charges of
“attempting to overthrow the constitutional order of the state.”74 Authorities never notified
his family of the investigation into his case and repeatedly denied their requests to visit
him in detention. Upon sentencing, Jalilov was transferred to a prison in Zangiota.75
After a two-day visit in January 2011, Jalilov’s relatives told Human Rights Watch that Jalilov
had been tortured, including by being beaten with a nightstick to such a degree that he
has nearly total hearing loss. They also reported that Jalilov’s lung causes him pain and
that he is suffering from a vertebral hernia.76
In late 2013 relatives and rights activists reported that Jalilov was in urgent need of
medical care.77 In 2012, without notifying his family, authorities moved him 450 kilometers
from Zangiota prison in the northeast to a prison in Navoi, in central Uzbekistan.78 Since
2013, in spite of his very poor health, prison authorities have made Jalilov work in a prison
brick factory. It is also reported that he is not receiving enough food.79
72 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, October 21, 2013 and April 29, 2014, and
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
74 “Uzbekistan: Activist Hit With New Sentence: Stop Persecuting Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news
77 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Gulshan Karaeva, Karshi, October 16, 2013.
78 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Mukaddas Temirova, Karshi, October 14, 2013.
79 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Gulshan Karaeva, Karshi, September 5, 2013.
A few days later officers transferred Kamilova to the Tashkent city jail. A rights activist
present at Kamilova’s trial told Human Rights Watch that Kamilova testified that SNB
officers took her out of her cell at the jail, where she was forced to listen to the screams of
other prisoners being beaten to convince her to confess.82
A rights activist who observed Kamilova’s trial and interviewed her son told Human Rights
Watch that SNB officers planted the drugs on Kamilova’s person. In addition, officers
provided contradictory testimony about the sequence of events during the search of the
vehicle, including how and when the drugs were allegedly discovered.83
80 Human Rights Watch interviews with “Umid U.,” Angren and Bishkek , September 19 and October 16, 2013.
81 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Elena Urlaeva, Tashkent, October 10, 2013.
82 Human Rights Watch interview with “Umid U.,” September 19 and October 16, 2013.
83 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Elena Urlaeva, September 19, 2013; Human Rights Watch telephone
© Abdujalil Boymatov/Human
Police arrested Mamatkhanov on October 12, 2009, Rights Society of Uzbekistan
86 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
87 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and
90 “Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders in Uzbekistan,” Human Rights Watch news release, February 5, 2010,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2009/12/18/imprisoned-human-rights-defenders-uzbekistan.
91 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and
in-person interview, Washington, DC, April 29, 2014.
In spring 2010, after allegedly violating prison rules at his penal colony, authorities
transferred Mamatkhanov to Kyzyltepa prison in Navoi, in central Uzbekistan, more than
700 kilometers from his Fergana home. During a January 2011 family visit, Mamatkhanov
complained of heart pain and high blood pressure.94 Visiting him in July 2013, his wife
reported that his condition had further deteriorated, including increased hypertension and
difficulty walking. Mamatkhanov requested that she urge rights groups and diplomats to
advocate for his release as he fears he will die in prison due to his poor health.95
Mamatkhanov was due to have been released on March 10, 2014, but authorities extended
his sentence in the same month for unspecified “violations of prison rules” following a
closed hearing.96 According to Mamatkhanov’s son, Jalolidin, and rights activists,
authorities informed the family even prior to the hearing that Mamatkhanov’s sentence
would be inevitably lengthened and that they should “prepare for him to be moved to a
prison in another region.”97 When Mamatkhanov’s family attempted to visit him, prison
officials denied them access. After returning home, they received a letter that he had been
tried on March 4, two days before their arrival. The letter stated that a Navoi court had
sentenced him to an additional term for “violation of prison rules” but did not state by how
many years. “I called the court of the city of Navoi,” said Jalolidin, to obtain information,
92 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
93 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and
in-person interview Washington, DC April 29, 2014.
94 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
95 Human Rights Watch telephone Interview with Abdusalom Ergashev, Fergana, August 29, 2013.
96 “Uzbek Rights Activist Remains in Jail, Even After Prison Term Ends,” RFE/RL, March 24, 2014,
Into a Punishment Cell for Going to the Toilet Three Times Without Permission,” Fiery Hearts Club news release, March 4,
2014, http://jarayon.com/en/index.php/human-rights/item/231-ganikhon-mamatkhonov-was-thrown-into-a-punishment-
cell-for-going-to-toilet-three-times-without-permission (accessed September 11, 2014).
98 Human Rights Watch interview with Mutabar Tadjibaeva, Brussels, March 20, 2014.
99 Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan news release, “Regular victims of ‘justice’ in Kashkadar’inskiy oblast [Ocherednaya
zhertva ‘pravosudiya’ v Kashkadar’inskoy oblasti],” March 13, 2013, http://ru.hrsu.org/archives/4339 (accessed August 1, 2014).
100 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdujalil Boymatov, Dublin, August 28, 2013.
101Karaev, Tulkin, “Discharged service members are suing the president of Uzbekistan [Uvolenniy voyenniy suditsya c
presidentom Uzbekistana],” Institute for War and Peace Reporting News Release, February 21, 2005,
http://iwpr.net/ru/report-news/уволенный-военный-судится-с-президентом-узбекистана (accessed September 11, 2014).
Following the 2005 Andijan massacre, authorities pressured Mamatkulov to abandon his
public criticism. In December 2012, rights defenders learned that authorities had
arrested Mamatkulov in August of that year on 12 different charges, including narcotics
sale, extortion, kidnapping, religious extremism, and racketeering.103 A court convicted
Mamatkulov on all counts on March 12, 2013 and sentenced him to 10 years in prison. No
observers were allowed to be present at the trial.104 The number of charges, nature of the
accusations, and the fact that the religious organization Mamatkulov was accused of
being a member of, Jihodchilar, does not appear to exist, contribute to the appearance of
a politically motivated prosecution of a government critic and is consistent with other
similar cases.105
Mamatkulov is serving his sentence in Navoi.106 In July 2014 Mamatkulov’s wife told
Human Rights Watch that on April 20 a prison captain named Sherali had repeatedly
struck Mamatkulov on the head with a rubber truncheon in his office after Mamatkulov
had asked to see a dentist.107 Following the beating, prison authorities placed
Mamatkulov in solitary confinement for 24 hours. His wife learned about the beating
during a visit with her husband on June 19. At that time she also discovered that
Mamatkulov has lost the majority of his teeth and has had problems with his vision
since the April 2014 beating.108
102 Ibid.
103 Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan news release, “Regular victims of ‘justice’ in Kashkadar’inskiy oblast.”
106Ibid.
107 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Dilorom Mamanova, Kasan district, village Obron, July 2, 2014.
108 Ibid.
109 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Tulkin Karaev, Sweden, September 18, 2013.
110 Ibid; Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdujalil Boymatov, Dublin, September 17, 2013.
111 “Uzbek Rights Defender Sentenced to Imprisonment,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 18, 2002,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2002/09/17/uzbek-rights-defender-sentenced-imprisonment.
After Rasulov’s release in early 2003, he and Rahimov continued their work. In late April
2007, security forces arrested the pair in Karshi on charges that included “threatening the
constitutional order” and “membership in a banned religious organization.”113 Rahimov
received a six-year sentence and Rasulov was sentenced to ten years.114 Human Rights
Watch received reports from the Uzbek human rights organization Fiery Hearts Club, who
interviewed the men’s families, and rights activists who monitored the trial that both men
were tortured during the investigation and after they were convicted.115
112 Davidson Douglass, US Mission to the OSCE Statement to the OSCE Permanent Council, “Human Rights in Uzbekistan,”
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
114 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Tulkin Karaev, Sweden, September 18, 2013.
115 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Nadejda Atayeva, President, Association for Human Rights in Central Asia,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
117 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, September 9-10, 2013.
On June 10, 2013, the head of Bukhara’s counterterrorism unit, Alisher Andaev, summoned
him for a two-hour interrogation and ordered him to resign from Ezgulik and cease all
contact with foreign media. Razzokov said that Andaev told him harm would come to him
and his family if he did not stop his work.118
Authorities detained Razzokov on July 10, 2013 on human trafficking charges.119 The charge
stemmed from the written complaint of a woman who accused Razzokov of forcing her into
the custody of another individual, who pressed her into prostitution. According to
Razzokov, the alleged victim approached him several days before his arrest requesting
assistance in finding a relative who had gone missing in Russia. Razzokov’s relative claims
that the SNB pressured the woman to testify against him.120 A rights activist who monitored
the proceedings and the authorities’ threats against Razzokov prior to his arrest told
Human Rights Watch that he believes Razzakov’s prosecution was retaliation for his long
record of civil society activism. He observed that the case fits a pattern of pressure against
representatives of the Ezgulik human rights group in other regions of Uzbekistan.121
On September 24, 2013, the Bukhara Province Criminal Court sentenced Razzokov to four
years’ imprisonment.122 Soon after the conviction, authorities transferred him to a
Tavaksay labor colony, more than 600 kilometers to the northeast of his home, to serve out
his sentence, where he remains.123
118 “Uzbekistan: Trial of Activist on Trumped-Up Charges,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 24, 2013,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/09/24/uzbekistan-trial-activist-trumped-charges.
119 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, September 9-10, 2013. Art. 135 of the Uzbek
Criminal Code (“purchase or sale of persons, or their recruitment, transport, transfer, concealment, or receipt for the purpose
of exploitation”).
120 “Uzbekistan: Trial of Activist on Trumped-Up Charges,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 24, 2013,
123 Human Rights Watch telephone interviews with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 25, 2013, and in-
On December 28, 2013, Tashkent police interrogated Jumaniyazov because two Uzbek
citizens, Farhod Pardaev and Erkin Erdanov, apparently alleged that Jumaniyazov and
Tillaev arranged their employment in Kazakhstan, where they were mistreated.
Tillaev’s lawyer, Polina Braunberg, told Human Rights Watch that the investigation against
the two was marred by serious procedural violations. Police arrested them both on January 2,
2014 and took them to a Tashkent prison but falsified materials to indicate January 4 as the
date of arrest.128 Investigators did not provide Tillaev’s or Jumaniyazov’s lawyers sufficient
time to review the evidence in the case, conducting all interrogations, including of the
124 “Two Erk members sentenced for human trafficking in Tashkent,” Uznews.net, March 7, 2014,
According to their lawyer, police tortured both Tillaev and Jumaniyazov in pretrial custody.131
They stuck needles between Tillaev’s fingers and toes, for example, and forced him to stand for
hours under a faucet from which water dripped on his head, causing a severe headache. On
January 21, 2014, during a meeting with her client Tillaev, Braunberg became convinced that
Tillaev had been tortured and petitioned the investigator for a forensic medical examination.
The investigator refused to answer her petition until just one day before the next court hearing,
at which time the court denied the defense’s request to open an investigation into the
torture allegations on the basis that the petition was still being “processed.”132To date, no
judicial or prison authorities have meaningfully investigated Tillaev’s allegations of torture.
129 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Polina Braunberg, Tashkent, April 10, 2014.
130 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, March 10, 2014.
131 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Polina Braunberg, Tashkent, April 6, 2014.
132 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, March 10, 2014.
