TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

I. Preface 5
2. Introduction / Sources 7
3. The Caliph 12

4. The Sultan 15

5. The Military Aristocracy 21

6. Arms and Armour 36

7. The Ecclesiastics. 49
8. Robes of Honour 56
9. Christians, Jews and Samaritans 65
10. Women. 69
II. Appendix 1. The Qumash 75
12. Appendix II. Bibliography of the" Reception of a Venetian Embassy" 81

13. Bibliography 83
14. Index. . . . II2

15. Plates . . . . 120

PLATE XX
 P1.AtE 1

,I
1

~
I
1

-----~ ----- -.----_._----------------

 LIST OF PLATES

I. "Reception of a Venetian Embassy." Courtesy of the Musee du Louvre

and the Archives Photographiques. .
II. "Baptistere de St. Louis." Courtesy of the Musee du Louvre and
Dr. D. S. Rice.
III. Stand f6r a tray. Courtesy of Messrs. Kalebdjian Freres.
IV, V. Brass basin. Courtesy of Mr. H. Kevorkian.
VI. Laminae of a Circassian Mamluk armour. Courtesy of M. Georges
Pauilhac.
VII. Helmet of Barsbay. Courtesy of the Musee du Louvre and the Archiv~s
Photographiques.
VIII. I. Mamluk helmet. 2. Neck guard of the helmet of Mul).ammad b.
Qalann. Courtesy of the Musee de la Porte de Hal.
IX. Parts of a belt of aI-Malik a~-$alil). Isma'il. Courtesy of the David
Salomons Charity Trust.
X. Brigandine with the name of Sultan Jaqmaq. Courtesy of tlieMuseo
Nazionale, Florence, and the InstitutFranc;ais d'ArcMologie Orientale.
XI. I. Cap. Courtesy of the National Museum of Arab Art. 2. Zamt.
Courtesy of the Coptic Museum.
XII. I. Cap, originally with feather, perhaps an early type of the katiyya.
Courtesy of the Vidoria and Albert Museum. 2. Cap. Courtesy of the
Cooper Union, New York.
XIII. I. Undergown {tal;ttaniyya}. Courtesy of the National Museum of Arab
Art. 2. Pair of trousers. Courtesy of the Musee de Cinquantenaire.
XIV. Various Cairene types. From Arn()ld von Harff's Pilger/ahrt.
XV. Mamluk amir with guests and servants. A page from Jazarl's Ma'ri/at
al-l;tiyal (I3I5 A.D:).Courtesy of the Freer Gallery of Art;
XVI. Mamluk soldier ina /urusiyya-exercise. Courtesy of Mr. Chester Beatty.
XVII. I. Bidpay, KaUla wa-Dimna. Bodl. Poe. 400, fo. 48 r. 2. Id., fo. I8 v.
Courtesy of the Bodleian Library.
XVIII. I. ~ar1rl, Maqamat. Br. Mus. Add. 22II4, fo. 68. 2. Id., fo. 94.
Courtesy of the British Museum.
XIX. I. ~ar1rl, Maqamat. Br. Mus. Or. 97I8, fo. I73 r. 2. Id., Add. 22II4,
fo. I35 v. Courtesy of the British Museum.
XX. 1. ~ar1r1, Maqamat. Bodl. Marsh 458, frontispiece. 2. Id., fo. 56 r.
Courtesy of the Bodleian Library .

...... -.-.- - - . - -.. ----------------~~---'"'---.

 PREFACE

For several reasons this book, originally planned and. written as a history
of Saracenic costume, will appear in an abbreviated and considerably modified
,form, as a "survey of Mamluk costume only. Strictly "adhering to the new title,
it was necessary not only to leave out all Ayyubid and Zangid material, but it
"was thought advisable even to postpone for another occasion the discussion of
textiles, jewellery, and such problems as the damascening of blades, since this
would have "been impossible without dealing with the Sarac~nic world as a whole.
Consequently only those references to earlier periods - mainly the last decades
of Ayyubid rule-were allowed to stand, which were absolutely necessary from
the Mamluk point of view. The same applies to the bibliography (except for some
. articles about damascening). With an abridgement of the text went a reduction
, in the pictorial documentation; solely the most essential plates are offered herewith,
most of them published here for the first time.
It is a pleasant task to thank all those who have helped me iIi this work. To
the directors and curators of the Musee du Cinquantenaire, and Musee de la Porte
de Hal, both in Brussels; the Museum of Arab Art, and the Coptic Museum, both
in Cairo; the Department of Antiquities of the Mandatory Government of Palestine
and the present Government of Israel, Jerusalem; the Topkapu Sarayi Miizesi,
Istanbul; the Department of Oriental Books and Manuscripts, British Museum;
the Department of 'textiles, Victoria and Albert Museum, London; the Depart-
ment of Oriental Books and Manuscripts, the Bodleian Library, Oxford; the Depart-
ment of Islamic Art, Louvre Museum, Paris; the Cooper Union, New York; the
Freer Gallery of Art, Washington; to Mr. Chester Beatty,London, Messrs. Kaleb-
djian Freres, Paris, Mr. H. Kevorkian, New York, and Mr. Georges Pauilhac,
Paris, for allowing me to study and eventually publish objects in their collections,
and for supplying me with photographs. To Dr. D. S. Rice I am indebted for a
photograph of the "Baptistere de St. Louis" and for verification of details on two
objects inaccessible to me at the time of writing, to him and to Dr. Hugo Buchthal,
Dr. Florence E. Day, Dr. M. S. Dimand, and Dr. Richard Ettinghausen, for photo-
graphs which-although they could not be included in this book-have helped
to clarify details of Mamluk costume; to Mr. U. Ben Horin and Dr. U. Heydfor
calling my attention to several passages in mediaeval chronicles which otherwise
might have escaped my notice. Sir James Mann and Dr. Bengt Thordeman put
me under deep obligation by answering questions about arms and armour in general,
 -6-

the former also by settling bibliographical queries. I am greatly indebted to

Mrs. Veta Salomons and Prof. D. H. Baneth for frequent and diverse help un-
sparingly given.
I have to thank Dr. Richard Ettinghausen, and the Hon. President of the
Islamic Culture Board, Hyderabad, for their kind permission to incorporate in
this volume three articles of mine published in periodicals edited by them respect-
ively, viz. "Saracenic Arms and Armour" (in Ars Islamica) , "Some Remarks
on the Dress of the Abbasid Caliphs in Egypt" and" Costumes of Mamluk Women"
(in Islamic Culture). I have availed myself of this permission to a large extent.
Dr. C. Wormann, Director of the Jewish National and Hebrew University
Library, Jerusalem, and Dr. E. Strauss-Ashtor, Keeper of Oriental Books and
Manuscripts therein, have helped me greatly, each in his own way, a help the more
appreciated, as during the impression of this volume our library on Mt. Scopus
was inaccessible.
Last not least I wish to thank M. Albert Kundig and his staff for their courtesy
and attention in producing this volume, and Mrs. Inna Pommerantz, B. A., for
having kindly read part of the proofs.
 -6-
the former also by settling bibliographical queries. I am greatly indebted to
Mrs. Vera Salomons and Prof. D. H. Baneth for frequent and diverse help un-
sparingly given.
I have to thank Dr. Richard Ettinghausen, and the Han. President of the
Islamic Culture Board, Hyderabad, for their kind permission to incorporate in
this volume three articles of mine published in periodicals edited by them respect-
ively, r,viz. "Saracenic Arms and Armour" (in Ars Islamica) , "Some Remarks
on the Dress of the Abbasid Caliphs in Egypt" and" Costumes of Mamluk Women"
(in Islamic Culture). I have availed myself of this permission to a large extent.
Dr. C. Wormann, Director of the Jewish National and Hebrew University
Library, Jerusalem, and Dr. E. Strauss-Ashtor, Keeper of Oriental Books and
Manuscripts therein, have helped me greatly, each in his own way, a help the more
appreciated, as during the impression of this volume our library on Mt. Scopus
was inaccessible.
Last not least I wish to thank M. Albert Kundig and his staff for their courtesy
and attention in producing this volume, and Mrs. Inna Pommerantz, B. A., for
having kindly read part of the proofs.
 INTRODUCTION

So far as the Middle Ages are concerned, all we have regarding costumes in
Egypt, Palestine and Syria is contained in two books published about the middle
of the last century. In his invaluable translation of the Suluk of Maqrizi, published
in 1837 and 1842, Quatremere devoted a score of notes to clothes and another. to
arms and armour, quoting-as was his habit-a number of passages in which the
particular technical term occurs. In 1841, the Royal Institute of Holland announced
as subject of a prize-essay" On the Clothes used by Arabs of both sexes in various
Epochs and in various Lands". The famous Orientalist Dozy, then quite a young
scholar, 21 years of age, took partin the competition, wort the prize and published
the results in a volume called Dictionnaire ditailte des noms des vetements chez les
Arabes, printed in Amsterdam in 1845. With the exception of R. Levy's article
" Notes on Costume from Arabic sources" nothing comprehensive worth mentioning
has been published since. Dozy collected his material from innumerable books,
both Arabic and European, and his dictionary is a real monumentum aere perennius
to his erudition, philological assiduity and industry. But mere quotations from
literature, without identification of the clothes discussed with actual specimens or
pictorial material do not enable us to visualize the costumes. Moreover the inclusion.
of garments from the whole Islamic world and of all periods, right to Dozy's own
days, was a great drawback from a methodical point of view. We have taken
up, therefore, the trend of research where it was left off a century ago, trying to
avail ourselves of such scanty archreological material as has come our way.

SOURCES

Our knowledge of Saracenic costumes derives in the first instance from Arab
chronicles and manuals for Government officials. The most important ones from
our point of view~both printed and manuscript-are listed at the end· of this
volume in the bibliography. In all of them we find numerous passages dealing with
costumes in general, mentioning, and occasionally even describing, single articles of
clothing, giving names of men who introduced fashions, and recording edicts
prohibiting or enforcing the wear of certain costumes or colours for certain classes
of the population. Unfortunafely all this is offered in small scraps of information
8 INTRODUCTION

only, given incidentally a propos of something else, and almost with a feeling of
guilt. Thus Nuwairi 1 apologizes for mentioning practical-and not merely schol-
arly-things for the information of the government official.
In the second instance we shall consult illuminated Arabic manuscripts. Bear-
ing in mind that we are dealing only with pictures made in Egypt and Syria between
I250 and 1517, the number of manuscripts considered is reduced to the following:2
Jazari, Ma'rijat al-ly,iyal al-handasiyya, more especially the leaves still left of
the manuscripts dated 715 and 735 A.H. respectively, and the Bodleian manuscript
Greaves 27; KaUla wa-'Dimna, foremost among them the Bodleian manuscript
(Pococke 400); F.fariri, Maqamat, especially the manuscripts of Vienna (A.F. 9),
British Museum (Add. 7293) and the Bodleian (Marsh 458); a series of jurusiyya
books in various libraries, of which the most valuable from the point of view of
costumes are one in the Chester Beatty-Collection, and two in the Bibliotheque
Nationale (Ar. 2824 and 2826).
Because of the conventions of style, the tradition of Arab artists in representing
animated figures, and for a number of other reasons beyond the scope of this work,
these miniatures, even though painted by men who were familiar with every article
of clothing worn by their models, are lacking in detail, the very thing we would wish
to find. Besides, addressing themselves to a public which was just as familiar with
the objects represented as were the painters themselves, they hardly realized how
often they merely hinted at things, instead of depicting them. To us, looking at
these drawings through the mist of centuries, in the course of which the whole of the
Mamluk sartorial tradition has been lost, these hints are often quite unintelligible.
Equally important are bronze objects, originally with silver incrustation, many
of which are decorated with scenes from court-life. They suffer, of course, from all
the drawbacks just mentioned with regard to the manuscripts. In addition, since
most of them have been stripped of their silver, on which the details were engraved
as a rule, we are deprived even of the scanty information originally offered by the
artists. The problem of dating presents a further difficulty. Although Mamluk
objects of the fourteenth century can be easily classified as such, we have to be very
careful in ,attributing those of the thirteenth century. Here the problems whether
they were made during the Ayyubid or the Mamluk half of the century, and whether
they were made within the Mamluk realm or without, baffle us only too often. We
know too little about the' Saracenic schools of metal-worl;{, and not enough even
about the Mosul-school, to answer some of the most harassing questions. It is tbe
merit of Dr. D. S. Rice to have first established that a basin, once in the collection

1 Nihdya, vol. III, p. 228, l. 4.

2 It is the merit of Ahmad Musa, K. Holter and H. Buchthal to have been the first among the
numerous students of Islamic painting to deal fully with Mamluk miniatures. Eclipsed by the Baghdad
and Iranian schools, the Mamluk one has waited too long for a historian.
 INTRODUCTION 9

of F. R. Martin,l was the work of Mu~ammad ibn az-Zain (the master of the
Baptistere St. Louis and of a bowl, once in the collection of the late J. J. Marquet
de Vasselot 2), or at least that it belongs to the same workshop, thus providing-us
with a fairly close date for a few pieces of outstanding merit. Similarly the identifica-
tion of an amir who once owned a bawl, now in Palermo,3 provided a terminus ad
quem for another, formerly in the Sarre-collection,4 and an approximate date for
a basin in the Harari-collection. 5 It will take a long time, however, before we shall
have collected enough data to make full use of Mamluk metalwork for a better
understanding of what in German is called Realia of Syria and Egypt during the
fourteenth century.
Although, thanks to C. J. Lamm, glass objects are more easily classified, both
chronologically and geographically, the results are meagre for a study of costumes.
, By the nature of the Mamluk technique of enamelwork on glass, the design usually
lacks detail. Furthermore, most of the glass preserved in our ,collections was
originally made for mosques, madrasas and other religious establishments, and~
consequently, sRows no human figures. We are, therefore, restricted to a few
bottles and goblets which were obviously made for the private apartments of the
Sultan or his amirs, where they could keep their indulgence in forbidden tastes
concealed from all except their intimates. The magnificent specimen in the Metro-
politan Museum, New York, showing horsemen on a hunting expedition, 6 and another,
once in the Durighello collection, Paris, showing a couple of musicians, are cases in
point. Of the numerous fragments having survived accidental or iconoclastic
destruction, very few are large enough to give' worth while details. Unless 1 am
very much mistaken, there are no representations of human beings on Mamluk
woodwork and ivory.
In the third instance we have European accounts of pilgrimages performed
in the Holy Land and books of travel to Syria and Egypt. They are not reliable in
point of names or descriptions, because in every case both pilgrims and ordinary
travellers were ignorant of the conditions of the country; even after months of sojourn
they had no command of the languages concerned, and were practically as m'uch
at the metcy of their dragomans as 11l0dern tourists are at the mercy of their guides.
Their pictures are better, but discounting those that are mere copies from other
European books and those that were drawn in Europe by artists who had to rely on

1 Now in the c{)Uection of Mr. H. Kevorkian, New York, reproduced partly by Martin, Altere
Kupferarbeiten, pl. 20 A, and partly in the present volume, pIs. IV, V.
2 Now in the possession of his widow, published by Wiet. Objets en cuivre, p. 178, No. 64, and
Harari, in Survey of Persian Art, vol. III, p. 2499, n. I, vol. VI, pI. 1340.
8 Mayer, Three HeraldicBronzes from Paiermo (in Ars Islamica, 1936, vol. III, p. 184).
4 To the literature quoted by Mayer, l. c., nn. 20-23, one should add Harari, op. laud., pI. 1337 B.
6 Harari, op. laud., pI. 1337 A. '
6 Schmoranz, Old Oriental Glass vessels, pI. VI; Lamm, Mittelalterliche Glaser, pI. 186.
10 INTRODUCTION

verbal descriptions without first-hand knowledge of their own, we are left with two
men only: Bernhard von Breydenbach, or rather Reuwich, and Arnold von Harff.
. The value of their pictures lies mostly in the fact that, being foreigners, they
emphasized the points of difference between their own clothes and those of the
Saracens, points which help us in visualizing the ancient costumes. On the other
hand, they were rarely skilled enough to reproduce exactly what they saw.
The fourth and finest are the Italian paintings. Here there is no question as
to the skill of the masterhand. We feel sure that all the painter wanted us to know
is there, shaped as he wanted it and in the colours he wanted. But the problem is:
did these Italian painters witness life in the East? We know that the relations
between Italy and the Levant, more especially between Italy and Mamluk Egypt
were very close indeed, that Italian merchants used to call frequently at Eastern
Mediterranean ports, that an exchange of embassies was nothing out of the common,
that there was a lively correspondence between the Venetian authorities at home
and their representatives in the East, that Italians served in various capacities in
Mamluk lands, and that, on the other hand, Mamluk chancery scribes (who derived
their knowlege of Italian political geography from such manuals as the M asalik
al-ab~ar by Ibn Fa<;l1 Allah aI-'Umari or the $ub[t al-A'sM by Qalqashandi, and
more especially from reports of spies kept by Mamluk sultans in Christian countries),
had a certain grasp of Italian affairs, and so on. We know that Gentile Bellini was
sent on a mission to Constantinople, but we do not even know by which route he
returned home, nor do we know who of the other Quattrocento or early Cinquecento
masters painted, or made sketches in Egypt, Palestine and Syria,l since no source_
for biographies of Italian painters tells us.
If in the following I ventured to rely on the evidence of some of their pictures,
more especially on that of the so-called "Reception of a Venetian Embassy" in
the Louvre/a I did so on two grouI;lds:
(1)That the costumes conform to the verbal descriptions of Arab historians.
(2) That there exists an additional claim to their genuineness. .In support
of the latter I .would cite both architectQre and heraldic. emblems. As heraldry
played only a very secondary role in the life of MamIuk knights, a master able to
draw their coats-of-armscorrectly must have actually spent some time in a Saracenic
country, or else seen Saracens and made himself thoroughly familiar with their way

1 The possibility that Leonardo da Vinci had visited the Near East is to be dismissed; the description
given in Ms. CA. fo. 145 v, and held by J. P. Richter in • Lionardo da Vinci im Orient' (in Zeitschrift
fur bilaenae Kunst, 1881, Ed. 16, pp. 133-141) and-:-slightly toned down-=-in The Literary Works of
Leonarao aa Vinci, London, 1883, II, pp. 385-388, as a reminiscence of his stay in the East, rather proves
the contrary.
B A great deal has been written about this painting, and I hope a more or less complete biblio-
graphy of it (Appendix II) will not be considered useless.
 INTRODUCTION II

of life. In either case he was such a faithful recorder that we can safely regard him
as a reliable guide in our study.
And specimens of original costumes? They ought to have had pride of place.
Unfortunately the descendants of Mamluk amirs never kept the magnificent suits of
their ancestors as family souvenirs, and incredibly little has survived. An under-
coat, two pairs of trousers, a hat, a few caps, that is all that can be definitely identified
as belonging -to the period and country under review. The history of Mamluk
costume-other than arms and· armour--:-has to be written without taking the
garments themselves into account.
 THE CALIPH

The Abbasid caliphs in Egypt (I26I-I5I7), on the whole, lived in the shadow
of the Mamluk sultans 1 and attracted neither the attention of those mediaeval
Oriental artists who depicted court scenes, 2 nor that of some European painters
who managed. to sketch some of the official receptions.s They were too highly
plaGed to serve as models for illustrations of books dealing with military exer-·
cises (turusiyya),4 nor was there any reason to show them and their court when
illuminating the texts of those books which used to be most illustrated in the
Mamluk realm, viz., KalUawa-Dimna, the Maqamat of al-IJarM, and al-Jazari's
technical handbook on automata. 5 We are thus deprived of any Oriental or Occi-
dental representation of their costumes and have to visu;;l.lize them through the
mist of literary sources only. .
The Abbasid caliphs in Egypt continued the Baghdad tradition of wearing
black,6 which remained their distinctive colollr and an emblem (shi'ar) of their
following. In accordance with their position as spiritual rather than temporal
rulers they mostly wore ecclesiastical garb. The caliphs' headgear consisted of

