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Spain, §II: Traditional and popular music
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Spain, §II: Traditional and popular music
II. Traditional and popular music
1. Ethnomusicological research.
Research into the traditional music of Spain began only in the 19th century, although earlier folksong
collections, known as cancioneros, exist (see §II below; for a bibliography of early cancioneros see
also CANCIONERO). During this period an increasing interest in traditional life and the study of folklore
led to the collecting of folksongs. In 1799 a collection of seguidillas by J.A. Iza Zamácola appeared
(under the pseudonym of Don Preciso), and in the 19th century a major interest in folklore emerged
among small groups of intellectuals, particularly in Spanish territories with incipient regionalism, such
as the Basque country, Catalonia and Galicia. As early as 1826, for instance, J.I. de Iztueta
published a collection of Basque dances with musical transcriptions (see BASQUE MUSIC for a
bibliography of further collections). Despite this, 19th-century interest focussed on folksong; the
greatest number of collectors were from a literary background or were folklorists. As a result most
collections were restricted to literary texts: for example, those of Serafín Estébanez Calderón,
Manuel Murguía and Marià Aguiló. Those of Manuel Milà i Fontanals and Antonio Machado y
Alvarez deserve special attention. The first, influenced by Herder and German philology, carried out
important research on balladry with a methodological rigour at that time unusual in Spain. His
Romancerillo catalán also included some melodies published as an appendix. Machado y Alvarez's
clear positivistic approach, with an interest in folk literature, particularly in the area of Andalusia,
included several studies on flamenco song. In 1881 Machado y Alvarez founded the society El
Folk-Lore Español, which encouraged research on traditional Spanish folksong.
At the end of the 19th century the publication of songs with their melodies became more frequent,
often as a small appendix, as in the Cancionero vasco of José de Manterola and the Cantos
populares españoles of Francisco Rodríguez Marín. More importance was given to musical
transcription in the collections of Pau Bertran y Bros, F.P. Briz, José Inzenga and Eduardo Ocón.
Towards the close of the 19th century R.M. de Azkue assembled the material for his monumental
Cancionero vasco and Casto Sampedro y Folgar his Cancionero gallego, works that would not be
published until many years later. Also part of the musicological production of the 19th century was
the work of Mariano Soriano Fuertes, whose Historia de la música española desde la venida de los
fenicios hasta el año 1850, a speculative study, was seemingly based on previous work of Josep
Teixidor. This book considers musical aspects, which today are considered to belong to the modern
field of ethnomusicology, describing the music of old colonizers from Spain; it also includes some
Spanish folktunes as an appendix.
A number of publications from the end of the 19th century attest an increased interest in folksong.
These were largely the initiatives of isolated people with non-existent or at best weak support from
academic or other public institutions. Many such works were of nationalistic character and for
general public consumption, resulting in materials edited according to the literary and musical
aesthetic objectives of the time.
By the beginning of the 20th century, the study of traditional music was increasingly influenced by
incipient Spanish musicology, most prominently the theoretical work of the musicologist and
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composer Felipe Pedrell. A survey of his substantial work concerning musical folklore appears in the Copyright © Oxford University
Press 2007 — 2011.
four-volume Cancionero musical popular español (1918–22), which contains theoretical reflections
as well as numerous melodies from all corners of Spain. His teaching on musical nationalism
strongly influenced not only Spanish musicologists such as Higini Anglès and J.A. de Donostia but
also some of the most important Spanish composers of the 20th century (e.g. Albéniz, Falla,
Granados, Turina).
In the first third of the 20th century, important cancioneros were collected and edited, focussing often
on musical aspects, sometimes to the detriment of literary ones. Noteworthy folksong collections of
the period include those of Federico Olmeda on Burgos, Dámaso Ledesma on Salamanca, Donostia
on the Basque country, M.F. Núñez on León, Bonifacio Gil García on Extremadura, Miguel Arnaudas
Lorrodé on Teruel and Eduardo Martínez Torner on Asturias. Of particular interest is the work of
Martínez Torner, who was also concerned with systematization and theoretical reflection and who
organized his cancionero according to a strictly musicological classification based on the tonal
system and rhythmic-melodic elements. The work of Kurt Schindler in several Spanish provinces
between 1929 and 1933 was also important as he was one of the first to make phonograph
recordings.
L'Obra del Cançoner Popular de Catalunya (1921–39) is regarded as the first major attempt to
systematize research in Spain. This was a well-planned enterprise with ambitious aims and many
collaborators, including musicologists and folklorists such as Anglès, Francesc Pujol, Joan Tomàs i
Pares, Joan Amades, Joan Llongueras and Pere Bohigas. The project involved the systematic
gathering of folksongs in the Catalan-speaking area of Spain (Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic
Islands) and the comparative study and later publication of materials. Ethnographic data were used
as an important complement to the collected musical materials, while the published fieldwork reports
show the innovatory spirit and methodological rigour that inspired the project. Although the initiative
was cut short by the upheaval of the Spanish Civil War, a great amount of material was collected,
mostly transcribed in the field. Phonograph recordings were made in only a few cases and only a
small part has been published. After many years hidden in Barcelona and Switzerland to avoid any
reprisals by the Franco regime against Catalan culture, the collection is now conserved in the library
of the Monastery of Montserrat near Barcelona.
The development in the first third of the 20th century of what was known at the time in Spanish as
‘folklore musical’ was reflected in the celebration of the third congress of the IMS, held in Barcelona
in April 1936, when the section on traditional music played a relevant role. But the promising
evolution of Spanish musical folklore was cut short by the Spanish Civil War. The victory of General
Franco had disastrous consequences for the intellectual development of Spain, including
musicological research. In the four decades following the Civil War, Spanish folk music studies were
characterized by the undeniable marginalization of international research trends. Analysis of
published works from this period reveals considerable conservatism in methodological and
conceptual framework, with emphasis placed on achievements in early Spanish musical folklore.
Research interest centred almost exclusively on the musical product, disregarding both musical
processes and the dynamic of music as a cultural phenomenon. Interest was focussed in rural areas,
where musical materials pertaining to pre-industrial traditions were sought. As a result the
cancionero constituted the closest paradigmatic study of ethnomusicology in Spain during this era.
This conservative approach to the collection of folksong moved Spanish research away from the
different perspectives of ethnomusicology that were developing in other countries from the 1950s
onwards.
In the 1940s and 50s, the Sección Femenina de la Falange (the women's section of the Falange
party) undertook the important task of collecting and disseminating traditional song and dance. Their
work was strongly marked by the nationalism of Franco's political regime. Ethnomusicological
research in Spain was led during this period by the Instituto Español de Musicología (IEM; later
renamed the Departamento de Musicología), founded in 1943 at the Consejo Superior
d'Investigaciones Científicas in Barcelona. The distinguished specialists working in its musical
folklore section included Marius Schneider, J.A. de Donostia, Arcadio de Larrea, Bonifacio Gil
García and Manuel García Matos. Taking as their model the previous initiative of L'Obra del
Cançoner Popular de Catalunya, following closely its methodological and conceptual framework yet
working within the new political reality of the state, the IEM carried out a broad collecting task in
most Spanish provinces until the 1960s. As a result, in its first 20 years of existence the institute
created an archive of ethnomusicographical material; phonograms, however, are unfortunately rare.
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During his tenure at the IEM Schneider developed an important part of his theories on musical
symbolism. One of the most important researchers within the old line of Spanish musical folklore was
García Matos, who collected phonographic material in several regions of the country, leaving behind
a rich ethnomusicological legacy at his premature death in 1974. The ethnomusicologist Josep
Crivillé also carried out important research for several years. Since the 1960s interest in folk music
research at the IEM has progressively declined and the subject in Spain generally has relied on the
initiative of individuals with little support from academic institutions: these include the folksong
collections of Salvador Seguí, Miguel Manzano, Joaquín Díaz and Dorothé Schubarth. During the
1990s relatively new research perspectives with a more culturalist view have been introduced by
specialists such as Ramón Pelinski, Josep Martí, Jaume Aiats and Joaquina Labajo.
The concentration of research into cancioneros has resulted in the remarkable underdevelopment of
other aspects of ethnomusicology. Little theoretical work has been undertaken, culturalist or
sociological approaches are quite unusual and research fields such as popular music are still
incipient. The academic base of ethnomusicology in Spain has always been weak, with most
folksong collectors self-taught. Such collectors have as their principal reference point the
achievements of folk music from several decades ago.
Political transition following the death of Franco has provided an important catalyst for
ethnomusicological research. When Spain became a state composed of autonomous regions,
initiatives in folk music found the public administration a generous sponsor, encouraging the
collection and publication of materials as people recovered, reinforced and reinvented the ethnic
identity of their communities. The result has been the appearance of social groups concerned with
regional musical traditions from which in turn has evolved an interest in ethnomusicology and
folklorism. Study has tended towards the descriptive, with post-Romantic tendencies. This has led to
the emergence of institutes of regional studies focussing on folk music, often dependent on public
administration and frequently subject to economic and political change. Such centres encourage
ethnomusicological research, promote publications and phonograph archives and include the Centro
de Cultura Tradicional de Salamanca, Centro Etnográfico de Documentación (Valladolid; now in
Urueña), Centro de Documentación Musical de Andalucía (Granada), and the sound archives of the
autonomous governments of Valencia and Catalonia in Valencia and Barcelona respectively. The
need for furthering developments in Spanish ethnomusicology led to the creation of the Sociedad
Ibérica de Etnomusicología, which held its first congress in Barcelona in 1995. Ethnomusicology in
universities at the end of the 20th century was still weak because of its recent adoption into the
curriculum. Nevertheless, it shows indubitable progress and consolidation.
Josep i Martí i Perez
2. General features.
(i) Historical background.
Spain is remarkable for the abundance of its folk music and for the tenacity with which, until recently,
song and dance traditions have been preserved. This may be attributed to the close association of
many genres with the tasks and recreations of daily life and with a firmly established cycle of annual
festivities, and to the survival in Spain longer than in other European countries of a way of life in
which such tasks and festivities played an important part. By the 1990s few villages had not been
influenced by mass entertainment, agricultural mechanization, mobility of population and other
factors which stimulate musical change (Larrea Palacín, A1968; Pelinski, E1996). Nevertheless,
traditional practices of music, song and dance are still alive, although often in the form of revivals or
reinventions (Martí, A1995).
Spanish folk music also displays a wealth of regional diversity, which can be partly explained by
geographical factors. The Iberian peninsula is divided by mountain chains that have proved effective
cultural barriers and have accentuated the individuality of particular regions. The main cause of its
diversity is undoubtedly the many invasions of peoples and cultures that have affected different
parts of the peninsula. But the extent to which Iberian, Celtic, Carthaginian and, in particular, Jewish
and Arabic influences underlie modern regional differences is a matter for conjecture; there is not
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sufficient evidence from early times to trace any particular modern trait to an ancient source. Even
the presence of Celtic elements in modern Galician folksong, though frequently assumed, remains to
be conclusively demonstrated. Evidence for music in the pre-Roman period is chiefly literary; Greek
and Latin authors refer to ritual war dances and burial dances, songs relating deeds of war,
nocturnal dance-feasts accompanied by flute and cornet and circle-dances performed by groups
holding hands. More tangible evidence of Roman and liturgical influence has been sought in the
modal characteristics of modern folksong (see §3). Visigothic elements may perhaps survive in the
music of Asturias. Eastern influence may be traced to Byzantines and Jews in some areas (Anglès,
B(ii)1958); the precise role of Arab influence continues to arouse discussion (see CANTIGA), and
Schneider (A1948) drew parallels between Spanish and Berber (and other more remote) non-Arab
types of melody. French troubadour music was probably known to the populace principally through
the cantigas, but also through liturgical drama. Other cultural contacts have been numerous, though
their effect is also difficult to pinpoint: Frankish, via the Pyrenees; European, via the route to
Santiago de Compostela; Italian, via the Mediterranean coastline; English and German, via the
Cantabrian ports. Peninsular music was taken by Sephardi Jews expelled at the end of the 15th
century (see JEWISH MUSIC, §III, 4 AND §IV, 2(II) ) to other Mediterranean lands, in particular Morocco,
Libya and Tunisia, where it still survives. Spanish colonists carried their music to the New World,
where it partly survived and partly mingled with Amerindian and African elements to produce new
forms. The arrival of Gypsies (Gitanos) in Spain in the 15th century was important for the
development of cante jondo (see FLAMENCO and ‘GYPSY’ MUSIC); other cultural contacts occurred
during the Italian wars and later during the wars of Succession (1701–12) and Independence
(1808–14). Cultural ties with South America from the 18th century onwards led to the introduction
into Spain of new genres in the theatre (e.g. zorongo) and in Andalusian (guajira, rumba) and
Catalan (havaneras, rumba) popular music. Since the globalization of mass media, the most potent
influences are African and American styles and, in general, the commercial pop music circulated by
radio and television.
Since the Middle Ages a close relationship has existed between traditional music and art music
(Anglès, Pedrell; see also Grove5, ‘Folk Music: Spanish’); hence early records of art music give
valuable information about the history of folksong. The most important medieval types are refrain
songs related in form to the virelai (see VILLANCICO, §1 ); the earliest musical collection is the
Cantigas de Santa María of Alfonso el Sabio (Alfonso X; d 1284), which in addition to probable
French influence display popular Spanish elements. Refrain songs have retained their importance
up to the present day. The Siete canciones de amor of the Galician jongleur Martin Codax (fl
1240–70) are in a parallelistic form which perhaps derives from the oldest traceable lyric tradition in
the peninsula (see COSAUTE); melodically, these songs are similar to modern Galician alalás.
Medieval pilgrims’ songs from Montserrat, some with dance elements, reveal a popular origin.
Another medieval form is the romance (ballad), which in some cases derived from fragments of epic
that remained in the popular tradition, and in other cases from stories based on legendary topics or
contemporary events (see ROMANCE, §1). Many ballads are documented over a period of centuries,
and some have survived into the 20th century in Spain and elsewhere; this is also true of many
songs used by Salinas in his De musica libri septem (1577) to explain aspects of ancient Greek
rhythm. From the late 15th century to the 17th, some of the most notable Spanish poets, including
Juan del Encina (Anglès, B(ii)1941), Lope de Vega (Gavaldá, B(ii)1986) and Góngora (Gavaldá,
B(ii)1975), frequently introduced popular refrains, themes and forms into their works (see
SEGUIDILLA). Settings of villancicos based on popular refrains, as well as romances and other
traditional songs, are found in cancioneros of the same period (Bal y Gay, B(ii)1944; Haberkamp,
B(ii)1968; Pelinski, B(ii)1971) and in the partsongs of Antxieta, Flecha (B(i)1581), Juan Vásquez,
Cristóbal de Morales and others. Traditional tunes are also found among the vihuelistas (Milán,
B(i)1536; Narváez, B(i)1538; Mudarra, B(i)1546; Valderrábano, B(i)1547; Pisador, B(i)1552;
Fuenllana, B(i)1554; Daza, B(i)1576), and in the treatise on ornamentation by Diego Ortiz (B(i)1553).
Folk influence, mainly through the characteristic alternation of binary and ternary metres and the use
of traditional melodies, also pervades many sacred villancicos (cantatas) of the 17th and 18th
centuries. While these villancicos may be forgotten, some of the melodies upon which they drew are
still alive in Spain and in the Hispanic New World (Crivillé, A1983). Despite the increasing influence
of Italian music in the 18th century, composers such as Scarlatti and Boccherini drew on traditional
Spanish styles. There is also a relationship between some ‘popular’ (i.e. essentially urban and
non-traditional) genres and theatre music, notably the 18th-century tonadilla and the 19th-century
zarzuela. The ‘Spanish idiom’ of such music was adopted not only by Spanish art-music composers
(e.g. Falla, Granada, Albéniz, Turina), but also by composers of other nationalities (e.g. Glinka,
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Rimsky-Korsakov, Debussy, Ravel). In the late 19th and the early 20th centuries there was a vogue
for arrangements of popular and traditional melodies, either in keyboard versions or as songs with
vocal harmonizations or piano accompaniment; such arrangements were made by students of folk
music (Pedrell, Torner) as well as by well-known composers (Falla, Granados, Turina, Albéniz).
Analogous interest in folk style was shown by poets such as García Lorca and Machado.
Martin Cunningham/Ramón Pelinski
(ii) Musical characteristics.
(a) Metre and rhythm.
Four types of metric-rhythmic arrangements can be distinguished: unmeasured, ‘giusto syllabic’,