133 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and
Serious due process violations plagued Turgunov’s trial, and security officials allegedly
tortured him in custody.137 On July 14, 2008, while he was in the Tashkent office of police
investigator Salomat Ibragimov writing a statement, someone poured boiling water down his
neck and back, causing him to lose consciousness and burning him severely.138 Leaked
United States State Department documents, which corroborate earlier interviews by Human
Rights Watch regarding Turgunov’s torture, suggest that he was tortured in an attempt to
extract a confession.139 Authorities ordered an investigation into Turgunov's torture only after
he removed his shirt during a court hearing in Tashkent on September 16, 2008 to show the
scars from the burns, which covered a large portion of his back and neck, extending past his
waist.140 A subsequent court-appointed forensic medical examiner concluded that
Turgunov’s burns were minor and did not warrant further investigation.141
During Turgunov’s trial, a court clerk told observers that “even if BBC would come to this
trial, Akzam Turgunov will get a long prison sentence,” suggesting that the outcome of his
trial was predetermined.142 The court sentenced him to 10 years’ imprisonment on October
23, 2008, and authorities transferred him to a location that remained unknown to his
family for several months.143 He is currently at prison colony 64/49 near Karshi.144
135 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013; as well as
142“Uzbekistan: Free Human Rights Activist,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 16, 2008,
http://www.hrw.org/de/news/2008/09/15/uzbekistan-free-human-rights-activist.
143 “The family of Azam Turgunov can’t find out where he is,” Voice of Freedom, Regional Human Rights Portal, January 24,
Journalists
We fully support our citizens’ desire to freely use the Internet.… I would like
to repeat this: we absolutely do not accept the erection of walls and
restrictions around the world of information, leading to isolation.
—President Islam Karimov, addressing citizens on Media Workers Day,
June 27, 2011148
He is not just deprived of his freedom; they are slowly killing him in prison.
—Galima Bukharbaeva, a colleague of imprisoned journalist Solijon
Abdurakhmanov, June 22, 2013
144 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik activist, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and
interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013; Human Rights Watch interview with
Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Washington, DC, April 29, 2014.
146 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
147 UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Chair-Rapporteur: El Hadji Malick Sow,
The ICCPR permits states to restrict freedom of expression for the purpose of protecting the
reputations of others, but there are strict conditions for such limitations. According to
article 19(3), restrictions “shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a)
For respect of the rights or reputations of others; (b) For the protection of national security
or of public order (ordre public), or of public health or morals.”151
As the UN Human Rights Committee has noted, restrictions on the right to freedom of
expression “may not put in jeopardy the right itself” and must satisfy three conditions:
they must be clearly provided by law; designed to pursue one of the legitimate aims
149 Human Rights Watch, World Report 2013, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2013), Uzbekistan chapter,
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/wr2013_web.pdf, p. 507.
150 ICCPR, adopted December 16, 1966, G.A. Res. 2200A (XXI), 21 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 16) at 52, U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966),
999 U.N.T.S. 171, entered into force March 23, 1976, ratified by Uzbekistan on September 28, 1995, art. 19(2).
151 Ibid, art. 19(3).
152 UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 10, Freedom of Expression (Art. 19), Nineteenth session (1983), U.N.
http://www.hrw.org/news/2008/10/20/uzbekistan-journalist-sentenced-10-years.
154 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013.
Abdurakhmanov is serving his sentence in Karshi, more than 700 kilometers from his
home. Farkhodkhon Mukhtarov, a rights activist who served prison time with
Abdurakhmanov, told Human Rights Watch that prison authorities have charged
Abdurakhmanov with numerous “violations of prison rules” that render him ineligible for
amnesty or early release. These alleged violations include “not marching correctly” and “not
sweeping up his cell,” even though prison guards have never provided him with a broom.161
155 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
156 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013.
157 Ibid.
158 “Uzbekistan: Release Independent Journalist,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 12, 2008,
http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/09/11/uzbekistan-release-independent-journalist.
159 Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
160 Human Rights Watch, No One Left to Witness: Torture, Habeas Corpus and the Silencing of Lawyers in Uzbekistan, December
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
In 2013 Tashkent-based rights activists submitted a list of Uzbek officials involved in his
unlawful imprisonment to the US State Department seeking the application of travel
sanctions against them, drawing inspiration from the Magnitsky Act, a bill passed by the
162 “Journalist in Great Danger in Uzbek Prison System,” Reporters Without Borders, June 27, 2013,
164 “Prisoner Solijon Abdurakhmanov is Critically Ill,” Uznews.net, October 14, 2013,
In December 2013, despite his age and poor health, authorities refused to release
Abdurakhmanov under an annual
amnesty that specifically applies to
Muhammad Bekjanov and Yusuf prisoners over 60 years old.166 In June
Ruzimuradov
2013 one of Abdurakhmanov’s close
colleagues said that Abdurakhmanov “is
not just deprived of his freedom; they are
slowly killing him in prison.”167
166 “Journalist Salijon Abdurakhmanov transferred back to prison colony,” Uznews.net, January 17, 2014,
http://www.uznews.net/en/human-rights/24816-journalist-salijon-abdurahmanov-transferred-back-to-prison-colony
(accessed September 11, 2014).
167 “Imprisoned journalist Abdurakhmanov is gravely ill,” Uznews.net, June 22, 2013, http://www.uznews.net/en/human-
The authorities charged Bekjanov with nine offenses including article 158 (“threatening the
life of the president of Uzbekistan”), article 159 (“threatening the constitutional order of
Uzbekistan”), article 216 (“organization of banned civil groups and religious
organizations”), article 223(2) (“unlawful exit from or entry to the Republic of Uzbekistan”),
article 227(2) (“possession of, destruction of, damage to, or concealment of documents,
stamps, seals, or letterhead”), and article 228(2)(3) (“preparation and use of counterfeit
documents, stamps, seals, and official letterhead”). Ruzimuradov was charged with
articles 158, 159, and 216.171
Authorities barred observers from attending the trial in Tashkent, which violated fair trial
standards. Their lawyer reported that all six defendants were held incommunicado and
tortured in pretrial detention to extract confessions. The defendants signed a statement
reporting that they had been subjected to electric shocks, beatings with batons and plastic
bottles filled with water, and temporary suffocation, called the “bag of death.” They also
reported that authorities threatened to rape their wives.172
On March 15, 1999, both men were sentenced to 15-year prison terms.173 Authorities
transferred Bekjanov to Jaslyk prison in the far northwest of Uzbekistan. Following
Ruzimuradov’s sentencing, authorities made virtually no information publicly available
regarding his location, health condition, or treatment in custody.174
In 2003 an amnesty declaration was applied to Bekjanov’s sentence, and it was reduced
by three years and eight months. His release would have come in February 2012, but just
days before his sentence was set to expire, a court convicted him on a new charge of
169 “Uzbek Opposition Leader's Brother Disappears in Custody,” Human Rights Watch news release, November 18, 1999,
http://www.hrw.org/news/1999/11/17/uzbek-opposition-leaders-brother-disappears-custody.
170 “Uzbek Torture Victims Sentenced to Prison Terms,” Human Rights Watch news release, August 18, 1999,
https://www.hrw.org/news/1999/08/17/uzbek-torture-victims-sentenced-prison-terms.
171 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, August 21, 2013.
172 Ibid.
173 Ibid.
174Human Rights Watch interview with Vitaliy Ponomarev, Bishkek, September 18, 2013.
Prison guards have repeatedly tortured Bekjanov in prison, according to his relatives and
human rights activists. 176 He has also contracted tuberculosis.177 During a 2003 interview
from prison with the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, Bekjanov described being denied
medical attention after suffering a broken leg during a beating. He has also suffered severe
hearing loss as the result of sustained ill-treatment.178 In 2006 his wife, Nina Bekjanova,
visited him and reported that he had lost most of his teeth from repeated beatings.179
Bekjanov was later transferred to a prison in Navoi province. Following a meeting with her
husband in prison in spring 2013, Bekjanova reported that he urgently needs medical
attention. Bekjanov has a severe hernia and continues to suffer from tuberculosis.180
On November 27 2013, Reporters Without Borders awarded Bekjanov its 2013 Press
Freedom Prize.181 Bekjanov’s daughter, Aygul, told Human Rights Watch, “My dad turns 60
this year [2014]. But instead of celebrating this occasion with us, his family, he is in prison,
where he has been rotting and tortured for more than 15 years. Does my father have to die
behind bars, or will something finally be done to set him free?”182
175 “EU statement [to OSCE Permanent Council Nr901] on the sentence of the Uzbek editor Muhammad Bekjanov,”
177 Ibid.
178 Bukharbaeva, Galima, “Jailed Uzbek Dissident Defiant,” Institute for War and Peace Reporting, November 14, 2013,
183 Human Rights Watch Telephone interview with Dilorom Iskhakova, Tashkent, August 21, 2014.
184 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and in-
http://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2003/02/25/uzbekistan-silencing-critical-voices.
During his trial, which was attended by a Human Rights Watch representative, Mikhliboev
stated that he was beaten in pretrial detention.189 The prosecution focused on his alleged
membership in Hizb-ut-Tahrir and work as a journalist including an April 2001 article he
published in the newspaper Hurriyat that the prosecution alleged constituted Hizb-ut-
Tahrir propaganda.190 Human Rights Watch has reviewed the article and confirmed that it
does not constitute extremist propaganda or include any calls to violence. On February 18,
2003, the Shayhantaur District Court sentenced him to seven years’ imprisonment. In
March 2003 an appeals court reduced his sentence to six years.
On September 25, 2007, prison authorities at his Navoi prison colony added another five
years to Mikhliboev’s sentence. He was sentenced for allegedly promoting the ideas of
Hizb-ut-Tahrir among the inmates of the prison colony.191 Mikhliboev’s relatives reported to
Ezgulik that prison guards have repeatedly subjected him to torture in prison and that they
believe his life is in danger.
Both the investigation and court proceedings were marred by procedural violations.
According to Saidov’s lawyer, more than half of the witnesses who testified against him
later recanted, stating that they had been pressured to provide false evidence. The court
repeatedly held hearings without notifying Saidov’s lawyer.195
On July 30, 2009, the Tailak District Court convicted Saidov in a closed hearing and
sentenced him to twelve and a half years’ imprisonment.196 Authorities transferred him to
192; “Uzbekistan: Free Journalist Sentenced to over 12 Years ,” Human Rights Watch news release, August 3, 2009,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2009/08/03/uzbekistan-free-journalist-sentenced-12-years.
193 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013.
194 Ibid.
195 For example, on February 25, 2009, the Samarkand City Court held a habeas corpus hearing to determine whether there had
been sufficient evidence for Saidov’s arrest. However, in violation of Uzbek law, Saidov’s lawyer was not even informed of the
hearing and not present when the evidence was reviewed. He appealed the decision, but was not informed of that hearing either.
Additionally, several documents presented as evidence by the defense went missing over the course of the trial.
196 “Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders in Uzbekistan,” Human Rights Watch news release, February 5, 2010,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2009/12/18/imprisoned-human-rights-defenders-uzbekistan.
197 Human Rights Watch interview with “Tokhtakhoja T.,” Tashkent, November 27, 2010.
198 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and in-
http://www.hrw.org/news/2009/12/18/imprisoned-human-rights-defenders-uzbekistan.
200 “Uzbekistan’s Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 13, 2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/12/uzbekistans-imprisoned-human-rights-defenders.
In early 2013 an independent website published a letter written by Saidov describing his
ill-treatment in custody and how prison authorities have tried to prevent him from
writing.202 On October 11, 2013, prison authorities transferred Saidov to a labor colony near
Karshi (64/41).203 In April 2014 the Fiery Hearts Club reported that Saidov passed a farewell
letter to his brother in a December 2013 meeting in which he wrote, “I have accepted the
life I was able to live. I have lost all interest in my life. If it is my destiny to die in this place
… please bury me next to beloved Barno and Ruhshona,” his late wife and daughter.204
In the 23 years since Uzbekistan gained independence from the Soviet Union, there has
not been a single election deemed even remotely “free and fair” by international
monitoring bodies. President Karimov, who in 2014 entered his twenty-fifth year of
consecutive rule, uses the dominant executive branch to repress all political opposition.