1 Besides the fact that Mamluk sultans were powerful !lnough to appoint or dismiss caliphs at
will, and often did.so, the caliph sometimes appeared, as Suytiti puts it, as if, he were merely an amir
in the sultan's servic.e (Ta'rikh al-khulald', Cairo, 1305, p. 164,1. 17 f.). In 726A.H., during Ibn Battftta's
visit to Mecca, several contemporary rulers were mentioned in the "khu~ba, first among them being
tl,le Egyptian sultan Mul;tammad b.QalMn, but there is no mention of any caliph (ed. Defremery et
Sanguinetti, I, p. 378). For the origins of this dependance of the late Abbasid caliphs, see Richard
Hartmann's authoritative study Zur Vorgeschichte des <.abMsidischen Schein-Chal~tates von Cairo
(Abhandlungen d. Deutschen AkadeIllie der Wissenscha:ften zu Berlin. Phil. hist. Kl., Jgg.·i947, publ.
1950, Nr. 9). .
a To quote only two extremes: cf. such miniatuIes as the frontispiece of the Viennese I;Iarirl.
A.F. 9, or Pseudo-Galen, A.F. 10, reproduced by Arnold a.nd Grohmann, The Isiamic Book, .pIs. 43
a.nd 31 resp., or those of Master Osman, first published by Tahsin Oi, Hll.nername. Tome I (in-Journal
01 the Palestine Oriental Society, 1938, XVIII, PP.167-17I, pl. XXIV).
8 I am referring to the sources of such collections of portraits as those of Paulus J ovius, Theodor!l
de Bry, or Cesare Vecellio; to drawings which must ):lave circulated in the ateliers o{Venice and which
found their way into the paintings of Carpaccio, MaIis)leti, and other contemporary Venetians; to
such original painting as the" Reception of a Venetian envoy" in the Louvre Museum (v. supra, p. 10).
4. Cf. Ritter. La Parure des Cavaliers (in Der Islam, 1929, XVIII, p. u6 fl.)
I> Cf. supra; p. 8.
S Hence the general expresi:lion sawdd for the Caliphal black costume, cf. e.g., Tabarl, 3rd ser.,
p. 1012,1. 15; Maqrlzt, KhiM, II, p. 242,11.25, 33; idem, Sulak, ed. M. Ziada, I, p. 477, 1. 16; Suytitt,
op. laud., p. 192, I. 4, and often elsewhere; for the followers of the Abbasids in general Musawwida,
d. Ibn Taghrlbirdi, an-Nuiam az-Zdhira, Cairo, 1929, I, pp. 302,1. 2, 316, 1. 16; d. also Levy, Notes
on costume from Arabic sources (in JRAS, 1935, p. 337).
 THE CALIPH I3

a fine round turban with a trailing end-piece (rafraf) at the back, about two feet
long and one foot wide, reaching from the top to the bottom of the turban. They
wore a tight-sleeved coat (qaM') over which was a tight-sleeved kdmiliyya-over;-
coat with a vent in the middle of the back, from the hem upwards. 1 We have
several descriptions of their clothes, mainly of those worn during their investiture 2
or on other ceremonial occasions. Thus, for example, the caliph al-Mustakfi bi1l:1h
watched the battle of Shaql:,1ab in the company of the sultan Mul:,1ammad b. Qal:1un
wearing a turban with a long trailing end, and carrying a richly ornamented sword
across the shoulder of his black dress,S but for his investiture the same caliph
received a black robe of honour (khit'a) and black head shawl (!arJ:ta).4 During
the cotonation of sultan Faraj, the caliph received a black robe of honour, and a
black embroidered turban, over which was worn a black embroidered head shawl
(!arJ:ta).5 During his first public procession on the first Ramac;l~n 9I4, when pre-
senting his wishes for the new month to sultan Q:1n!?uh al-Ghaurl,6 the caliph
Mul:,1ammad al-Mutawakkil 'al3.-11:1h b. Ya'qub wore a Baghdad turban {'imama
baghdddiyya),7 that is a small turban with one or two trailing ends as mentioned
before. Occasionally we read that the caliph's clothes were not entirely black.
Thus, e.g., at the coronation of al~Malik al-Man!?ur Abu Bakr b. Mul:,1ammad b.
Qal:1lin (22nd Mul:,1arram 742), the caliph wore a green robe .
of honour (khil'a),I
and over his turban (of unspecified colour) a black shawl (!arJ:ta) with white em-
broidery.s Similarly, in Dhu-I-IJijja 920, the caliph riding to the right of the sultan,
when the latter entered Cairo on his return from Alexandria, wore an 'imama
1 Qalqashandi, $ubIJ al-A'sM, III, p. 280, 11. 5-7; Levy, op. laud., p. 332.
2 Too often dismissed with curt phrases, of which the following may be considered typical exam-
ples: on aI-Mu'tacfid's accession in 753 A.H. (1353): wa-ukhli'a 'alaihi khil'at al-khilafa; Ibn Taghrl-
b~tdi,iLn-Nujum az-Zallira, ed. Popper, V, p. 133, 1. 2/3; or on al-Mutawakkil's, in J umada I, 791
(29th Apr. 1389): akhla' as-sultan 'iLla-l-khalifa ma jarat al-'ada bihi; Ibn al-Vurat, Ta'r~kh, ed. Zurayk,
IX~p.69,1. 10 f.; or on al-Mustakfi's, in 845 A.H. (1400): ulbisa at-tashr~f 'ala-l-'ada; Sakhawi, at-Tibr
al-Mcisbuk, p. 13, 1. 20 f.
3 Khitat, II, p. 242, 1. 33 .
. . ' 4 Yunini, Top Kapu Sarayi Miizesi Library, No. 2907 E. vol. II, fo. 215 v.; Nujum, ed. Cairo,
VIII, p. 149, 1. 5: jubba sauda' wi-tarIJa sauda'.
5 Qalqashandi, op. laud., III, p. 281, 1. 9 f.
6 Ibn Iyas, IV. p. 143,1. 6. ,
,~ . ?Mul;!atnmad b. Mul;!ammad al-Bakrt a~-!?iddiqi, at-TulJla al-Bahiyya. MS. Copenhagen, No. 83,
Cat; No.CLVIII, fol. 8v.
, 8 Qalqashandt, op. laud., III, p. 280,1. 13; Suyutt, I;Iusn al-Mul!aflara, ed. 1299, II, p. 77,1. 10 ff.
~~y~ tR.at .the embroidery was of gold. This wearing (on very special occasions) of other colours. by
lI:-tibasid caliphs is found in Iraq as well, as, e.g., when Ma'mun entered Baghdad on the 15th !?afar,
204, wearing green and insisting on all loyal subjects wearing the same colour (although the decree
was abrogated a week later and black reinstalled), d. Ibn Abi Tahir Tauur, Kitab Baghdad, vol. 6,
pp.2, 1. 5; 3, 1. 2; 4, .11. 2, II-I3; Tabarl, 3rd ser., pp. 1012, 1. 15; !O37, 1. 7-!O38, L 8; Ibn al-Athtr,
ed,To~berg, VI, p. 253, 11. 9-I7;al-Kutubi, Fawat al-Wataydt, Bulaq, 1299, r,p. 240,1. 14 f.; 'AU
Dede as-Sigetwarl al-Bosnawi, MuIJaflardt al-Awd'il, 2nd ed.· (on the title page wrongly called" first
edition "), Cairo, 13II, p. q8/9, and often elsewhere; d. also Levy, op. laud., pp. 325' n. 10, 329, n. 9.
2
14 THE CALIPH

baghdadiyya, a qabd' -coat. of white wool with revers of green wool (bi-:muqallab
~ut akhrJar).l But there were official occasions when the caliph appeared in more
modest attire. Thus, when homage was paid to the caliph al-Musta'in billAh in
Damascus assultan, his robe of honour was only a black overcoat, taken from the
wardrobe of a Friday preacher of a mosque near by.2 Under the Circassian sultans,
when divested of his caliphalrbbe, the caliph sometimes wore the clothes of the
military aristocracy of his day.3 In 857 A.H., for instance, on the coronation of
'Uthman b. Jaqmaq, the caliph received a satin coat with a pattern of wavy
lines (a#as mutammar),4 a robe of honour which was offered, at the same time,
to the atabak, 5 and on various other occasions to other officials of high military
rank. Similarly, in Sha'ban 914, the caliph Ya'qub al-Mustamsik billAh on his
abdication was presented with a white woollen tunic (sallart) lined· with sable
(sammur), chosen from the sultan's own clothes. 6 On at least two occasions,
relatives of the caliph were also honoured with amirial clothes.'

1 Ibn Iyas, IV, pp. 418, 1. 16 f., 420, 1. 20.

a Ibn Taghrlbirdi, ed. Popper, VI, p. 305, 1. 2 f.
8 I venture to suggest that the robe of honour-unfortunately merely mentioned but not des-
cribed-offered by sultan Barqftq to the caliph Zakariyya al-Mu'ta~im bill~ khala' as-sultdn 'alaihi
khil'a ghair kkil'at al-khild/a, Ibn Taghrlbirdi, op. laud., V, p. 383, 1. I, belongs to the same class of
military dress.
, Maqrizi (Khita!, II, p. 227, 1. I I b), copying Ibn Fa41 Allah, has defined this material as
Alexandrian silk woven with gold thread.. Qalqashandi ($ubf/, IV, p. 53. 1. I f., .pau' aNubfJ, p. 259;
11. 3-2 b) condensing Ibn FaQI Allah, replaced the word" woven" (yunsai) by .. with wavy lines"
(mumawwai). Consequently, I venture to suggest that it may be identical with a material which
looks like watered silk (cf. the horseman on pI. II, and various figures on pIs. III, XVI-XX) and which
must have been in use during the whole of the Mamluk period. With one exception (Khitat, 1. cit.)
the word is invariably spelled mu.tammar, and I have retained, therefore, this spelling, although if the
identification just given is correct, muthammar or munammar, would be Diore appropriate. This
material was obviously very costly and, therefore, used for a very high class of robes of -honour (cf.
p. 58 in this volume and such passages as Nui-am, ed. Popper, VI, p. 615.1. II, lJawddith, p. 473, 1. 3).
On one memorable occasion, however, ·in 714 A.H. (1314/15 A.D.), it was used-among others-for
robes of honour offered to foremen and workmen (Ibn Iyas, I, p. 159, 11: 16-18).
6 Sakhawt, op. laud., P.423, 1. pu. The.overcoat wit!! bands of embroidered decoration, fauqdni
bi-#ut'Uz zarkashwhich the caliph was offered at a subsequent ceremony, 1. c., P.·424, l. 12, is perhaps
too general a term to be quoted as a further instance.
S'Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 140, 1. 14.
7 Yftnini, op. laud., fo. 215v.: The sultan al-Malik an-Na~ir Mul;lammad b. Qala.un offered a
regular caliphal robe of honour to the new caliph al-Mustakfi billah, but he offered to his brother and
nephews grand-amirial robes of honour made of various colours (khala' 'ala akhihi wa-awldd akMhi
khila' al-umard' al-aMbir mulawwana). An almost identical statement in Nuj-am, ed. Cairo, VIII,
p. 149, 1. 5 f .. Cf. also the saUdri, lined with grey squirrel, offered to Prince Khaltl and his two sons on
the Caliph's abdication in Sha'Mn 914 (end of November 1508). Ibn lyas, IV, p. 140, 1. 14 f.
 THE SULTAN

With all the other minutiae of the ceremonial of the Sultanian investiture,
the details of the Sultan's clothes were clearly fixed. The official insignia (shi'ar)
of the sultanate were: a black turban, a black robe (jubba) \vith a golden tiraz-
band and the Badawi-sword. 1 Black was a sign of allegiance to the Abbasid
Caliphate, which had adopted this colour from the very beginning 2 and with very
few exceptions retained it until the end. 3 That the round turban ('imama mudaw-
wara) was one of the Sultanian insignia is best proved by the fact that it formed
a part of the royal robe of honour (khil'at al-mulk) offered in 725 A.H. (I325 A.D.)
by Mul).ammad b. Qalau.n to the ruler of the Sudan, together with a black iubba
and a gilt sword. 4
The coronation clothes of Baybars I sent him by the Caliph are described by
Maqrizl in detail. The khil' a consisted of a black turban woven of gold material
(mudhahhab muzarkash), a violet durra'a-cloak, a golden collar,a golden chain on
his feet, and several swords, one of which he wore (taqallada).5 Other swords
were carried behind him. Two banners above his head, two long arrows and a
shield also formed part of this equipment. His horse was white (ashhab) with a
black scarf (mishadda) and black housing (kanbush).6 The Sultan's turban, like
that of the Caliph, had a loose length of cloth hanging down between the shoulders,
but his iubba of black silk had wide sleeves. 7 .

The main thing to remember is that during his investiture the Sultan wears
clothes of an essentially ecclesiastic and non-military character: a turban of a type
never worn by an amir, and a iubba, a durra'a or a faraiiyya-coat otherwise seen
on shaikhs only. His wearing a sword is by no means incongruous, and having it

1 Cf.Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. I33 f., n. 7; for further details about the coronation dress of most
Mamluk sultans, compare a few examples chosen at random, for Baybars II: Suluk, II, p. 48, 11. 5-8;
Qaytbay: r. Iyas, III (KM), p. 3,1. I I f.; Turnanbay II: r. Iyas, V, p. I03, 1. 3 f.
2 Cf. chapter" The Caliph ", p. I2.

3 Cf. e.g. Abu-l-Fida', Annales, V, p. 415; Suyutl, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', 1305 A. H., p. I95, 1. 8 f.
4 Yan.'i, Mirat ai-finan, s. a.
6 Taqallada indicates invariably that the sword was hanging from a baldric.
S Suluk, I, p. 452, 11. 8-11. Cf. also Baybars, Zubdat al-fikra, s. a. 659; Nuwairi, Or. 2 m, fo. I44 r ,
1. 6 ff.; Suyuti, 1;Iusn (ed. I299), II, p. 58, 1. 7 b. 1. Iyas, I, p. 101, 1. 22 f. giveS a slightly different
description. MufaQ.<;lal b. 'Ab!. Fa<;la'il, p. 82 f.; Ibn Taghribirdi, ed. Cairo, VII, p. I II, 11. 5 f., II f.;
Suyuti, Ta'rikh al-khulafa', I305, p. I92, 1. 4.
7 Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. I33 f., n. 7; Levy, "Notes ", p. 333.
16 THE SULTAN

suspended from a baldric, i.e. wearing it in the old Arabic, pre-Saracenic. fashion,
fits the picture all the better.
During the royal processions the Sultan wore the clothes of a high a~ir. Such
details as are occasionally mentioned show him in a red velvet kamiliyya-coat lined
with sable,l with a kalaftah-hat or, in certain instances, a small round turban
(takhf£fa).2 Sultan Qaytbay used to ride in woollen clothes during royal
processions. 3
On special occasions the Sultan used to wear a turban caned at-takhf£faal-kab2ra,
popularly known by the name of an-na'ura, '" which according to Ibn Iyas 5 served
as a crown (ft maqam at-taj) to Mamluk ~Sultans. The crowns-continued Ibn
Iyas 6 -were worn by the Persian kings, and the takhf£fa kab2ra with the long horns
(bi-l-qurun a!-#wal) became the crown of the Egyptian Sultans as the taj was the
crown of the Persians.' The takhf£fa kab2ra with its horns was a heavy kind of
headgear, and Qan~uh al-Ghaurl at least, used to wear the small takhHfa (!. ~agMra)
whenever a proper excuse for it could be found, as, for example, in ~afar 917
(May I5II), when he had a furuncle (dummal) on his head, he crossed Cairo in
procession wearing the takhHfa ~agMra mUtnaUasa 8 since he could not wear the
big takhf£fa with its" horns"; in Sha'ban 919 (Oct. 1513), when owing to a growth
('aricf,) in his eye, he could not wear the big takhf£fa he appeared in a takhf£fa
~agMra malsa' (?) and a white sallar~-coat of Ba'labakk materia1. 9 But he had
not worn this takhfifa kab2ra for about four months (counting until the
4th Sha'ban 919) nor had he sat on the ma~!aba in the courtyard of the Citadel
([taush).10 Again, on the :23rd Dhu-I-I;Iijja 919 (19th Febr. 1514), when returning
to Cairo after an absence of eight days, he and the amirs wore small takhf£fa~turbans
and woollen sallari-coats lined with sable; 11 and during a Royal procession in
~afar 920 he wore a takhf£fa ~agMra malsa' (?), a white woollen sallar£ covered with
green wool (bi-wajh ~uf akhcf,ar).12 There must have been at least two kinds of

1 1. Iyas, IV, pp. 418, l. II f., 420, 1. 20, 423, 1. 19.

2 1. Iyas, IV, p. 423, 1. 18.
3 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 322, 1. 16.
4 Na''I1ra is the Syrian water-wheel, best known from Rama. This word suggests big size and
a spike-like arrangement, a most suita1?le nickname. It is used sometimes as a self-sufficient term,
sometimes together with the word takhfifa (1. Iyas, IV, pp. 354, 1. 8, 372, 11. 18-20).
5 IV, p. 331, 1. u1t.-332, 1. I f . ·
6 IV, p. 332, 11. 2 ff.
7 In view of Ibn Iyas' explicit statement, it is worth noting that no Arab author living before the
second half of the 15th century ever mentioned this kind of SUltanian turban, nor used the word in
the sense given above. For additional details cf. Qutb ad-din, ed. Wustenfeld, p. I87-8.
8 1. Iyas, IV, p. 212, 1. 12 f.
9 1. Iyas, IV, p. 336, 1. 8 f.
10 I. Iyas, IV, p. 332, 1. 4 ff.
11 1. Iyas, IV, p. 357, 1. 2.
12 1. Iyas, IV, p. 367, 1. ult.
 THE SULTAN I7

small takhftfa-turbans, because occasionally a round type (takhf£fa ~agMra mudaw-

wara) is singled out, e.g. on his arrival in Alexandria on the I5th Dhu-I-I:Iijja 920
(3Ist Jan. I5I5), the Sultan was wearing it instead of the kalaftah-hat, together'
with a red velvet kdmiliyya-coat, lined with sable; 1 when leaving Cairo in Dhu-l-
Qa'da of the same year he had on a violet sallart-coat, made of a. harsh woollen
material (jukh) and lined with lynx (washaq) , and on his head a round small
takht£fa without" horns "2. On another occasion Qan~uh al-Ghauri honoured an
amir by putting on his head a takhf£fa " with long horns " of his own and clothing
him in a sallar£ of lynx which he had taken off his own shoulders. 3 It should not
be imagined that the takhf£fa was worn by the last Circassian sultans only; 4 Barquq
wore it too. 5
The na'ura is shown in several Italian pictures, best of all in the" Reception
of a Venetian Embassy" in the Louvre (pI. I). In Mansueti's 6 "Miracle of
St. Mark" or "St. Mark led out of the Synagogue ",7 and in several works of
Carpaccip 8 the turban assumes shapes which are further and further removed
from the original. The hat worn by the two companions of the Sultan 9 is perhaps
the takhftfa ~agh£ra.
But on ordinary, or even ceremonial, occasions the Mamluk Sultan used to
wear a kalaftah as headdress,lo until it was abandoned, early in the 9th century of
the Hijra, when aI-Malik an-Na~ir Faraj rode down from the Citadel and crossed
Cairo wearing neither a kalaftah nor qumash ll and, allowed his amirs to do the same.
Later on Shaikh and his successors followed suit. All the same when in 902'
A. H. Mu1).ammad b. Qaytbay attended the Friday-prayer in a small takhf£fa
instead of in a kalaftdh, the amirs took umbrage immediately.12
Of particular importance for the change of head-gear was obviously the decision
of Mul,iammad b. Qalaun to shave his hair in 7I5 A.H. (I3I5 A.D.) after his return

1 1. Iyas, IV, p. 423, 1. IS.