so-called children's rhythm and dance rhythms. ‘Unmeasured’ refers to a sung phrase (although
there are exceptional instrumental versions, such as certain flamenco guitar styles) that employs a
flexible succession of tempos and a certain amount of melodic freedom, while maintaining fixed
points of tonal reference. In between these points, the phrases are mostly melismatic and greatly
ornamented in form, and timing is flexible (ex.1). These are individually sung pieces (occasionally
with musical accompaniment, as in the cant d'estil of Valencia or some cantes flamencos) which are
typical of work songs (see §3 below). The melodies are based on scales of varying types; these are
rarely tonal and are often chromatic or made up of intervals which are close to an augmented 2nd.
Ex.1 Work song, Mallorca (Pujol and others, 1926–9)
Brăiloiu's term ‘giusto syllabic’ describes a sung metric-rhythmic device over an established base of
a syllabic pattern, with stable accentuation that combines short and long rhythmic values in
measured succession. This pattern is typical of a great number of ballads and romances (see §3).
Among the variations of this device are found melodies in strict tempo giusto and others with some
flexibility. The possibilities inherent in giusto syllabic allow for the combination of rhythmic patterns
known throughout Europe with more unusual arrangements such as the asymmetrical metre, aksak
or binary-ternary combinations (see C. Brăilou: ‘Le rythme aksak’, RdM, xxx, 1951, pp.71–108). It is
common in both individual and collective, monodic or heterophonic songs and can employ diverse
tonal or modal structures. In addition to its use in ballads, it is often found in sacred repertory (such
as goigs, see §3) and in some sung dances. Giusto syllabic is only rarely interpreted instrumentally.
Children's rhythm may be observed in group songs and more specifically during certain children's
games. In this case the number of syllables is combined with the duration of the musical period. In a
way, this is the reverse procedure to that of giusto syllabic, in that it works with a variable number of
syllables which can be fitted into a musical period of fixed duration. Similar procedures are found in
various cases of collective expression, including games or children's challenges, charivaris, protest
or demonstration slogans, sports-fans' chants, and group participation at large-scale concerts.
These are collective chants that are rhythmically similar, but with diverse melodic patterns: from
slogans with a barely defined and structurally irrelevant melody to two- or three-level patterns and,
finally, strictly tonal melodies. Any musical accompaniment to these collective forms of expression is
incidental.
The rhythmic patterns of dances present considerable and variable characteristics and offer a large
number of possibilities. These are found principally in collective dances but also in parades
(processions, pasacalles, cavalcades, ronda serenades, collections, carnivals etc.), at other ritual
moments and in various song types (e.g. ballads, cuartetas, tonadillas, seguidillas). These can be
purely instrumental, vocal with instrumental accompaniment, sung by a group or by a soloist. The
melodies are mostly tonal and anacrusic, frequently multi-part and of harmonic arrangement,
although they can also include other types of scale patterns (e.g. modal, chromatic). They show
three basic rhythmic structures. First, some coincide with the models of Western musical theory.
Secondly, some structures exhibit polyrhythms similar to hemiola: these consist in playing with the
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accentuation on a ternary metric base (the percussive base of dance steps) and with a melody in
double time or combined double-triple time, over a minimum period of 12 beats (as found in the
danses of southern Valencia, a number of boleros, jotas, fandangos and some flamenco styles
common in Andalusian dances). Finally, the melodies of dances using the aksak form, more common
than most collections imply, have developed into a more regular rhythmic structure working within
rules of written music. There are well-known examples of quintuple metre, found in the rueda of
Castile or the Basque zortziko (see BASQUE MUSIC) and also observed in Extremadura, Aragon,
Valencia and Catalonia with different melodic forms (Torrent, A1994). Dances in metres of seven,
ten or 11 were observed in Castellón de la Plana (Torrent, A1994), in Castile and Extremadura
(García Matos, 1982: see D1944). Ex.2 shows the rhythmic patterns of the charrada of Salamanca
with its two variants: aksak in (a) and the polyrhythm between shawm and percussion in (b).
Ex.2 Charrada rhythms (García Matos, 1960–61)
The four categories used as metric-rhythmic models may coincide and overlap and are therefore
useful only as general points of reference to demonstrate the potential panorama of possible
patterns.
(b) Melodic features.
Melodic configuration, a privileged parameter in Western music theory, has often been the only
element considered in collections of traditional Spanish music. The great variety and complexity of
melodic patterns and possible scale models offered by the oral tradition, as indicated by García
Matos (D1944), has given rise to broad speculation on historical origin and melodic types. Apart from
a large proportion of melodies in major and minor keys, there are many others that do not conform to
these systems of tonal organization: these are not easily classifiable. In 1931 Torner commented on
the tonal and modal ambiguity of many melodies but, so far, research has not offered descriptions of
these beyond using basic techniques of comparative musicology. Many publications continue to
provide oversimplified explanations that make unverifiable links between a given type of melodic
element and certain historical periods and contexts. Thus it has been argued that simplified
notations of oral melodies are related to plainchant or to ecclesiastical modes. In other cases these
same melodies have been related to ancient Roman or Greek modes. Arab influences or the use of
Persian modes have been assumed in melodic notations including augmented 2nds or changing
chromatic elements. The rich expressiveness of cante jondo and flamenco dance has been
attributed to a variety of origins, which inextricably link the genre to its performer, the Gypsy, tracing
back to Byzantine or North African beginnings. These relations between periods, models, origins
and cultures are rarely based on verifiable criteria, and almost always refer to a written version of a
musical form, ignoring the performance context, possible variants and the whole host of elements
which may coincide in the melodic configuration (e.g. sonority, vocal or instrumental timbre, attack,
intensity).
Within the context of simple melodic features, children's or collective melodies have already been
mentioned that can sometimes be limited to two or three degrees and which do not always have
stable pitches. A rare example of anhemitonic pentatonic music was pointed out by García Matos
(C1954) in a sonada de xeremies (double clarinet) from the island of Ibiza.
Melodies using four to seven pitches can be divided into two large groups, one tonal, the other
presenting a great diversity of modal variation. The latter is distinguished by melodies on a
descending A–E tetrachord, which Donostia classified as E-mode (i.e. melodies that end on E). Ex.3
shows a number of E-mode types (only the lower part of the scale is given, though the range of
actual melodies may vary between a 4th and over an octave; for more examples see Donostia). The
first (ex.3a , which contains a leap of an augmented 2nd, has been attributed unquestioningly to
Arab influence, even though it occurs not only in Andalusia (where Arab culture was implanted for
several centuries) but as far away as Catalonia (where the Arabs exercised less influence). More
common is an E mode whose third degree can be either natural or raised (ex.3c ) the melodic
contour of songs in this mode frequently shows a terraced descent (as in ex.4), centring
successively on A, G, F and cadencing on E; apart from this formula the natural and sharpened third
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degrees are used in complementary distribution throughout the rest of the melody. This E mode is
found in accompanied song, where the cadential formula outlined in ex.3e occurs; this, with its
parallel triads, serves to dissociate the mode definitively from the tonality of modern European art
music. Torner (A1931) pointed to this mode as the most obvious defining feature of Andalusian
music; it, too, has generally been regarded as Arabic, but for García Matos (D1944) the natural third
degree was a Spanish introduction, resulting from the fusion of the ‘Arabic’ mode (ex.3a ) with the
diatonic mode on E (ex.3b).
Ex.3 E-mode types
Ex.4 Olmeda, 1903
Another variety of E mode, found in Andalusia, Extremadura, Castile and León, includes the
alternative of a sharpened or natural second degree (ex.3d ). This scale probably resulted from the
introduction of modern tonal elements into the Andalusian E mode (ex.3c ), but it should be
observed that ex.4, which uses the mode of ex.3d , never alludes to the major or minor scale. The
central and central northern areas (Castile and León), in addition to possessing examples of all the
modes so far discussed, also have other hybrid types, as when a terraced descent ends in A minor.
Fusion of the E mode with elements of major and minor in some melodies is thus a distinctive feature
of this area.
Ornaments are important in performance, and grace notes (as in ex.5 [not available online] and ex.1
above) are included spontaneously even when a group of singers perform together.
(c) Harmony.
Unaccompanied songs have been habitually described as monodic, the result of collections
compiled by individuals with preconceived ideas about the simplicity of popular songs. Recent
research has uncovered a variety of heterophonic and polyphonic practices that are not, as
previously thought, exclusive to the religious repertory, but are found in the music of ballads and
dances of certain areas. The most common arrangement is a single rhythm for two voices in parallel
3rds over a melody in major key. In some religious repertories the same model can be found over a
minor-key melody. This formula is present unevenly in virtually all areas of Spain. It shows a marked
presence within the territories of the old Kingdom of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia and the
Balearic Islands): a large part of the tonal repertory uses this heterophony, whether in religious or
ballad repertories or jotas and other types of dance. The 3rds can be completed with parallel 6ths
(realized in contrary movement to the 3rds) and with a brief harmonic bass motif (as a
dominant–tonic movement on the cadence). In some instances three voices in parallel 3rds and 5ths
can appear. One example of this is the use of ornamented motifs in progressively superimposed
3rds found in the Misteri d'Elx, an exceptional example of religious theatre combining religious and
oral traditions. In the jotas aragonesas the voice imitates the arpeggiated chords played by the string
instruments. In Mallorca the use of parallel 5ths between male and female singers has been
observed. Murcia has the most complex polyphony: the Auroros (a religious brotherhood) sing in
parallel 3rds contained by lines above and below the dominant note; during the performance a
sudden change is made to the minor mode or to the dominant key, to follow the same pattern. In
Castile, the Cantabrian coast and Galicia parallel 3rds are strict and are of less importance.
Towards the south in Extremadura and Andalusia the verified incidence of parallel 3rds is rare. In the
Basque country there is a great tradition of songs for more than one voice (see BASQUE MUSIC).
Instrumental music is divided into music where the melody is strictly monodic (restricted to a single
wind instrument with percussion), and that which follows patterns similar to those for song, often
transformed and used in the modern wind band. The guitar uses a simple chord repertory often
rigidly prescribed by the genre (in flamenco, however, discords typical of the guitar are used). The
repertory of the Catalan cobla (see §4) betrays its 19th-century origins in more complex harmony,
including frequent chromatic passages.
(d) Other characteristics.
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The remaining formal elements of Spanish traditional music have rarely been studied. The timbre,
modulation of intensity and of attack, changes in voice register and the particular sonority of each
expressive situation are all essential elements of musical communication of obvious importance to
styles such as the cante jondo. However, they have rarely attracted the interest of researchers and
await future study.
Martin Cunningham/Jaume Aiats
(iii) Socio-cultural context.
In Spain the prevalence of music conventionally known as ‘traditional’ has declined. 20th-century
changes in Spanish society have resulted in the disappearance of many musical practices:
remaining practices have become part of passive repertories recycled or revived within the
phenomena of folkloric performance or, more exceptionally, assimilated into urban popular music as
in the case of flamenco.
When talking about musical cultures, we may define the word ‘moment’ as the actualization of a
musical product for a given time and place with specific agents, meanings and objectives. Moments
related to the performance of traditional music are varied and, in Spain, are closely linked to
traditional life and custom. Some musical moments belong to everyday life and periods of leisure;
these are governed by less precise determinants and it is difficult to find musical genres that are
specific or exclusive to these occasions.
Everyday life is the context for a great portion of songs belonging to the rich tradition of Spanish
balladry. Until the beginning of the 20th century this genre still fulfilled its functions of entertainment
and the communication of news. Often including texts with obvious enculturation functions coinciding
directly with the social values of the time, these songs were disseminated by itinerant singers and in
printed form by vendors of popular printed sheets.
The children's song repertory, which has a more specific context, is very varied within Spanish folk
music. Simple in form, these songs have both a playful and didactic character. In the late 20th
century the repertory of children's songs became heavily influenced by the media. Songs for
children, including lullabies sung by adults, have much more varied formal patterns. Within the
framework of everyday life, work songs form another important category. Songs sung traditionally to
accompany work such as ploughing, harvesting and grape-picking were of great interest to early
researchers for their archaic features and formal and specific characteristics. Traditionally the tasks
of the home, factory and workshop were also accompanied by song. Today, owing to the
disappearance or mechanization of traditional working methods, such musical genres have declined.
In many working environments, radio and recorded music provide background musical
accompaniment at work.
In addition to the examples mentioned above, musical products, in all cultures, happen at specific
moments determined by time and space and produced by people with meanings and objectives laid
down by tradition. These are festive moments, religious or secular, associated with traditional
life-cycle and calendrical customs. The importance of religion in traditional Spanish life gives rise to
many well-defined moments which engender a characteristic musical repertory: the Christmas
repertory is an especially rich example. Within the sacred repertory songs for Lent and music for
Easter week are particularly noteworthy. These range from the most traditional to more modern
manifestations, such as the playing of drums during Holy Week in several localities of lower Aragon.
But these are not the only moments marked by religious feeling. In addition to pilgrimage and
processional chants there are liturgical and paraliturgical repertories. Hymns for the saints, which
differ in name and kind from region to region, have an important place in the Spanish musical
tradition. Also important are the sung rogations dedicated to the Virgin or to the patron saints of
towns and villages, through which requests related to the health of the community, especially in the
past during epidemics, are made. Sung rogations with regard to work in the fields and requests for
rain also exist. These songs are less and less common owing to the modernizing reforms adopted by
the church and the increasingly secular character of Spanish society as a whole.
Youthful songs related to courtship and marriage make an important contribution to Spanish
repertories related to the life cycle. Funeral repertories are not common in Spain, although they did
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exist once. The cançó de mort in Mallorca was performed when one partner of an engaged couple
died; a song would be composed by or for the surviving partner (by a glossador) to sing as a lament.
Among the more secular calendar festivals, the most important, doubtless, are the Carnival
celebrations. During Franco's dictatorship (1939–75) these were forbidden, resulting in a break with
tradition for the towns and villages that had always celebrated Carnival. With the return to
democracy many of these festivals have been recovered. With the exception of some cases that
date back to ancient times, such as the Laza carnival in Galicia, the great majority of these festivals
are now markedly urban in character, although on occasion they can still be of undoubted
ethnological and musicological interest, as is the case of the Cádiz, Huelva, Canaries or Murcia
carnivals, in which groups called comparsas perform typical carnival repertories. Another especially
interesting festive context for musical manifestations is the fiesta mayor, dedicated to patron saints
and celebrated over several days in many Spanish towns and villages. Although these fiestas are of
religious origin, today they have been largely secularized. They give rise to specific song repertories
as well as ceremonial or entertainment dances.
Apart from the entertainment or ceremonial objectives of the traditional Spanish musical repertory,
music also has other functions worth noting. Petitionary songs were widespread in Spain and could
be found in various contexts. The most common of these were begging songs asking for gifts at
Christmas time, and also religious romances or cuartetas sung during Lent and alluding to the
Passion (Guadalajara), Easter songs such as the Catalan caramelles or the canciones de ánimas
which were sung in Asturias for All Saints. Certain children's songs, songs of quintos (young people
who have to join the army) and wedding songs were also often used for this purpose. More
unusually, some dances were sometimes also performed as supplicants' dances, as in Mallorca and
Málaga.
Traditional music has also served as a vehicle for social criticism. The clearest example of this is the
cencerrada (or cowbell serenade), which in many cases could include musical elements providing a
symbolic inversion of love serenades. Social criticism was thus expressed by means of a
cacophonous serenade in which censuring lyrics were combined with the noise of zambombas,