No opposition parties are allowed to participate in the political process. Karimov’s political
opponents have either been forced to flee the country or are in prison. The government has
aggressively jailed and extended the prison terms of opposition activists, some for over 20
years, making them some of the world’s longest serving political prisoners.
201 Ibid.
202“Imprisoned Journalist Sayid Speaks of Torture and Abuses,” Uznews.net, February 12, 2013,
http://www.finanso.net/world/7840-izvestnyy-v-uzbekistane-zhurnalist-poteryal-nadezhdu-uvidet-svobodu.html (accessed
September 11, 2014).
205 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Tolib Yakubov, France, August 27, 2013.
206 Human Rights Watch, Republic of Uzbekistan—Crackdown in the Farghona Valley: Arbitrary Arrests and Religious
Juraev is badly in need of medical attention. In 2011 ACAT-France reported that Juraev had
been severely tortured in prison, that he has become extremely thin, and that he has
contracted tuberculosis.210 Juraev’s wife met with him in October 2013 and told a rights
activist that he has lost all of his teeth, has trouble eating, suffers from constant
headaches and stomach pain, and experiences periodic numbness in his right arm. Juraev
also experiences high blood pressure that causes him to lose consciousness.211 Moreover,
in spite of his poor health, he is subjected to daily heavy labor by working in a brick factory
and complains of severe lower-back
pain.212 The prison warden has repeatedly
Samandar Kukanov
told him that his is a “special case,” that
Born: 1945
he has been marked as a repeat offender,
Arrested: June 1992
and that it is dangerous for other inmates
Charges: Economic crimes linked to
even to communicate with him.213
alleged financing of the Erk
opposition party
Samandar Kukanov, 69, is a father of Sentenced: May 1993; 20 years;
three children and was the vice chairman sentence extended for 3 years
of the parliament following independence,
and a successful businessman. In the
209 Ibid.
210 “ACAT-France statement – Uzbekistan,” Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture – France, March 7, 2011, on file
212 Ibid.
213 Ibid.
In 1992, along with several opposition politicians, Kukanov took to the floor of parliament
to protest President Karimov’s announcement of plans to consolidate all security service
divisions under his direct command. He was joined by other members of parliament,
including Shovruh Ruzimuradov, a rights activist who suffered constant persecution by the
SNB throughout the 1990s and died allegedly as a result of torture in July 2001 after his
arrest a month earlier.215
Security forces arrested Kukanov in June 1992 on charges of economic crimes linked to
his alleged financing of the Erk opposition party. SNB officers held him incommunicado
without access to counsel for an entire year in the basement of an SNB facility in
Tashkent during which they allegedly tortured him before finally bringing him to trial.216
Kukanov’s relatives told Human Rights Watch that SNB officers arbitrarily detained two of
his sons immediately following his arrest and conducted a number of nighttime raids on
his home to instill fear in his family.217 In 1993 he was sentenced to 20 years’
imprisonment.
Kukanov is currently located at Zarafshan prison 64/48 in Navoi.218 His family has been
denied the right to visit him for much of the past 21 years.219 Kukanov’s family had
expected his release in May 2013 but then learned that authorities extended his sentence
through the year 2016.220 If Kukanov completes his current term and is released, he will
have been in prison for 24 years, the longest known case of politically motivated
imprisonment in Uzbekistan.
214 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Muhammad Solih, Turkey, September 23, 2013.
215 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Tashpulat Yuldashev, St. Louis, September 26, 2013.
216 Human Rights Watch interview with “Nargiza N.,” (Kukanov relative), Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, June 17, 2014; Human Rights
Watch email correspondence with Bahodir Namazov, Moscow, September 26, 2013.
217 Human Rights Watch interview with “Ozoda O.,” Bishkek, June 18, 2014.
218 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, August, 21, 2013
219 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Bahodir Namazov, Moscow, September 26, 2013.
220 Human Rights Watch interview with “Ozoda O.,” Bishkek, June 18, 2014; Human Rights Watch telephone interview with
Born: 1970
On September 6, 2013, six men in black
Arrested: September 6, 2013
masks searched Rasulov’s home on a
Charges: “Threatening the constitutional
warrant from SNB investigator Shonazar order” and “production and dissemination
Ergashev. After allegedly uncovering of materials that contain threat to public
disks with “suspicious” information that safety and public order with foreign
financial support”
Rasulov had allegedly downloaded from
Sentenced: December 27, 2013; 8 years
the Internet, the officers arrested him
and brought him to an SNB facility. On
September 11 he was charged with
possession or dissemination of “banned materials of an extremist nature.” Rasulov’s wife
and mother told a rights activist that after his arrest SNB investigator Ergashev threatened
Rasulov’s wife and mother, warning them not to speak publicly about Rasulov’s arrest.224
221 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Tulkin Karaev, Sweden, October 16, 2013; “Uzbekistan: Free Political
Prisoners, End Torture,” Human Rights Watch news release, December 6, 2013,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/12/06/uzbekistan-free-political-prisoners-end-torture.
222 Human Rights Watch interview with Bakhodir Namazov, Moscow, September 17, 2013. The group was significant for
bringing together members of religious communities with the secular opposition and held two party conferences in Berlin
(2011) and then in Prague (2012). The Uzbek government has taken concrete measures to crack down on activists inside the
country who appear to be cooperating with or sympathetic to the PMU.
223 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Tulkin Karaev, Sweden, October 16, 2013.
224 Human Rights Watch written correspondence with Elena Urlaeva, Tashkent, October 19, 2013.
225 “Uzbekistan: Namangan Resident Sentenced to 8 Years for Having Contact with Opposition over the Internet,” Fergana
News, January 20, 2014, http://www.fergananews.com/news/21710 (accessed September 11, 2014).
226 Sentence of Kudratbek Rasulov, December 27, 2013, on file with Human Rights Watch.
227 The sentence further states Rasulov allegedly received $420 dollars from Solih, with which he bought a color printer that
he used to distribute and disseminate banned texts and reproduced duplications of the underground film, “The Freedom of
an Unarmed Man.” “Uzbekistan: Namangan Resident Sentenced to 8 Years for Having Contact with Opposition over the
Internet,” Fergana News, January 20, 2014, http://www.fergananews.com/news/21710 (accessed September 11, 2014).
228 “Uzbekistan: Namangan Resident Sentenced to 8 Years for Having Contact with Opposition over the Internet,” Fergana
News, January 20, 2014, http://www.fergananews.com/news/21710 (accessed September 11, 2014).
229 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Elena Urlaeva, Tashkent, July 19, 2014.
In 1998, while visiting his wife and three children in Tashkent, police arrested Usmanov on
trumped-up charges of extortion, unlawful transactions of foreign currency, abuse of
authority, and forgery. The Andijan Regional Court sentenced him to 14 years in prison.232
Evidence shows that authorities brought the case in retaliation for his political ambitions.
The case was marred by due process violations. The court allowed no oral argument at
trial, Usmanov was not afforded a final statement, and the sentencing document lacked
230 “Rustam Usmanov: ‘I am sacrificing my health and my life believing in the President,’” Fergana News, April 14, 2010,
http://www.fergananews.com/articles/6535 (accessed September 11, 2014). This is a letter written by Mr. Usmanov’s son,
published in Fergana News, based on an in-person visit to Usmanov on April 3, 2010.
231 Ibid.
232 Ibid; Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Nadejda Atayeva, Paris, October 10, 2013.
In an April 2010 meeting with his sons, his body was covered with bruises he claimed he
sustained during beatings by prison guards. Usmanov said that he had been denied
233 “Rustam Usmanov: “I am sacrificing my health and my life believing in the President,’” Fergana News, April 14, 2010,
http://jarayon.com/ru/index.php/2012-04-04-14-31-53/item/143-syn-eks-bankira-rustama-usmanova-prosit-ubezhishche-v-
rossii (accessed September 11, 2014).
235 “Rustam Usmanov: “I am sacrificing my health and my life believing in the President,’” Fergana News, April 14, 2010,
The most numerically significant category of politically motivated arrests and convictions
in Uzbekistan is among the country’s independent Muslims; that is, those who practice
their faith outside strict state controls or who belong to unregistered religious
organizations. The government continues to wage an unrelenting, multi-year campaign of
arbitrary detention, ill-treatment, and torture against them. 240 Since 1999 thousands of
independent Muslims have been incarcerated for nonviolent offenses.241
Many have been sentenced under Criminal Code statutes for “anti-constitutional activity”
(article 159), participation in “banned religious, extremist” groups, or possession of
“banned literature” (articles 216, 242, and 244). These statutes contain provisions which
are so vague and overbroad that they are wholly incompatible with international human
rights norms.242
238 Ibid.
239 “Son of Ex-banker Rustam Usmanov Asks for Asylum in Russia,” Jarayon.com, December 8, 2012,
http://jarayon.com/ru/index.php/2012-04-04-14-31-53/item/143-syn-eks-bankira-rustama-usmanova-prosit-ubezhishche-v-
rossii (accessed September 11, 2014).
240 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State.
241 Ibid.
242 The articles of the Criminal Code referred to above contain provisions that are incompatible with the freedoms set out in
the ICCPR. In particular, any religious activity not sanctioned by the government is criminalized. Strict punishment is set out
The covenant does allow exceptions where it is “necessary to protect public safety, order,
health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others,” but the restrictions
Uzbekistan imposes on Muslim religious practice far exceed anything that could
reasonably be justified under the treaty.246
(up to 15 years imprisonment) for “extremism” and participation in “forbidden organizations,” in spite of these two terms
having no basis or definition in national legislation and the absence of any official list of “forbidden organizations.” These
statues allow for arbitrary application of the law. The definition of “terrorism” is unnecessarily wide, expanding almost
without limit the scope of those persons who may be charged. A number of Criminal Code provisions, for example, do not
sufficiently differentiate between the qualification and the punishment of the preparation for or carrying out of a violent act
on the one hand, and the mere expression of an opinion deemed extremist on the other. Nor do the statutes differentiate
between direct and indirect participation in an “extremist” act. Other provisions regarding defamation and insults against
the people and the president of Uzbekistan can be used to punish individuals who express opinions critical of the regime.
243 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies, p.5.
247 Human Rights Watch, Uzbekistan: Persistent Human Rights Violations and Prospects for Improvement, Vol. 8, No.5 (D),
the attack. Human Rights Watch, World Report 2013, (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2013), Uzbekistan chapter,
http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/uzbekistan?page=2.
249 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State; “Kazakhstan: Uzbeks Sent Back at Risk of Torture,” Human Rights
Human Rights Center, September 2007, http://www.memo.ru/2007/09/26/2609071.htm (accessed September 11, 2014).
251 “Uzbekistan: Trial of Imam Highlights Refoulement Concerns, Treatment in Custody,” Human Rights Watch news release, July
253 Sentence of Ruhiddin Fahriddinov (in Uzbek), Chirchik City Criminal Court, Decision of September 15, 2007, document on
Universal Periodic Review (UPR), December 2008 session on Human Rights [Доклад Инициативной Группы
правозащитников Узбекистана (ИГНПУ) по Универсальному периодическому обзору (УПО) для предоставления
Декабрьской Сессии по Правам Человека, декабрь 2008],”
http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/Session3/UZ/IGNPU_UZB_UPR_S3_2008_TheInitiativeGroupofIndependent
Human%20RightsDefendersofUzbekistan_RUS_uprsubmission.pdf (accessed September 11, 2014), p.5; “Uzbek Official
Denies Knowledge Of Child-Rape Claim,” RFE/RL, July 4, 2006, http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1069648.html
(accessed September 11, 2014).