2 1. Iyas, IV, p. 4I4, 1. 5 f.
3 1. Iyas, IV, p. 100, pu. J.
4 AI-Malik al-'Adil TumanMy wore it with a red salldri made of shl1l;l and lined with sable,
d. 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 451, 1. 9.
5 1. Iyas, I, p. 274, 1. 3. .
6 Arlin Pacha, Yacoub: Quatrieme et cinquieme tableaux italiens blasonnes aux armes de
l'Egypte du XY" siecle (in Bulletin de 1'Institut Egyptir!n, 1909, 5" ser., t. 3, pp. 97-100, pIs. 1-2) ; van Marle,
Italian Schools ot Painting, 1935, vol. 17, fig. ro7.
• 7 Van Marle, op. laud., fig. roS.
S Ludwig e Molmenti, Vi~tore Carpaccio, Milan 1906: The Triumph of St. George (facing p. lS2),
King Ajax baptized by St. George (f. p. I86), Sermon of St. Stephen (f. p. 248), Ten Thousand Martyrs
(f. p. 284), Crucifixion (f. p. 286).
9 "Reception", pI. 1.
10 1. Iyas, I, pp. II7 b, !IS t.
11 Nuil1m, ed. Popper, VII, p. rr6, 11. 6-15.
12 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 33I, 1. 5 f.
18 THE SULTAN

from the pilgrimage. Until then the Mamluks and their Sultan-like the Mongols
in general-used to wear their hair long (irkha: dhawa'ib ash-sha'r).1
The opening of the season was marked by a special parade and an official
change of clothes on the part of the Sultan, faithfully chronicled by the Circassian
court-historians. At the beginning of the summer, between the nth and 26th May,
the Sultan used to put his white clothes on and inaugurate the polo season in white; 2
at the beginning of the winter, between the 6th and 29th November, he used to
discard them and put the woollen ones 3 on. But white was not exclusively the
colour of the summer clothes of the Sultan. On assuming power for the third time,
in January 1310, Mul;lammad b. Qalaun appeared in Damascus in a white qaM'-coat
and white 'imama. 4 A speciality of the Sultan was the yellow silk sash (band)
he used to gird himself with when playing polo, and Ibn Iyas mentions it as a
special favour on the part of 'Qaytbay that aI-Malik al-Man~ur 'Uthman b. Jaqmaq
was allowed to put exactly the same sash on, while taking part in this game on
his return from Mecca. I)
On the whole the Mamluk sultans personified for their countrymen, and even
more so for foreign visitors, a way of living dazzling in its splendour. But the ruler,
who more than any other is responsible for the introduction of luxurious clothes,
horses, houses, and the raising of the standard of living of the upper classes in
general, viz. Mul;lammad b. Qalaun, was· himself very austere in dress. Maqrizi
relates that his lz,iya:>a-beltused to cost not more than one hundred silver-dirhams,
and t:Q.e silver-inlay of his saddles the same sum; furthermore that he was wearing
a woollen Palmyrene, or Syrian, 'aM'-cloak. 6
This is borne out by a contemporary traveller from Cologne, although the
details mentioned by him seem to contradict his rather sweeping statement. 7

1Sul11k, II, p. 148, 11. 16 fE.

o 2Tibr, p. 200,1. 4; 1. Iyas, III (KM) , p. 188, 1. 2. In Shawwal 905 (began 30th April 1500),
on the 'i:d al-Nr, the Sultan a~-Zahir Qan~uh, having discarded his woollen clothes went to prayer in
a white silk 'abd'-cloak, with white boots (khutJ), the sales of which were made of white Bulgarian
leather, and white spurs overlaid with silver (kaft); with the cap (qub') of his kalaftah made of white
wool; even his horse and silver saddle were white. Cf. 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 423, 11. IS fE.
a Tibr, p. 12,1. 9; IJawddith, p. 509,1. 17 fE.; I. Iyas, IV, p. 100,1. !IfE.
4 Birzali, s. Sha'ban 709. Maqrizt, Sul11k, II, p. 67, 1. 30, has another detail: a white 'aM' with
black lines (khu!11t) lined with grey squirrel (sinjab).
5 1. Iyas, Ur' (KM), p. 36, 1. 6.
6 Khi!a!, II, p.- 228, 11. 10-9 b.

7 Of course, we should keep in mind that if he really saw the Sultan in person, and did not merely
repeat what he was told, he had his chance during a banquet when everybody was in full dress. But
there can be no doubt about his having spent some time in Cairo towards the end of Mul;1ammad
b. Qalaun's life. He described the Sultan in the following words:
.. Ind syne cleyder . . . wairen nyet altze ryche, ind wairen van wyssem sydem gewande,
ind da gienckgen durch bairen van goulde, ind wairen aIle umb besat mit edelem gesteyntze ind manicher
 THE SULTAN I9

MuJ:!ammad b. Qalafm's predecessors were not as puritanic as he,1 nor did his
successors follow his example. Barquq curbed this tendency somewhat, and
refrained from wearing silk,2 but this was a self-imposed, personal restriction, such as,
for instance, that in 789 A.H. he dressed like a ~ufi.3 Of other Circassians only
Jaqmaq's neglect in matters of dress is described, and incidentally praised at
length 4 by Ibn Taghribirdt J aqmaq never wore red since he learned of its being
disapproved of (mundhu 'alima bikarahiyatihi),5 and our author adds that since
J aqmaq's accession he saw him only once wearing a kdmiliyya-coat lined with
sable and having a revers of sable. His summer suit did not exceed ten Egyptian
dinars in value.
Other sultans of the Circassian "dynasty" were more given to luxury, and
Khushqadam's extravagance is underlined by Ibn Iyas. He used black sable
(sammur aswad) for fur (no longer known in the days of this chronicler), had a
resplendant qaM' of wool, lined with red velvet from Kaffa, he rode in spurs
(mahdmtz) and stirrups (rikab) of gold. 6 Qan!?lih al-Ghauri's love for personal
lUXury is well known; he discarded the sash (shadd) of Ba' alabakk cotton for a golden
belt (f:z,iya~a),7 he wore rings with precious stones,S in the judgment of Ibn Iyas he
was a sybarite. 9
During the military campaigns the Sultan undoubtedly used to wear the same
kind of field-dress as his amirs, no matter whether he was wearing armour or ordinary
clothes. The Sultan's armour is occasionally referred to in chronicles, however
-so far as I can remember-it is nowhere described as being particularly luxurious.
During an inspection parade, Baybars rode merely in a white coat (bi-qaM' abyaif,
la ghair), but it should be taken into account that it was· at the end of a hot summer
day (Ist Dhu-I-Qa'da 662 = 25th August 1263).10 His mail-shirt, worn by him

hande wys. Syn hamone ind syn doich, dat he umb dat heuft hatte, dat was uyssmaiszen cleyne ind
subtyll, ind van cleyme syden ind van goulde g!lmacht." Cf. Rohricht und M!lisn!lr, 'Niederrheini-
scher Bericht', p. 36.
1 Maqrtzi, op. laud., p. 228, 1. II b, asserts it, but without any justification. He himself (op. laud.,
pp. 98, 1. ult.-99, 1. 5) mentions the efforts of the Sultans Qalaun and Khalil b. QalMn to raise the
standard of dress.
2 KhiM, II, p. 228, 1. 9 b.
3 Ibn Furat, IX, p. 15, 1. 15.
4 Nujam, ed. Popper, VII, p. 245, 1. 10 ff.
5 It is difficult to guess what made the Sultan think so. Red was widely worn by Mamluk amirs
and ecclesiastic dignitaries as proved by numerous passages describing their robes of honour, Sultans
Mamlouks, II a, p. 80, n. 86.
6 L Iyas, II, p. 82, 11. 9-7 b.
7 1. Iyas, V, p. 86, 1. 7.
8 1. Iyas, ibid., 1. 8.
o 1. Iyas, ibid., 1. 9 f.
10 Sulak, I, p. 517, 1. 17; but cf. also SuMk, I, p. 586, 1. 8, where it obviously means "without
armour ".

------------ .. -.~--.-
20 THE SULTAN

in 671 A.H. (1272/3 A.D.), is simply mentioned as being long (zardiyya musbala),l
a detail fitting a good many others of its kind, worn by ordinary amirs. It is
recorded that in 673 A.H. (1274/75 A.D.) he wore a gilt helmet, but so did his
amirs on that occasion. 2 The armour of Circassian sultans during royal processions
is described as zardiyya Dawudiyya, i.e. a mail-shirt of reputed make, worn for
reasons of security under the Sultan's clothes, without any further details. 3
Siinilarly, Qaytbay was wearing a saUariyya during his surprise visit of inspection
to Syria and Palestine. 4
When hunting, doing their religious duty, or retiring to the privacy of their
apartments, the sultans showed as little of the usual pomp, as they did during
military campaigns. In 668 A.H. (1269/70 A.D.) Baybars made his pilgrimage
wearing an 'aM'-cloak, which he did not remove during the entire twenty days
of his journey from Kerak to Aleppo and then to Tell al-'AjjuJ..5 Khalil b. Qalaun
wore no sword when hunting, he was girded only with a simple sash (kana wastuhu
mashdudan bi-l-band).6 AI-Malik an-Na~ir Faraj used to visit the stables wearing
a qamiun, i.e. a short tunic with short sleeves, made of iukh without lining, or
cloth facing.7 If we are to believe Chau Ju-Kua, the Sultan wore a turban, a
jacket and black boots,S but this would apply, of course, only to the earliest Mamluks.
An important point in the appreciation of the Sultan's clothes is the question
whether they do or do not confo:tm with religious prescriptions. Time and again
a ruler is praised for not wearing" forbidden" clothes, or even clothes made of mate-
rials permitted by Muhammadan religious law, but still considered to be luxurious
and, consequently, undesirable. But on the whole, even the most pious among
Mamluk Sultans paid little attention to religious sumptuary laws.

1 Sulak, I. ed. Ziada, p. 608, 1. 12.

2 1. Furat, VII, p. 28 f.
3 Muq$id, MS. Paris, Ar. 4439. fo. 122, 11. 2-4 (quoted in Sultans Mamlouks, I b, p. II3. n. 138).
4 Ibn al-Ji'an, ed. Lanzone, P.I9. 1. 9 f.; trs1. Devonshire, p. 18 t.
6 Sulak. I. pp. 582, 1. 12, 583, 1. 19.
6 Kutubi, I, p. 151, 1. 6 b.
7 Khi{a{, II, p. 98, 1. 28 f.
8 Trs1. Hirth and Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1912, p. 144.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

Since the subject of this monograph is Mamluk costumes, we shall deal with
them only, although it should be always borne in mind that the real turning point
in 'the dress habits of medieval Egypt and Syria occurred more than a century
earlier, with the advent of the Ayyubids.
A Saracenic amir was easily recognised at all times by his costume, the hat,!
the qabd'-coat 2 and the sword.;! Within this frame details changed considerably
as time passed. Foreign influences made themselves felt, the national composition
of the Mamluk society changed and the growing luxury brought with it the in-
creasingly common use of rare materials and expensive accessories, until the eco-
nomic depression set in, and other changes, this time causing the use of cheaper
materials, became imperative.
Above shirt (qamt§) and drawers (libds) 4 the Mamluk amirs wore Tartar
coats (al-aqbiya at-tatariyya),5 above them takaldwdt,6 and above those" Islamic
coats" (al-aqbiya al-islamiyya).7 Then the sword was girded on (yushadd) to
the left and the §aulaq and the kizlikon the right. 8
As the name" Tartar coats" implies, this garment was of foreign origin. 9 It
was called so, because instead of the traditional straight slit of the tunics worn
under the Fatimids, the Tartar coats had a hem crossing the chest diagonally
from left to right' (in contradistinction to Turks, who preferred a hem from right

1 About the two main types of the Mamluk amirial hat, the sharb'ash and the kalauta, see infra,
pp. 27- 29.
2 For qabd' (pI. aqbiyat) in general, see Vet. 352 fl.; Dozy, Suppl., s.v.

3 Khitat, II, p. 217 (wIOngly numbered 216), 1. 2 f.

4 For the latter cf. among others Abu-l-Fida', s.a. 684, Annales, V, p. 80, 1. 4 b.
6 Quatremere, Notice de ... Mesalek <Llabs<Lr (in Notices et Extraits, 1838, t. XIII, p. 213).
6 This garment seems to have been worn in India and Egypt only. Were it not for Maqrtzl's

and Qalqashandi's statements expressis verbis that it was worn over the qabd', one would be' much
tempted to see in this term a scribe's error, or a misprint, for kalawat; more so, since Khit. II, p. 217,
I. 2 tHe word is so spelled out in the text, although Quatremere (Notices, p. 213, n. 4) quotes this very
passage, and reads taMlawat. Cf. Masdlik al-ab$ar, trsI. Quatremere, Notices, p., 213, Khi{at, II, p. 217,
1. 2 f., $ub(t, IV, p. 40, 1. 6.
7 See the passages quoted in n. 3 and infra, p. 23.
8 $ub(t, IV, p. 40, 1. 7. For more details about the §aulaq, cf. Khi{., II, p. 98, 1. 3 b.
9 In view of the many proofs to the contrary, it is difficult to understand why Reiske, in his note
to Abu-l-Fida's Annales, IV, p. 667, n. 124, and Dozy, Suppl., s.v., caIl it a Persian garment.
22 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

to left).l The qaM' was made of wool, satin, silk or Ba'labakki-cotton 2, either
white or with red and blue stripes (mushahhar), 3 with narrow sleeves, similar,
as Maqrizi says, to Frankish clothes of his day.4 In this connection, "Frankish"
means obviously Venetian, because they were better known in the Mamluk empire
than any other European nation. Unfortunately, we do not know whether these
sleeves resembled their Frankish prot,otypes in all other respects as well, or only
insofar as they were narrow, because during the 13th century Qalaun abolished
this foreign fashion 6 and we have no clearly datable pictorial representation of a
qaM' before· the beginning of the 14th century. But, and this is rather important,
since the qaM' is from then onwards represented as narrow-sleeved, Qala:un's
reform of widening the sleeves, must have been very short lived. Narrow sleeves
were of course known in the Near and Middle East long before Maqrizi, or Qala:un
for that matter. But they were the over-long sleeves, which -if stretched-
extended for many inches beyond the tips of the fingers and are usually shown
as ending at the wrists in many folds. Although two or three coats used to be
worn over the qaM' 6 it cannot have been an undergarment only, as we read that
the Sultan aI-Malik aI-Ashraf Khalil ordered his amirs to wear embroidered (zarkash)
kalauta-hats (instead of those made of fukh) and qaM' -coats of satin, 7 so that his
amirs be distinguished from others, or that in 662 A.H. the King of Armenia
ordered 1,000 Tartar coats (qaM' tatart) and 1,000 saraquf-hats 8 and made his
Armenians wear them, so that they should look like Tartars and pass unnoticed
into Syria,9 or that immediately after A1p:nad b. Aynal was proclaimed Sultan,
the amirs donned the kalauta-hats and the white Tartar coats "according to
custom ",10 or that until Shaww31 912 the ufdki-pages accompanying the vizier
in a public procession from the citadel wore Tartar coats of yellow silk.ll

1 Plan Carpini: A latera vero sinistra una et in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, et in latere
et in sinistro usque ad brachiale sunt scissae. Pellicia cuiscunque sunt generis in eundem modum
formantur (in Texts and Versions of John de Plano Carpini and William de Rubruquis, ed. by C. Ray-
mond Beazley, p. 46). Rubroeck: In hoc enim differunt Tartari a Turcis: quod Turci ligant tunicas
suas ad sinistram, Tartari semper ad dextram (ibid. p. 154).
2 Cf, Vet. 354/5, and various passages quoted in the present chapter.
3 There is little justification for the translation" with a red or blue borde'Y" given by Dozy,
Suppl. s.v., p. 796, in either the texts quoted by him or pictures of Mamluk coats at our disposal.
4 Khi{a{, II, p. 98, 1. 5 f. b has mushajjara, but Dozy's reading mushahhara, Vet. 354 m is prefer-
able by far.
o Khi{a{, II, p. 98/9.
6 Cf. pIs. II-V, XV, XVI, XVIII. 2, XX. I.
7 Khi{a{, II, p. 99, 1. 3.
8 For saraquj, vide infra, p. 30 f.
9 Suluk, I, p. 5II, 1. 6 ff.

10 Nujum, ed. Popper, VII, p. 645, 1. 1 f.

11 I. Iyas, IV, p. 104, 1. 13.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

Above this coat Egyptian and Syrian amirs used to wear the " Islamic coat"
(al-qaM' al-islam~).l Quatremere, 2 and Dozy 3 after him, think that this coat
had a distinctive Arabic cut, as opposed to the Tartar and sallar~ '-coats, but
there is nothing to prove it, nor does any Muslim author, so far as I remember,
describe it in detail.
Whether the open coats (al-aqbiya al-maltulJa) introduced by Mul,1ammad b.
QalMn 5 together with many other sartorial· luxuries can be identified with the
" Islamic coats" is a question open to discussion. Amirs of high standing had
their sleeves decorated with tir~z-bands (mutarraz) 6 and trimmed with furs. We
shall best realize the luxurious character of this coat by considering the price
which one used to pay in those days for furs.7 Ibn BaHuta tells us that in 732 A.H.
a skin of sable (sammur) was worth 400 Indian (?) dinars,S and a skin of ermine
(qaqum) would fetch in India as much as 1,000 dinars, equal to 250 maghribi gold
dinars. 9 Only round this coat came the belt,10 then-as we saw already-the
sword worn on the left, and a leather bag (~aulaq) together with the kizlik on the
right. l l This fashion was introduced by Gh~zi b. Zangi, the brother of Nuradin,
when he succeeded to the throne of Mossul. 12
Later on amirs as well as the chiefs of the non-commissioned officers (a'yan
al--jund) begap wearing over the qaM' -coats cloaks with short sleeves (aqbiyat
qa~~rat al-akmam) wider than the narrow sleeves of the qaM' underneath. 13 With
all due reserve I venture to suggest that this cloak was perhaps identical with
the one introduced by Sall~r,l' Viceroy of Egypt under Mul,1ammad b. QalMn
and Baybars al...Jashnigir. According to our texts this coat, called sallar£ or

1 Kh#at, II, p. ni, 1. 2, $ub~, IV, p. 40, 1. 6; V8teme~ts, p. 359.

2 Notices, p. 213, n. 5, and the literature quoted therein.
3 VOtements, 1. cit.
4 Cf. more about it on p. 24 of this chapter.
s 1. Iyas, I, p. 173, 1. 16.
6 For details cf. p. 33 f. of this chapter.
7 Cf. for furs in general, Khi/a!, II, p. 103, II. II b - pu., quoted and translated, VOtements,
p. 357 f. n. .
8 I. BaUuia, II, p. 402; Sauvaire, Materiaux, p. 50.
D 1. Baiiuia, II, p. 4°1; Sauvaire, MaUriaux, p. 304. It is interesting to note .that Ibn Battuia
mentions especially the " amirs" of China, and the merchants of Persia and 'Iraq as wearing sable
(p. 402), and omits the Mamluks entirely, although he must have seen them often enough clad in
coats lin~d or trimmed with it.
10 Cf. infra, p. 25 f., s. min!aqa, ~iyd$a.
II Cf. the passages quoted in SM. IIa, p. I52, n. 40, further $ub~, IV, p. 40,1.7. The references
to Maqrlzt are KhiM, II, pp. 98, 1. 3 b, 217, 1. 9.
12 $ub~, IV, p. 40, 1. 8 f. (quoting Abu-I-Fida').
18 $ub~, IV, p. 40, I. 10 ft., Kh#a!, II, p. 217, 1. 3 f.
14 Of all the other sartorial innovations of Sallar nothing is known but the fact that he did innovate
them, cf. Sul-ak, II, p. 97, 1. 9; 1. Iyas, I, p. ISS, II. 21-23.