cowbells, pots and pans and other rudimentary percussion instruments. Social criticism expressed
through satirical and biting texts at times took on a more concrete form, as in the case of the
cançons de picat of Mallorca, el cantalet of southern Catalonia or the Visclabat of the Catalan
region of El Maresme.
Music may also have a therapeutic function in Spain, for example as part of the treatment for
tarantism. The sufferer was made to perform different dances but always of fast tempo. This practice
was common in Spain in the areas of La Mancha and Aragon, surviving in the latter until the 1940s.
Studies of gender within traditional Spanish music are still virtually non-existent. Songs specifically
for either men or women exist, especially among children and the young. Ceremonial dances are
performed mainly by men, and the traditional musician figure is also, generally speaking, male. Apart
from the contributions of the tambourine or the castanets, female traditional musical activities were
limited largely to singing, although in some cultures, such as the Galician, women took a more
prominent role. Since the late 20th century (see §6 below) the traditional division of roles between
men and women in folk music has changed radically. It is common for women to play instruments,
such as bagpipes, oboes or drums, that previously had been reserved for men.
(iv) Popular music.
The musical scene in post-Civil War Spain concentrated on the over-exploitation of patriotic folk
clichés, and the singers of these melodies were the Spanish equivalent of the great crooners. The
backward state of the country and lack of communications with the outside world provided a poor
environment for the development of cultural and musical activities, which were closely controlled by
Franco's censors.
During the 1960s, television broadcasting and the rapid growth of tourism led to the relaxation of the
musical scene. Foreign melodies began to make their mark and the so-called yé-yé (yeah-yeah)
songs became popular, while romantic songs gave rise to the phenomenon of the fan club.
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Parallel to these developments but for different reasons an important and significant movement of
singer-songwriters and interpreters emerged, many of whom still enjoy widespread popularity. The
songs of Paco Ibáñez, José Antonio Labordeta and Víctor Manuel, among many others, challenged
the status quo. Members of the Catalan nova canço movement, such as Lluís Llach, María del Mar
Bonet and Raímon (and other members of a cultural group called Els Setze Jutges), used poetic
metaphor to serenade their country and their values, the lives, experiences and desire for freedom of
their people, implicitly denouncing the misery, repression and violence of the regime, using the
Catalan language, which had been hit hardt by Franco's repressive policies. Their performances
were subject to censorship and in Llach's case resulted in a period of exile in France.
By the beginning of the 1970s, records by English-speaking rock stars were already in circulation
and inspired the first rock groups, including Miguel Ríos and Los Bravos, the progressive proto-rock
of Los Canarios, Máquina and Música Dispersa, who were pioneers of the musical underground.
During these years the first radio programmes, music magazines, festivals and recording labels
began to develop their infrastructures. The pre-history of rock was being written in Madrid, where
groups such as Burning, Mermelada and Indiana were vindicated by future generations of rockers,
including Loquillo, Los Ronaldos, Los Rebeldes and Desperados.
The 1980s saw the recording of the first ‘new wave’ records. It was a time of explosive creativity in
all artistic environments which served as a catalyst for the general euphoria experienced after the
end of years of dictatorship. In Madrid groups such as Mamá, Los Secretos, Kaka de Luxe and
Radio Futura, together with the most unbridled punk rock (Ramoncín and WC), found institutional
support from the socialist administration. Events and developments in the capital had repercussions
in many other areas of the country: Vigo (Siniestro Total, Golpes Bajos, Os Resentidos), Barcelona
(Loquillo, Los Rebeldes, Los Futuros, El Ultimo de la Fila) and Seville (Kiko Veneno, Martirio) among
others. A particularly hard rock movement that called itself rock radikal basko arose in the Basque
country and was fuelled by the example of hard rock groups such as Coz (later called Baron Rojo),
Leño and Ñu. A handful of groups produced sounds that ranged from hard rock to punk and ska
(Barricada, La Polla Records, Eskorbuto, Kortatu). Meanwhile, commercial pop produced groups of
considerable stature, such as La Unión and Mecano, who sold their music successfully at home and
abroad.
From the end of the 1980s with the establishment of autonomous regions music was often employed
by local athorities to emphasize their own regional or national identity. An example is the case of
Catalonia, where institutions gave firm backing to specifically Catalan rock groups which until then
had managed to survive without any kind of official help.
In the 1990s the alternative scene was consolidated with the advent of very young groups from
provincial capitals who sang mostly in English. These groups, influenced by Sonic Youth,
Lemonheads, the Pixies and others, have created everything from pop (La Buena Vida, Los
Planetas) to punk rock and the ‘noise’ of the Getxo groups (Los Clavos, El Inquilino Communista,
Cancer Moon), or the so-called Xixon Sound (Australian Blonde, Penelope Trip). Other noteworthy
phenomena of the 1990s were the jóvenes flamencos. Groups such as Pata Negra and Ketama
have produced a musical hybrid based on Gypsy tradition which combines flamenco with rock or
Caribbean rhythms, following the example of innovatory musicians such as El Camarón de la Isla
and Paco de Lucía while echoing the caño roto sound developed by Gypsy musicians in Madrid in
the 1970s.
Sílvia Martínez García
3. Song.
The classification established below, in which songs are grouped according to function, cuts across
that based on melody types, outlined in §2(ii) above; this dual perspective will give some idea of the
complexity of Spanish folk music.
Work songs accompany labour in the fields and household chores. Some work songs are measured;
in regions where the jota is sung it is sometimes used as an occupational song. More often (and
characteristically among the agricultural songs) they are in free rhythm (see ex.1 above), even
though the task for which they are used may be rhythmic and collective. Such songs are sung during
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ploughing, sowing, weeding, reaping, threshing and the picking of olives and fruits. Their texts are
often amatory, and sometimes refer to the task in hand. Women usually sing when they meet to sew
or embroider. Texts are arranged in octosyllabic quatrains with abba rhymes or rhyming even lines.
Unmeasured work songs often begin with insignificant syllables, such as ‘Ay, ay, ay’. Work songs
are traditional to all of Spain but enjoyed a greater presence in the Mediterranean areas and in
León, Asturias (with the special trillo vibrato) and Galicia (with special reference here to the alalá).
The texts are in Spanish, Catalan or Gallego, depending on the areas and traditions. The
unmeasured and ornamented style of work song can also be found in other situations, such as the
ronda de enamorados in Asturias.
The narrative ballad, of great popularity and diversity, has been generally referred to as a romance,
although, strictly speaking, this term should be used only for a specific type of heroic or historical
ballad with formal literary rules that are not found in all Spanish ballads. This poetic form of ballad is
made up of an indefinite succession of long verses divided into two phrases, with assonance or
rhyme in the second phrase. The melody can span one or, more frequently, two verses, with or
without refrain. The refrain may be placed between the phrases (internal) or after each pair of
verses (external). In some romances and ballads of ancient origin, the assonance or rhyme may
change between episodes of the song's story. Romances are made up of octosyllabic phrase lines
(occasionally hexasyllabic), like most other ballads, although they may have other patterns. Ballads
in the Spanish language allow the accent to fall on the ultimate and penultimate syllable in the first
phrase (with the relevant melodic results), and except for the linguistic accent at the end of the
phrase, linguistic and musical accents do not always coincide. Ballads in Catalan have strict
alternation of accents on the ultimate and penultimate syllables between the two phrases of the
verse; likewise, in this language, linguistic and melodic accents often coincide. Catalan syllabic
patterns are more diverse: lines of eight, seven, six and even five syllables, with alternating
possibilities in a verse such as eight or five. Ballads have giusto syllabic rhythms (see §2(ii) above)
as well as dance rhythms and commonly exploit all possibilities between these two. They very rarely
have unmeasured rhythms. In melodic terms, they employ the whole range of characteristics
described above, including heterophonic song.
The function of the romance (ballad) has been largely superseded by newspapers and mass
entertainment. Formerly it had a dual role: it recounted heroic deeds of the past and more recent
newsworthy events. Both functions survived into the 20th century in ballads that were often
performed by itinerant blind singers. These singers have disappeared, however, and the ballads
now sung are rarely historical, being mostly based on legends and stories, and in all but a few
regions serving as children’s songs and women’s work songs. The ballad was a highly mobile genre,
and of those recorded in the 20th century many occur in widely separated localities and in textually
and musically variant forms; some examples of romances can be traced in literary compilations as
far back as the 16th century; ballad melodies of that period, however, are distinct from modern ones.
There is no rigid dividing-line between dance genres and song genres, since many dances are
accompanied vocally. Moreover, some genres are executed sometimes as a sung dance, and at
other times simply as a song; they are referred to in Spanish as canción bailable (‘danceable’ song),
and in the present article as ‘dance-songs’.
In all regions there are lullabies based on and named after the repetition of certain syllables: in
Basque country, lo-lo; in Andalusia and on the Mediterranean coast, nana; in northern and western
Spain and the Canary Islands, arroró or arrolo; in Mallorca, vou-veri-vou; and in Catalonia, non-non.
In addition to these special songs mothers often use whatever comes to mind: a romance with its
repeated stanzas or religious songs. Other songs invoke legends or superstitions. It was generally
believed that singing children to sleep drove away evil spirits.
There are numerous songs by adults for children with educational or entertainment objectives. The
so-called children's rhythm is often used in melodic arrangement of this type of song. These same
forms appear in a great variety of sequential songs or in children's games, although melodies of
various origins are also used, from ancient ballads or fashionable songs. Skipping songs are
common, as are counting-out songs: one begins Uni, doli, treli, catroli (‘Eeny meeny miney mo’).
Children are advised to sing when they are afraid, in the dark or alone, a practice also followed by
many adults. Ritual singing is sometimes associated with children; it is common to have a child’s hair
or nails cut for the first time by one who can sing well and does so while cutting. In Andalusia rites
used to be performed to give newborn children the ability to sing and dance well.
Unlike cognate words that refer to a dance in other languages, the Spanish ronda is a custom, in
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which a group of young men visit the houses of young ladies during the evening to serenade them.
Song texts are generally amatory, sometimes satirical or religious; accompanying instruments are
described below (see §5). The songs are those typical of the region, for example, ballads, the jota
etc. The men also sing pasacalles (from pasar: ‘to walk’, calle: ‘street’) while walking from house to
house. The ronda just described, the ronda de enamorados (lovers’ ronda), which is sung in country
districts, has been institutionalized by the tuna, a rondalla composed of university students who
dress in 16th-century student garb to perform their serenades and pasacalles. Even in large cities
the local university, and perhaps each faculty, will have its tuna. The repertory of the tuna tends
away from traditional material towards popular song. Variants of the ronda de enamorados include
the ronda de quintos, sung by young men as a farewell to a comrade going off to military service; a
collection may be made during such a ronda to provide a party for the conscript. Other rondas
include those sung at dawn on Sundays (again by young men to their girlfriends), called in different
regions alboradas (though this name can also refer to an instrumental genre), albades or albas. On
some occasions young people of both sexes may sing in a ronda, as on the eves of certain feasts,
and during a romería (pilgrimage). Among festival songs, the generalized use in Mallorca of a
ximbomba (friction drum) accompaniment is worthy of note.
Religious songs are important expressions of popular devotion. Foremost among the songs of the
liturgical year are villancicos (in the broad modern sense of Christmas carols), whose usual structure
is an octosyllabic quatrain with or without a refrain. During Lent and particularly Holy Week,
Passions are sung, either in simple narrative ballad form or as a baraja (using playing-cards as an
aide-mémoire to tell the Passion story), a reloj (‘clock’, a narration of the events of the Passion in
chronological order), the Siete palabras (Seven Last Words) or the Viacrucis (Way of the Cross).
Such Passions are sung in church or in outdoor processions (see also SAETA). The Passion story is
also found as a text for aradas (ploughing songs), in which the parts of the plough are used as an
aide-mémoire. The goigs (in Catalan) or gozos, which praise life, the miracles and celestial
ascension of the Virgin Mary or of the local patron saint (ex.6), are perhaps better known. These are
invocations sung by the entire community congregated in a sanctuary or chapel on the feast day of
the Virgin or the patron saint. They are sung in the area of the old Kingdom of Aragon (including the
island of Sardinia) and contribute to maintaining a sense of community. The melodies generally use
the giusto syllabic metric-rhythmic pattern (except in new compositions) and are often sung in a
heterophony of parallel 3rds.
Ex.6 Two variant openings of a goig, Catalan religious song (Baldelló, 1932)
Other religious genres are similar to the ronda. The aurora is performed at dawn by a small group
(usually members of a religious confraternity) to call people to the Rosario de la aurora (Dawn
Rosary, a devotional practice dating from the 17th century). Some auroras are related to specific
feasts; others are general devotional exhortations. Singers are known as auroros (dawn singers),
despertadores (awakers), rosarieros (rosary tellers) or campanilleros (bellringers). Aguinaldos are a
seasonal ronda (usually for Christmas but sometimes for Epiphany or Easter) usually performed by
children, asking sometimes for food or sweets for themselves. At Easter, the Ses Panades in
Mallorca and the caramelles in Catalonia are exceptional examples. These are processions which
combine the celebration of Easter with ancient celebrations of spring, alternating goigs to the Virgin
with amatory songs, balls de bastons (stick dances) and with corrandes (quatrains improvised by a
soloist, either satirical or on the theme of love). In Catalonia, the textual improvisations of the
cançons de pandero (tambourine songs) are sung by women. In some villages the confraternity of
Animas (Holy Souls) sings similar songs (cantares de Animas) on November evenings when
collecting alms; cantares de ayuda are sung to raise funds for church functions.
Ritual songs include endechas (laments), which have a long history in Spain (see ENDECHAS). Some
are still performed by the Sephardi Jews (see JEWISH MUSIC, §IV, 2(II)); but despite the survival into the
20th century of the plañideras (women mourners), no modern occurrence has been written down,
either of the endecha or of the songs that were once performed during velatorios, wakes with song
and dance held at the death of a child in parts of Andalusia, Valencia and New Castile. Marriage
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songs are still in use, however, and consist of a morning ronda or alborada to greet the bride on her
wedding day. The subject of such songs is generally Christian, but the Gypsy alborá celebrates the
bride’s virginity. Various regional festivals include the marzo (1 March) and mayo (night of 30 April),
probably remnants of pre-Christian spring fertility rites. The ronda de quintos may perhaps be
considered also a ritual farewell. Other annual events such as St John’s and St Peter’s days, kept in
certain areas as ostensibly Christian feasts, have an atmosphere of Carnival festivity. All these
festivals have their appropriate songs.
Solo renditions of a more or less improvised text appropriate to the occasion are often encountered
at local festive occasions. These songs may arise during the rondas, in the form of a copla
(octosyllabic quatrain with assonance or rhyme between the second and fourth verses) or a
seguidilla (a quatrain with a 7 + 5 + 7 + 5 syllabic distribution with rhymes on even lines; and
sometimes consisting of three verses, 5 + 7 + 5), or in the previously mentioned corrandes de
caramelles in Catalonia. But these improvisations become more important in the Basque bertsulari
(see BASQUE MUSIC), in the troveros of Murcia and in the gloses of Mallorca: in these three cases,
encounters and competitions take place between singers who are required to give a demonstration
of wit and inventiveness. The structure of the text becomes much more complicated: for example, the
gloses can have between four and six verses and as many as 15 in exceptional cases.
The cançó pagesa or redoblades of Ibiza deserve a special mention. They include a guttural sound
effect unique to the Mediterranean. These songs are sung at Christmas or at weddings by a soloist.
The text is syllabic with notes of equal length and stress; drum beats which may accompany the
performance are sporadic, with no apparent metre. At the beginning of the phrase the singer
ascends to the highest note and gradually descends often using intervals of imprecise magnitude. At
the end of the stanza there is a redoble, a stammer or yodel of imprecise pitch. The genre has no
known parallel.
At the very limits of what is commonly held as music is the modulated shout, such as the typical
ajijido of the Canary Islands. This stylized shout, which is used over an extended geographical area,
is a shrill vocal emission rather like a high trill or a cascading forced laugh; one of its names means
‘neigh’. It is used as a cry of defiance (as to competing serenaders in a ronda) or simply as a shout
of joy at the end of a song or dance.
Arcadio de Larrea Palacín/Jaume Aiats
4. Dance and instrumental music.