255 Vitaliy Ponomarev, “Refugees from Uzbekistan in the CIS Countries: Risk of Extradition (May 2005-August 2007),” Memorial
Human Rights Center, September 2007, http://www.memo.ru/2007/09/26/2609071.htm (accessed September 11, 2014).
256 Surat Ikramov, “Report of the Initiative Group of Independent Human Rights Defenders of Uzbekistan (IGIHRD) on the
Universal Periodic Review (UPR), December 2008 session on Human Rights [Доклад Инициативной Группы
правозащитников Узбекистана (ИГНПУ) по Универсальному периодическому обзору (УПО) для предоставления
Декабрьской Сессии по Правам Человека, декабрь 2008],”
http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/Session3/UZ/IGNPU_UZB_UPR_S3_2008_TheInitiativeGroupofIndependent
Human%20RightsDefendersofUzbekistan_RUS_uprsubmission.pdf (accessed September 11, 2014)
Fahriddinov’s relatives told Human Rights Watch that since his sentence began SNB and
prison officials have tortured him repeatedly in custody and that he has developed serious
health problems.258 According to several rights groups who met with Fahriddinov’s
relatives in 2009, prison authorities held Fahriddinov in an isolation cell for nine months
during which period he contracted tuberculosis.259 ACAT-France and local groups reported
that authorities transferred him to a medical facility on June 7, 2009 after he lost
consciousness while carrying out hard physical labor with a fever.260
Fahriddinov’s wife told Human Rights Watch that during a visit with Fahriddinov in mid-
2010, he reported that other prisoners had ripped out two of his nails at the behest of
prison guards. Fahriddinov said that on at least one occasion when he stated that he was
too tired to work at the brick factory guards beat him unconscious with a shovel, revived
him with water, and then beat him again. Other prisoners disfigured his right arm,
admitting that they were forced to do this by prison guards. Fahriddinov said that the
beatings and torture grew worse following visits to him by the ICRC. He is being held at
Zangiota prison, Tashkent province.261
257 Sentence of Ruhiddin Fahriddinov (in Uzbek), Chirchik City Criminal Court, decision of September 15, 2007, document on
259 Ali Yunusov, “Imprisoned Uzbek Imam Infected with Tuberculosis in Prison and Needs Adequate Medical Care,” Voice of
Freedom Regional Human Rights Portal, July 16, 2009, http://vof.kg/?p=3199 (accessed September 11, 2014).
260 Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture – France, “ACAT-France statement – Uzbekistan,” March 7, 2011, on file
In his shows, Hamidov offered advice on Islamic issues and confronted controversial
topics such as public health, corruption, and prostitution.264 His sermons challenged
official views about Uzbek society, dealing with issues of corruption, social decay, and
systemic problems largely ignored in the state-controlled media. His sermons remain
highly popular across Uzbekistan and are listened to on the Internet and circulated on
copied CDs and MP3s.265 As his popularity grew, SNB officers began to intimidate him,
262 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and in-
Islam in Eurasia Policy Conference, June 2013, on file with Human Rights Watch, p.24.
264 “Popular radio host arrested on religious extremism charge,” Reporters Without Borders, January 23, 2010,
Islam in Eurasia Policy Conference, June 2013, on file with Human Rights Watch., p.24.
In May 2010 the court convicted Hamidov and all co-defendants for membership in the
banned extremist Islamic group Jihodchilar (Jihadists) that rights groups and regional
experts say never existed.269 The court sentenced the defendants to fines and prison terms
of up to six years.270 Hamidov was sentenced to six years.
Hamidov elected not to appeal his sentence, reportedly telling his mother that there was
no hope of overturning his conviction.271 He is serving his sentence in a Kyzyltepa prison in
the province of Navoi.272
266 Human Rights Watch interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Washington, DC, April 29, 2014.
267 Sentence of Hayrullo Hamidov (Uzbek), Tashkent Regional Criminal Court, decision of May 27, 2010, on file with Human
Rights Watch.
268 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Abdurakhmon Tashanov, Ezgulik, Tashkent, October 21, 2013, and in-
http://www.rferl.org/content/Jailed_Uzbek_Sports_Journalist_Not_To_Appeal_Conviction/2087102.html (accessed
September 11, 2014).
271 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Surat Ikramov, Tashkent, September 10, 2013; “Jailed Uzbek Sports
Yuldashev’s group, which included many local entrepreneurs, sparked the development of a
grassroots business community in Andijan informed by Yuldashev’s philosophies in which
273 Human Rights Watch interview with “Rustam R.,” Washington, DC, February 22, 2013.
274 Akramjon Yo’ldashev, “The Path to Faith,” in Uzbek Islamic Debates: Texts Translations, and Commentary, ed. Allen J.
276 Noah Tucker, “Akrom Yo’ldashev, the Myth of Akromiya, and Islam Karimov’s ‘War on Terror,’” from Central Asia and the
Caucasus Working Group, October 9, 2007, on file with Human Rights Watch.
Throughout the mid-1990s, the SNB repeatedly interrogated Yuldashev and in April 1998,
authorities arrested him after an unnamed man began a fight with him in the Andijan market.
The police brought him to the police station and alleged that they found a small quantity of
heroin in his pocket, which Yuldashev later claimed was planted. Authorities prosecuted him
for narcotics possession and the Andijan City Court sentenced him to two and a half years in
prison.280 He was held in incommunicado detention for eight months until his release under
a December 1998 amnesty and resumed his religious activities in Andijan.281
On February 16, 1999, several bombs exploded in Tashkent, killing more than a dozen
people and injuring many others. Authorities immediately assigned responsibility for the
attacks to Islamic “extremists” and launched a wave of repression against independent
Muslims, arresting thousands and subjecting them to torture, unfair trials, police raids,
and threats against family members.282 Police arrested Akram Yuldashev the day after the
bombings. Authorities charged him with nine offenses, including terrorism (article 155),
inciting national, racial, ethnic, or religious tension (article 156), threatening the
constitutional order (article 159), sabotage (article 161), organization of banned civil
groups and religious organizations (article 216), incitement of participation in illegal civil
or religious groups (article 216(1)), organization of a criminal group (article 242),
277 Ibid.
278 Human Rights Watch, “Bullets Were Falling Like Rain”: The Andijan Massacre, May 13, 2005, vol. 17, no. 5(D), May 2005,
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2005/uzbekistan0605/4.htm#_Toc105632742.
279 Human Rights Watch Interview with “Rustam R.,” Washington, DC, February 22, 2013.
280 Ibid.
281 Ibid.
282 Human Rights Watch, Creating Enemies of the State, p.26-29.
During his trial, the prosecution argued that Yuldashev was a main organizer of the
bombings.284 Authorities also blamed members of the unrelated Erk political opposition
movement and members of other independent Muslim groups for the same crime. The
prosecution accused Yuldashev of being the leader of a group called Akromiya which it
characterized as an extremist group with the express goal of overthrowing the government
and establishing a worldwide Islamic caliphate.285 Several scholars have written that the
prosecution in Yuldashev’s 1999 case was the first mention of any religious organization
called Akromiya.286 Despite the SNB’s earlier review, the court ordered a new analysis of
Yuldashev’s essay, “Path to Faith,” which determined it to be an extremist document. But
the “expert analysis” cited text that did not appear in the actual essay.287 According to
Yuldashev’s wife, after a hearing that lasted no more than an hour and in which no
witnesses presented evidence, the court sentenced Yuldashev to 17 years’ imprisonment
in a high security facility.288
After his conviction, prison authorities transferred Yuldashev repeatedly from one prison to
another. He spent time in Jaslyk prison, where he was subjected to severe beatings with
rubber truncheons.289 By 2005 Yuldashev’s health had deteriorated gravely and he had
spent two years in a prison hospital in Tashkent suffering from tuberculosis.290
283 Noah Tucker, “Akrom Yo’ldashev, the Myth of Akromiya, and Islam Karimov’s ‘War on Terror,’” from Central Asia and the
Caucasus Working Group, October 9, 2007, on file with Human Rights Watch; Sarah Kendzior, “Inventing Akromiya: The Role
of Uzbek Propagandists in the Andijon Massacre,” Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, vol. 14(4),
2006, p. 548.
284 Human Rights Watch interview with “Rustam R.,” Washington, DC, February 22, 2013.
285 Saidjahon Zaynabitdinnov, “The ‘Akromiya’ Community – A Tendentious Creation of Uzbek Security Services and Political
Scientists,” Fergana News, May 4, 2005, http://www.fergananews.com/article.php?id=3629 (accessed September 11, 2014).
286 Noah Tucker, “Akrom Yo’ldashev, the Myth of Akromiya, and Islam Karimov’s ‘War on Terror,’” from Central Asia and the
Caucasus Working Group, October 9, 2007, on file with Human Rights Watch.
287 Ibid.
288Aizenman, N.C., “The Eye of the Uzbek Storm,” Washington Post, May 29, 2005, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
Partners in civil society from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan,” Civicus, March 3, 2011,
http://civicus.org/images/stories/Eurasia/ReporttoUNSR-UzTk.pdf (accessed September 11, 2014).
290 Human Rights Watch Interview with “Rustam R.,” Washington, DC, February 22, 2013.
At first, you feel a terrible headache, then you see everything in red as if
blood is pouring down your eyes, then you see black and white stripes.
After a while it seems that your entire body has moved into your head, and
your head hurts like hell. With that, you feel that your soul wants to break
free of your body, and you want to help it (by tearing the body apart), but
you don’t feel your body.
—Imprisoned UN employee, Erkin Musaev.295
Since the Andijan massacre the government has aggressively pursued, detained, tortured,
and prosecuted anyone believed to have either participated in or witnessed the events.
The government has also taken steps to suppress and manipulate the truth about the
massacre. Between September 2005 and July 2006, in 22 flawed and closed trials, courts
convicted and sentenced at least 303 people to lengthy prison terms on various charges of
extremism.296 Nearly all of these people, many of whom allege that they have been or
continue to suffer torture in detention, remain in prison.297 The government also continues
to aggressively pursue the return of individuals who fled the country following the atrocity.
In some cases, it has sought to lure people back by providing assurances that no harm will
come to them.298 In several cases where refugees agreed to return, including in the case of
Dilorom Abdukodirova described below, those assurances proved false.
Tashkent has refused to comply with demands, mainly by Western governments, to allow
an independent investigation into Andijan and to improve its human rights record. Instead,
295 This is an excerpt from a diary Erkin Musaev kept of the torture he suffered following his arrest in 2006 that he passed at
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2008/uzbekistan0508/4.htm, p.12.
297 “Human Rights Watch Submission to the United Nations Committee Against Torture on Uzbekistan,” Human Rights Watch
were forcibly returned to Uzbekistan from Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine. Human Rights Watch, Saving Its
Secrets: Government Repression in Andijan, p.42.
299 “EU must put pressure on Uzbekistan over Andizhan killings,” Amnesty International, May 12, 2010,
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/eu-must-put-pressure-uzbekistan-over-andizhan-killings-2010-05-12
(accessed September 11, 2014).
300 “Uzbekistan: Stop Persecuting Andijan Refugees’ Families,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 4, 2010,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/05/04/uzbekistan-stop-persecuting-andijan-refugees-families%20.
301 “Uzbekistan: No Justice 7 Years after Andijan Massacre,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 12, 2012,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/05/11/uzbekistan-no-justice-7-years-after-andijan-massacre.