\
24 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

sallariyya,l was identical with the one known before as b%ghl%taq or b%ghlU,fdq, and is
described as an upper garment with short sleeves. On the other hand it is at least once
mentioned as having been worn under the farajiyya. 2 Long before Sallar, b%ghl%taq-
coats used to be distributed as .prizes, as in 668 A.H., during a hunting party,
Baybars distributed among others b%ghl%taq-coats lined with grey squirrel, for
every gazelle shot, 3 and in 672 A.H. the same were given to soldiers of the J;,alqa-
corps and baJ;,ri-Mamluks forprize-shooting. 4 Supposing this identification to be
correct, we could easily recognize the saUari on a number of Mamluk miniatures,
first and foremost on the frontispiece of the Viennese I;Iarirl. 5 The saUar£ used to
be made in various colours and in a variety of materials, ba'labakki cotton,
petit-gris, ma'dan£ satin, and was occasionally richly decorated, sometimes
with pearls and precious stones. 6 Together with the takhf£fa 7 the sallart was
considered as typically Turkish, i.e. Mamluk, dress (ziyy al-Atrak), at least under
the Circassians. 8
The ordinary cloak of a high amir under the late Circassians was the maluta,
an upper coat with a collar, in 900 A.H. worn by Uzbak, when under a cloud,
unbuttoned, with a small takhf£fa,9 or by Qan~uh al-Ghauri, when proclaimed
j

Sultan,lO, or by Amir Uzdamur, the Dawadar, when riding to the Citadel,ll or

by ordinary mamluks during a ceremonial procession (bi~l-kawatt al-q%ndas wa-l-
malaUt}.12 Towards the end of the Circassian period, Mamluk soldiers were easily
recognizable by their red zamt-hats and matUta~coats, and, consequently, were
compelled to continue wearing both of them after Sultan Selim's conquest, in order
to prevent them from dressing as Ottomans and robbing the local population. 13
But themaluta~coat was worn by the non-military as wel~. Ibn Iyas tells us
of a native who used to wear a suit consisting of a matUta-coat and a: turban
('imama) but when in Sha'ban 902 appointed Master of the Hunt (amir shikdr),
he was ordered to dress like a Turk, i.e. like a Mamluk, and wear a takht£ta

1 Quatremere, SM, I b, p. 75 f. gives a number of relevant passages. The name bughlu!dq was
apparently used in Egypt only, and Sa11ar's innovation seems to consist not in inventing a special
shape but in popularizing it in the Mamluk realm. Cf. Khita!, II, p. 99, 1. 7; Vetements, pp. 81-84.
a Cf. Quatremere, Sultans Mamlouks, I b, p. 75 f., n. 93.
3 SuMk, ed. Ziada, I, p. 584, 1. 3.
4 Sulak, ed. Ziada, II, p. 612, 1. 9.
5 Cf. Arnold and Grohmann, The Islamic Book, pI. 43.
6 Cf. the last four notes and Dozy, Vetements, pp. 81-84-
7 Cf. pp. 30 and 16 f.
8 I. Iyas, III (KM), p. 351, 1. 8 f.
9 I. Iyas, III (KM), pp. 305, 1. 14 f. (mala!a bai{1d' mufakkak al-azrar) , 307, 1. 13 (malata bairj,a'
min ghair taqyf,d).
10 I. Iyas, IV, p. 4, 1. 1-2.
11 I. Iyas, IV, p. 41, 1. 15. Cf. also I. Iyas, II, pp. 138, 1. 8.
12 I. Iyas, III (KM), p. 435; 1. 17.
13 I. Iyas, V, p. 209, 11. 16, 19.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 25
with" horns" and short-sleeved sallarP Ibn Iyas seems to underline that the
" people" used to wear the malu!a, whereas Mamluks had sallart-coats.
On rainy days Mamluk amirs used to wear cloaks of a rough and hairy material
(jukha) , at other times worn only by lesser people, such as Maghribis, Franks,
Alexandrians and members of the lower classes in Cairo. But under the Circassians
things had changed considerably, and Maqrizi reports that it was worn not only
by high dignitaries, but occasionally even by Sultan Faraj himself.2
In summer time all uppers garments were white, made of smooth ni~att or
similar materials, in winter they were made of coloured and expensive wool or
silk,41ined with fur, the most important amirs using sable, lynx, hermine, marten,
grey squirrel and castor.5 The army used to change their clothes at the beginning
of the winter and summer seasons, like the Sultan, although apparently not always
on the same dates. 6 On special occasions they wore special colours, so e.g. when
Qan~uh al-Ghauri innovated the game of lances, neglected since 872 A.H., the
corps of lancers (rammalJa) wore red" according to old custom ".7
The belt of the military min!aqa 8 (later called lJiya~a) was made of precious
metal. The most valuable ones were made of silver and gilt (al-fi44a al-ma#iyya
bt-dh-dhahab); sometimes they were made of pure gold and studded with jade

1 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 351, 1. 8 f.

1\
, II 2 Khi!a!, II, p. 98, 11. 17-30; Vet., pp. 128-131. In 791 A.H. (1389) a jakha was worn by Sultan
\ Barquqin disguise, 1. Iyas, I, p. 274, 1. 4 (ident. with Vet. 131).
3 The proof that only the upper garments were white, is given by several European travellers,
d. e.g. Peter Rindfleisch, end of July 1496, in Rohricht und Meisner, Deutsche Pilgerreisen, 1880,
p. 337: Der Herr vom Berge (a district governor difficult to identify) ... und seine Herren ... hatten
alle weisse Rocke an, und unter den weissen Rocken hatten sie Scharlach und sammette Rocke an
und ander Seidengewand (spelling modernized).
4 $ubJ;" IV, p. 40, 1. 13 £:, 18 f.; Khita!, II, p. 217, 1. 15; d. also passages mentioned in connection
with the Sultan's change of summer and winter clothes, p. 18.
o $ubJ;" IV, p. 40,pu; Vet., p. 328; Tibr, p. 346,1. 13, mentions that in 855 A.H. on the comple-
tion of the Madrasa Fakhriyya the u;;tadar and the naPI al-khai?i? offered among many other presents,
sable, lynx and grey squirrel furs, whereupon they received a kamiliyya lined with sable each. Similar
examples often elsewhere.
6 Cf. e.g. 1. Iyas, IV, p. 262, 1. 23, who mentions that towards the end of Rabi' I 918 the army
had not discarded their woollen clothes yet, whereas the Sultan had put on the white ones on the 27th
!?afar <;}18(= 14th May, 1512), or I. Iyas, IV, p. 259, 1. 18, where he explains, that the weather was
moist that year and the Sultan was slow in discarding the woollen garments.
7 I. Iyas, IV, p. 60/61.

S A comprehensive chapter about the belt will be found in Khi!a!, II, 99, n. 26-34 (transcribed
and translated by Dozy, Vet. 145 f.). Essentially the same information is given in $ubJ;" IV, p. 40, n.
-14-17. Maqrlzt uses it in describing the magnificent robe of honour (khil'a saniyya) offered by Turan"
shah to Amtr I;Iusam ad-din on his accession and arrival in Egypt (Sulak, I, p. 353, 1. 4). Although
min!aqa is the older name, as stated expressis verbis by Maqrizi, Qalqashandi still uses it in describing
the robes of honour of his own period ($ubJ;" IV, p. 52, 1. 5 b). For Zliya$a d. also Kki!a! (W), II, p.
25, 1. 14, 185 n.; Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. 31, n. 31.
26 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

(yashm).l Only belts offered by the Sultan to the highest amirs, as part of their
robes of honour, used to be studded with precious stones. 2 It may be interesting
to note that this was the only piece of clothing for man which, according to Muslim
theological interpretation, was allowed to be made of silver or gold. 3 The belt
was therefore of considerable value. Under the first Mamluk sultans the l:tiya~a
of the soldiers was worth approximately 400 silver dirhams. Under Qala:Un, the
great amirs wore belts worth 300 dinars, the Amirs of Forty wore belts valued at
200 dinars, and even the low grade amirs, such as the chiefs of the /:talqa-corps
for example, had belts worth I50-I70 dinars. Mul).ammad b. Qala:Un was the first
to introduce golden belts 4 for amirs and khd~~ak£-officers and under his successors
up to ai-Malik an-Na~ir Faraj, the amirs and the khd~~ak1,s used to wear them, 5
some of them even studded with precious stones. 6 But as the sultan used to dis-
tribute a great number of silver and golden belts (/:tawai~) among his Mamluks
every year,7 their private budgets did not suffer too much on that score. More
than any other piece of clothing these-belts seem to have been used for hoarding,
as we learn from the lists of property left by high amirs. In 740 A.H. Tankiz left
among others I50 parcels (buqai) of brocaded {iraz-bands, golden belts and satin
robes of honour. 8 Under aI-Malik al-Mli'ayyad Shaikh, when the stream of royal
gifts had considerably diminished, the vizier Abdallah b. Zanbfu-, on his arrest,
t

was found to possess among others 6000 belts and 6000 Circassian kalauta-hats. 9
According to M asalik al-ab~ar the wearing of belts with precious stones was a
privilege reserved for the highest amongs the Amirs of Hundred, who received it
with their robes of honour from the sultan. 10 '
But even the band, a coloured sash 11 worn usually by mamluk privates and
lower class officers,12 was occasionally made of yellow silk and then used on cere-
monial occasions not only by eunuchs or pages, but even by chamberlains, group

1 $ub&" IV, p. 40, 1. IS. Ibn Taghrlbirdi, al-Manhal a$-$aji, s.v. Aqush al-Afram (MS. Paris,
2069, fo. 2V, 1. 9).
2 $tlb&" IV, p. 40, 1. 16 f. A similar case is the &,iyd$a mukallala offered in 683 A.H. by the
Ayyubid aI-Malik al-Man~ur of Hama to aI-Malik a~-~ali1}. 'AU, the son of Qalaun (Su111k, I, p. 726, i. 6).
3 Vet. 420 (and the references quoted).
4 Khitat, II, p. 99, 1. II b f.; 1. Iyas, I, p. 173, 1. 16 f.
5 Kutubl, II, p. 5, 1. 18: a mamluk of Baktamur wears a golden &,iya$a.
6 Khitat, II, p. 99, 1. 10 b.
7 Khitat, II, p. 99, 1. IO. Khitat, II, p. 216, 1. 27 probably means that the golden &,awd'i$, worn
by Amirs of a Thousand during royal processions, are Sultanian gifts. E.g. Thursday, the 19th Shawwal
726 (18th Sept. 1326), the Sultan gave (an'ama) all the Amirs of Twenty a golden ~iyd$a: Zettersteen,
p. 177, 1. I3.
B I. Iyas, I, p. 172, 1. 10.
9 Khitat, II, p. 99, 1. 8 b.
10 $ub&" p. 40, 1. 5 b.
11 Khitat, II, p. 99, 1. 6 b.
12 See pI. XVI. Cf. also Martin, Miniature Painting, pl. 1.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 27
captains (ru'us an-nuwab) , inspectors of the army (naqtb al-jaish) and similarly
ranking amirs. 1 _

Although the only known genuine biya~a II is not Mamluk, but Ayyubid, it
is so near in date, that we venture to break our rule and to Include it here (pI. IX).
It was made for aI-Malik a!1-$~Iil). Ism~'ll, and consequently, is to be dated between
635 A.H. and 643 A.H. It consisted of two oblong plaquettes with inscriptions,
giving the name of the prince for whom it was made, of at least 41 roundels,
some of them with holes for the tongue of the buckle, grouped by at least 19 little
uprights .. This is a magnificent specimen of its kind. A biya~a made up of roundels
was obviously the fashion in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, as can be
proved by gold belts worn by Badr ad-dtn Lu'lu'~3 or the central figure of the
Viennese ij:arirl. 4 But the buckle appears on neither of them, or the little arch-
shaped gadgets,S which seem too weak for any practical purpose, even if turned
upside down, as dearly they must have been, as Mr. Basil Gray very rightly
suggested to me. From every point of view the most interesting part of the belt
are the oblong frames of the buckle, evidently the two Mkariyya-plaques, referred
to by Ibn FaQl Alllli. 6
The ~aulaq, worn above the qaM' by all the military, was made of black t
Bulgarian leather and sometimes big enough to contain more than half a waiba \
of corn; attached to it was' a mandtl three ells l o n g . ? ' \
As head-gear we find first and foremost the sharbush, which was especially
characteristic of an amir's rank. Maqrlzi, described the sharbush as "a thing
resembling the crown, as if of triangular shape, put on the head without a kerchief
(being wound round it)." When conferring knighthood upon any person the sultan
used to clothe him with a coat suitable to his rank and to place asharbush on his
head. S Moreover, the wearing of a sharhUsh and qaM' was considered so character-
istic for a Saracenic amir that even a Crusader was prepared to don it in order

1 1. Iyas, III (KM), pp. 157, 1. 17 f.; 224, 11. 6-8; 337, 1. 18 (kha~i?3ld).
2 In 1926 .the belt appeared on the Cairo market, and parts of it were acquired by Col. R. A. Harari
and by Mr. Antoine Benaki. The portion kept in the BenakiMuseum was published by Bertha Segall,
Katalog der Goldschmiede-Arbeiten, Athens, 1938, p. 190, figs. 323, and the inscription on the buckle
(in the Harari collection) by Wiet in the Repertoire, t. XI, No. 427, p. 163 f.
3 They are clearly visible on a number of Saracenic copper coins, cf. e.g. Lane-Poole, Catalogue
of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. III,p1. X, no. 568, and Ismail Ghalib, Catalogue des Mon-
naies turcomanes, pI. VI, no. 139, pl. VIII, no. 188.
, Arnold and Grohmann, The Islamic Book, pI. 43.
6 Segall, op. laud., fig. 323.
8 MasdUk al-ab~dr, Bib. Nat., MS. Ar. 2325, fo. 185 r/v, cf. also Khi/at, II, p. 227, 1. 24 f., trans~
lated here p. 57. .
7 ~ubl!, IV, p. 40,1. 7; Khitat, II, p. 98, 1. 3 b f., SM, II a, p. 152.
8 Kh#a#, II, p. 99,1. 9 f.; Vet., p. 220 f.; Dozy, Suppl. s.v.; Sul-ak, I, pp. 493, n. I, pu., 251,
n. I, Muf. 501, 1. 2 f., Ibn al-Wa!}il, quoted SM. I a, p. 244, n. I, 5 b.
28 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

to show some sort of friendship (if not allegiance) to Saladin. 1 Since the texts
mention the wearing of sharbUsh-hats only under Ayyubids or Bahri Mamluks,
and Maqrizi confirms that under the Circassians the wearing of the sharbush was
abolished,2 it seems justified to identify it with the stiff cap trimmed with fur,
rising to a slightly triangular front, and characterized by a metal plaque above
the forehead, so often reproduced in illuminated manuscripts of the Mamluk
period. 3 A different kind of sharbUsh, cylindrical and considerably taller, repre-
senting perhaps an earlier type, is shown on pI. XV.
Lighter than the ordinary sharbush but not less official was the kalauta. 4
Just as the turban was the symbol of the Masters of the Pen, the arMb al-'amd'im,
so the kalautdh became the symbol of the military aristocracy Ii who were called
occasionally as a class mukalwatun. it was a yellow cap worn by the Sultan, the
amirs and the rest of the military, with a broad border-band (tarf,rrtb) and clasps
(kaldUb) worn. without a kerchief (bighair 'amd'im).6 Under the early Mamluks
the kalautdh was small, usually made of red mala#-wool with a broad porder-band
and-for a few years--'-with a small kerchief wound round it,7
Khalil b. Qalafm, continuing the dress-reform started by his father, 8 changed
this simple headgear, made sometimes of a rough woollen material, and ordered •
his amirs to appear among their Mamluks wearing embroidered kalautdh-hats,9
or, in the words of Qalqashandi, red kalautdh-hats with kerchiefs wound round
them.l0
In comparing the two essential passages of Maqrizi 11 we find many contradic-
tions about the early history of the kalautdh. With the help of Qalqashandi 12 we

1 Ibn. al-Athtr, XII, p. 51 f-

a Khi!a!, II, p. 99, 1. II.
3 Cf. e.g. pI. XVIII. I, or Arnold-Grohmann, pI. 31.
4 Plural: kalii;at, Vet. 388, Zettersteen, 2II, 1. 12; or kalautat, Vet. 355 (quoting Nuwairt).
That kalauta or kalautahOis preferable to kalata, is best proved by the fairly common occurrence
of the form kala/tah and kala/tat: Sultans Mamlouks I a, p. 138, n. 15; Vetements, p. 388, Dozy, Suppl.
s. v. p, 482 (quoting Ibnash-Shil;lna).
Cf. Nujam, ed. Popper, VI, pp. i73; 1. 9, 277, 1. I : Qadi Ibrahim b. Ghurab on his appointment to
the amirate of a Hundred-after years spent as mubdshir, put a kala/tal; on (Jum. II; 808). Siroilarlythree
amirs released from prison were ordered to don their kala/tah-hats and report on duty (Nujam, ed.
Popper, VII, p. 417, 1. 9 f., s. a. 857). Cf. also Nujam, ed. Cairo, VII, 330, n. I, VIII, 268, n. I.
Sulak I, pp. 493, n. I, 830, n. I, II, p. 80,1. 2; SM. I a, p. 138, II·b, p. 114.
5 Cf. Ibn al-Wa~i1apud Quatremere, Journal des Savants, 1848, p. 46 f.; Zettersteen, P.97, 1.8:
s. a. 701.
6 $ubf1" IV, p. 39 b; KhiM, II, p. 98, 1. 7 b f. Cf. also $ubf1" IV, p. 6, 11. 6-9.
7 KhiM, II,p. 217, 1. 4 f.; $ubf1" IV, p. 6, 1. 8.
a Khi!a!, II, p. 98, 1. ult.
9 KhiM, II, p. 99, 1. 2 f.
10 $ubf1" IV, p. 40, 1. I fl.
11 Khi!a!, II, p. 98 band p. 21] t.
12 $ubf1" IV, PI'. 5, 1. 9 fl., 39 b.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 29

should perhaps visualize the development in this way: under the Ayyubids the
kalautah was yellow, under the early Mamluks,·' that is until the reform of· Khalil,
t!fe colour was first yellow, then both yellow and red, and the material as a rule
cheap; from the days of Khalil on, the colour was exclusively red and the hat made
of costly material.
All the same even before the reform of Khalil it must have been occasion~lly
luxurious enough, since the fwo kalautah-hats offered monthly by Baybars to Amir
Saif ad-din ar-Rashidi were made of brocade (zarkash) and worth 50 dinars apiece,
and the kerchief of each worth another 40 din~rs 1. Similarly Nuwairi 2 describes
Mamluks wearing, in 681 A.,H. (1282-83 A. D.) qaba'-coats of red satin with #raz-
bands and embroidered kalautah-hats.
After the reform of Khalil, the kalautah became to such an extent the officially
recognized head-gear of amirs, that in the year 710 A. H. (1310 A. D.) when amir
Gir~y, Viceroy of Syria, was' arrested, he threw his scarf (shash at-lashrZf) and
his kalautah on the floor and wound a light turban (takhf1fa) round his head
instead. 3
Under Yalbugh~ al-Kh~~~aki, the regent in the days of aI-Malik aI-Ashraf
Sha'b~n, both the kalautah and the kerchief around it became bigger and it was now
called tarkhaniyya, in contradistinction to the old-fashioned small kalautah-hats,
called 1ia~iriyya. Under Barqilq they became larger still and the kerchief was so
wound around them as to form bumps (' awai). This was the shape of the so-called
Circassiankalautah-hats in the days of Maqrizi,4 and this must have been the shape
of the six thousand kalautah-hats in which the Vizier 'Abdallah b. Zanbilr had
invested part of his fortune. 5
Towards the end of the Circassian rule the shape of the kalautah was changed
once more, and it is spoken of as having two" sides ".6 The essential point is that,
as all these changes and lfew fashions show, it must have been quite popUlar, and
that it lasted throughout the Mamluk kingdom, and was at all times an important
al1;d official headdress for amirs and the Sultan alike. Nevertheless, when in 902
A. H. Mul).ammad b. Q~ytbay attended the Friday prayer in a takhftfa ~agMra
instead of a kalautah, the amirs took umbra~e immediately. 7 On a similar occa-
sion in 907 A.H. (1501) the aUbak Qaytwent to the Mosquein a kalautah. 8