Spain probably has over 1000 choreographically different dances (over 200 were known in the 19th
century in Catalonia alone). What follows is a schematic account of various categories of dance
practised in different regions of Spain; singled out with detailed examination of their musical
characteristics are the jota, fandango and seguidillas, whose diffusion covers practically all of the
Spanish territory. Two broad classes can be conveniently distinguished: danza ritual (ritual dance)
and non-ritual dance. The Spanish terms ‘danza’ and ‘baile’, sometimes used with these senses
respectively, are now used indiscriminately for both.
Ritual dances are performed by a fixed number of specially rehearsed performers; they were
evidently once symbolic or commemorative, though their meanings have been changing under the
pressures of modernization and secularization. This is also true for the specific occasions with which
most dances were originally connected. Indeed, the phenomenon of folklorism includes a delegation
of traditional community practices into formally constituted dance groups; these conjuntos
(ensembles) are integrated usually by young people in their twenties or thirties; the realm of action of
these groups often transcends the limits of the village; their repertory regularly includes a selection
of the traditional musical practices of the village and the region, privileging those which are
considered to be emblematic of the identity of a community.
The main categories of traditional dance have connotations of war, religious ceremonies and
courtship. A frequent feature of all types is the use of aparatos (‘props’ or ‘paraphernalia’); there are
many handkerchief and hoop-arch dances in northern Spain, and some involving caballitos (hobby
horses) in Mallorca and parts of Catalonia. Sticks and swords are often used, and are sometimes
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held between adjacent performers in a chain-dance. Both are common in war dances; sticks may be
beaten on the ground or used in stylized combat, often with vaulting. Swords are brandished to
simulate combat, and the free hand in some dances carries a shield, stick or dagger. In some cases
the texts of accompanying songs can be traced to specific wars or campaigns between the 16th and
19th centuries.
A flourishing medieval tradition of ritual dance performed in cathedrals during Mass lapsed in the
17th century; only the danza de los seises (‘dance of the sixes’) survives, still performed by boys in
Seville Cathedral for Corpus Christi. Other ritual dances associated with the processions of Corpus
Christi were the danza de águilas (eagles' dance) which used to be popular in the Catalonian-
speaking area; and the Tarasca, a woman-mime dancing on a monstrous animal during Corpus
Christi processions in such cities as Madrid, Toledo, Granada, Seville and Valencia. Other
expressions of popular devotion are the dances simulating fights of Christians and Moors, as are
dances representing giants and big-headed figures, biblical characters and evangelists or
theological ‘forces’ (vices, virtues, demons), and scenes from the Passion. Mime is present in some
of these dances. In spite of past prohibitions (the strongest was by Charles III in 1780), some are
performed in close association with the liturgy, after or even during Mass, and in processions.
The old sword and stick dances (danzas de espadas, danzas de bastones) also have a ritual
character. They are among the oldest and most widespread dances in Spain, where their practice
has been documented since the 15th century; variants of these dances are found all over the world.
They are often performed by eight men accompanied by a dulzaina or gaita (shawm) and a tambor
or tabalet (drum), and a characteristic figure of some variants can be seen in the Danza guerrera of
Todolella (Castellón province) when the symbolic beheading (degollada) of the main dancer is
followed by his being lifted on the shoulders of the other dancers (Covarrubias Orozco, B(i)1611). In
Aragon, sword and stick dances and the villano are often integrated into religious representations
called dances, some of which were performed in church. In León the baile de la rosca is danced on
solemn occasions; a rosca (curled loaf of bread) and wine are present on a table, giving the dance
liturgical, even eucharistic overtones. The Maragatos, an isolated mountain community, preserve
many old customs and ceremonial dances such as the peregrina, a wedding dance in which each
man takes two partners. In Morella (Castellón), another isolated mountain community, ritual dances
such as Els torners and Els llauradors are performed every six years in honour of the Virgin María of
Vallivana. Catalonia possesses numerous ritual dances of interest: on Maundy Thursday, a Dansa
de la mort is still performed at Verges (Gerona), and the moixiganga, associated particularly with
Sitges (Barcelona), is an acrobatic dance with elements of pantomine which stops periodically in a
number of tableaux symbolizing scenes of the Passion. In Tarragona the jota foguejada (‘fiery jota’)
is a seemingly non-ritual dance which has acquired ritual connotations; fireworks are thrown by the
male dancers who are expected to perform energetic feats. The dance takes place around a tree,
real or artificial, to which phallic significance may be attributed.
Courtship dances are rarer and may involve a greater number of women than men. The men are
expected to perform energetic and acrobatic feats. Examples of such dances are the pericote and
corri-corri of Asturias. The pericote is performed by four men and eight women; in the corri-corri a
single man performing agile feats courts six to eight women who carry olive branches (a symbol of
fertility); the dance ends when he chooses one of them. Another example of courtship dance is the
zángano; in its Andalusian variant as a fandango, a man is supposed to keep dancing in front of two
women who try to turn their back to him (Berlanga, A1997). Sometimes courtship dances appear
curiously mingled with devotional elements, as is the case of damas y galanes (ladies and
courtiers); when danced at the village of Santa Cristina de Lavadores (Galicia) it involves four
women and eight men who, after Mass on the feast of the Assumption, walk backwards out of the
church to perform their dance.
Non-ritual dances are generally known over a wide area and, having no symbolic meaning, are
danced on any festive occasion. Non-ritual dances are for participation rather than spectacle; their
steps are simple and repetitive and can be danced by untrained performers. In contrast to the
usually complicated choreography of ritual dances, the non-ritual present a repeated series of
relatively simple steps. Circle-, line- and couple-dances are the most common. Circle-dances (rueda
or corro) are widespread and vary greatly, from those performed with solemn regard for the correct
execution of the steps (e.g. the Catalan sardana) to others which are freer (the resbalosa and other
Castilian forms). Children’s games are usually based on a circle-dance, as are a number of
balancing-dances for drinkers (mampullé, escoba, gayata). Line-dances, performed by two parallel
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rows (sometimes one of men, the other of women) may be regarded as a variant of circle-dances;
among them the VILLANO, mentioned in literary sources of the 16th and 17th centuries, may still be
seen in some villages. Important also are the couple-dances. A form which fits none of these
categories is the amusing jerigonza (or jeringonza, jeringosa), which goes back to the 16th century
(Fuenllana, B(i)1554); with many local variants, it used to be very popular throughout Spain and in
Latin America at family and public festivities until the 1970s (Gil García, A1958). The jerigonza is
performed to a song which alludes to a friar’s exploits; the text is delivered at a fast patter to a
repetitive melody in major tonality and ternary rhythm; meanwhile, members of the company are
brought in turn into the dance (or perhaps rather the game), each at first following the one before,
then dancing alone, then leading a successor.
The jota, fandango and seguidillas are all widely known and transcend regional classification. All
are dance-songs (see §3); dancers are grouped in pairs, though sometimes in competition and
festival performance elements of formation dancing are introduced. These dances are usually
accompanied by guitars, bandurrias, laúdes (lutes), castanets, panderetas and, sometimes, violins.
The jota, regarded as primarily Aragonese, is nevertheless common in Navarre, Old and New
Castile, Murcia and in Valencia (where the local variant is sufficiently differentiated to merit the name
jota valenciana); it also occurs in local versions in most of the other Spanish regions (Manzano,
A1995). The jota is invariably in rapid triple time, with four-bar phrases. Its core section called copla,
whose text is an octosyllabic quatrain; this is accommodated to the seven musical phrases of the
copla by singing the lines in the order babcdda (see COPLA). Only two chords are used in the
accompaniment: the even-numbered phrases have tonic harmony cadencing on the dominant, and
the odd-numbered phrases have dominant harmony cadencing on the tonic. The copla is preceded
by an instrumental introduction in which this harmonic pattern is reversed. Several coplas are
generally performed in succession, and the last may be a despedida (farewell) with a suitable
closing text, sometimes involving a pious dedication. The jota may also include other sections
among which the coplas may be interspersed: these are estribillos, which are musically and
sometimes textually distinct, and instrumental interludes known as variaciones. Where coplas are
outnumbered by such additions, the estribillos and variaciones may be danced even if the coplas
are not, and this may be an older manner of performance.
The fandango, performed in Andalusia, the Balearic Islands, the Canary Islands and adjacent
regions, is known from the beginning of the 18th century. In its basic form it is similar to the jota; the
essential difference lies in the length of the text, the number of musical phrases in the copla, and the
fandango’s special modal characteristics and greater harmonic diversity. After the fandango’s
instrumental introduction comes the copla, whose text is mostly four (usually five in the fandango
flamenco) octosyllabic lines, sung to six musical phrases in the order abcdea or babcde. The
fandango follows a rigid harmonic pattern: the introduction cadences in the E mode (an expansion of
the formula given in ex.3e above), after which the first phrase of the copla cadences on a major
chord a major 3rd lower than the final chord of the E mode. This new chord is the harmonic centre
for the duration of the copla; within this new harmonic centre the second phrase cadences on the
fourth degree, the third on the harmonic centre, the fourth on the fifth degree, the fifth again on the
harmonic centre; the sixth phrase leads back to the original E mode, where the copla ends. The
fandango incorporates some of the same modifications that affect the jota, in particular the insertion
between coplas of instrumental passages, which in the fandango flamenco are called falsetas. As
with the jota and seguidilla, the fandango has different names depending on the places in which it is
practised: these include the rondeña (from Ronda), malagueña (Málaga), granadina (Granada),
fandangos alosneros (after the small town of Alosno) and the fandangos de verdiales (typical of the
hills of Málaga; Berlanga, A1997).
The dance-song seguidillas (always plural in this sense) is typical of New Castile where it occurs
notably as seguidillas manchegas (from La Mancha); it also occurs in other regional variants such
as seguidillas murcianas (Murcia) and sevillanas (Seville) (see FLAMENCO). (For the seguiriya
gitana, ‘gypsy seguidillas’, see FLAMENCO, [not available online].) The literary metric form seguidilla
(7–5a–7–5a), used in the homonymous dance-song, occurs also in many other popular songs
(nanas, harvesting songs, estribillos etc.). Seguidillas are in moderately fast triple time and tonality
is usually major. Typical features are four introductory strummed chords, melodic phrases beginning
on the second or fourth quaver of a 3/4 bar and melismas often sung to a weak syllable at the ends
of phrases. An initial section (not repeated during the performance) consists of a brief instrumental
introduction followed by the salida, a ‘false’ entry for the vocalist, who sings a short portion of the
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text. The main section (repeated ad libitum) consists of a further brief instrumental passage (called
falseta, estribillo or interludio) followed by the copla, the vocal section proper. Each copla normally
accommodates five lines of the text, which consists of a series of seguidilla quatrains and
sometimes tercets (see §3). The deployment of the text may follow many patterns, but constant
features are the frequent repetition of lines and inversion of their order, and transition from one
stanza to the next in the middle of a musical copla. In performance a second singer may ‘jump in’
with a new stanza in the middle of a copla section, thus obliging a further repetition of the whole
main section to accommodate the text. A stricter variety of seguidillas (seen chiefly in the sevillanas)
permits only three repetitions of the main section; the text in this case is a seguidilla quatrain (abcd)
followed by a tercet (efg, sometimes referred to as the estribillo); a, c and f are long lines. A typical
deployment of the text in sevillanas is as follows: bb (salida); babab (first copla); bcdce (second
copla); efefg (third copla). After fandango, seguidilla and jota, the bolero deserves special mention.
Already known in the 18th century, it is still present in folk music, although sometimes under other
names, particularly in the Levante and in the south. Besides these song-dances, there are numerous
regional and local non-ritual dances whose use is often associated with the construction and
celebration of collective identities.
Galician dances are characterized by a lively 6/8 rhythm (at times 2/4 with the occasional triplet), a
persistent and unvaried rhythmic support on a percussion instrument, and regular phrase lengths
with repetition of at least the first pair of phrases. The most popular dance is the muiñeira (from
muiño: ‘mill’); sometimes accompanied by a gaita gallega (Galician bagpipe) and tambor, sometimes
by songs (which may also be performed without dancing) whose text is an unusual decasyllabic
quatrain with an anapaestic rhythm, referred to as ritmo de gaita gallega (Galician bagpipe rhythm).
Another popular song-dance is the Pandeirada, in which a solo voice alternates with a choir of
women playing the pandero (tambourine). Among Galician dances which have crossed regional
borders the Farruca is the best-known (Crivillé, 1983, pp.226–8). Purely instrumental pieces for
sanfona, pito y tambor (short vertical flute, flute and drum), chirimía and gaita include the alborada
(dawn song) and preludes to dances and processional marches.
Popular in Asturias is the giraldilla (from girar: ‘to turn round’), which means to turn around
rhythmically; it is also known in neighbouring León; the danza prima is a communal circle-dance
whose origins may be Celtic; it alternates verses of a romance (ballad) with religious exclamations
such as ‘¡Viva la Virgen del Carmen!’ (Crivillé, A1983, pp.229–31).
Non-ritual dances of Castile and León include the fandango, the jota and the formerly more popular
bolero, as well as those referred to simply as a lo llano or asentao. The charrada, associated
particularly with Salamanca, is one of the most rhythmically interesting of all Spanish dances. The
first form of the dance, transcribed by early collectors (Ledesma, Sánchez Fraile) in 6/8, 9/8 or 3/4
time, has been shown (García Matos, E1960–61) to be in compound quintuple time (some typical
rhythms are shown in ex.2a above). Quintuple metre in forms related to the charrada is found in
neighbouring areas of Extremadura and Old Castile. The second form of charrada is in 2/4 time, but
has a polyrhythmic percussion accompaniment (played on the tambor): while the melody (played on
the shawm) keeps regular 2/4 time, the percussion pattern is 3 + 2 + 3 quavers (which also defied
early collectors). The combination of this rhythm with a melodic pattern in 2/4 time is shown in ex.2b
. Very popular in the Castilian region of La Mancha is the bolero manchego, an art of seguidilla
manchega which is usually danced at slower pace by eight couples, accompanied by a rondalla
(ensemble of plucked instruments).
Extremadura shares the musical characteristics of its neighbours (León and Castile in the north and
Andalusia in the south). Here the jota is the most widespread dance; the so-called fandango,
performed in some areas of Extremadura, is really a jota; typical dances are the son or son brincao
(leaping dance), and the quita y pon (‘take and put’), both sung and danced at a lively pace. Some
ceremonial dances are performed by men with blackened faces wearing white smocks.
The repertory of Navarre, situated between Aragon and Basque country, reflects its geographical
situation. In the mountainous areas folksong is musically and linguistically Basque. The lower
regions show affinity with Aragon; for instance, the popular Navarrese jota differs from the
Aragonese only in its greater use of melisma and instrumental virtuosity (see BASQUE MUSIC for a
discussion of dances in Navarre).
In Aragon, the jota is the most important and widely used form. In spite of its simple structure, it is an
adaptable form which can suit moods, and with simple harmonies lends itself to improvisation.
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Although there are many minor local variants, a broad division may be made between the jota of
upper Aragon which is more lively, the dancers touching the ground only with the toes, and that of
lower Aragon which is slower and has fewer leaps. The jota sometimes invades the domain of other
genres (e.g. agricultural work songs). Ceremonial dances include the señoríos y reiñados (lordships
and those who reign) and the contradanza, noted for its complexity. In the province of Teruel the
baile de las gitanillas (‘ball of the Gypsies’), performed by women holding ribbons around a pole
carried by a man, is popular. In the province of Huesca, the dance is a favourite sword dance which
may also include dialogue and theatrical representations through stereotypical figures (Christian and
Moorish generals, the mayoral, the gracioso, four flying children, etc.). Huesca has musical affinities
with Catalonia, as does Teruel with neighbouring Valencia.
The cultural separateness of Catalonia is based mainly on language; the Catalan language is closer
to Provençal than to Castilian and for many centuries Catalan culture was influenced from the north
rather than from the south. The ball pla is popular in Catalonia and in the Valencian province of
Castellón. Although it is performed on ceremonial occasions, it is an open dance in which everybody
can participate. Guitars, lutes, bandurrias and castanets provide the accompaniment. It has three
parts: an ‘invitation to the ball’, in which the dancers walk to the rhythm of a jota or a pasodoble, the
jota with at least three different figures, and the bolero danced in a circle with joined hands. This last
figure is similar to the basic sardana, the national dance of the Catalans (Crivillé, A1983; Martí,
E1994 and A1995). It is a circle-dance for alternate men and women holding hands. Although not an
ancient form (the modern sardana owes much to the 19th-century enthusiast Pep Ventura), it derives
from the medieval ball rodó (round dance). Despite the strictness with which the steps are executed,
few Catalans do not dance it and in city and village alike the sardana has become the symbol of
Catalan identity. The dance is accompanied by the cobla, usually with 11 musicians (see fig.14
below). The opening ‘introit’ on the flabiol serves to announce that the dance is about to begin. The
curts (short steps), each four beats long, occupy the first section, followed by the llargs (long steps),
each eight beats long; meanwhile, the music becomes louder and more energetic until the final
section in which the llargs are adorned amb salts (with leaps). Popular at feasts in various villages
and cities of Catalonia is the acrobatic building of a human tower or pyramid some six ranks high;
although it is a game rather than a dance, its construction is accompanied by a toc (toccata) played
on the gralles (shawms).
Some of the dances of the Balearic Islands are evidently importations, such as the jota and,
particularly in Mallorca, the bolero; more typical are two dances called sa mateixa and copeo. The
mateixa (meaning ‘same’ for no obvious reason) is similar to the jota but has the gentler style of
Mallorca; the copeo is another couple-dance, in which the woman dictates the movements (which
are very fast) and the man imitates them to the best of his ability. An old wedding custom in Mallorca
was the auctioning of dances with the bride, the object being to raise funds to pay for the feast; it
was, of course, arranged for the groom to win the first bid. The chief dances of Ibiza are sa llarga
and sa curta (the long and the short), which differ only in speed; particularly large castanets are
used, and while the woman dances coyly, the man leaps about and demonstrates his agility, never
turning his back on his partner.
Valencia possesses a great richness of local dance traditions which include ritual (like those
performed around a fire on St Anthony's day), processional and pantomimic dances representing
different occupations etc. Particularly important are the local variants of the fandango and the jota.
The Valencian jota accompaniment has the structure and harmonic simplicity of the Aragonese jota,
but its melodic characteristics are often surprisingly free. Tending towards syncopation and
ornament, its tonality is frequently ambiguous, so that if the melody were sung alone it would
scarcely suggest the well-defined harmonic pattern typical of the jota. Other dances of the region
include el u i el dos (the one and the two) and el u i el dotze (the one and the twelve), a double
circle-dance with the men forming the inner circle. Popular in the eastern regions of Valencia, as well
as in Catalonia, is the ball pla: an open dance with a variable number of participants and performed
on the plaça (square) of the village during its main festivities. In some villages of Castellón the ball
rodat (round dance) is still performed; it consists of a ‘walking dance’ through the festive space until
the dancers find a broad space in which they can dance a jota in a double circle. Castellón is also
known by the relative frequence of aksak (or asymmetric) rhythms in its dances and songs, although
this trait can also be found in other regions of Spain (León, Catalonia, Basque country).
Murcia has lively and fast dances similar to those of Andalusia. Most popular are the fandango,
known usually as the malagueña, the jota, danced at a lively pace, and the seguidillas in its local
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variant forms of parrandas, gandulas or paradicas.
Andalusia has the richest treasury of folk dances in Spain. Its chief dances are fandangos and
sevillanas (usually composed in the metric form of the seguidillas) and variants. The fandangos in
particular appear in many variants according to local traditions. One of these variants is the
verdiales of the Montes de Málaga, which are danced by the pandas (bands); these dancers are
called tontos (fools) and collect money for the celebration of religious feasts. They wear hats
decorated with ribbons and pieces of mirror and are accompanied by violin, tambourine and
miniature cymbals (see VERDIALES). The style of the fandangos verdiales is seen along the
Mediterranean coast from Tarifa to Valencia (Berlanga, A1997). Sevillanas are the seguidillas of
Seville; whether they speak of love or extol the beauty of Seville they are often praised for their high
literary merit. Some examples, bearing a 17th-century imprint and locally called antiguas (old) or
bíblicas (biblical), take their subjects from history, mythology or the Bible. Sevillanas are not
fossilized: new ones began to be recorded in the 1960s and are still composed in abundance for
fiestas and romerías (pilgrimages undertaken in a spirit of profane festivity). Purely popular dances
are sometimes put to functional use: the jotilla (little jota) is danced in the province of Córdoba to
celebrate the end of the olive harvest, just as the fandangos verdiales are used in eastern Andalusia
after grapes have been harvested. Collection for the All Souls is made using verdiales by groups
from Málaga to Murcia; in Andalusia they may dance as well as sing.
A common dance on the larger of the Canary Islands is the isa; musically it is similar to the
Aragonese jota, to which it is probably related (although the name isa and the steps of the dance are
probably of the pre-Spanish guanche origin). The folía is a very important sung dance, a curious
mixture of the idyllic and the passionate, accompanied by a group resembling the rondalla. The
tango, performed on the island of Hierro, is a ritual dance whose limited melodic range and often
forced underlay of Spanish texts suggest non-peninsular origin. Seguidillas and malagueñas, and
also polkas and mazurkas, are popular too. Two instruments deserve special mention: the timple, a
small guitar used in the folía, and the transverse flute used in the tango.
Dances are the best-kept domain of Spanish traditional music. From the 1980s, their practice has
been promoted by autonomous administrations who saw in the support of dance a way of
strengthening regional cultural identity.
See also FANDANGO and SEGUIDILLA.
Arcadio de Larrea Palacín, Martin Cunningham/Ramón Pelinski
5. Organology.
Foremost among struck idiophones are castanets (castañuelas; also palillos, postizas), the most
common being those with both parts tied to the thumb. A very small type, pulgaretas (from pulgar:
‘thumb’), is found in Aragon. A large type, fastened to the wrist, is found in Jaca (province of
Huesca), Ibiza and in Gomera (Canary Islands) where they are called chácaras. Platillos are
cymbals, of which a miniature type, chinchines, is found in Málaga and Almería, and parts of
Andalusia and New Castile. Other struck idiophones include the hierrillo (‘little iron’ or triangle) and
campanas (bells) of various sizes, sometimes mounted on frames of different designs (a wheel, a
cross) for use in religious contexts; cencerros (animal bells), known sometimes as esquilas, are also
common.
Shaken idiophones include cascabeles (small spherical bells, worn by dancers or tied to the end of
a stick which is shaken); the carraca (cog rattle or ‘corncrake’); the matraca (various types of
clapper or castanet on a handle) and other types of sonajero (rattle); and the aro de sonajas (like a
tambourine with jingles, but without a membrane; it may be beaten or shaken). Finally, scraped
idiophones include the carrañaca or raspadero (a notched piece of wood rubbed with a stick; there
are also some hollowed-out, gourd-like varieties called güiro, of Cuban provenance) and conchas or
conchas de peregrino (pilgrim shells), used in Galicia, the knurled surfaces of two shells being
rubbed together.
Besides these instruments, percussion is frequently improvised on household objects; a mortar
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(almírez) may serve as a bell; a frying pan (sartén), spoons (cucharas, usually wooden), a grater
(rallador) or a key and a bottle may be used to keep rhythm. Other percussion instruments may be
tools, such as a hammer and anvil, yoke, or tejoleta (piece of tile, which may also be used as a
tradesman’s or other signal); even the rhythmic creaking of a farm cart may be used to mark time.
The most important membranophone is the pandereta (tambourine with jingles). A larger tambourine,
the pandero (usually without jingles), has a square variety sometimes called adufe or alduf, among
other names; both are often used by women in dances. The nomenclature of drums is complicated,
since different sizes are known by the same names. The generic term is tambor, with large types
known as tamboril (about 50 cm in both height and diameter) and caja (larger in diameter but not as
deep), both built like side drums. Smaller instruments may also be referred to as tamboril; a very
small drum, called tamboret in Catalan, is used in the cobla. Ritual processions sometimes demand
the use of timbales (kettledrums). The zambomba, used above all in Christmas festivities, is a
friction drum, the membrane being pierced with a stick which the player rubs up and down. The
groups of drummers have become emblematic of lower Aragon. One of the most important
celebrations is the tamborinada, during which a multitude of drums are played continuously.
The guitar, commonly called guitarra, is the most important chordophone and is popular in all
regions. In ensembles smaller varieties are used, including the requinto and tiple or timple, which
have fewer strings and are only strummed. The guitarro is a type with 12 strings. Two instruments
are used with a plectrum (púa) to pick out a melody: the laúd (lute) and bandurria (a large instrument
of the mandolin family). The bowed violin appears sometimes (mainly in Valencia and Murcia); the
rabel, a rebec with only one string, is rarer. The sanfona (hurdy-gurdy; also chanfona, zanfona
among other names) is used in Galicia. The salterio is beaten like a drum: a type of dulcimer
consisting of a number of thick strings stretched over a box resonator; it is used in ritual dances in
some localities in the Huesca province (Aragon).
A common name among aerophones is ‘gaita’, which is used for a