On April 30, 2010, the Andijan City Court convicted Abdukodirova on charges of illegal
border crossing and anti-constitutional activity, sentencing her to 10 years and two months
in prison.306 During her hearing on April 28, Abdukodirova, according to her relative,
appeared with bruises on her face, had lost a lot of weight, and would not make eye
contact with family members.307 During the same hearing, Abdukodirova reportedly
confessed to all charges, including the prosecutor’s accusation that she organized a
busload of people to participate in the demonstration on May 13, 2005.308 However, at the
next hearing, she again pleaded innocent to the charges, except for having unlawfully
crossed the border into Kyrgyzstan in 2005.309
After Abdukodirova was arrested, the police summoned her relatives and warned them not
to organize demonstrations in her defense.310 Abdukodirova’s relatives reported to Human
Rights Watch that her sentence was extended by an additional eight years at some point in
2012 for alleged “violations of prison rules” following a closed trial inside her prison.
Abdukodirova is serving her sentence at Tashkent women’s prison.
302 “EU must put pressure on Uzbekistan over Andizhan killings,” Amnesty International, May 12, 2010,
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/eu-must-put-pressure-uzbekistan-over-andizhan-killings-2010-05-12
(accessed September 11, 2014).
303 “Uzbekistan: No Justice 7 Years after Andijan Massacre,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 12, 2012,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2012/05/11/uzbekistan-no-justice-7-years-after-andijan-massacre.
304 “Uzbekistan: Stop Persecuting Andijan Refugees’ Families,” Human Rights Watch news release, May 4, 2010,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/05/04/uzbekistan-stop-persecuting-andijan-refugees-families%20.
305 Ibid.
306 “EU must put pressure on Uzbekistan over Andizhan killings,” Amnesty International, May 12, 2010,
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/eu-must-put-pressure-uzbekistan-over-andizhan-killings-2010-05-12
(accessed September 11, 2014)
307 Ibid.
308 Ibid.
309 Ibid.
310 Ibid.
popularity for its content and unique design. Arrested: June 27, 2008 (Ibragimov); August 16,
2008 (Eshkuziev, Kabilov, and Vafoev); September
The men, along with colleague Abdulaziz
27, 2008 (Tojiev)
Dadakhanov, were arrested in 2008 as part of a Charges: Various, including “disseminating
wider campaign against alleged adherents of materials or information threatening to the public
the conservative, independent Nur religious order” and “establishing, leading, or participation in
movement, based on the philosophies of the a religious extremist, separatist, fundamentalist or
other banned organization”
Turkish-Kurdish theologian Said Nursi. 312
Sentenced: February 26, 2009; Ibragimov and
Kabilov to 12 years, Vafoev to 10 years, and
In the early years of Uzbekistan’s Eshkuziev to 8 years; April 8, 2009: Tojiev to 8 years
independence, a Nursi-influenced Turkish
philanthropist and scholar, Fethullah Gulen, financed the establishment of Uzbek-Turkish
lycées, which quickly gained renown as elite institutions that taught English. In 1999, with
tensions mounting in diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan, Uzbek authorities
closed the lycées.313 According to the authorities, the schools instilled a belief in the
supremacy of the Turkish government and promoted Nursi’s teachings.314 The closure of the
schools came amid a continuing crackdown on independent Islam.315 The deterioration of
Uzbek-Turkish relations was also attributed to Ankara’s refusal to extradite Erk party leader
Muhammad Solih, whom Uzbek authorities tied to the February 1999 Tashkent bombings.316
311 Sentence of Botir Eshkuziev, Bahrom Ibragimov, Davron Kabilov, Ravshanbek Vafoev, and Abdulaziz Dadakhanov (b.
1977), Tashkent City Criminal Court, decision of February 26, 2009, on file with Human Rights Watch; “Uzbekistan: Reports of
Crackdown on ‘Nur’ Religious Group,” Wikileaks, February 13, 2009,
http://cablegatesearch.net/cable.php?id=09TASHKENT177&q=irmoq (accessed September 11, 2014).
312 “Uzbekistan: Reports of Crackdown on ‘Nur’ Religious Group,” Wikileaks, February 13, 2009,
of Eshkuziev and others”), Tashkent Criminal Court, decision of February 26, 2009, on file with Human Rights Watch.
315 “Uzbekistan: Reports of Crackdown on ‘Nur’ Religious Group,” Wikileaks, February 13, 2009,
Freedom Regional Human Rights Portal, February 13, 2009, http://vof.kg/?p=3082 (accessed September 11, 2014).
According to court documents, US diplomatic cables, and trial monitors, the journalists
denied the charges and alleged SNB officers tortured them during the investigation.323
They stated that officers beat them and stuck needles under their fingernails to extract
confessions.324 As a result of this alleged torture, all five men ultimately signed “letters of
regret,” admitting partial guilt.325 Trial monitors reported that the trial was marred by other
procedural violations, including the court’s refusal to allow the defendants to challenge
the state-appointed experts’ testimony that Irmoq is an “extremist” publication.326 A
Tashkent court sentenced them to prison terms on February 26, 2009: Ibragimov and
319 Sentence of Eshkuziev and others on file with Human Rights Watch.
320 Felix Corley, and Mushfig Bayram, “Uzbekistan: ‘You Call White Black and Black White,’” Forum 18, February 27, 2009,
322 “Uzbekistan: Reports of Crackdown on ‘Nur’ Religious Group,” Wikileaks, February 13, 2009,
324 “Uzbekistan: Reports of Crackdown on ‘Nur’ Religious Group,” Wikileaks, February 13, 2009,
After sustained diplomatic pressure and advocacy by international human rights groups,
Dadakhanov was released in mid-2012. The others remain in prison.
327 “Uzbekistan: Recent Religious Extremism and Terrorism Convictions,” Wikileaks, April 13, 2009,
On January 31, 2006, border guards arrested Musaev at Tashkent airport, after allegedly
uncovering a disk among his belongings containing “state secrets.” Musaev wrote to his
father that officials had planted the evidence during the search.331 Musaev’s mother testified
to the UN Human Rights Committee that the search did not conform to due process
standards.332 In its 2007 Human Rights report on Uzbekistan, the US State Department
reported that Musaev was tortured in detention, including severe beatings on his head, chest,
and feet, and that he was held for two months without access to counsel or any visitors.333
According to a joint letter of the UN special rapporteur on torture and the head of the UN
Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to President Karimov, Musaev sustained a broken
jaw during one such beating.334 Authorities also coerced him to sign a confession that he
had engaged in espionage for the US, the UK, and the UN.335 Various experts linked his
arrest to President Karimov’s anger at Western governments’ reaction to the Andijan
massacre and his repeated assertions that there was a Western government-backed
conspiracy to oust him through a “color” revolution.336
Authorities initially charged Musaev with high treason and sharing government secrets. On
June 13, 2006, a Tashkent military court sentenced him to 15 years’ imprisonment. The day
after his conviction, he was additionally charged with abuse of power and neglect of duty,
330Ibid.
331 Phillip Shishkin, “The Enemy We Need: Washington Courts a Repressive Uzbekistan-Again,” World Affairs Journal,
During the third trial, Musaev’s family reported that his health was deteriorating. In a 2008
letter published on Fergananews.com, his wife stated he was in critical condition and that
she learned during a recent visit that he had been beaten so severely that his face was
unrecognizable.341
In May 2008 the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention rendered an opinion finding
Musaev’s imprisonment “arbitrary” and in contravention of several international
agreements to which Uzbekistan is a party.342 By February 2011, authorities had transferred
Musaev to a high security prison in Navoi province and his body showed signs of burns
and wounds.343 In June 2012 the UN Human Rights Committee also rendered a judgment
that the Uzbek government was in violation of ICCPR articles 7, 9, and 14, calling on
Uzbekistan to provide him with an effective remedy.344 Musaev remains imprisoned.345
337 Ibid.
338 Ibid; Raykhon Musaeva, “Uzbekistan: Wife of Sentenced Lieutenant E. Musaev Says Husband Has Been Tortured in
Prison,” Fergana News, January 14, 2008, http://www.fergananews.com/news.php?id=8160 (accessed September 11, 2014).
339 “Third Strike for Former Defense Official Erkin Musaev,” Wikileaks, January 15, 2008,
communication from the Chair-Rapporteur of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Mr. El Hadji Malick Sow, and the
Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Mr. Juan Méndez, regarding
the convict, Mr. Erkin Musaev,” HRC/NONE/2012/107GE.12-15671 (E) 081012 091012, June 19, 2012,
https://spdb.ohchr.org/hrdb/21st/Uzbekistan_19.06.12_(5.2012)_Trans.pdf (accessed September 11, 2014).
341 Raykhon Musaeva, “Uzbekistan: Wife of Sentenced Lieutenant E. Musaev Says Husband Has Been Tortured in Prison,”
Fergana News, January 14, 2008, http://www.fergananews.com/news.php?id=8160 (accessed September 11, 2014).
342 UN Human Rights Council, Agenda Item 3 (tenth session, 2009), “Opinions Adopted by the Working Group on Arbitrary
344 UN Human Rights Committee, Communications Nos. 1914, 1915 and 1916/2009, Views adopted by the Committee at its
And you are going to tell us where to build our prisons, are you? Why are
you so set on closing Jaslyk? Have you ever been there? Or how about any of
those who constantly write about it? I’ve seen it with my own eyes. How
would you know if Jaslyk meets international standards [on the treatment of
prisoners]?
—Akmal Saidov, head of Uzbek government delegation to the UN
Committee against Torture, responding to the committee’s
recommendation that the Jaslyk prison, known for torture, should be closed,
October 30, 2013, Geneva
This chapter analyzes these different categories of abuse and identifies the international
human rights laws and standards, and in some cases, Uzbekistan’s own laws, which such
abuses so egregiously violate. This chapter draws both on the 34 cases presented above
and interviews with 10 additional individuals formerly imprisoned on politically motivated
charges, some of whom have been released in the last year.346
345 “Tashkent’s Tidbits February 10, 2009,” Wikileaks, February 11, 2009,
Farkhodkhon Mukhtarov, Kayum Ortikov, Nematjon Siddikov, Mutabar Tadjibaeva, Sanjar Umarov, and Gulnaza Yuldasheva.
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers also echo these requirements
and further clarify that legal assistance must be provided promptly (defined as within 48
hours of arrest), must be confidential, and must be given without outside interference.348
In January 2009 the Uzbek government expanded, in law at least, procedural rights for
pretrial detainees, including a right of access to counsel and instructing police to administer
United States-style “Miranda” warnings to suspects in custody. Under the amended article
49 of the Criminal Procedure Code, lawyers should be granted immediate access to their
clients at any stage of the criminal process, including from the moment of arrest.349
348 Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the
Treatment of Offenders, Havana, August 27 to September 7, 1990, U.N. Doc. A/CONF.144/28/Rev.1 at 118 (1990), Principles 1, 5,
6, 7 and 8. (Principle 7: “Governments shall further ensure that all persons arrested or detained, with or without criminal charge,
shall have prompt access to a lawyer, and in any case not later than forty-eight hours from the time of arrest or detention.”
Principle 8: “All arrested, detained or imprisoned persons shall be provided with adequate opportunities, time and facilities to
be visited by and to communicate and consult with a lawyer, without delay, interception or censorship and in full confidentiality.
Such consultations may be within sight, but not within the hearing, of law enforcement officials.”)
349 Instead of written authorization (dopusk), a lawyer must merely present proof of his representation order, such as a
retainer agreement signed by the lawyer and the family, to gain access to a facility where a client is held. Were such a right
Lawyers report that even when they are allowed one or two meetings with their clients,
authorities use a variety of methods to prevent them from meaningfully consulting with or
representing them. Tactics include not being informed of the time and date of key
hearings, witness interrogations, and refusals to allow them to meet with their clients
confidentially. The experiences of former political prisoners also support this pattern.