1 Sulak, I, p. 493(4.
2 S. a. 681, MS. Leyden, Or. 2 n, fa. 26r quoted in Vgtements, p. 354 f.
9 Nuwair~, s. a. 7II (Leyden, Or. 2 0, fa. 58 a, 1. 13); Mufa<;l<;lal, p. 709 b (slightly different wording).
4 Khi{a{, II, p. 217, n. 5-8 (trans!. Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. 138, n. 15).
5 Khi!a{, II, p. 99,1. 8 b.
6 Kalaufah bi-{arafain, Ibn 'fulull., ed. Hartmann, p. 57 (Ar. 28), l. 4.
7 1; Iyas, III (KM), p. 331, 1. 5 f.
8 1. Iyas, IV, p. 17, 1. 5: .
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

But it would be a mistake to think that an amir had no turban. The amirial
turban was merely of a different shape. The main two kinds were the small and
the big takhf£fa (t. ~agh£ra, and t. kab£ra).l
Originally it was a sort of undress since we read that an amir in disgrace replaced
his kalautah with a takhf£fa 2 or that Sultan Barquq wore it as a house dress. 3 But
in course:: of time it became more and more offi.cial, and as we saw already, near the
end '"of the Circassian period together with the sallariyya, it was considered a typically
Turkish garment,' so much so that Dr M. Mostafa is induced to think that only
Amirs of a Thousand had the right to wear the takhf£fa, and even they only if
invested with it by the sultan.1>
A special kind of the takhf£fa kaMra, called an-na'ura, 6 as a rule worn by the
Sultan only, should be mentioned here, since it was occasionally bestowed as part
of the robes of honour upon an amir. So, e.g., Q~n!]Uh al-Ghaurl, the 23rd Rabi'
I, 920 (nth Nov. 1525) gave one to the amir Irkm~s' min Tar~b~y,7 another
one was given to Uzbak al-Mukal}.1;!.al, who was almost a !arkMn, deprivl:ld of
his music-baIid (!ablkMnah) and wearing a small !akhf£fa. 8
Another type of headgear for the military was the saraqui. Worn by Bereke
Kh~ himself 9 it was so characteristic of Tartar dress that the king of Armenia used
it in an attempt to make a company of his soldiers pass as Tartar auxiliaries of the
Mamluks. 1o
Similarly, in 692 A.H. ~(1293 A.D.), 'Izzad-din Aybak ar-Rftmi, then in
Qa,l'at al-Muslimin, asked aI-Malik AI-Ashraf Khalil to send hiIn thirty saraqUi-caps
in order to make his spies inconspicuous. l l .
A short-lived headgear, which was never worn by large sections of the popula-
tion, had little chance of pictorial survival under the Mamluks. Furthe,rmore,
there are few authentic represeIitations of 13th century Tartars. But if we can
trust the accuracy of a figure showing a Tartar under the feet of Henry I I (who

1 I. Iyas. III (KM), pp. 153. 1. 25 f .• 168. 1. I. 174, 1. 7 f. (t. kablra). 190. 1. 16 f., 305. 1. 14 f.,
307. 1. 13), takhf'ita bi-l-qur-an at-tiwal (ib., pp. 332. 1. 4, 351, 1. 8). Cf. also Vitements. s.v.; Dozy. Sup-
plement, s.v.; Quatremere, Notices et Extraits, 1838, t. XIII, P.295, n. 2; Nui-am. ed. Popper, VI, p. 825,
1. 16 f.; I. Iyas, IV, p. 100,1. uit.
a See supra, p. 29, n. 3.
3 1. Iyas. I, p. 274, 1. 3 f.
4 Cf. supra, p. 24, n. 8; 1. Iyas, II, p. 1I3.
5 ZDMG, 1935. p. 215 f., n. I.
e Vide supra, p. 16.
7 I. Iyas, IV, p. 100, 1. 23 f.
8 I. Iyas, IV, p. 372, 11. 18-21.
D SM. I a, p. 215, n. (1. I) after I. Furat, s. a. 661 and others.
10 SM. I a, p. 235 and n. 110; Dozy, Vitements, p. 379. n. I, quotes it from Nuwairl (2 m, fo. 253 r )
who calls him not King of Armenia, but the Lord ($aMb) of Sis without mentioning that these Pseudo-
Tartars were supposed to be auxiliaries of the·Mamluks.
11 Sul-ak, I, p. 783, 1. 15.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 3I

died q,t Liegnitz, in I24I, fighting the Tartars) on the sepulchral monument of the
latter,l then the saraqui would be a tall conical hat with an upturned brim,
such as we see it in the frontispiece of the Galen-manuscript in the National
Library, Vienna 2 or perhaps in the Jazad-manuscript in the Bodleian Library,
Oxford. 3
To judge by the silence of our texts, the saraqui went out of fashion during the
period of Bahri Mamluks. A century later, under the Circassians, it reappeared
as a headgear of women, vide infra, p. 70, and Arabian Nights, quoted by Freytag
(apud Vetements, p. 379).
When Mu1).ammad b. Qalafm made the pilgrimage to Mecca towards the end
of his life, he shaved his head, and his amirs followed suit; long hair was then
i abolished and turbans donned as a rlile. 4 Such turbans ('ama'im) as were worn by
the very late Ayyubid and early Bahri amirs were small. 5 At some unspecified date
they became bigger, and in 690 A. H. (I29I A. D.) the Viceroy of Syria, Sanjar
ash-Shuja'i forbade the amirs to wear big turbans. s Under Sha'ban b. :e:usain
they were made larger again, and of more elegant shape. They remained large
for some time, and Qalqashandi described them as being thus in his days.7
The third kind of head-gear is the taqiyya (pI. tawaqt), which like the kufiyya
was originally worn by young people only, men and women;8 . Under Circassian
rule it was generally worn by the military of all ranks. It used to be made in a
variety of colours, approximately one sixth of an ell high with a circular flat top to
it. Under Faraj the fashion changed and the taqiyya known as tt Circassian ",
became considerably higher, approximately two thirds of an ell. It is then that
the upper part was slightly changed and fashioned more in the shape of a small
dome. It was heavily padded with paper and trimmed with castor, about one
eighth of an ell wid,e. 9 Between I48I and ISOI the taqiyya was narrower at the
)\ bottom than at. the top and made in two colours: the lower one sometimes being
green and the upper one black. lo It is represented exactly like that in the painting
·1·

1 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, trsI. Yule, 3rd ed., revised by H. Cordier, London I903, vol. II,
P·493·
3 Arnold-Grohmann, The Islamic Book, pI. 3I.
3 Greaves 27, fo. 55 v and sever\ll other pages; cf. Arnold, Painting, pI. XI b.
4 $ubl;t, IV, p. 6, 1. 9; Khitat, II, p.
5 Cf. miniatures, also Joinville, trsl.Evans, CVI, p. I66, where a turban on a jousting amir is
mentioned. "They used to wear these turbans when they were meaning to give battle because they
take the brunt of a great swordstroke." . .
6 Ibn Tulun, Rasa'i!, II, p. 4, 1. 8 quoting Ibn Kathlr.

7 $ubl;t, IV, p. 40, n. 2-4 (fal;tasunat hay'atuM wa-jadat).

8 Khitat, II, p. I04. 1. 3.

9 Vetements, pp. 28I-287, quoting Khifat, II, p. I04, n. 4-I2; recapitulated in Supplement, s. V., p. 7I.

10 Vetements, p. 287, quoting Joos van Ghistele and Peter Marlyr .

...ao_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ~_. __ .. _________ _

32 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY

"Reception of a Venetian Ambassador" in the Louvre. 1 About taqiyya-caps

worn by women, see pp. 70-72.2
A headgear which has so far baffled all orientalists dealing with it, is the zam!. 3
Dozy 4 confessed his ignorance, although in his SuppUment he translated it calotte,
with reference to Defremery; Popper thought it was" cloth used as a head-dress"; 4 a
Mrs. Devonshire 5 saw in it a " sorte d'arrnure ou de bouclier, peut-etre une cotte
de mailles cachee sous les vetements" and others mistaking" calotte" for" culotte"
thought it was a loin-cloth! On the basis of such passages as the description of
AI-Malik a~-Z;ahir Qan~uh, who when captured in Dhu-I-I;Iijja 905 (July 1500) wore
a zamt on his head,6 or edicts specifying its colour,? we can easily establish that it
was a red hat. Following the texts in historical order we are probably right in
thinking that originally, or at least about the middle of the 9th century of the H;ijra,
when it was first- mentioned, the zamt was the headgear of the "lower" classes,
since we hearthat in 841 A. H. peasants were twice forbidden to wear it.s But soon
afterwards it became typical of Circassian military dress, aner-so we read that
Mul).ammad b. Qaytbay, dressed up as a young Mamluk still in the military school,
wore it. 9 Circassian soldiers as a class were easily recognizable by their red zam/-hats
and maluta-coats. 10 Sometimes an amir had to wear an old zamt, as a sign of
disgrace, and as a punishment.ll Dietrich v. Schachten, who travelled in the Near
East in 1491, described it as" rot mit langen Zoten einesFingers lang und ihre Tucher
darum gewickelt, das doch schon zu sehenist ", and added, "es d\uf auch kein Heide
einen solchen roten Hut tragen, er sei denn ein Mamll1k".12 These words should
not be taken as an indication tnat v. Schachten described an ordinary turban with
a kerchief wound round a red cap. The" lange Zoten " prove th§Lt it was· a zamt
and the" Tucher " were arranged as shown in Tahsin Oz, , Hunername " pI. XXIV.
We are fortunate enough to have it depicted on some of the most reliable
European paintiIlgs 13 and drawings,14 as well as on Turkish miniatures showing

1 PI. I, Mamluks standing in the porch.

2 Khi{at, II, p. 104, 1. 12 fl.
3 The spelling varies: zant, zant, zamt.
4Vetements, p. 198 f. 4a Ijawddith, p. XXXVII, s. v.
6 BIFAO, XXV, p. 129 and n. I.
6 1. Iyis, III (KM), p. 432, 1. 10.
7 SuZuk, s. 19th Rabi' I, 840; 1. Iyis, V,p. 209, 1. 16.
8 Vetements, p. 198f., the first passage is not to be found in our edition; the second corresponds
to 1. Iyis, II, p. 2I, 1. p·u. In Jumida II, 868 (Febr. 1464), Mamluks l'Ode through Cairo beating up
every eunuch and servant wearing a red zamt on his head (Ijawddith, p. 457, 1. pu.).
9 1. Iyis, III (KM), p. 30I, 1. IS.
10 I. Iyis, V, p. 209, 11. I6, 19. Cf. also 1. Iyis, V, p. 147, 11. 7,9.
11 1. Iyis, II, p. I53, 1. 22, III (KM), p. 301, 1. IS.
12 Ed. in R6hricht und Meisner, Deutsche PiZgerreisen, 1880, p. 19I.
13 The Reception of a Venetian Ambassador, in the Louvre, vide supra.
14 Arnold von Harfl, p. 104. Cf. also Qutb ad-din, ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 188, 1. 12 ff.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 33

Mamluk envoys at the court of the Sultan Selim,l and, more important still, the
Coptic Museum in Cairo possesses a zamt in fairly good condition (pI. XI. 2).
The #raz, in the sense of an honorific formula shown on the sleeve, was 'a
privilege since pre-Saracenic days.2 Under Ayyubids and Mamluks it plays a
much more modest role than under their predecessors; still there are some, although
somewhat summary descriptions of the #raz during that period. "As regards the
Turkish dynasty, which, in our d-ays, rules over Egypt and Syria, the use of the
#raz there is very fashionable, by reason of the extent of their dominion, and the
great civilization of their country. Yet the stuffs are not made in the palaces and
castles of those princes, and they have not got their court officers assigned for that
purpose. Whatever requirements of this kind they have, are satisfied by weavers
who exercise this profession, in silk (J;,ar£r) or in pure gold. They call this stuff
zarkash from a name borrowed from the Persian. The name of the sultan or amir
is written (ra~ama) upon them. The workmen make those like all the other
precious objects which are destined for the use of the court." 3 But it is often
mentioned,4 sometimes described as particularly luxurious,& at other times as
having been granted by high amirs, and' not by the Sultan himself,6 and we find
it OR pictorial representations of Mamluk costum~s.7 It is always displayed as a
ribbon of a colour different from that of the sleeve, either with genuine inscriptions,
or with pious formulae, merely imitating the genuine article and fairly often even
without any inscription at all. s At the beginning of the 15th century at least, it
used to be made either of gold brocade, or embroidered black silk. Under the
Mamluks, however, the original meaning must have been entirely lost, as we find
the same person wearing the genuine tiraz and the imitation at one and the same
time. On the frontispiece of the Viennese I:Iariri, the Sultan or Amir-in our
present state of knowledge, it is impossible to establish the status of the person
represented by the central figure-has a naskhi-inscription on the sleeye of his
overcoat, which looks like the real tiraz, but on the sleeve of his coat, there are

1 Tahsin 6z, Hiinemame (in Journal of the Palestine Oriental Societ,)!, I938, pl. XXIV).
2 Cf. the excellent article by R. B. Serjeant: Material for a history of Islamic textiles up to the
Mongol conquest (in 4rs Islamica, 1942, IX, pp. 54-92; I943, X, pp. 71-104) and the very full literature
quoted therein.
3 Ibn Khaldun, Proltigomenes, trs1. by de Slane, Paris, 1863-1868, II, p. 68, quoted in Serjeant's
translation, op. 1., p. 6r.
4 Cf. Vetemenfs, p. 355, and the numerous passages quoted therein.
5 The Sultan-Caliph al-Musta'in billiih granted Shaikh a khil'a 'a.~ma bi-tirdz lam YU'had mithluhu,
but then Shaikh was the real ruler of the country, and al-Musta'tn knew it, cf. Suylitt, IJusn, II, p. 83,
1. 13 f.
6 Amir Yashbak distributed such robes of honour, cf. Recit d'une ambassade (Top Kapu Saray-
Library, MS. 3057, fo. I31 r/v).
7 Cf. pIs. III, XV, XX and often elsewhere.
8 Cf. ~ubZt, IV, p. 41, 1. I. For a tiffiz of the same colour as the sleeve, d. pI. X.
34 THE MiLITARY ARISTOCRACY

Cufic letters, which, if they represent an inscription at all, and not merely a decorative
motif, cannot have contained more than a pious wish.! Despite the relative
decadence of this sign of distinction, we should keep in mind that the real tiraz
was a privilege reserved solely for those who had a land fief (iqjd') allotted to them.
An official of such a low rank as to be paid in cash (man huU'a bi-l-iamakiyya) was
not allowed to wear tiraz-bands. 2
Like so many other luxuries, the gold tiraz was first introduced by Mul;ammad
b. Qala;un,3 and, consequently, we read, as a rule, about bands of gold brocade
(turuz zarkash).4 The famous Amir Yalbugha introduced a specially broad sleeve-
band, which became known after him as the tiraz Y albughdU't 5
The footwear of the military class consisted mainly of boots called khuff.6
The winter-kh~tff used to be made of yellow leather (adtm) imported from Ta'if,
or of a black one imported from Bulgaria, 7 which was very much esteemed in
Saracenic countries, in the Middle Ages. In summer, according to the prevailing
habit, whitekhuff-boots used to be worn. s The character of the khuff as a leather

1 Arnold and Grohmann, pI. 43; Holter, « Galenhandschrift ll, pI. III, p. 16 f. (with full lit.).
The key to this curious phenomenon is perhaps given by Abu-I-Fida' (Annales, V, p. 80, 11. 7 band
4 b) who in his description of the robes of honour received by aI-Malik al-Mu~affar Mal;lmud of Hama
in $afar 684 (April 128S) distinguishes between the brocaded band (!irdz zarkash) on the upper coat
(fauqdni) and the gilt bands (turuz mudhhaba) on the under-tunic (thaub). Since the top coat, of red
satin, lined with grey squirrel and trimmed (dd'ira) with beaver (qundus) was gorgeous enough for
Qalaun's days, whereas the under-tunic, worn under an almost equally sumptuous qabd' -coat was hardly
visible, the difference between the tWo kinds of tiraz, is obviously one of importance· as well as of form.
As a matter of fact, already Holter, " Galen-Handschrift ", p. I I f.-without utilizing any Arabic
sources-pointed out that there is a difference between a tirdz and a" Goldstreifen ". But according
to his definition, the tirdz had to be made" in einer streng gesonderten Hofmanufaktur". This would
exclude Circassian {irdz-bands, since in the ISth century robes of honour used to be bought in the bazaar
and not made in special Sultanian factories (Khitat, II,:p. gg, 11. II-IS). Moreover, the references given,
op. laud., p. II, n. 20, show that he considers as a genuine tirdz-band an inscription to be found at the
end of a piece of material, giving details about its manufacture, and corresponding for all practical
purposes to a manufacturer's stamp, or to what nowadays is known in the trade as an " edging ", viz.
a commercial mark woven into the selvage of a piece of cloth. That definition as well as his acceptance
of a factory-mark as a genuine tirdz makes it rather difficult to understand him. In addition to this
Holter defines the" Armstreifen "-in contradistinction to the tirdz-as being" stets gleich breit und
golden gefarbt" (ibid., p. II). Consequently, even the chief person in the frontispiece of the Viennese
!fariri-manuscript would wear on his saUari-coat an " Armstreifen " only, and nota genuine tirdz.
Furthermore, one would like to know in which Mamluk text he has read that the tirdz "schwankte
n a c h d e rHo h e d erA ti s z e i c h nun g in seiner Breite von I-SS cm " (spaced out by the
present writer).
2 $ubl!, IV, p. 41, L 2; Khi{a{, II, p. 217, 1. II f. Nevertheless, occasionally Mamluks appear in
coats with sleeve-bands, d. SulUk, I, p. gIS, 1. II.
3 I. Iyas, I, p. 173, 1. 16.
<I 1. Iyas, I, p. 30S, 1. 6 b, and often elsewhere.
5 1. Iyas, I, pp. 2Ig, 1. II f.
6 Nulum, ed. Popper, VII, p. 176, ult.
7 $ubl!, IV, p. 41, 1. 4; Khitat, II, p. g8, 1. 4 b; Vetements, p. IS6.
8 $ubl!, IV, p. 41, 1. 3 ff.
 THE MILITARY ARISTOCRACY 35
stocking is best illustrated on pl. II, where the first, third, fourth and fifth persons
to'the left wear leggings over their MutJ-boots. Sometimes the long vertical seam
is clearly visible, as e.g. on pI. XVI. Occasionally the khutJ was laced.
With the khutJ went spurs overlaid (musaqqat) 1 with silver or gold. Only
amirs enjoying a fief in the lJalqa-corps were entitled to golden spurs.2 But this
applies only to the Bahri period; in Maqdzi's day the general impoverishment made
such extravagance impossible, except for the upper few. 3
Over the khutJ a shoe used to be worn, the suqman. 4
Another kind of shoe, apparently much heavier, called tarin, 5 or markub,6 used
to be made of red morocco with upturned points. 7

1 Khital, II; p. 2I7, 1. 8; khuff wa-mihmdz in 854, Nuj11m, ed. Popper, VII, p. Ig8, 1. g.
2 $ubl}, 1. C., Khitat, II, p. 2I7, 1. II f.
S Khitat, II, pp. 97, 1. pu.-g8, 1. I.
4 Dozy, Supplement, s. V., I, p. 664; Khitat, II, p. g8, 1. 4 b f.
5 Supplement, s. v., I, p. 515.
6 Vetements, p. 19I, Supplement, s. V., I, p. 554 (and lit.).
7 With regard to the last two kinds, I make the usual reservation: they are mentioned only in
the Arabian Nights, and in no other contemporary source.