confusing array of instruments. Although the name usually means
bagpipe, in some areas of the country the gaita is a conical wind
instrument with a double reed, known also by the names of dolçaina
or gralla. The most important pipe is the one with three holes and
given various names: chiflo in Aragon, pito in Castile, txistu in Basque
country, where it has become an emblem of Basque nationalism. In
Alboka (double-reed hornpipe)
(Horniman Museum, London) Basque country a bass flute, silbote, is also used (in Basque, txistu
aundi). Catalonia has the flabiol, a small seven-hole flute, and in the
Canary Islands a transverse flute is used. A double-reed instrument, called variously gaita, dulzaina
or chirimía (shawm) is played in most areas of Spain; gralla is the Catalan name, and in this region
two varieties, tenora and tiple (tenor and treble shawm), are used in the cobla. The xeremía and
gaita (or gaita serrana) are pastoral instruments from Ibiza and Castile respectively, though both are
now rare; the former is a double clarinet made from a single piece of wood, and is sometimes
pentatonic; the latter is a capped single-reed hornpipe (see WIND-CAP INSTRUMENTS), with an
animal-horn bell. The large class of instruments made by children includes some similar ones such
as the double-reed Basque alboka (Sp. albogue, fig.2). In most of Spain, gaita or gaita de fuelle are
generally understood to mean an instrument of the bagpipe family found in Asturias, León, Aragon,
Catalonia (where it goes by the name sac de gemecs: ‘bag of groans’), Mallorca (xeremies) and
particularly in Galicia, where it is now considered a symbol of regional identity.
The flauta de Pan (panpipes) is used to warn of the approach of tradesmen such as knife grinders
and pig gelders (hence the instrument’s vulgar name of castrapuercas). Various types of shell or
horn, all with extremely narrow range, are also used for giving warning signals. Among the brass
instruments traditionally used are the corneta and trompeta, used to attract attention particularly by
pregoneros (town criers). Brass instruments of several sizes are used in the modern cobla in
Catalonia. The guimbarda or birimbao (jew’s harp) is a shepherd’s instrument.
The most usual combinations of instruments are flute and drum,