In 2013, Fergana
For example, Nematjon
valley-based activist Siddikov, a rights activist from
Nematjon Siddikov the Fergana valley imprisoned
was arrested after his
family was assaulted
in 2012 until his release under
at home by unknown amnesty in 2013, was held for
assailants following
several months in pretrial
his investigation into
local police detention with severely limited
corruption. He was access to counsel, and all
sentenced to six years
visitation requests made by
but later released
under amnesty. © family members were denied.
2013 Human Rights Despite their continued
Alliance of Uzbekistan
requests for information,
authorities notified Siddikov’s
relatives about his trial only on
guaranteed in practice, it would significantly reduce the amount of time detainees are left in incommunicado detention,
where they are often interrogated.
350 Human Rights Watch interview with Rustam Tyuleganov, Tashkent, November 10, 2010.
351 “Uzbekistan: Release Independent Journalist,” Human Rights Watch news release, September 12, 2008,
http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/09/11/uzbekistan-release-independent-journalist.
Incommunicado Detention
January 2009 amendments to Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code provide for a detainee’s right to
contact a lawyer or close family member immediately, but in practice police do not allow
detainees to exercise their right to make a phone call and do not otherwise inform a
detainee’s family of their detention. Although article 217 of the Criminal Procedure Code
requires police, prosecutors, or courts to inform relatives of the detention within 24 hours,
this provision is often ignored. Family members may search for days before receiving
confirmation that their relatives are in custody. In some cases, police may even deny they
are holding a suspect in order to throw family members off the trail.
Under international law, authorities commit an enforced disappearance when they refuse
to acknowledge holding someone in custody or conceal the person’s fate or whereabouts,
thereby placing them outside the protection of the law. Disappearance, a crime under
international law, increases the likelihood of torture or other ill-treatment.
As illustrated in the previous chapter, Uzbek authorities’ violations of these rights have
resulted in conditions of prolonged incommunicado detention for several individuals
imprisoned on politically motivated charges, including Samandar Kukanov, Isroiljon
Kholdorov, and Akzam Turgunov.
Torture
Over the past two decades Human Rights Watch has documented hundreds of credible
allegations of law enforcement officials in Uzbekistan using both physical and
psychological torture to abuse detainees and prisoners, including many of the individuals
profiled here.353
352 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with Shuhrat Rustamov, Human Rights Alliance of Uzbekistan, May 22, 2013.
353 Human Rights Watch, Nowhere to Turn: Torture and Ill-treatment in Uzbekistan, vol. 19, no. 6(D), November 2007,
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2007/11/05/nowhere-turn; Human Rights Watch, No One Left to Witness; Human Rights Watch,
And it Was Hell All Over Again: Torture in Uzbekistan, Vol. 12, No.12 (D), December 2000,
http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2000/uzbek.
In November 2013 the UN Committee against Torture expressed concern at the “numerous,
ongoing, and consistent allegations” of torture and ill-treatment in Uzbekistan, citing a
European Court of Human Rights judgment which states that torture and ill-treatment are
systematic, unpunished, and encouraged by law enforcement officers.356 The committee
further expressed concern that “human rights defenders that have been deprived of their
liberty have been subjected to torture and other ill-treatment,” specifically naming many of
the current and former prisoners featured in this report.357
354 ICCPR, adopted December 16, 1966, G.A. Res. 2200A (XXI), 21 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 16) at 52, U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966),
999 U.N.T.S. 171, entered into force March 23, 1976, ratified by Uzbekistan on September 28, 1995, art. 19(2).
355 Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, adopted December 10,
1984, G.A. res. 39/46, annex, 39 U.N. GAOR Supp. (No. 51) at 197, U.N. Doc. A/39/51 (1984), entered into force June 26, 1987,
ratified by Uzbekistan on September 28, 1995.
356 UN Committee against Torture, “Concluding Observations,”
http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CAT%2fC%2fUZB%2fCO%2f4&Lang=en
(accessed on September 11, 2014). In at least seven cases decided since the beginning of 2008, the European Court of
Human Rights has ruled that sending an individual wanted by authorities to Uzbekistan would be a breach of the absolute
ban on return to risk of torture, on the basis that torture and ill-treatment remains so pervasive in the country.
357 UN Committee Against Torture, “Concluding Observations,” p. 3.
http://tbinternet.ohchr.org/_layouts/treatybodyexternal/Download.aspx?symbolno=CAT%2fC%2fUZB%2fCO%2f4&Lang=en
(accessed September 11, 2014).
358 “Human Rights Watch Submission to the United Nations Committee against Torture on Uzbekistan,” October 2013,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/10/28/human-rights-watch-submission-united-nations-committee-against-torture-
uzbekistan.
359 “U.S. Official on Conviction of Gulnaza Yuldasheva in Uzbekistan,” US State Department IIP Digital, July 21, 2012,
Such attacks often were compounded by prison authorities’ subsequent denial of medical
treatment to the victims. This treatment directly violates Uzbek law and contravenes
international standards prohibiting the use of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or
punishment to which Uzbekistan is a party.
360 Human Rights Watch Interview with Gulnaza Yuldasheva, Kiev, Ukraine, February 13, 2013.
361 Human Rights Watch interview with Kayum Ortikov and Mohira Ortikova, Kiev, February 12, 2014.
362 Ibid.
Officers would hang him from the ceiling by his wrists, and eight or nine
people one after the other would beat him. When I saw him, it was obvious
he had been hanged by the wrists. I could see the marks.363
Ortikov’s suffering was so great that he tried to slit his wrists with his own teeth and later
used a razor blade to cut his head and neck. Following sustained public advocacy by his
wife, human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, and British journalists, Ortikov
was released in May 2011, after which he and his family fled the country and finally
resettled as refugees in the United States in February 2014.
Solitary Confinement
Prison authorities have also
subjected individuals imprisoned on
politically motivated charges to
solitary confinement, either
arbitrarily imposing it on them or
using it as a means of reprimanding
dissent within the prison system.
363 Ibid.
364 United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (Standard Minimum Rules), adopted by the First
United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, held at Geneva in 1955, and approved
by the Economic and Social Council by its resolution 663 C (XXIV) of July 31, 1957, and 2076 (LXII) of May 13, 1977, art. 31.
However, in several cases Human Rights Watch researched prisoners were subjected to
significant periods of solitary confinement at some point in their detention. They
experienced cramped, squalid cells without bedding—some in total darkness, others with
permanent bright lights—where they were deprived of all human contact. They said they
were repeatedly denied visits by medical professionals, a further contravention of
international standards.
365 United Nations Human Rights Committee, General Comment 20, Compilation of General Comments and General
Recommendations Adopted by Human Rights Treaty Bodies, U.N. Doc. HRI/GEN/1/Rev.1 at 30 (1994), art. 6.
366 “The practice [of solitary confinement] has a clearly documented negative impact on mental health, and therefore should be
used only in exceptional circumstances or when absolutely necessary for criminal investigation purposes. In all cases, solitary
confinement should be used for the shortest period of time.” United Nations General Assembly, Interim Report of the Special
Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, UN Doc. A/63/175, July 28, 2008, p. 2.
367 “Uzbekistan: Jailed Opposition Leader’s Health at Risk,” Human Rights Watch news release, November 1, 2005,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2005/10/31/uzbekistan-jailed-opposition-leader-s-health-risk.
After sustained pressure by human rights groups and US officials, Umarov was released in
November 2009 and was immediately resettled to the US, where he now lives with his
family. He continues to speak about torture in Uzbekistan and chairs the “Sunshine
Uzbekistan” movement in exile.
Many persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges have been routinely denied
treatment for serious medical problems, many of which emerged over the course of prolonged
imprisonment. Their representatives and recently released prisoners jailed on such charges
said that poor prison conditions—which produced and then exacerbated such health
problems—were neither monitored nor remedied, as international standards demand.371
Under international human rights law prisoners, like all other persons, enjoy the right to
the highest attainable standard of health, which means that prison authorities should
take practical measures to protect the physical integrity and the health of persons who
have been deprived of their liberty. Failure to provide adequate health care or medical
368 C.J. Chivers, “An Uzbek Survivor of Torture Seeks to Fight It Tacitly,” New York Times, September 24, 2010,
States have an obligation to ensure access to health facilities, goods, and services to all
persons, including prisoners, without discrimination on the basis of their political or other
status. Governments also have obligations to “refrain from denying or limiting equal access
for all persons, including prisoners or detainees to preventive, curative, and palliative health
services” and to abstain from “enforcing discriminatory practices as state policy.”373
372 UN Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment, principles 1 and 24.
373 UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, “Substantive Issues Arising in the Implementation of the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,” General Comment No. 14, The Right to the Highest
Attainable Standard of Health, E/C.12/2000/4 (2000), para. 34. States also have an obligation to ensure access to core
minimum standards of the right to health, especially for vulnerable or marginalized groups. CESCR General Comment 14
paras 43 and 44. Prisoners are also mentioned in para 34. The Human Rights Committee has repeatedly determined that the
ICCPR requires governments to provide “adequate medical care during detention.” Pinto v. Trinidad and Tobago
(Communication No. 232/1987), Report of the Human Rights Committee, vol. 2, UN Doc A/45/40, p. 69. The Committee
against Torture has also found that failure to provide adequate medical care can violate the CAT’s prohibition of cruel,
inhuman or degrading treatment. UN Committee against Torture, “Concluding Observations: New Zealand,” (1998) UN Doc.
A/53/44, para. 175. Also, Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee: Republic of Moldova, CCPR/CO/75/MDA,
2002,
http://docstore.ohchr.org/SelfServices/FilesHandler.ashx?enc=6QkG1d%2fPPRiCAqhKb7yhsmq1D%2b4Wvg6LhA1iuk%2bH
o%2bUUl%2f18PqzftybICPY5yac8piWATK8r2LWbh%2fu4BHKEHg9hC51fvbu3iIbqdvejmeXapVvM%2f0qY73OwlMa9OJ3P,
(accessed September 11, 2014), para. 9.
374 Chapter II, Profiles of Azam Farmonov, Mehriniso Hamdamova, Isroiljon Kholdorov, Gaybullo Jalilov, Ganikhon
Mamatkhanov, Chuyan Mamatkulov, Bobomurod Razzakov, Akzam Turgunov, Solijon Abdurakhmanov, Muhammad Bekjanov,
Yusuf Ruzimuradov, Dilmurod Saidov, Murod Juraev, Samandar Kukanov, Rustam Usmanov, Akram Yuldashev, and Erkin
Musaev.
Such failures to provide timely medical attention may constitute inhuman or degrading
treatment, as they unnecessarily exacerbate the suffering of prisoners.379
Despite signs that prison conditions aggravate the illnesses of all prisoners, in the cases
documented by Human Rights Watch, prison officials consistently fail to ensure that
harmful conditions are improved or move sick prisoners to facilities less likely to
375 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with “Tursuna T.,” Gulistan, April 17, 2011.
http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/06/05/uzbekistan-critically-ill-activist-freed.
378 Human Rights Watch telephone interview with “Tursuna T.,” Gulistan, June 26, 2014.
379 Rick Lines, “The right to health of prisoners in international human rights law,” International Journal of Prisoner Health,
380 “Uzbekistan: Free Ailing Rights Defender,” Human Rights Watch news release, June 22,
2011,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/06/22/uzbekistan-free-ailing-rights-defender; “Uzbekistan: Imprisoned Activist Reportedly
Attempts Suicide,” Wikileaks, November 4, 2008, http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08TASHKENT1269_a.html
(accessed September 11, 2014).
381 UN Standard Minimum Rules, arts. 24(1) and 25(2).
Infractions used as a basis for denying amnesty have included “saying prayers,” “going to
the bathroom without prior permission,” “failure to keep one’s slippers in the proper
place,” and “wearing a white shirt”.