1
 ARMS AND ARMOUR

J
i
So far as actual specimens of Mamluk wearing apparel are concerned, we know
far more about their wardrobe of metal (if one may use this expression) than about
I their wardrobe of textiles. More pieces of Mamluk arms and armour have been
published, or at least, occasionally described in literature than other parts of their
I
I
costume. A variety of reasons are responsible for this, . the chief ones being,
(a) that the arms and armour brought home by Selim after his conquest of the
Mamluk kingdom, have been excellently preserved in the Treasury of the Topkapu
Saray; (b) that some pieces stored at the depot in the former Church of St. Irene in
I Istanbul, have found their way to European and American collections, both private

I and public; and (c) that at least a score, having been wrongly attributed to the
period of the Crusaders, have received better care, than would othetwise have been

I
II
the case. Yet the phrase of Max van Berchem, that the study of Moslem arms and
armour" jusqu'id a manque de toute base scientifique, faute de renseignements
precis sur les dates et les provenances" is as true to-day as when written, over forty
years ago. 1
Armour was used by the Arabs even before the advent of Islam. It consisted
then of a mail shirt (dire) covering the greater part of the body.2 Although mail
used to be kept in a family for generations and treasured as a most valuable posses-
sion, and wars were waged and raids undertaken to get hold of a few coats of mail, 3
there is not a single authentic piece of pre-Saracenic Arabic mail in existence to-day.
Actual specimens or reliable pictures of Saracenic mail date back only to the beginn-
ing of the Ayyubid period. The fact that armour was handed down and remained
in use for generations 4 is largely responsible for the perseverance of types. This,
in turn, makes it very difficult, even under the best of circumstances, to assign the
correct date to an Oriental mail shirt; changes were slight and insignificant, and
there is no other guide than inscriptions and coats of arms to establish the general

1 Macoir, Casque au nom du Sultan Mohammed en-Nassir (in Bulletin des Musees royaux,
Bruxelles, 1909, p. 72).
2 Cf. F. W. Schwarzlose, Die Watfen der alten Araber, pp. 322 fl.; Qalqashandl, !$ublt al-A'sha,
n, p. 135, 1. pu.
3 Cf. e.g., the raid on Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya's castle ak>\bJaq to obtain possession of Imru' al-Qais'
mail shirts.
4 E. g. pieces of arms and armour, former property of deceased Mamluks, were distributed the
following year among the kha~~akiyya-guards of the sultan: Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 359/60; a similar instance
is mentioned on p. 301, 11. 12-15.
 ARMS AND ARMOUR 37

lines of development of fashions in armour. In any gathering of Mamluks during

the Circassian period it was possible to see plain mail shirts, mail reinforced by
laminae, splint armour, and brigandines, side by side.
In Ayyubid and Mamluk society the wearing of armour seems to have been
the privilege of the military aristocracy, and thanks to the memoirs of Usama
b. MUl1qidh 1 the armour of an amir, at least during the Ayyubid age, can be
visualized. It consisted of a helmet (khaudha) , a mail shirt (dir' or zardiyya),
stockings (ranat) ,2 leggings (saq al-muza, or kalsat az-zard), and boots (khuff) with
spurs (mihmaz) , while his arms comprised sword (sail), dagger (dashan or stkh or
nimja) , or knife (sikktna) , lance (rumlJ, qantariyya) , javelin (lJarba) and shield
(turs or daraqa).
Three kinds of armour 3 were mainly in use at that time: the coat of mail,
the laminated armour, and the brigandine. The most common kind was the plain
coat of mail, which was never abandoned and survived in the East almost to our
own day. Although coats of mail are very often mentioned in Arabic sources, no
detailed descriptions of them are given, especially during the Saracenic period.
But from casual references, it may be inferred that they were worn singly or double,
short or long, and that some of them were not merely long but dragging (zardiyyat
sabila, zardiyyah musbala) covering the horseman's legs. 4 Some of the late
Circassian coats of mail have collars.5
Links of this and earlier chain mail sometimes bear a stamped ornament, 6
invariably in relief, in the form of lines, grooves, dot?, or scriptural texts. Each
link of Saracenic mail is riveted, sometimes with two pegs, which pierce the metal
right through. 7
Coats of mail reinforced by rectangular overlapping splints (jaushan) 8 had been

1 In. the following pages the edition of P. K. Hitti, Usdmah's Memoirs Entitled Kitdb al-I'tibdr
Princeton, 1930, will be quoted. It is far superior to Derenbourg's pioneer effort.
2 Usama, op. c.it., p. 126, 1. S, perhaps leggings.
~ A man clad in armour was correctly called mudarra', Usama, op. cit., p. 32, 1. 7. but the usual
word for a Il)an in armour was ldbisor mulbas, i.e., just clad, ibid., pp. 48,1. ult., 51, 1. 4 b (kazdghand);
$,uUtk, ed. M. Ziada, I, p. 517, II. 8, 18; Suyutl, Ta:rikh al-Malik al-Ashraf Qdytbdy, ed. A. Wahrmund,
p. 13, 1. 4 o~ the Arabic text; Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 419, 1. 4 and passim, showing what an important part
was played by armour.
4 Sulak, I, 608, 1. ·12, and Quatremere, Sultans Mamlouks, I b, p. II3, ult., and n. 138.
5 Cf. Mayer, " Saracenic Arms ", fig. I.
6. H.Stocklein, Arms and Armour (in Survey of Persian Art, vol. III, p. 2560, n. 2).

7 B. Dean, Handbook of Arms and Armor, 4th ed., New York, 1930, p. 245.
8 That this is the proper interpretation of the word jaushan is proved by the Turkish transla-
tion of the Qdmas where one reads, vol. III, p. 609: "The poor translator says that in Persian jaushan
is the name of a kind of suit of armour made in the style of a mail coat (zirh). But although it is in
the style of a mail coat, a ma.il coat consists of li~ks only, whereas the jaushan consists of mail links
between which are put small pieces of·tin plate (teneke)." Additional proof may be found in expressions
like ~afd'iJ; al-jaushan, laminae of the jaushan, Usama, op. cit., p. 52, 1. 12, further in Usama's story
 ARMS AND ARMQUR

known for a long time,! but from the early Mamluks onward 2 they were. on the
increase, and some time later, under the Circassians, they were used almost exclusive-
ly for the expensive armour of high amirs.3 To these belongs the second finest
Saracenic coat of mail I know. It is now in the possession of M. Georges Pauilhac
of Paris. 4 Although the amir for whom it was made cannot be positively identified,
his coat of arms enables us to date it rather closely: it belongs to the third quarter
of the fifteenth century. The coat of mail of Qaytbay, which is of very much the
same type, was made shortly afterward. 5
No mention is made of the second type, viz., the splint armour, in medieval
Arabic literature, and there is no oriental proof that it formed part of the war
equipment of the Mamluks. Nevertheless, they must have been well acquainted
with it as is proved by two widely different sources. The first shows that their
immediate neighbours, the Turks of Asia Minor, used to wear it, as evidenced by a
relief in the <;inili K6~k in Istanbu1. 6 The second proof is provided by the stained
glass windows in the church of St. Denis, Paris, of which nothing but eighteenth-
century drawings 7 are left, showing Saracenic amirsnghting Christian knights.
In both the armour is almost identical and can only be understood as either splint
armour proper, or leather jazerans covered with large metal splints. It closely
resembles various Central Asiatic Tartar and Mongol sets of splint armour. 8
During the Mamluk period plate armour was either coming into fashion or was
already well established in Europe. 9 Plate armour proper, i.e., armour composed
in the main of large solid plates, was never made by Saracens; the unique specimen
that seems to have survived, now in the Museo Stibbert 10 in Florence, is obviously

about the jaushan of his father, ibid., p. 52, 1. 5, which had hooks (kuUdb) on its side. There is no
place for clasps on the usual mail shirt, but they do appear on coats of mail reinforced by laminae.
1 Schwarzlose, op. cit., p. 338 and the passages quoted there in n. 5; Usama, op. cit., p. 52, 11. 5, 12.
2 SulUk, I, pp. 563, 1. ult., 626, 1. I r.
3 Nujum, ed. Popper, I, p. 256, 1. 15; Ibn Iyas, op. cit., IV, p. 413, 1. 1.
4 Originally in the collection of Baron Vidal de Levy, acquired by M. Pauilhac in 1902. The
laminae are 25 ems. high and 13.5 ems. wide. Cf. pI. VI.
5 Stocklein, Waffenschatze im Topkapu Sarayi Muzesi (in Ars Islamica, I, p. 213, fig. 10);
'Abd ar-Ral}.man Zaky, Ba'9, qita' al-aslil}.a (in al-Muqtafaf, April, 1940, pI. 3)
6 Cf. E. Kuhnel, Die Sammlung turkischer und islamischer Kunst im Tschinili K6schk, Berlin,
1938, p. 16 and pI. 6, and G. Mendel, Catalogue des sculptures grecques, romaines et byzantines, Constan-
tinople, 1914, II, No. 792, and the very full references to literature quoted in the latter.
7 B. de Montfaucon, Les Monumens de la monarchie fran~oise, Paris, 1729, I, pp. 384, 390, 396,
and especially pIs. L. I, LII. 5, LIV. 9.
B B. Thordeman, The Asiatic Splint Armour in Europe (in Acta Archaeologica, 1933, vol. IV,
pp. 128 f., 139, 143, and figs. II, 13, and Armour from Wisby,. where the whole problem is treated in a
masterly fashion.
D F. M. Kelly and R. Schwabe, A Short History of Costume and Armour, 1066-1800. New York
and London, 1931, p. 62 f.
10 M. Herz, Armes et armures arabes (in BIFAO, 1910, t. VII, p. II, pI. VIII).
 ARMS AND ARMOUR 39

of European make. The meaningless and incorrect composition of the coat of

arms, the absence of Arabic inscriptions, the character of its ornamentation,
although not the details of its design, all point in this direction. Herz Bey waS
clearly wrong in publiShing this piece of armour as unquestionably Muslim.
A problem sui generis is the surcoat in Muslim dress. 1 That it served in the
West as protection against the heat is now discredited. 2 Sit James Mann kindly
called my attention to the fact that in the earlier period armour was worn over a
long coat, 3 just as in the East, except for those cases, fairly numerous, when it was
worn under the coat to hide the fact that the bearer was armed. A fifteenth-
century author mentioned among the insignia of the sultan a coat of mail "of
Davidian make ",4 worn by him under his clothes when travelling, or appearing in
public in parades, in order to be protected from treacherous enemies. 5 Ibn Iyas
recorded the story of the Amir Slidlin, who in 79I A.H., mistrusting Yalbugha
an-Na!?iri, then governor of Aleppo, refused to respond to his summons, until, called
for the fourth time, he appeared wearing his coat of mail (zardiyya) under his
clothes. 6 Ibn Taghribirdi said expressis verbis that Amir Tatar died of an illness
caused by his wearing cold armour too long under his clothes. 7
All the same, the surcoat could not have been a newcomer in Saracenic lands.
On a rock near Firlizabad, the first Sasanian king, Ardashir I, is pictured as wearing
a surcoat over his coat of mailS while fighting the Arsacid Ardavan V.
The brigandine (kazdghand) so often mentioned in the thirteenth century,9
must have been a common garment in those days, although it was fine enough to

1 A passage in Usama's memoirs, op. cit., p. 62, 1. I mentions a Frankish knight with a coat of
mail under the green and yellow silk tashMr. This, possibly, refers to a surcoat. The form shahhara
is used for multicoloured garments or clothes with trimmings in colours .different from the dress. itself.
On the other hand, the story clearly points to the tashMr covering the coat of mail so completely that
Usama- was convinced that the Frankish knight had no armour underneath this garment,
a Kelly and Schwabe, op. cit., p. 54. Abu Shama, Kitdb ar-rau¢atain, I, p. 166,1. 21, said that
armies waited until the day became hot and the iron was burning on the bodies of men (iltahaba 'aId
ajsdd ar-rijdl). Similarly, the wounded father of Usama, op. cit., p. 52,1. 12, at first believed that his
pain was caused by the heat from the laminae of his armour, but it is doubtful whether such statements
can be pressed very far.
a. Cf. Kelly and Schwabe, op. cit., pIs. XX, XXI bis. This is reflected in the Arabian Nights,
where a Christian knight is described as wearing a tight-ringed coat of mail over a long coat of
blue satin, Vetements, pp. 359-60.
<I This is the highest praise that a Muslim could give to a piece of armour.
5 Muq$id, MS. Paris, Ar. 4439, fol. 122 v., 11. 2-4.
6 Ibn Iyas, I, p. 270, 1. 2.
7 Nuj'llm, ed. Popper, VI. p. 506/7. A similar instance of disguise is recorded with regard
to Saladin, who used to wear his helmet (mighfar az-zard) under a pointed bonnet (qalansuwa), d.
Ibn al-Athlr, XI, p. 285. 11. 9 f., and also Abu Shama, op. cit., I, p. 258, 11. 5, 24, Sultans Mamlouks,
I b, p. 79, n. (1.5, quoting Ibn Qa<;li Shuhba).
8 E. Herzfeld, Archaeological History o/Iran, London, 1935, pI. XI top.
9 Usama, op. cit., pp. 46, n. 44, 100, 11. 1-3, 7-9, and passim; Sul'llk, I, pp. 253, 1. 16, 690, 1. 10.
 ARMS AND ARMOUR

be worn by sultans as well. 1 I wonder whether the two mail shirts, worn by
Usama's father, a short one on top of a longer one, each with its lining, felt cover,
and padding of silk waste and rabbit's hair,2 are not really brigandines, except
that the usual metal scales are replaced by mail. But during the early Mamluk
period real brigandines are often mentioned in our texts. Four thousand Arabs
of the Mura tribe, who came with the Amrr Al:;mad b. !:Iajji from Iraq to the rescue
of Qalau.n in 1280 A.H., wore red brigandines of Ma'dan-satin (al-atlas al-ma'dant)
and brocade from Asia Minor (ad-dtMi ar-rumt).3 Only one actual specimen of
a Mamluk brigandine has survived. It is kept to-day in the store-room cif the
Museo Nazionale in Florence and was very fully described by Herz Bey: a short
jacket, not more that 70 cms. long, made of very strong material, with long sleeves
and collar, covered with crimson velvet and sprinkled over with small brass nails. 4
The inscription on the collar reads in translation: " Glory to our Lord, the Sultan
aI-Malik a:?-~ahir Abu Sa'ld Jaqmaq, may God strengthen his victories ", and
dates the brigandine very closely, 1438 - 56 A. D.5
At the beginning of the fifteenth century the· brigandine was called qarqal.
This is clear from the definition given by Qalqashandl: the qarqal-armour is made
of iron laminae covered with red and yellow brocade (dtbdf).6 Ibn Taghrlbitdi
made specific mention of brigandines without sleeves. 7 Speaking bf the mail shirt,
Qalqashandi remarked that the Arabs used to wear it in battle, but that" now",
i.e., beginning of the fifteenth century, the manufacture of qarqal-armour made of
iron lamillae, joined together, prevails. 8 It should be noted that on this occasion
1 Saladin used to wear it constantly when riding, Abu Shama, op. cit., II, p. 212, 1. 17. It had
a collar, and although a knife could cut it, the blade could not penetrate as far as the body. Ibn Athlr,
op. cit., XI, p. 285,1. 13. The kazaghand of aI-Malik al-'Aziz (d. 1236) and his coat of mail (zardiyya)
were sent after his death to Egypt, G. W. Freytag, Locmani Fabulae (excerpts from Zubdat al-lJ,alab
min ta'rikh Ij.alab), Bonn, 1823, p. 46, 1. 14; Sulak, I, P.253, 1. 16.
2 Usama, op. cit., p. 100,11.7-9; d. also P. K. Hitti, An Arab-Syrian Gentleman; New York, 1929,
p. 130 and n. 188. .
3 Sul12k, I, p. 690, 1. I.
4 Herz,op. cit., pp. 5-7, pIs. III-IV. It reminds one vividly of Maqrizi's description of such
earlier brigandines in the Fatimid treasury: wa-l-kazaghandat al-mulabbasa diMjan al-mukaukaba bi-
kawaliib fi¢¢a. The word kara'idat of the printed edition is obviously a mistake (Khita#, I, p. 397, 1. 24)·
5 I have to thank Dr. D. S. Rice, who examined the brigandine quite recently, for a series of notes
about the studs.
6 Qalqashandi, $ublJ" IV, p. II, ult. If used for special purposes it was covered with different
material, e.g., soldiers using firearms had to wear a qarqal covered with a.kind of hair-cloth called balas,
Reinaud et Fave, Du feu gregeois,jA., 1849, p. 321, n. 1, quoting Mul;tammad b. Mankllbugha, at-Tadbirat
as_sul#aniyya, and p. 323, n. I, quoting Kitab al-makhz12n. In ArILbic chronicles no difference is usually
made between iron and steel. Although properly called f12ladh, steel was more often called lJ,adid
dhakar, i.e. masculine iron, d. Qalqashandi, $ublJ" II, p. 132, 1. 5 b.
7 Nuj12m, ed. Popper, V, p. 560, 1. II; VII, p. 417, 1. 12 f. qarqal mukhmal alJ,mar bi-ghair
akmam. In Quatremere's, Observations sur Ie feu gregeois (in jA, 1850, ser. IV, t' XIV, p. 269) a few
more passages will be found, showing that the qarqal was usually worn without sleeves.
8 Qalqashandi, $ubJ;, II, p. 136, 1. 6 f.
 ARMS AND ARMOUR 4I
this author did not repeat his statement that laminae of aqarqal were covered with
silk or velvet; nevertheless, the conclusion that the qarqal could mean anything
but the brigandine, would be wrong. It has just been seen that mail shirts without
laminae were called zardiyya, those with laminae jaushan. 1
Armour, as well as swords, had to be left in the ante-rooms before one appeared
in the presence of the sultan,2 a very necessary precaution, as many events have
shown. On the other hand it is known from many literary passages that Saracenic
amirs used to go about unarmed and armour was put on at the last moment. 3
A few capital pieces enable one to determine exactly the development of the
shape of the helmet. QalqashaIidi 4 distinguished two different kinds: (a) the
baicf,a, protecting the head but not the neck or ears, and (b) the mighjar, offering
such protection-if I understand Qalqashandi rightly-in carnail. At the same time
there was an older type of helmet in use, well covering the ears and the back of the
head, but not in mail. This helmet lasted from the eighth to the fourteenth century,
at least. An excellent early specimen can be seen on a piece of sculpture excavated
by C. D. Baramki in the Umayyad palace of Khirbat al-Mafjir, near Jericho,5 while
very late specimens of the same type of helmet are best shown in miniatures repre-
senting Saracens in the history of Saint Louis by Joinville. 6 The mighjar was
sometimes made with a nasal as well. To these two terms a third, khaudha, should
be added. Under the Mamluks it became the common term for a helmet, without
implying any particular shape. 7 It is not impossible that a fourth kind of armoured
headgear, consisting merely of iron laminae or scales, of which there is only a fairly
late specimen in the Musee du Vleeschhuis, Antwerp, existed even in Ayyubid times. s
The earliest authentic specimen of a Saracenic helmet,9 that made for,lo or,
as is much more likely, only in the tin1e of, Mu1:;tammad b. Qala;un, is a fairly