played by the same player, and gaita (either bagpipes or shawm) with
drum or tambourine(s), played by different players. Such groups
commonly accompany dancing. The rondalla is a street band which
performs for the ronda (see §3), comprising some or all of the
following: guitars of various sizes, laúd, bandurria, triangle,
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Cobla band in Catalonia, with (front

tambourine or aro de sonajas, and perhaps a cántaro (a large jug
row, left to right)…
which may be either struck or rhythmically blown into). Similar to the
rondalla, the banda is a group composed of various combinations of aerophones. These groups are
very popular throughout the country particularly in the area of Valencia. In Catalonia an ensemble
comprising three gralles and drum is no longer found, but the cobla persists. The standard
instrumentation dating from the beginning of the 20th century is composed of flabiol and tambori,
two tenores and two tiples (instruments derived from the old tarota), two cornets (now replaced by
trumpets), a trombone, two fisicornos (flugelhorns) and one berra (a three-string double bass; fig.3).
Arcadio de Larrea Palacín/Sílvia Martínez García
6. Contemporary developments.
Despite the fact that in many parts of Europe traditional folk music began rapidly disappearing at the
end of the 19th century, giving way to a new model of society marked by urban culture, in Spain
awareness of the progressive disappearance of traditional culture, coupled with the importance
people have placed on the maintenance of a collective identity, particularly as a result of the
development of autonomous regions, has produced a generalized interest in folklore – hence the
discovery, preservation and popularization of traditional music, often through its involvement with
political and economic objectives. In this way, many of the diverse manifestations of traditional
culture, originally an integral part of a concrete way of life, has become part of urban society. As
people have assigned it aesthetic, commercial and ideological value, folklore has become folklorism.
At the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th, folklorism attained certain social relevance
within Spanish society. Interest in what was then a fading tradition was not confined to those
intellectuals who had begun collecting some decades earlier, but included people from diverse
sections of society. Traditional song repertories had been embraced by choral societies by the end
of the 19th century, with the first choreographic groups for traditional dances, such as the Esbart de
Dansaires de Vic in Catalonia, appearing in 1902. All such groups were engaged in the task of
recuperating and disseminating the traditional dances of the country.
By the beginning of the 20th century a well-configured series of narratives could be found around
particular musical and choreographic genres, which through folklorism became markers of regional
identity: the jota for Aragon, the zortziko for Basque country, the muiñeira for Galicia, the sardana
for Catalonia, etc. Each of these dances contributed to the emergence of similar mythologies, which
by emphasizing their rural origin and claiming ancient precedence (often back to unprovable Greek
or Roman times) aim to establish them as quintessentially ethnic.
The Franco dictatorship, in common with other European totalitarian political regimes, found the
exploitation of folklore one way of promoting state nationalism. For ideological reasons the women's
section of the Falange party assumed the task of collecting and disseminating folk music and dance
throughout Spain. As a result, during the dictatorship such folklorism became (because of its
opportunistic use by the government) socially discredited, particularly among sectors of the
population most opposed to the political regime. However with the restoration of democracy
folklorism regained its value. Spain became a state constituted by autonomous communities, many
of them with strong regionalist traditions, others with artificial ones, but each with a need to recover
or invent regional identities. Flags and official anthems appeared, and people sought in folklore,
especially in music, ethnic justification for the newly shaped administrative boundaries. In contrast
with the period of Franco's dictatorship, new democracy led to a revaluation of folklore not only by
the public administration but also by the broadest sectors of society. The result has been not only
the proliferation of festivals and competitions for folk music and dance throughout the country but
also the creation of numerous groups and associations with the objective of recovering and
popularizing local traditional music and dance. At the end of the 20th century, expressions of local
folklore, rare in previous decades, were seldom missing from festivities of big cities such as Madrid
and Barcelona to Zaragoza and Valencia. In urban areas, the associations called the casas
regionales, important focal points for immigrants from many Spanish provinces, maintain the ties of
immigrants with their home region, thus acting as an important focus for musical folklorism.
The presence of folklorism on Spanish streets has never been as strong as it is at the beginning of
20 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
the 21st century. But this should be understood as much for political reasons as for the positive
values tradition implies for society. The importance of tourism for Spain fosters such music not only
in areas of touristic affluence such as the east and south coasts but also in the interior regions of
Spain, which appreciate cultural tourism as an important economical resource. Typical festivities
associated with the colourful processions of Holy Week, particularly in south and central Spain in
cities such as Seville, Toledo or Zamora, have been strongly revitalized despite the steady decrease
in religious feelings throughout Spanish society; in addition new festivities have been fashioned from
the re-elaboration of traditional elements, as in the case of the ruta del tambor y bombo (route of
drum and bass drum) in lower Aragon, an economically depressed zone which has made Holy Week
its main festivity and an important tourist attraction. Another reason for the significance of folklorism
in Spain is the relative delay in the incorporation of many Spanish regions into post-industrial
society, which has ensured the greater survival of cultural elements of a pre-industrial nature. Many
folkloric events have not lost the thread of history, as with many ceremonial dances seen at local
festivities. At the same time these dances have become objects of folklorism experiencing important
modifications, particularly in both semantics and function. In earlier periods it was not necessary to
stress any ethnic connotations or to appeal to a sense of local heritage, but at the end of the 20th
century such dances were being performed outside traditional spatial and temporal frames, although
their forms have remained more or less constant because of a modern, aesthetic stress on purism
and ethnic fidelity. As a result people have recuperated archaic rhythms such as those of aksak
type, which had been replaced by more regular rhythms; band instruments have been supplanted by
more traditional instruments such as bagpipes or dulzainas (shawms); and dancers often use
regional dress belonging to the 19th century.
The reiteration of particular versions by the mass media, coupled with the social prestige implied by
commercial diffusion, has influenced bearers of traditional culture to alter what they have learnt
through oral transmission. This is easy to observe in balladry and traditional children's repertory.
Although these songs have been passed down from one generation to another, modern modification
is influenced by particular variants which circulate in the mass media. In this way traditional
repertories, apart from the problems they have to overcome to survive in the modern world,
undeniably undergo a process of qualitative and quantitative impoverishment because of restrictive
and selective modifications by their interpreters. Thus a tourist flamenco has emerged, modifying the
traditional relationship between song and dance, with more importance given to dance for reasons of
spectacle. The flourishing situation of the Catalan haranera, including the encouragement of new
compositions according to traditional patterns, has led to a much broader diffusion than was enjoyed
in earlier decades of the 20th century.
At the end of the 20th century a preoccupation with ripproposta became evident, in which different
levels are distinguished. One level implies the simple task of restoration with absolute fidelity to
tradition; another considers the traditional as raw material or a source of inspiration for musical
creation. Besides numerous groups playing traditional music, modern bands consciously incorporate
elements of tradition, most of all melodic and timbric features, creating music known as etno-pop,
jazz-folk, folk-rock and folk eléctrico.
Bibliography
and other resources
A: General studies and collections