Human Rights Watch research indicates that prison officials have wide discretion over
whom to release under amnesty and are sometimes instructed from above to find
384 “More than two thousand people released in Uzbekistan under amnesty,” Trend, July 1, 2013,
A former senior prison official who worked for seven years at both men’s and women’s
prisons in Tashkent told Human Rights Watch that prison authorities are often instructed
to find reasons to deny amnesty to those prisoners who would otherwise be eligible,
especially those convicted on politically motivated charges:
When I worked at the women’s prison colony [in Zangiota] in my first two
years I looked after a group of inmates all year. There was a prisoner who
had served her four-year sentence for prostitution without any violations.
When it came time to prepare for the amnesty I got her paperwork ready for
release. She was a model prisoner and had her children to return to. But my
superiors said, “Find some kind of a violation [of prison rules]. She needs
to stay in longer.” I tried to resist and insisted on having a written order to
follow in order to do this, but they threatened to fire me.
Later I transferred to several other prisons and I saw that we did this to
almost all prisoners convicted on charges of article 159 [“anti-constitutional
activity”], and anyone regarded to be a jihadist [jihodchi] or in the political
opposition. 386
386 Human Rights Watch interview with “Nafisa N.,” Istanbul, March 21, 2014.
While the general regulations on the administration of prisons, issued by the Ministry of
Internal Affairs, set out a range of behaviors that prisoners are both required to and
prohibited from engaging in, they leave wide range for determining what constitutes a
“legitimate order” that should not be disobeyed. The guidelines also are not
comprehensive as to what would constitute “violations” under article 221 that form the
basis of sentence extensions. Human Rights Watch is not aware of any publicly available
source that alerts prisoners to what all these “violations” might be. The government did
not reply to our request for such information and none of the former prisoners, family
members of prisoners, or their lawyers could provide Human Rights Watch with any source
that sets out or defines the full scope of potential “violations.”
387 The 14 are: Isroiljon Kholdorov, Gaybullo Jalilov, Abdurasul Khudoynazarov, Mahmadali Mahmudov, Ganikhon
Mamatkhanov, Nosim Isakov, Muhammad Bekjanov, Murod Juraev, Gayrat Mikhliboev, Erkin Musaev, Zafarjon Rahimov,
Rustam Usmanov, Samandar Kukanov, and Dilorom Abdukodirova.
388 Human Rights Watch interview with Mutabar Tadjibaeva, Brussels, March 20, 2014.
While Human Rights Watch is unable to determine the number of such extensions that
have occurred in politically motivated and other cases, Human Rights Watch has regularly
received credible reports of arbitrary prison sentence extensions over many years. Rights
activists Surat Ikramov and Vitaly Ponomarev, who have monitored the practice for close to
two decades, report that the practice may affect thousands of prisoners.389
According to Ikramov, “There has long been an unspoken policy of using extensions
[prodleniya] to keep political prisoners and anyone who could be seen as a threat to the
regime incarcerated as long as possible, sometimes indefinitely. Their imprisonment
continues while they slowly succumb to illness, inhumane treatment, and the deplorable
conditions in which they are held.”390
Another particularly cruel aspect of the extensions is that they can occur within weeks of
the very end of a prisoner’s sentence, which may in some cases have been five or more
years. Families told Human Rights Watch that this inflicts a powerful psychological and
moral blow to the prisoner and his or her loved ones who have awaited the prisoner’s
release for years.
Extensions of sentences may also result in a decision to transfer a prisoner from his or her
current place of detention to a prison in an altogether different region of Uzbekistan, which
can compound the already great financial difficulties facing the families of individuals
imprisoned on politically motivated charges who must raise transportation funds to visit
their imprisoned relatives.
389 Human Rights Watch interview with Vitaly Ponomarev, Brussels, March 22, 2014; Human Rights Watch telephone
391 “Every prisoner shall be allowed to make a request or complaint, without censorship as to substance but in proper form,
to the central prison administration, the judicial authority or other proper authorities through approved channels.” UN
Standard Minimum Rules, art. 36, para. 3.
392 The late rights activist and former political prisoner Abdurasul Khudoynazarov declared a hunger strike in 2008 in
response to harsh conditions and ill-treatment and grew so desperate that he tried to commit suicide later that year.
393 UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, Uzbekistan, A/HRC/24/7, July 5,
394 “Uzbekistan: ICRC decides to terminate visits to detainees,” International Committee of the Red Cross, April 12, 2013,
The Uzbek government has faced virtually no consequences in its relations with
international actors for its persistent refusal to acknowledge its imprisonment of its
perceived opponents on politically motivated charges, to release them from prison, to
improve their treatment in custody, or to end the cycle of crackdown, arrests, and
convictions. Nor has the government faced concrete consequences for its systematic
failure to cooperate with international institutions tasked with improving or monitoring
human rights conditions such as the United Nations Human Rights Committee and the UN
Committee against Torture, or the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
The European Union and the United States have publicly criticized Uzbekistan’s atrocious
rights record in past years, most strongly in the immediate aftermath of the 2005 Andijan
massacre, placing sanctions and restrictions on Uzbekistan. Some EU and US officials
have also raised the cases of some of the current and former prisoners described in this
report. However, their criticism and public diplomacy have softened over the past five
years, most markedly since the lifting of EU sanctions in October 2009, which was followed
by a loosening of restrictions by the US government on military assistance to Tashkent in
January 2012. Tashkent’s failure to release and end its abuses of individuals imprisoned
on politically motivated charges has not substantially affected its relationships with
Washington, Brussels, or other European capitals, as most actors prioritize Uzbekistan’s
geostrategic importance as a transit route in the context of the war in Afghanistan.
When faced with sustained external pressure, including sanctions, restrictions on military
assistance, and other robust, public, specific criticism from high-level diplomats, the
These episodes demonstrate the importance and effectiveness of public pressure and
proactive engagement on human rights in Uzbekistan. In particular, Uzbekistan’s civil
society activists have noted that Tashkent has shown more willingness to engage on the
release of prisoners during periods when it has faced substantial pressure from external
actors and that the momentum on prisoner releases has decreased substantially by
contrast with those periods when international actors have opted for a “quieter” or more
conciliatory approach.395
United Nations
For over 12 years the Uzbek government has denied access to all 11 UN experts who have
requested invitations, including the UN special rapporteurs on the situation of human
rights defenders and on torture, and has failed to comply with recommendations by
various expert bodies. The Uzbek government has taken a similar stance with respect to
the ICRC and other international human rights organizations seeking to monitor conditions
in the country. In April 2013, due to government interference into its standard operating
procedures, the ICRC took the unusual step of publicly announcing its decision to suspend
its prison visitation program.
On April 24, 2013, Uzbekistan underwent the second cycle of Universal Periodic Review
at the sixteenth session of the UN Human Rights Council. A number of the
recommendations made by Australia, France, Slovakia, the United Kingdom, and the UK
called on the government to immediately and unconditionally release those they called
Uzbekistan’s political prisoners and respect its commitments on freedom of expression,
assembly, and association. The US delegation recommended for Uzbekistan to “initiate
395 See, for example, “The Uzbek Regime Had Been Forced to Deal with European Union Sanctions; Their Cancellation Takes
Away the EU’s Leverage To Influence Human Rights Situation [Режим Узбекистана был вынужден считаться с санкциями
Евросоюза, их отмена лишает ЕС рычагов влияния на ситуацию с правами человека в Узбекистане],” post to Nadejda
Atayeva blog, April 2, 2008, http://nadejda-atayeva.blogspot.com/2008/04/blog-post_2.html (accessed August 1, 2014),
includes chart of political prisoner arrests and releases. The association’s analysis reveals that at the height of EU sanctions,
2005-2006, 13 political prisoners, including rights activists and journalists, were released. But as sanctions were gradually
lessened in 2007 and 2008 the number of releases drops to 5 (despite the existence of dozens in custody), and then drops
to zero in 2009-2010, the year following the lifting of all remaining EU sanctions. The number of releases then rose back to 3
or 4 per year during 2011-2014. Human Rights Watch interview with Surat Ikramov, Bishkek, July 18, 2014.
Kasan prison colony 64/51 in the The UN Human Rights Council has a clear mandate
southern province of Kashkadarya. In to “address situations of violations of human
2013 the International Committee of the
rights, including gross and systematic violations
Red Cross announced it would stop
monitoring places of detention in and make recommendations thereon.” The Uzbek
Uzbekistan, citing authorities’ government’s systematic failure to engage
interference with its standard working
meaningfully with human rights mechanisms—as
procedures. © Association for Human
Rights in Central Asia demonstrated by its longstanding denial of access
to special procedures, its refusal to implement
recommendations made by special procedures and treaty bodies, and the approach of
denial and obfuscation it exhibited during its second UPR in April 2013 and the fifty-first
session of the UN Committee against Torture—warrants a strong Human Rights Council
response. The council should condemn unequivocally the gross and systematic human
rights violations by the Uzbek government and establish, without delay, a country-specific
monitoring mechanism that would allow for sustained and proactive engagement by the
council on the human rights situation in Uzbekistan.
396 UN Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, Uzbekistan, A/HRC/24/7, July 5,
In the immediate aftermath of the 2005 Andijan massacre, the EU, along with the US
government, various UN bodies, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe,
and the NATO Council called for an independent international inquiry into the events and
for accountability for those government officials found responsible.399 Yet Uzbek
authorities responded with a refusal to cooperate and renewed persecution of civil
society that included the arrest of more than 20 well-known human rights activists,
journalists, and political opposition figures, several of whom are still in prison.400
398 Conclusions of the EU General Affairs and External Relations Council, 2971st Council Meeting, October 27, 2009,
400 Human Rights Watch email correspondence with Nadejda Atayeva, August 21, 2013.
401 European Union, “Council Common Position of 14 November 2005 concerning restrictive measures against Uzbekistan,”
In January 2011 NATO and European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso hosted
President Karimov in Brussels as a gesture of renewed engagement. Barroso issued a
statement critical of Uzbekistan’s human rights record, even mentioning several political
prisoners.405 He also reiterated the need for the Uzbek government to fulfill the human
402 “Conclusions of the EU General Affairs and External Relations Council,” 2971st Council Meeting, October 27, 2009,
404 Council of Europe, European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 4 November
1950, ETS No.5. Consistently the European Court of Human Rights has held that ill-treatment has been a persistent problem
in Uzbekistan with “no concrete evidence … produced to demonstrate any fundamental improvement in this area in this
country for several years.” The court therefore concluded “that ill-treatment of detainees is a pervasive and enduring
problem in Uzbekistan.” Sultanov v. Russia, European Court of Human Rights, no. 15303/09, judgment of November 4, 2010,
para. 71; Karimov v. Russia, European Court of Human Rights, no. 54219/08, judgment of July 29. 2010, para. 99; Isakov v.
Russia, European Court of Human Rights, no. 14049/08, judgment of July 8,2010, para. 109; Yuldashev v. Russia, European
Court of Human Rights, no. 1248/09, judgment of July 8, 2010, para. 84; Garayev v. Azerbaijan, European Court of Human
Rights, no. 53688/08, judgment of June 10, 2010, para. 72; Muminov v. Russia, European Court of Human Rights, no.
42502/06, judgment of December 11, 2008, para. 94; Ismoilov and Others v. Russia, European Court of Human Rights, no.
2947/06, judgment of April 24, 2008, para. 122; Yakubov v. Russia, no. 7265/10, European Court of Human Rights, judgment
of November 8, 2011.
405 “Statement of European Commission President José Manuel Barroso following his meeting with the President of
Uzbekistan Islam Karimov,” European Commission press release, MEMO/11/40, January 24, 2011,
http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-11-40_en.htm?locale=en (accessed September 11, 2014); Letter from Human
Rights Watch to European Commission President Barroso on Uzbek President Islam Karimov’s Visit to Brussels, January 19,
2011, http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/01/19/letter-european-commission-president-barroso-uzbek-president-islam-
karimov-s-visit-b.