1 Cf. p. 37, n. 8.
2 Joinvi11e, ed. N. de Wailly, Paris, 1874, p. 188.
3 Abu Shama, op. cit., t 108, 1. pu. ; Usama, op. cit., pp. 100, 1. 3, 152,11. 20-22 said of a kazaghand.
Cf. also Usama, op.cit., P.40, 1. pu.: a horseman takes his mail shirt (dir') off in order to be light enough
(takhatJafa) to pass.
4 Qalqashandi, $ub[t, II, p. 135, 11. 15-19.
5 Cf. Mayer, " Saracenic Arms ", fig. 10; Hamilton, The sculpture of living forms at Khirbat al
Mafjar (in Quarterly, Dept. of Antiquities, vol. XIV, pI. XXXIX, 14).
6 MSS Paris, Fr. 5716 and 13568, reproduced in op. cit., p. 659 and facing p. 88.
7 Cf. Zet;tersteen, p. lI5, ult.; Nuj11m, ed. Popper, p. 530, 1. 8, and often elsewhere.
8 Abu Shama, I, p. 258, 1. 24.
9 M. Herz, Azlszldm Muveszete, p. 184, fig. 206; G. Macoir, Casque (in Bull. des Musees royaux,
pp. 70-72, fig.); Herz, Armes (in BIFAO, 1910, pp. 2-4, pIs. I-II); G. Macoir, Le Musee royal d'armes
et d'a.rmures (in Annales, 1928, p. 43, fig. 51); G. Migeon, Manuel, 2nd ed., I, p. 410; Catalogtte. of the
International Exhibition of Persian Art at the R. Academy of Arts, 3rd ed., London, 1931, p. 325, No. 831 E;
G. Wiet, L'Exposition persane de I93I, Cairo, 1933, p. 45, No. 49.
10 Both Herz and Macoir seem to take it for granted that this helmet was made for the personal
use of the sultan, although Herz, op.cit., p. 14, said himself: "Nous devons donc admettre que la presence
42 ARMS AND ARMOUR

tall,1 conical iron cap, with camail and two plume sockets,2 without ear guards or
peak, and originally probably without a nasal either.s It is richly decorated with gilt
arabesques and an inscriptional band in gilt relief. Although both plume sockets
were added after the helmet was made, they are probably contemporary. The
rich ornamentation of this helmet is by no means surprising; Saladin's helmet was
gilt,!! and a reliable source of the fourteenth century mentions gilt helmets as worn
by Mamluks in battle, as, for instance, in 702 H. 5 So far as can be seen, Saracens
never used face guards, either under the Ayyubids or the Mamluks, although they
saw such helmets on the heads of Crusaders 6 and Mongols. 7 Even chain mail
covering the whole face, as if-IS known, e.g., from Turkish and Persian specimens,
does not appear on any undoubtedly Saraceni<:: helmet, although its existence under
the Mamluks is proved by the figure of a helmetted horseman on the" Baptistere
de Saint-Louis", with chain mail covering his face, leaving only the eyes free. s '
A handbook of military art, written at the end of the fourteenth century, gives
the following advice with regard to helmets:
" The way to put the helmet on the head. It is necessary that the buttons of
the skullcap of the helmet (qub ' ) be on the inner side of the lining of the helmet
passed through loops (It-l-Iura), so that the helmet be not detached from the cap . . .
The interlining of helmets should be made of fibre (is fini) of fine holes (rf,ayyiq
al-abkhdsh). This will protect against the impression which a heavy blow would
make on the helmet . . . _ And the point of the device is that the numerOU$ holes
in the fibre will diffuse the substance of the blow." 9
Under the Circassians two main types ruled the fashion. The helmet of the
Mul)ammad b. Qal~:un type became much taller, it received ear and neck guards
made of one plate of metal each, and the nasal, together with the peak, became an

du nom d'un sultan sur une arme ou un utensile n'implique pas qu'il ait appartenu au personnage
nomme." But, so far as I can see, there is no proof that any object bearing an inscription beginning
with the formula 'izz Ii-mauldnd, etc., was ever made for the personal use of the sovereign himself.
The correct form would be bi-rasm mauldnd, perhaps even simply as-sultdn ai-malik, etc.
1 According to Macoir, " Casque ", it is 19 cms. wide.
a The shape of this helmet fully justifies the term baifla,. scll. egg, but since it had camail as neck
and .ear cover, it was obviously a mighlar.
8 This doei;l.not mean that nasals are a later invention. Usama, op. cit., p. 51, 1. 4 b, mentioned
an" Islamic" heimet with a' nasal, as part of the armour of his father.
4 AbU Shama,op. cit., II, p. 225, 1. 16.
5 K. V. Zettersteen, Mamlukensultane, Leiden, 1919, p. II5, 1. ult.
S That this type of helmet was known at least in Palestine and Syria is proved by the fragments
discovered at Qal'at aI-Qurain (Montfort), cf. B. Dean, A Crusaders'- Fortress in Palestine (in Bull.
Metropolitan Mus. Art, 1927, vol. XXII, pt. II, p. 36 f.) The complete box-shaped headpiece is dated
by Kelly and Schwabe, op.cit., p. 51, as after 1210-15.
7 F. Sarre and F. R. Martin, Meisterwerke, vol. III, P1.23P and often elsewhere.
8 Cf. D. S. Rice, Baptistere de Saint Louis, pI. XXXIII.
9 Mu1;lammad b. MankUbugha., op. laud., fol. 14 v, 11. I f., 6-9.
 ARMS AND ARMOUR 43

essential part of it. It is best illustrated by a helmet in the Louvre Museum of

Sultan Barsbay; it is 38 ems. high (that is twice as tall as the Brussels helmet) and
is decorated with gilt inscriptions and ornaments. 1
A variant of the same type, probably half a century later, is a still taller helmet,
ending in a long point, of which several specimens are known notably in the Zeug-
haus, Berlin, and the Hall of Arms, Topkapu Sarayi Mtlzesi, Istanbul. As some of
them are undoubtedly Ottoman, we shall have to wait, before definitely classifying
them, until a helmet of this type turns up, bearing either a historical inscription,
a coat of arms, or an unmistakably datable ornament.
One is probably justified in assuming that the i.~xt type, the so-called turban
helmet, was also used by the Mamluks, although the only published helmets of this
type made before 1517 A. D., and bearing historical inscriptions, are those of the
Ottoman Sultan Bayazid 2 and of Farrukh Yasar of Shirwan. 3
Toward the end of the Mamluk period a fairly low helmet (muwa"ama) without
the conical top (qaunas) but with ear and neck guards as well as peak and nasal
(which often terminated in afleur-de-lys) became dominant; it is best illustrated
by the latest datable Mamluk helmet, viz., that of Khairbak, the last Mamluk
governor of Aleppo, who betrayed his country to Sellin I.4
Aplace of its own is due to the small steel skull cap with camail, probably worn
by soldiers only. To the best of my knowledge no historical inscription has ever
been found on any of these caps, and their attribution to the Mamluk period is
therefore open to discussion.
It is difficult to guess what prevented the early Mamluk helmet from being
lost in. the fray of a battle. Under the late Circassians leather chin straps and
buckles' were used for fastening. 5
The Saracenic sword was made of iron (sail anUh) or steel (sail lulddh), or
else, adopting a Frankish fashion, of iron with a steel edge (sail mudhakkar}.6
Like the old Arabic sword, it was straight, 7 as is amply proved by contemporary
1 G. Migeon, L'Orient musulman, vol. Armes, etc., p. I7,Pl. 18; idem, Manuel, I, p. 410; Salles
and Ballot, op. cit.; Catalogue des collections du cabinet d'armes de Sa Majesttf I'Empereur, p. 40.
2 Penguilly l'Haridon, Musee d'Artillerie, H. 173; Migeon, op. cit., P.420, fig. 205.
S Reproduced in colour with a short note on special sheets, sold at the Army Museum, Istanbul.
4 Mentioned and reproduced in Stiicklein, "Waffenschatze ", p. 213 f., fig. 13; Mayer, "Huit
objets in6dits ", p. 103 i., fig. 4.
6 Cf. several specimens in the Top Kapu Saray Museum.
6 Numerous details in Schwarzlose, op. cit., p. 124 ff., and in Qalqashandi, ~ublt-, II, p. 132 i.,
refer aJmost exclusively to the ancient Arabic sword and not to the Saracenic one; hence they are of
no interest for a survey of Mamluk arms. In this connection, it may be recalled that the Chinese
pin-tie, literally hard iron, has been variously translated as " steel" and" damascene steel ", especially.
sword blades, Chau ]u-Kua, p. 19, n. 2, and literature mentioned therein.
7 Care should be taken not to consider certain swords as Saracenic, merely because they have
Arabic inscriptions. For the latest accounts of purely European swords which, having passed into
Saracenic ownership, received Arabic inscriptions, cf. E. Combe and A. F. C. de Cosson, .. European
44 ARMS AND ARMOUR

designs, especially in heraldry, where the straight sword remained in use l,mtil the
end of the fourteenth century. For ceremonial purposes the straight sword
remained in use until the end of the Mamluk period, and the so-called sail badawt
was constantly carried in investitures of sultans and caliphs. But at an early pe-
riod sabres were introduced, and there is document?-ry evidence of the sabres and
scimitars from the early fourteenth century onward. 1 On swords as well as on sabres
and scimitars the handle, as a rule very simple,2 is often distinguished by a pro-
minent pommel and two sword knots.
Sumptuously decorated 3 swords were no doubt to be found at all times, and,
during the Saracenic period at least, swords were often praised for the luxury of
. their ornamentation, although hardly ever for.the quality of the undecorated blade.
Only foreign blades were esteemed for their excellence, especially Indian ones.
Thus, e.g., when Saladin wanted to secure the help of the ruler of the Muslim West
in IIgO he sent him, among many other things, Indian sword blades. 4 The
chroniclers make repeated mention of swords damascened with silver 5 (musaqqata
bi-fiiJ4a) or gold 6 (musaqqata bi-dh-dhahab) and inscribed, or inlaid with jewels.7
The same applies to daggers.s
I shall not dwell here on the thorny problem of damascened, that is watered
sword blades, with which I hope to deal on another occasion, but simply note that
in Mamluk texts swords from Damasc1,l~ are usuaUy mentioned at or near, the
bottom of a list. To quote a much earlier source, viz. Iddsl, :iron and damascened
sword blades used to be imported, among many other things from China, .via Aden.
All the evidence seems to indicate that the whole reputation of Damascus swords
is due to a linguistical error. Before the Ottoman conquest, watered blades were

Swords ", pp. 225-46, II figs. and subsequently supplemented by E. Combe, "Nouveaux sabres euro-
peens ", pp. I58-6I, I pI.; Kienbusch and Grancsay, The Bashford Dean Collection, p. 195. Several such
swords, still unpublished, are to be found in the Army Museum, Istanbul. To the same class belongs a
swor¢!, iIi the National Museum of Arab Art, Cairo, with an Arabic inscription by Uz.bak al-Yusufi,
first published by Artin Pasha (Bulletin de l'Institut Egyptien: 1898, p. 250).
1 L. A. Mayer, Saracenic Heraldry, Oxford, I933, s.v. BahB.dur al-Badri.
2 Usama,op. cit., p. 173, 1. II, told a story about the Caliph al-~uqta£t bi-AIm Allah [died
II60 A.D.], who entered a mosque incognito girt.with a sword with an iron lIiZya, which Hitti, An Arab-
Syrian Gentleman, p. 205 translated by "handle ". As ·the caliph wore a Damietta coat, which was
expensive, the idea that only very poor men would have an iron handle to their swords is to be discar~e4.
On the other hand, npne of the dictionaries I was able to cons1;llt renders lIilya as " handle".
3 Qalqashandi, $ubll, II, p. I33, n. I3-15.
4 Abu Shama, op. cit., II, p. I73, 1. 32f.
5 Ibn Iyas, IV, pp. 301, 1. 13, 358, 1. 13, 359, 1. ult.
6 Maqiizi, Khitat, II, p. 209, 1. 22; Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 456,1. I7.
7 The Fatimid Caliph al-'AQ.iQ. o:ffered Saladin on his appointment as vizier a robe of honour,
including among other things a sword decorated with jewels (mujauhar) worth 5000 dinars, Abu Shama,
op.cit., I, p. 173, 1. I4 f.
8 Ibn Iyas, I, p. 306,1. 6 b. nimja; Dozy, op. cit., p. 302, n. 2, with further literature s.v. khanjar;
Sultans Mamlouks, I b, pp. 33, 1. 4, 202 f.
I ARMS AND ARMOUR 45

I
.}~
made only outside Syria, more especially in Persia and India. But swords dama-
scened, in the sense of ornamented with gold incrustation", were often made
H

within the Mamluk realm, and the technical perfection of their script and ornament
rightly deserved, and still deserves, full praise.

I The sheathed sword was either attached to a waistbelt (band) which was worn
on the coat 1 or else suspended from either shoulder on a baldric (called l;tamUa or
niidd in early Arabic times). If we are to believe Abu-I-Barakat al-I:Iasan b. Mu-
I l,lammad b. Hibat Allah's story as related by Abu Shama, the Saracen~ used to gird
on their swords (yarbutunahu bi-ausdtihim) , but Nur ad-Dill having heard that
I Mul,lammad, in accordance with the prevailing Arabic custom,2 used to hang it from
his shoulder (taqaUada), adopted this fashion for himself and his army.3 Pictorial

I1
evidence shows that this fashion did not prevail. In the lurusiyya-books, for
instance, soldiers are represented as having girt their swords/l The same applies
to the figures on the so-called Baptistere de Saint-Louis", made either atthe end
H

of the thirteenth, or at the beginning of the fourteenth century:6 . But the Maqamat
of I:Iariri (Br. Mus., Or. 9718) illuminated by the Damascene artist Ghazi b. 'Abd
ar-Ral,lman shows a Saracen carrying his sword on a shoulder belt (pI. XIX. I), and it is
known from literary sources that on their coronation Mamluk sultans used to wear
the straight Arab sword (sail badawt or sail 'arab£) on a shoulder belt. 6
Scabbards (iahaza, ghimd, qirdb) of Oriental make usually consisted of wooden
cases covered with the finest leather, shagreen, damask, velvet, or metal,7 The
metal rings consisted of from two to six narrow bands. In the case of the strongly
curved blades the back part of the scabbard, next to the hilt, was so arranged as to
open spring fashion when the sword was drawn. s But the sword was not always
kept in its scabbard. Joinville tells of thirty men of the l;talqa who came to the
Frankish galley with their bare swords 9 and with Danish axes at their necks.10

1 Usa,ma, op. cit., pp. I20, 1. 9, I59, 1. 6; Joinvi11e, op. cit., LXVI, p. I82, LXXIV, p. 204; Ibn
Iyas, I, p. I26, 1. 4 b; IV, p. 308, 1.5.
2 This was the rule, but there were exceptions, cf. Schwarzlose, op. cit., p. 55.
3 Abu Shama, op. cit., I, p. II, 1. 27 iI. Abu Shama stated in another passage that Nur ad-Din's
elder brother, Saif ad-Din Ghazl b. Zangi, was the first to order his army not to ride out, unless every
man had his sword girt on his middle, op. cit., I, p. 65,1. 29 f. This statement was repeated by MaqrlzI,
Khitat, II, p. 99, n. 2I-24, with the addition that they had to wear their maces under the knee,S (aa-
aaMbis talLt rukabihim). As I understand the passage, the order was merely to have the sword on,
but the Arabic phrase wa-s-sail Ii was#ihi shows that the custom was to gird it on:
4 Cf.also pI. XIV. 3, and Davies, Bernhara von Breydenbach, p. 34 t.
5 Cf. pI. II, and Rice, op. laua., passim.
6 Maqrlzl, op. cit., II, p. 209, 1. 22; Suyutl, ijusn, 1299 H., II, p. 77, 1. 16 f.
? Qalqashandi, $ublL, II, p. 276, 1. II.
B Jahns, Entwickelungsgeschichte, p. 248 f.
9 Another instance of bare swords during a procession, Abu Shama, op. cit., II, p. 238, 11. 28 iI.

10 Joinville, op.cit., LXX, p. I92. .

4
 ARMS AND ARMOUR

Lances were made entirely of steel, or of wood, with steel points 1 (bi-sinn or
bi-sinn /uladh); on special parades the khd~~akiyya used to adorn them with
streamers 2 (shat/at) as often as not made of coloured silk, 3 since yellow silk was
reserved for the standard of the sultan.' The heavy lance was called rumfi,/'
an.other kind, used by Crusaders as well, is known as qanlariyya. 6
Besides lances Saracens used a kind of partizan as banner. It consisted of
the lu,7 a broad blade as top, and as a rule a wooden shaft. It is known from
thirteenth-century pictorial evidence 8 and authentic late~Mam1uk specimens. 9
These Ius were made of steel and were richly ornamented with the design either
perforated or incrusted in gold. Besides passages from the Qur'~nand invocations,
they contain inscriptions of historical interest, names of the amirs for whom they
were made, their coats-of-arms, and sometimes even names of artists. 10
A popular weapon was the mace (dabbUs), and it is consequently often men-
tioned in contemporary literature. l l It was worn under the knee since Gh~zi b.
Zangi; according to Qalqashandi 12 it served mainly to smash heIinets. Ordinary
maces were made of iron or steel, with heads either· spherical or polyhedral, or
formed of many triangular wings, and hafts, circular or polygonal in cross section,
often fluted. At the same time there must have been a good many luxurious ones
about, richly decorated and sometimes with heads curiously reminiscent of ancient
Egyptian art. 13

1 Ibn Iyas, IV, pp. 359, i. pu., 412, I. 10, 413, 1. 10.
a Ibid., IV, p. 419, I. 5.
3 Ibid., IV, p. 420, 1. ult., V, p. 79, 1. 19.
4 Mufac;lc;laI, III, p. 631, n. 3; Qalqashandt, $ub1), IV, p. 8, II. 11-13; Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 42o,l.
. ult. (cover of yellow silk for the sultanian banner).
& Usama, op. cit., p. 126, I. 3.