M. Soriano Fuertes : Historia de la música española desde la venida de los Fenicos hasta el año de 1850
(Madrid, 1855–9)
E. Ocón : Cantos españoles: colección de aires nacionales y populares(Malaga, 1874, 2/1906)
Demófilo [A. Machado y Alvarez]: Cantes flamencos: colección escogida (Madrid, 1886, 2/1947)
J. Inzenga : Cantos y bailes populares de España (Madrid, 1888)
21 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
E. López-Chávarri : Música popular española (Barcelona, 1927, 3/1958)
E.M. Torner : ‘La canción tradicional española’, Folklore y costumbres de España, ed. F. Carreras y
Candi, ii (Barcelona, 1931), 7–166
A. Capmany : ‘El baile y la danza’, ibid., 169–418
E.M. Torner : Temas folklóricos: música y poesía (Madrid, 1935) [incl. bibliography]
H. Anglès : ‘Das spanische Volkslied’, AMf, iii (1938), 331–62
G. Chase : The Music of Spain (New York, 1941, 2/1959) [incl. bibliography]
K. Schindler : Folk Music and Poetry of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1941)
Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares (1944–) [incl. bibliography]
J.A. de Donostia : ‘El modo de mi la canción popular española’, AnM, i (1946), 153–79
Marius Schneider: La danza de espadas y la tarantela (Barcelona, 1948)
Marius Schneider: ‘Tipología musical y literaria de la canción de cuna en España’, AnM, iii (1948), 3–58
B. Gil García : ‘La jeringonza en la actual tradición’, AnM, xiii (1958), 129–58
W. Starkie : Spain: a Musician's Journey through Time and Space (Geneva, 1958)
A. de Larrea Palacín : ‘Canción popular’, Enciclopedia de la cultura española, ed. F. Pérez-Embid (Madrid,
1962–8)
J. Amades : ‘Etnología musical’, Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares, xx (1964), 113–200
J. Tomás : ‘Canciones populares de trabajo’, AnM, xix (1964), 225–39
A. de Larrea Palacín : ‘Aspectos de la música popular española’, El folklore español, ed. J.M. Gómez-
Tabanera (Madrid, 1968), 297–318
T. Martínez de la Peña : ‘Aspectos particulares de las danzas populares españolas’, ibid., 319–38
I.J. Katz : ‘The Traditional Folk Music of Spain: Explorations and Perspectives’, YIFMC, vi (1974), 64–85
Marius Schneider: ‘Die arabische Komponente im spanischen Volksgesang’, ÖMz, xxx (1975), 175–85
J. Diaz : Canciones tradicionales(Madrid, 1978–83)
J. Crivillé : Historia de la música española, vii: El folklore musical (Madrid, 1983)
V. Torrent : La música popular (Valencia, 1990)
V. Torrent : ‘Ritmes amalgamats en la tradició valenciana’, Actes del Col.loqui sobre cançó tradicional:
Reus 1990, ed. S. Rebés (Barcelona, 1994), 111–17
J. Aiats : ‘El ritme g.s.1212: un cas notable de giusto sil.làbic en les cançons baladístiques de la comarca
d'Osona’, ibid., 93–109
E. Rey : Bibliografia de folklore musical español (Madrid, 1994)
J. Martí : El folklorismo: uso y abuso de la tradición (Barcelona, 1995)
M. Manzano : La jota como género musical (Madrid, 1995)
M.A. Berlanga : El fandango (diss., U. of Granada, 1997)
J. Martí : ‘Folk Music Studies and Ethnomusicology in Spain’, YTM, xxviii (1997), 107–40
B: Historical background
(i) Sources
L. Milán : Libro de musica de vihuela de mano intitulado El maestro (Valencia, 1536/R); ed. R. Chiesa
(Milan, 1965) and C. Jacobs (University Park, PA, 1971)
22 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
L. de Narváez : Los seys libros del delphín de música de cifra para tañer vihuela (Valladolid, 1538/R); ed.
in MME, iii (1945/R)
A. Mudarra : Tres libros de música en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546); ed. in MME, vii (1949)
E. de Valderrábano : Libro de musica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas (Valladolid, 1547/R); i–ii ed. in
MME, xxii–xxiii (1965)
D. Pisador : Libro de música de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552/R)
D. Ortiz : Trattado de glosas sobre clausulas y otros generos de puntos en la musica de violones (Rome,
1553); ed. Max Schneider (Berlin, 1913; Kassel, 1936/R, 3/1961)
M. de Fuenllana : Libro de música para vihuela intitulado Orphénica lyra (Seville, 1554/R); ed. C. Jacobs
(Oxford, 1978/R)
E. Daza : Libro de musica en cifras para vihuela intitulado El Parnasso (Valladolid, 1576/R); ed. R. de
Zayas (Madrid, 1983)
F. de Salinas : De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577/R; Sp. trans., 1983)
M. Flecha : Las ensaladas (Prague, 1581); ed. in PBC, xvi (1955)
S. de Covarrubias Orozco : Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid, 1611/R)
(ii) Studies
J. Bal y Gay : Cancionero de Upsala (Mexico City, 1944)
H. Anglés : La música en la corte de los reyes católicos, ii: Polifonía profana (Barcelona, 1941)
H. Anglès : La música de las cantigas de Santa Maria, iii: Estudio critico (Barcelona, 1958)
G. Haberkamp : Die weltliche Vokalmusik in Spanien um 1500 (Tutzing, 1968)
R.A. Pelinski : Die weltliche Vokalmusik Spaniens am Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tutzing, 1971)
M.Q. Gavaldá : Cancionero musical de Góngora (Barcelona, 1975)
M.Q. Gavaldá : Cancionero musical de Lope de Vega (Barcelona, 1986)
C: Organology
J.A. de Donostia and J. Tomás : ‘Instromentos de música popular española’, AnM, ii (1947), 105–50 [incl.
bibliography]
R. Violant y Simorra : ‘Instrumentos músicos de construcción infantil y pastoril en Cataluña’, Revista de

dialectología y tradiciones populares, x (1954), 331–99, 548–90
M. García Matos : ‘Instrumentos musicales folklóricos de España’, AnM, ix (1954), 161–78; xi (1956),
123–63; xiv (1959), 77
A. de Larrea Palacín : ‘Instrumentos musicales populares’, Enciclopedia de la cultura español, ed. F.