While the EU has repeatedly stated that closer relations are contingent on progress on
human rights, it has not followed through with any known policy consequences in
response to Uzbekistan's consistent failure to make concrete, demonstrable progress.
With the adoption on June 25, 2012 of a comprehensive human rights package, EU foreign
ministers made a pledge to prioritize human rights in EU policy at home and abroad.407
The commitments made in the strategic framework on human rights further obligate the EU
to take principled, public positions on Uzbekistan’s abysmal human rights record. The true
test of the commitments made in the framework will be whether the EU will make good on its
promise to throw its “full weight behind advocates of liberty, democracy, and human rights.”
406 Several months later, the Uzbek Supreme Court liquidated Human Rights Watch’s Tashkent office registration, expelling
the organization from the country, despite that the continued operation of Human Rights Watch in Uzbekistan had been a
specific human rights criteria outlined by the FAC. “Uzbekistan: Government Shuts Down Human Rights Watch Office,”
Human Rights Watch news release, March 16, 2011, http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/03/15/uzbekistan-government-shuts-
down-human-rights-watch-office.
407 The EU human rights package consists of a strategic framework on human rights and democracy, an EU action plan, and a
decision to appoint an EU special representative on human rights. EU foreign ministers pledged that human rights,
democracy, and rule of law will be promoted “in all areas of the EU's external actions without exception” and that the EU will
“place human rights at the center of its relations with all third countries including strategic partners.” Catherine Ashton said
upon adoption of the package: “Human rights are one of my top priorities and a silver thread that runs through everything
that we do in external relations…”
United States
In recent years, the US government has avoided attaching any serious policy
consequences for Uzbekistan’s failure to improve its overall abysmal human rights record,
including its continuing failure to release political prisoners and continuing imprisonment
of civil society activists. The Obama administration views Uzbekistan as a critical part of
the Northern Distribution Network (NDN) through which it has sent nonlethal supplies to
Afghanistan since 2009.
The Department of State has long documented Uzbekistan’s atrocious rights record, and
beginning in 2004, Congress restricted assistance to Uzbekistan, including military aid,
based on the absence of “substantial and continuing progress” in its human rights
record.409 It escalated those restrictions after the Andijan events and helped organize an
airlift and resettlement to the US of hundreds of Uzbek refugees who fled from the violence
into neighboring Kyrgyzstan.410
In 2006, and each year since, the State Department has designated Uzbekistan a “Country
of Particular Concern” (CPC) based on the findings of the bi-partisan Commission on
408 The European Parliament set a rare, positive example in December 2011, when it rejected a reduction of EU textile tariffs
until Uzbekistan grants access to the International Labor Organization to monitor the cotton harvest and takes concrete
steps to end forced child labor. It is only in this context that one can then set forth a strategy that will successfully guide EU-
funded projects on the rule of law.
409 FY 2004 Consolidated Appropriations Act 2004 (H.R. 2673), US Congress, http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-
violence against civilians in Andijan in May 2005. In fiscal year 2008, the Senate added another condition that if the
Secretary of State had credible evidence that Uzbek officials might be linked to the “deliberate killings of civilians in
Andijon … or for other gross violations of human rights,” (P.L. 110-161), these individuals would be ineligible for admission to
the US.
At the same time, the Uzbek government has exhibited a pattern of providing some human
rights concessions in advance of high-level negotiations with the US. In advance of then-
Secretary of State Hilary Clinton’s visit to Tashkent in December 2010, and following her
411 United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, “USCIRF Annual Report 2013 - Countries of Particular
http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2013/country-chapters/uzbekistan?page=2.
Despite these positive developments, the absence of concrete policy consequences for the
Uzbek government’s continued refusal to heed such demands or implement promised
reforms, as well as the US’s prioritization of the NDN in its relations with Uzbekistan, have
hobbled prospects for meaningful engagement on human rights issues.
The US should more robustly make freedom of assembly, expression, and association an
integral and regular part of all bilateral engagement with Uzbekistan. It should publicly
and regularly urge the release of activists, human rights defenders, and journalists
prosecuted on politically motivated charges. It should also push Tashkent to reform Uzbek
statutes such as those on religion, libel, and insult that limit the space for freedom of
expression, assembly, and association in the country.
413 “Uzbekistan: Activist’s Release Shows Sustained Pressure Works,” Human Rights Watch news release, December 4, 2010,
http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/12/04/uzbekistan-activist-s-release-shows-sustained-pressure-works-0.
414 Joanna Lillis, “Uzbekistan & Tajikistan: Visiting Clinton Offers NDN Appreciation, Cautions on Religious Rights,”
Eurasianet.org, October 24, 2011, http://www.eurasianet.org/node/64366 (accessed September 11, 2014); Catherine A.
Fitzpatrick, “Uzbekistan: Karimov's Nephew Released from Psychiatric Prison?” Eurasianet.org, November 28, 2011,
http://www.eurasianet.org/node/64588 (accessed September 11, 2014).
• Ensure fair trials for all defendants. Promptly investigate all allegations of
judicial procedural violations and ensure that judges take into account allegations
of torture and witnesses’ allegations of coercion on the part of investigators,
exclude all evidence procured through the use of torture or ill-treatment, and
thoroughly investigate allegations of fabrication of evidence.
• Provide families of all prisoners with full information regarding the location and
current health conditions of their relatives. Rigorously investigate all allegations of
intimidation or reprisals against family members and prisoners who communicate
with journalists, human rights defenders, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).
• Investigate and hold to account all officials, security service personnel, and
penal system staff alleged to have tortured or ill-treated prisoners and detainees or
denied requests for medical care.
• Comply with the United Nations Convention against Torture and other Cruel,
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and ratify the Optional Protocol
to the Convention against Torture, which requires Uzbekistan to permit visits by
the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment (SPT) and to establish an independent national
preventive mechanism for the prevention of torture at the domestic level.
• Clarify and bring into line with international standards overbroad criminal
articles such as article 158 on “threatening the president,” article 159 on
“threatening the constitutional order,” and article 244(2) on “forming, leading, or
membership in an extremist, fundamentalist, or otherwise banned organization,”
which are frequently manipulated to target people expressing their legitimate right
to freedom of expression, speech, or religion.
• Remove criminal responsibility for libel and insult (articles 139 and 140 of the
criminal code, respectively) in line with international standards and protect
freedom of speech and expression.
• End the crackdown on civil society and allow human rights defenders, journalists,
and others to operate free from harassment or other forms of undue government
interference. Allow local human rights groups to register and re-register foreign
NGOs that were liquidated or otherwise forced to cease operating in Uzbekistan,
including through granting visas and accreditation to their staff.
• The EU High Representative and EU foreign ministers should set a timeline for
Uzbek government compliance with the FAC human rights criteria and consider
the specific policy consequences that would follow should it not, such as
instituting targeted restrictive measures against Uzbek government entities
and individuals responsible for grave human rights violations in the country.
Such measures should include imposing visa bans and asset freezes with respect
to individuals responsible for torture and ill-treatment and the impunity with which
these abuses occur, the imprisonment of human rights defenders, journalists, and
political opposition figures, and the repression and harassment of independent
civil society.
• Press the Uzbek government to permit the registration of local human rights
groups and the re-registration of foreign NGOs, including through granting visas
and accreditation to their staff.
• Make clear specific policy consequences that will follow if it does not. Such
consequences should include imposing targeted restrictive measures such as
asset freezes and visa bans (some of which already exist) against Uzbek
government entities and individuals responsible for grave human rights violations
in the country, including those responsible for torture and ill-treatment, politically
motivated imprisonment, and the harassment of independent civil society.
• Given the Uzbek government’s failure to cooperate with United Nations human
rights bodies and given the continued pattern of serious and widespread human
rights violations in Uzbekistan, support the establishment by the Human Rights
Council of a country-specific mechanism in the form of a special rapporteur on
the situation of human rights in Uzbekistan.
• Press the Uzbek government to permit the registration of local human rights
groups and the re-registration of foreign NGOs, including through granting visas
and accreditation to their staff.
• Lift the waiver in place on existing sanctions, including a ban on visits to the US
by high-level officials, which are outlined in the designation by the State
Department that Uzbekistan is a “country of particular concern” for its systematic
violations of religious freedom, including for the use of torture.
This report was researched and written by Steve Swerdlow, researcher in the Europe and
Central Asia Division of Human Rights Watch, and representative of Human Rights Watch’s
Tashkent office until the Uzbek government forced its closure in spring 2011.
Viktoriya Kim, coordinator in the Europe and Central Asia Division in 2009, conducted
preliminary research and several interviews for the report. Daniel Sheron, acting
coordinator in the Europe and Central Asia Division, researched and helped write case
profiles and provided invaluable assistance on several sections of the report.
The report was edited by Hugh Williamson, director of the Europe and Central Asia Division,
and by Tom Porteous, deputy program director in the Program Office. Allison Gill, senior
advisor to the Europe and Central Asia Division provided crucial editorial guidance. Veronika
Szente Goldston, Europe and Central Asia Division advocacy director, reviewed and provided
comments on the summary, recommendations, and international responses section. Aisling
Reidy, senior legal advisor at Human Rights Watch, conducted the legal review.
Production assistance was provided by Annkatrin Tritschoks and Kaitlin Martin, senior
associates in the Europe and Central Asia Division, Grace Choi, publications director,
Kathy Mills, publications specialist, and Fitzroy Hepkins, administrative manager.
Human Rights Watch expresses its deep gratitude and respect to the relatives of current
prisoners, former political prisoners, civil society activists, and organizations who agreed
to tell us about the realities persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges face in
Uzbekistan. Human Rights Watch would like to acknowledge the invaluable assistance and
contributions of a number of human rights activists and organizations in and outside of
Uzbekistan, including the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia, Memorial, the Fiery
Hearts Club, the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, the Human Rights Alliance, the
Initiative Group of Independent Human Rights Defenders, Frontline, the Committee to
Protect Journalists, the International Federation for Human Rights, Amnesty International,
and others. Human Rights Watch also extends our great appreciation to a number of
volunteers, including relatives of prisoners, who assisted our efforts to obtain data and
photos from individuals in prisons on politically motivated charges. We cannot name them
The Uzbek government has arbitrarily imprisoned thousands of individuals on political or (above) Individuals formerly
religious grounds to enforce its repressive rule since the early 1990s. The victims include imprisoned on politically motivated
human rights activists, journalists, political opposition activists, religious leaders and charges in Uzbekistan
believers, cultural figures, artists, entrepreneurs, and others imprisoned for the peaceful (front cover) Individuals currently
exercise of their freedom of expression. imprisoned on politically motivated
charges in Uzbekistan
Based on more than 150 in-depth interviews and analysis of recently obtained court
documents, “Until the Very End”: Politically Motivated Imprisonment in Uzbekistan profiles
the cases of 34 of Uzbekistan’s most prominent individuals imprisoned on politically
motivated charges. Those interviewed include 10 individuals previously imprisoned on such
charges.
The prisoners whose cases this report documents have experienced a wide range of human
rights violations, including denial of access to counsel, incommunicado detention, pretrial
and post-conviction torture, abusive and prolonged solitary confinement, the denial of
appropriate medical care, and the arbitrary denial of amnesty and extension of prison
sentences. Human Rights Watch calls on the Uzbek government for their immediate and
unconditional release.
Uzbekistan’s international partners, including the United States, the European Union and EU
member states, and UN Human Rights Council, should convey clearly to Tashkent, both in
public and in private, the urgent need for concrete human rights improvements, including
the release of all those imprisoned on politically motivated charges.
hrw.org