Pérez-Embid (Madrid, 1962–8)
G. Ferré i Puig : ‘La flauta i el tambor a la música ètnica catalana’, Recerca musicològica, vi (1986),
173–233
T. Noda Gómez and L. Siemens Hernández : ‘Los idiófonos tradicionales en la Isla de La Palma’, RdMc, ix
(1986), 169–204
A. Jambrina Leal and J.R. Cid Cebrián : La gaita y el tamboril (Salamanca, 1989)
J. Morey and A. Artigues : Repertori i construcció dels instruments de la colla de xeremiers catalans a
Mallorca (Palma, 1989)
E.M. Zamora : Instrumentos musicales en la tradición asturiana (Oviedo, 1989)
D: Regional collections
23 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
J. de Zamácola : Colección de las mejores coplas de seguidillas, tranas y polos (Madrid, 1799, enlarged
3/1805/R)
J.I. de Iztueta : Gispuzkoa'ko dantzak/Dantzas de Guipúzcoa (San Sebastián, 1826, 3/1929)
A. Durán : Colección de romances castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1828–32) [texts only]
F. Pelay Briz : Cançons de la terra (Barcelona, 1866–77)
J. Manterola : Cancionero vasco (San Sebastián, 1877–80)
M. Milá y Fontanals : Romancerillo catalán: canciones tradicionales (Barcelona, 1882)
F. Rodríguez Marín : Cantos populares españoles (Seville, 1882–3, 3/1981)
P. Bertrán y Bros : Cançons i follies populars recullides al peu de Montserrat (Barcelona, 1885)
J. Pérez Ballesteros : Cancionero popular gallego (Madrid, 1886) [texts only]
A. Noguera : Memoria sobre los cantos, bailes y tocatas populares de la isla de Mallorca (Palma de
Mallorca, 1893)
A. Capmany : Cançoner popular (Barcelona, 1901–13)
F. Olmeda : Cancionero popular de Burgos (Seville, 1903)
J. Verdú : Cantos populares de Murcia (Madrid, 1906)
D. Ledesma : Cancionero salamantino (Madrid, 1907)
A. Carrera : Cançons populars catalanes (Barcelona, 1910–16)
F. Echevarría : Cantos y bailes populares de Valencia (Valencia, 1912)
N. Otaño : El canto popular montañés (Santander, 1915)
F. Camps y Mercadal : Folklore menorquí (Mahón, 1918)
N. Otaño : Canciones montañesas (Valencia, 1918)
F. Pedrell : Cancionero musical popular español (Valls, 1918–22, 3/1958)
E.M. Torner : Cancionero musical de la lírica popular asturiana (Madrid, 1920)
J.A. de Donostia : Euskel eres-sorta (cancionero vasco) (Madrid, 1921)
R.M. de Azkue : Cancionero popular vasco(Barcelona, 1923)
R.M. de Azkue : Las mil y una canciones populares vascas (Barcelona, ?1923)
M. Arnaudas Larrodé : Colección de cantos populares de la provincia de Teruel (Zaragoza, 1927)
B. Gil García : Cancionero popular de Extremadura, i (Valls, 1931, 2/1961); ii (Badajoz, 1956)
M. Fernández y Fernández Núñez : Folk-lore leonés: canciones, romances y leyendas (Madrid, 1931)
S. Llorens de Serra : El cançoñer de Pineda (Barcelona, 1931)
C. Sampedro y Folgar and J. Filgueria Valverde, eds.: Cancionero musical de Galicia (Madrid, 1942)
K. Schindler : Folk Music and Poetry of Spain and Portugal (New York, 1941)
A. Sánchez Fraile : Nuevo cancionero salamantino: colección de canciones y temas folklóricos inéditos
(Salamanca, 1943)
M. Arnaudas : Colección de cantos populares de la Provincio de Teruel (Teruel, 1982)
M. García Matos : Lírica popular de la Alta Extremadura, i (Madrid, 1944); ii (Barcelona, 1982)
S. Córdova y Oña : Cancionero popular de la provincia de Santander (Santander, 1948–55)
A. Galmés : Mallorca, Menorca, Ibiza: folklore: danzas, costumbres, canciones (Palma de Mallorca, 1950)
A. Mingote : Cancionero musical de la provincia de Zaragoza (Zaragoza, 1950, 3/1981)
J. Amades : Folklore de Catalunya: cançoner (Barcelona, 1951, 2/1982)
24 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
P. Echevarría Bravo : Cancionero musical popular manchego (Madrid, 1951)
M. García Matos : Cancionero popular de la provincia de Madrid (Barcelona and Madrid, 1951–60)
J. Menéndez de Estéban and P.M. Flamarique : Colección de jotas navarras (Pamplona, 1967)
A. Mingote : Cancionero musical de la provincia de Zaragoza (Zaragoza, 1967)
A. Capdevielle : Cancionero de Cáceres y su provincia (Cáceres, 1969)
A. Aragonés Subero : Danzas, rondas y música popular de Guadalajara (Guadalajara, 1973)
E.M. Torner and J. Bal y Gay : Cancionero gallego (La Coruña, 1973)
S. Seguí : Cancionero musical de la provincia de Alicante (Alicante, 1974)
B. Gil : Cancionero popular de la Rioja (Barcelona, 1987)
M. Manzano : Cancionero leonés (Madrid, 1988)
M. García Matos and others: Páginas inéditas del cancionero de Salamanca (Salamanca, 1995)
E: Regional studies
J. Ribera : ‘De música y métrica gallegas’, Homenaje ofrecido a Ramón Menéndez Pidal (Madrid, 1925), iii,
7–35
F. Pujol and others, eds. : Obra del cançoner popular de Catalunya: materials (Barcelona, 1926–9)
J. Ribera y Tarragó : La música de la jota aragonesa (Madrid, 1928)
F. Baldelló : Cançoner popular religiós de Catalunya (Barcelona, 1932)
A. de Larrea Palacín : ‘Preliminares al estudio de la jota aragonesa’, AnM, ii (1947), 175–90
M. Palau i Boix : Cuadernos de música popular valenciana (Valencia, 1950)
J. Amades : ‘Las danzas de espadas y de palos en Cataluña, Baleares y Valencia, AnM, x (1955), 163–90
M. García Matos : ‘Sobre algunos ritmos de nuestro folklore musical’, AnM, xv (1960), 101–31; xvi (1961),
27–54
B. Gil García : ‘Panorama de la canción popular burgalesa’, AnM, xviii (1963), 85–102
J. Mainar, A. Jane and J. Miracle : La sardana (Barcelona, 1970, 2/1972)
J. Benito and A. Buylla : La canción asturiana (Gijón, 1977)
J. Crivillé : ‘Ethnomusicologie d'un village catalan: Tivissa’, AnM, xxxiii–xxxv (1978–80), 171–254
D. Schubarth and A. Santamarina : Cántigas populares (Vigo, 1983)
S. Schmitt : Arbeitslieder auf Mallorca (Tutzing, 1984)
H. Schmidt : Die Sardana: Tanz der Katalanen (diss., U. of Hamburg, 1985)
M.A. Juan : ‘Folk Music Research and the Development of Ethnomusicology in Catalonia since 1850’,
European Studies in Ethnomusicology: Historical Development and Recent Trends, ed. M.P. Baumann,
A. Simon and U. Wegner (Wilhelmshaven, 1992), 42–51
J. Martí : ‘The Sardana as a Socio-Cultural Phenomenon in Contemporary Catalonia’, YTM, xxvi (1994),
39–46
R. Pelinski : Presencia del pasado: reestudio de un cancionero castellonense (Castellón de la Plana, 1996)
F: Popular music
D.A. Manrique : De qué va el rock macarra (Madrid, 1977)
C. López : La edad de oro del pop español (Madrid, 1992)
M. Muniesa : ‘El heavy metal en España’, Historia del heavy metal (Madrid, 1993), 85–100
25 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16
P. Calvo and J.M. Gamboa : Historia-guía del nuevo flamenco (Madrid, 1994)
M. Román : Canciones de nuestra vida: de Antonio Machín a Julio Iglesias (Madrid, 1994)
I. Julià : Grunge, noise, rock alternativo (Madrid, 1996)
G: Recordings
Magna antología del folklore musical de España, Hispavox S-66171 (1977) [incl. notes by M. García Matos]
Magna antología del cante flamenco, Hispavox S-66201 (1982) [incl. notes by J.B. Vega]
Fonoteca de materials: tallers de música popular, Conselleria de cultura, Generalitat Valenciana, Discos
CBS LP TMP1–24 (1985–) [incl. notes ed. V. Torrent]
Madrid tradicional: antología, Tecnosaga, series issued outside numbered sequence (1985–98) [incl. notes
by J.M. Fraile Gil]
Fonoteca de música tradicional catalana, Centre de Documentació i Recerca de la Cultura Tradicional i

Popular, Tecno CD DT001–9 (1991–) [incl. notes ed. J. Crivillé]
Romancero panhispánico: antología sonora, Centro de Cultura Tradicional de Salamanca, Tecnosaga 5LP
AD(5) 10–9004 (1991) [incl. notes by J.M. Fraile]
Antología de la música tradicional salmantina, Centro de Cultura Tradicional de Salamanca, Sonopress-

Ibermemory KPD-(5) 10/9005 (1996) [incl. notes by A. Carril]
26 de 26 15/02/2011 19:16

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Spain, §II: Traditional and popular music in Oxford Music Online http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/40...

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Spain, §II: Traditional and popular music

II. Traditional and popular music

Josep i Martí i Perez

(i) Historical background.

Martin Cunningham/Ramón Pelinski

(ii) Musical characteristics.

(a) Metre and rhythm.

Four types of metric-rhythmic arrangements can be distinguished: unmeasured, ‘giusto syllabic’,

Ex.1 Work song, Mallorca (Pujol and others, 1926–9)

Ex.2 Charrada rhythms (García Matos, 1960–61)

(b) Melodic features.

(d) Other characteristics.

Martin Cunningham/Jaume Aiats

(iii) Socio-cultural context.

Josep i Martí i Perez

(iv) Popular music.

Sílvia Martínez García

Arcadio de Larrea Palacín/Jaume Aiats

4. Dance and instrumental music.

variant forms of parrandas, gandulas or paradicas.

See also FANDANGO and SEGUIDILLA.

Arcadio de Larrea Palacín, Martin Cunningham/Ramón Pelinski

Besides these instruments, percussion is frequently improvised on household objects; a mortar

A common name among aerophones is ‘gaita’, which is used for a

The most usual combinations of instruments are flute and drum,

Cobla band in Catalonia, with (front

Arcadio de Larrea Palacín/Sílvia Martínez García

Josep i Martí i Perez

A: General studies and collections

E. Ocón : Cantos españoles: colección de aires nacionales y populares(Malaga, 1874, 2/1906)

J. Inzenga : Cantos y bailes populares de España (Madrid, 1888)

E. López-Chávarri : Música popular española (Barcelona, 1927, 3/1958)

A. Capmany : ‘El baile y la danza’, ibid., 169–418

H. Anglès : ‘Das spanische Volkslied’, AMf, iii (1938), 331–62

Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares (1944–) [incl. bibliography]

Marius Schneider: La danza de espadas y la tarantela (Barcelona, 1948)

J. Amades : ‘Etnología musical’, Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares, xx (1964), 113–200

J. Tomás : ‘Canciones populares de trabajo’, AnM, xix (1964), 225–39

J. Diaz : Canciones tradicionales(Madrid, 1978–83)

J. Crivillé : Historia de la música española, vii: El folklore musical (Madrid, 1983)

V. Torrent : La música popular (Valencia, 1990)

E. Rey : Bibliografia de folklore musical español (Madrid, 1994)

J. Martí : El folklorismo: uso y abuso de la tradición (Barcelona, 1995)

M. Manzano : La jota como género musical (Madrid, 1995)

M.A. Berlanga : El fandango (diss., U. of Granada, 1997)

D. Pisador : Libro de música de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552/R)

F. de Salinas : De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577/R; Sp. trans., 1983)

M. Flecha : Las ensaladas (Prague, 1581); ed. in PBC, xvi (1955)

S. de Covarrubias Orozco : Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid, 1611/R)

G. Haberkamp : Die weltliche Vokalmusik in Spanien um 1500 (Tutzing, 1968)

M.Q. Gavaldá : Cancionero musical de Góngora (Barcelona, 1975)

M.Q. Gavaldá : Cancionero musical de Lope de Vega (Barcelona, 1986)

R. Violant y Simorra : ‘Instrumentos músicos de construcción infantil y pastoril en Cataluña’, Revista de

A. de Larrea Palacín : ‘Instrumentos musicales populares’, Enciclopedia de la cultura español, ed. F.

E.M. Zamora : Instrumentos musicales en la tradición asturiana (Oviedo, 1989)

J.I. de Iztueta : Gispuzkoa'ko dantzak/Dantzas de Guipúzcoa (San Sebastián, 1826, 3/1929)