8 Ibid., pp. 74, I. pu., 75, I. 6; Rashid ad-Din, Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, ed. E. M. Quatre-
mere, Paris, 1836,p.289, n.; 4b1l Shama, op. cit., I, p, 107, 1. 31.
7 Cf. Ibn Taghrlbirdt, Manhai, MS Paris, Ar. 2071, fo1.7 v, s.v. Tulu b. 'Abdallah; and my "Arabic
Inscriptions of Gaza, III" (in Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, 1929, vol. IX, p. 220 f.)
8 Cf. a famous page of the Schefer manuscript of AI-I;Iarlrl's Maqamdt, reproduced by Migeon,
op. cit., I, fig. 1,3, and often elsewhere.'
9 Cf. also Moukhtai, MuseB Militaire Ottoman, Guide No.2, Constantinople, 1921, pl. 3, No. I,
and p. 67 f.; for texts of inscriptions and coats-of-axms on such t12s, so fax as published, cf. my Saracenic
Heraldry, p. 66, n. 2, s.v. Aqbirdt b. 'Altbay; p. 103, !i.v. Barqilq. The most magnificent specimens are
in the Top'Kapu Sarayi Miizesi, Istanbul; a very fine one passed with the collection of G. C. Stone to
the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, cf. my " Saxacenic Arms ", fig. 13.
10 For a detailed description of the objects mentioned in this as well as in other chapters of this
monograph I have to I refer the reader to my Saracenic Costumes, when published.
11 Cf. e.g., JoinviIle, op. cit., CVI, p. 300, CXII, p. 314; Abil SM.ma, op. cit., II, p. 225,1. 16: among
the personal axms of Saladin an iron mace; Maqrlzt, op. cit., pp. 772, I. 16, 886,1. 9 and passim. For the
fashion to wear it under the knee: Maqrlzt, Kh#at, II, p. 99, 1. 23; Abu-I-Fida', III, p. 508.
1a Qalqashandt, $ub1), II,. p. 135, 11. 11-13.
13 Cf. Stocklein, .. Waffenschatze ", fig. 14.

.--
 ARMS' AND ARMOUR 47

Besides the mace, emirs and soldiers used to keep a steel staff (ghaddara) in the
saddle, a weapon strong enough to cut off a man's arm. On 9th July, 1512, Qan~uh
al-Ghauri forbade its use, and the Amir Mughulbay, the armourer (zardkdsh), was
ordered to prohibit the workmen (~unnat) from making such staffs for the Mamluks. 1
Members of the tabardariyya-corps of the army arid possibly other classes of
soldiers aswell, used to carry an axe (labar). The semicircular head, usually with
a perforated or gilt ornament or both, and often with medallions containing inscribed
shields, was fixed to a shaft either of metal or wood;. the metal ones were often
ornamented; the shaft, being partly of circular and partly of polygonal cross section,
might have in addition, on its surface, various patterns such as diapers, cables,
fluting, in various combinations. In European literature it is sometimes called
the "ceremonial axe". This appellation is often fully justified, e.g., when it is
described as having been carried in front of the Old Man of the Mountains (" a
Danish axe with a long haft all covered with silver ") 2 or in front of the sultan by
his axe-bearer, or when the perforated ornament on some of these weapons indicates
their character as objects of beauty rather than for practical use. 3 Usually, how-
ever, the axe was a very serious fighting instrument designed to kill, as may be
guessed from occasional references or the M uq#d, the actual state of some of them
shows eloquent signs of great wear and tear. 4 So far as is known Mamluks never used
double axes; all the published specimens, at least, are Turkish, Persian, or Indian.
The shape of the Saracenic axe of the thirteenth or fourteenth century maybe seen
on a heraldic potsherd in the Benaki Museum in Athens 5 and compared with a
contemporary Danish axe in the National Museum in Copenhagen. 6
The shield 7 (turs) was generally round and had a border. It had a horizontal
handle inside and often a few bosses on the outside. It was made of wood or metal,
occasionally of various kinds of wood sewn together with cotton thread; if made of
, I hide it was called daraqa. 8 Although there are no originals preserved, good repro-
ductions, fortunately, are known. 9 These circular shields were slightly convex,
1 Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 267; 11. 13 ff.
a Joinville, op. cit., XC, p. 252, trs1. Evans, p. 139.
3 Cf. e.g., the axe in Vienna with the inscribed shield of Mul;tammad b. Qaytbay: Sane and
Martin, Meisterwerke, III, pI. 244 a, often reproduced since.
4 Thus, the axe of Amir Dawlatbay in the Historical Museum in Dresden, Sane and Martin,
op. cit., III, pI. 244 b, and another one, 'of the second half of the fifteenth ce~tury, ibid., IV, No. 532,
the latter wrongly dated sixteenth century, but through no fault of Sane or Martin.
o Cf. my" Huit objets ", fig. 2.
6 Mayer, " Saracenic Arms", fig. 14.
7 Ibn Iyas, IV, pp. 359, 1. 22, 413, 1. 10.
S Qalqashandl, $ubb, II, p. 136, 11. 8 ff.
9 There are excellent pre-Mamluk reproductions of such arms, C£. e.g.
M. van Berchem, Materiau% pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, Egypte, I, p. 56ff.,
pI. XIX. As gates used to be decorated with arms until the very end of the Mamluk period, C£. Ibn
Iyas, IV, pp. 265 f., 383 f. it is not impossible that this is merely a case of monumentalization of an old
 ARMS AND ARMOUR

but on a number of " Mosul "-bronzes made in Syria or Egypt, and on Mamluk
miniatures, one sees figul'es of armed men whose very small round shields show an
almost triangular profile. The Saracens not only knew Of, l but actually used, the
kite-shaped Nonnan " shield, as may be. safely inferred from various coats~of-anns
II

granted toward- the end of the thirteenth century (e.g., those of Tuquztamur or
Qad.sunqur).2 This fonn, however, remained exceptional,s and with the accession
ot the Circassians it survived in a few early inscribed shields only (e.g., those of
Sultan Barquq and the Sultan-Caliph al-Musta'in).4 It should be pointed out
that in each instance this shield has a rounded top; the straight or concave upper
border is not to be found on any authentic Saracenic shield or drawing of one. 1i

practice, especially in view of the name of this gate: Gate of Victory. Cf. further G. Wiet, Les Inscrip-
tionsde la Qal'ah Guindi (in Syria, 1922, t. III, p. 5I,fig. 2); J. Karabacek, " Ein arabisches Reiterbild", .
pp. 123-26; Arnold andGrohmann, The Islamic Book,fig. 4, pp. 6 f., 103, with further literature; B. Gray,
A Fatimid Drawing (in British Museum Quarterly, 1938, vol. XII, pp. 91-96, pI. XXXIII) .
. For Mamluk examples d. lu",si~ya-manuscripts.
,1 T1;Us is proved by the shields sculptured on the Bab an-Na!?I", Cairo, where they appear side by
side with the round ones, d ..v<tn-J3#rchem, op. cit., pI. XIX. The kite-shaped shield is probably called
in Arabic ldriqa, pI. lawdriq. To the passages quoted by Quatrem~re in his edition of Rashid ad-Din'
op. cit., p. 288 f., and those given by Dozy, Supplement, s.v., add Abu Shama, op. cit., I, p. I07, l. 31'
II, p. 139, 1. 8. On Bab al-Luq in Cairo, painted lawdriq were visible until 740 A.H. (1339-40 A.D.),
d. :ryIaqrlzi, Khital, II, pp. lI8, 1. 31, 198, 1. 18; Rashid ad-Din, op. cit., p. 289. All the same it should
be borne in mind .that in several instances quoted by Quatrem~re and Dozy, ldriqa indicates .not a shield,
but part of a besieging machine, as best inferred from Ibn Iyas, II, p. 324, 1. 24 .
. 2 Mayer, Saracenic Heraldry, s. vV. .
8 Asandamur and Qarasunqur, for instance, :U,sed shields of both forms. '
4. Saracenic Heraldry, pI. XL, 3, and" A decree of the Caliph al-Musta'in billah" (in Quarterly,
Department 01 Antiquities in Palestine, I944, pI. X. 2).
5 A notable exception is a dish in the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, Berlin, d. F. Sarre, Drei Meister-
werke syrischer Keramik (in Berliner Museen, 1927, p. 8 f. and frontispiece); but this dish shows several
other details connecting it with the Crusaders' pottery of Atlit, so that one may well question whether
it is Muslim at all. Cf: the design on its rim with that of the circle of a dish in C. N. Johns, Medieval
Slipware from Pilgrims' Castle, Atlit (in Quart. Dept. Antiquities in Palestine, 1934, vol. III, pl. LV, 3),
the ornament on the top of the inner part with the border of another Atlit dish, ibid., pl. LIV, I, the
shield of the Berlin dish with that seen on several dishes at Atlit, ibid., pI. LV, I-3.
 THE ECCLESIASTICS

The ecclesiastics, i.e. 'the educated Moslems of the non-military class were
distinguished by their turban ('imama), and, owing to this most important part
of their dress, they were called as a class" the men of the turban" (arMb al-'ama'im
or al-muta'ammimunY.l This does not mean that they were the only ones who
had a turban on'their'head, but With them it was bigger and more important than\~"
with others,lI although it was not until the 7th cent. H. that the 'imama became an"
iritegral part of the qadi's outfit; until then it was the qalansuwa~ 3 That the turban
was considered the most important garment may be best illustrated by the fact
that when speaking of the coloured turbans by which Cl).ristians and Jews were to
be distinguished from the Moslems, Qalqashandi simply says" and the tnbutaries
in Syria were Clothed (made to wear), the Christians blue, and the Jews yellow and.
the Samaritans red", althOl.igh th~ colour applied to turbans only and not to any
other part of the clothing.' In the course of centuries the turban grew bigger and
larger, until it looked, according to a still current Arab simile, like a smaUtower.
We have seen previously (p. 2g)that a similar development was characteristic for
the head-gear of the military class as well, and we shall see later that even Christians
and Jews enlarged their turbans as far as they could, so that even ·after· several
restrictions their turbans consisted €If 7 ells. Under the turban a small cap, qub',
was worn. The poorer classes of the'population wore the latter. apparently without'
anything else. 5
On the whole the clothes of the Moslem clergy depended on the rank their
wearers had in society and government service. In the fourteenth century, qadis
and scholars used to wear abnormally big turbans, 6 some of them had the ends of the

1 Abu-I-Fida, IV, p. 288, I. 3 b, note Reiske, p. 688: Sultans Mamlouks; I a, p. 244 f.: Nujam, ed.
Popper, VII, p. 125 (Zain ad-dln Y~ya., the Ustadar).
2 As :pozy, SuPP.l., II, p. 169 a, already noted, cf. also V6tements, p. 307 m.
8 Sultans Mamloulls, I a, p. 133 f.: Levy, "Notes", p. 334. With regard to the difference between
takhftfa (see p. 30) and 'im4ma: cf. V6tements, s.v., Poliak, Feudalism in Egypt, Syria, Palestine and the
Lebanon, London, 1939, p. IS: this difference is hnplfed but not explained in 1. Iyas, I, 274,1. .3 f., III
(KM) p. 351, 1. 8 f.: for the 'im4ma of women, see p. 71. Shadd (Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. ISO, n. (3)
is probably not a technical term.
, ~ub/.l, XIII; p. 378, 1. 6 f.
, V6tements,..p. 345 I., Nuwairi, MS. Leyden, 20, fo. IP3 r/v, repeated in Sulak, II, p. 188, n. 2:
Sultans Marnlouks, II b, 252,n. 51.
t The gaM' of Shaikh Shams ad-dbl ar-Rt1.mt (died 855 A.H.) weighed 10 Egyptian ralls, and his
'im4ma more than a Ba'labakk garment. (thaub) "as a protection for his 1;lrain and his eyes" (/.Iif~an
50 ECCLESIASTICS

turbans (dhawa'ib) hanging between their shoulders until they reached the pommel
(qarabus) of their saddles. l
Despite numerous references to baqyar II all that is certain about it, is
that it was a headgear worn by qadis 3 and ,other notables,' and made of a :fine
Alexandrian material, called #arfi,.6 Consequently,' it was a sort of turban, and not
a hat of the qalansuwa-type. 6
Above their clothes shaikhs used to wear a dilq7 with wide sleeves, open over
the shoulders without a vent (tafr~i), fallingstraight on the feet (sabilan).
Ecclesi~tics of lower rank had nicer turbans, and wore instead of the dilq 8 a
faraiiyya, open (mufraia) in front from top. to bottom, with a TO"W of buttons.
In winter they used to wear white woollen Malail-cloaks; coloured garments being
worn by them in their homes only, or occasionally when travelling. They used to
wear khuff-boots of T~'if leather, without spurs.9 The vizier, who was a Master
of the Pen, is described during an offici?-l ride through Cairo, starting at tl;l.e Citadel
on the occasion of the 'fd al-fiiras follows·: he rode a mule having ,donned ~ turban
with a white #ar~a-shawl, and a gold embroidered skUll-cap ('araqiyya or #asa)
underneath, with a belt of 'anbar-beads.lo That turbans served as purses)s best
proved by the habit of unruly Mamluks to snatch turbans (khat! al-'ama'im) from
the heads of civilians, especially during periods of unrest.ll The sk1i11-cap, worn
under the turban, was usually of a much simpler material, a special variety of it,
called· shdshiya, . WaS occasionally made of silk or similar materia1. 111 .

lidimdghihi wa-'ainihi}, cf. Tibr. p. 374. 1. 9 b. By contrast, Sulaiman b. Hi1at al-Qurasht (died 625)
did not change his cotton-clothes, nor his small 'imdma on being made the substitute of the Qagi Ibn
$a!?ari, d. Kutubi, I, p. 180,1. 21.
1 For a trailing end on a small turban, cf. pI. XIX, I.
I Cf. V§tements, s.v.; Sultans Mamlouks, II b, pp. 71, 76; D,ozy, Supp18ment, s.v.
a Cf~ e.g. Nuwairl, apud V§tements, p. 85. .
4 Gottheil, An answer to the Dhimmis (in Journal ot the American Oriental Society, 1921, veil. 41,
p. 40 3, 1. 4 f.). . . .
5 Wiistenfeld, Macrizi's Geschichte der Copten, p. 32 (of the Arabic text), 1. 16.
6 It is understandable that Dozy, in 1845, misled by a passage in Zamakhsharl, translated it" une
espece d'habit, fait depoil dechamea:u ", but why Gottheil; op. laud., p. 439, in the' face of all the
evidence accumulated since the publication of V§tements, should still render it by" bodices ", is areal
surprise.
'7 The story Dozy quoted from Nuwairi shows that the dilq was worn under the tauqdniyya-cloak,
therefore was ·a kind 6f .. undress"; The difference between the two consists in the dilq being a wide
coat, without a slit, and eipen over the 'shoulders, d. Suyft"\:i,l;iusn, ed. 1299, II, p. 226, V§tements,
p. 184, and more imp. still, pp. 345,1. i6, 346, 1. 5; d.also Sultans Mamlouks, II b, p. 78 for dUg.
8 ~ubll, IV, p. 42, 1. 6; Suyutt, l;iusn, ed. 1299, II, p. 215,1. 4 f.'
9 ~ubll, IV, p. 41 f.

10 1. Iyas. IV, p. 104, 11. IO~I4.

11 Ibn Taghribirdt, l;iawddith, s.a. 13th Rabi' I, 870, p. 510, l. 6 (arid often elsewhere).
12 V§tements, p. 240 • . .
 ECCLESIASTICS 5I

High ecclesiastical officials, Viziers, Chief Qadis, Inspectors of the army, Privy
Secretaries of the Sultans, etc. used to wear in summer white Ba'labakki (i.e. cotton)
clothes and in winter white woollen overcoats, until in 799, Barquq enquired about
the reason of the dignitaries wearing white. Being told they would wear coloured
upper garments if ordered by special edict (marsum) to do so, he told them so
through his privy secretary. From that time onwards the Masters of the Pen used
to wear coloured cloaks (fawaqin) and overcoats (farafi). And so it happened
that Ibn al-Furat saw to his great astonishment the Qadi Sharaf ad-din ad-Dama-
mini, Inspector of the Egyptian Army, riding in an official procession (maukib) ,
wearing a green woollen cloak (fauqdniyya), with an end ('adhaba) trail4Ig behind
(mus bala 'alaihd).l
We have several similar descriptions of high ecclesiastics appearing in public,
so e.g. on the 8th Sha'ban 789 the Chief Qadi Na9ir ad-Din b. Mailiq (?) rode to the
Friday prayer in the Mosque of the Citadel of Cairo wearing a farafiyyat taq, a
turban, with its end ('adhaba) on one side, like the SUfiS.2
Another piece of clothing which distinguished the costume of high ecclesiastic
functionaries was the tarIJa, 3 a scarf worn over the turban and the neck, so as to
fall on the shoulders. 4 Originally this was a privilege accorded only to the chief
qadi of the Shafi'ites,5 but in 663 A.H. Baybars gave permission to three other chief
judges 6 to wear it. Whether this privilege was revoked without the chroniclers
taking notice of it, or whether Suyuti 7, one of our main authorities for the fifteenth
century was simply badly informed, the fact remains that we hear that in 773 A.H.
Siraj aI-Hindi, the Chief Qadi of the Hanafites, was allowed to don the tarIJa, like
his Shafi'ite colleague. Later on, the Chief Qadis of the two remaining sects
followed suit. It remains to be established whether the tarIJa was donned on special
occasions only <?r on work days as welI.B

1 1. Furat, IX, p. 460, 1. 6 ff., 1. Iyas, I, s.aa. 798 and 799 (according to Vetements, p. 82.
missing in the printed edition). Suyuti, IJusn, II, p. 218, 1. I ff. simply mentions that in 799 the
Private Secretary Badr ad-din al-Kilistani asked, and received, the Sultan's permission for himself
and other ecclesiastics to wear during processions (mawdki b) coloured woollen garments instead of
the white ones.

1 2 1. Furat, IX, p. 15, 1. 14 ff.

S Tarba or {arrdl;!a; cf. Dozy, Suppl., II, P.3Z; Sultans Mamlouks, I b, p. H, n. 23; Vetements,
p. 254 ff.

I 4 Zettersteen, p. 92, 1. 18 ('ala ra's qa¢z); $ubl;!, IV, p. 42, 1. 4 (according to whom only the Shaft'!
and l:ianaft Chief Qadiswere entitled to wear it). A Chief qadi wears it as a sign of honour to foreign
envoys: Sultans Mamlouks, II b,I82, mb. _
5 Ibn Furat (MS. Vienna IX. fo. 8V , 11. 1-3) and reference Vetements, p. 255 m.
6 Maqrlzi, Sul71k, I, p. 540, 1. 3.

7 Cf. I;iusn, II, p. 215, l. 4 f.; Vetements, 25,5 f,

8 Nuwairl, s.a. 717, Leyden Or. 2 0, fo. 88 a,1. 10 b (wa-khuli'a 'alaihi bi-{arl;!a 'aUt 'adat al-qu¢dt).
Vetements, p. 256.
52 ECCLESIASTICS

Almost identical with the tarJ:ta was the taylasan.1 There are two differences
-the taylasan is mentioned sometimes as having a piece cut out of the middle,2
and sometimes as having been starched (muqawwar). Such a .starched taylasan
was called in the 15th century tarJ:ta. 3 Despite the piece cut out, it was probably
never carried like a chasuble on breast and back, but was worn like the tarJ:ta, over the
turban. 4 It was one of the few garments in the Saracenic world which became
smaller during the centuries. Originally it was fairly long and ample, but on
Mamluk miniatures a judge is usually shown with a tarJ:ta or taylasan, which covers
turban and shoulders rather tightly,li nothing like the taylasan which we are told
Qadi al-Fa<;lil used to cover his llump with. 6
The upper coat of the learned class was the farajiyya, of which the most
elegant one-as for instance the kind which the sultan offered as presents-was
lined with grey squirrel and trimmed with beaver.7 Judges and scholars in general
used to wear it with long sleeves without slits. 8 The farajiyya used to be made
of various materials according to the season :of wool, cotton or silk, decorated with
tiraz-bands,9 and buttoned. During the Mamluk period there were two kinds of
farajiyya-the upper one and the lower one. The upper one (al-fauqaniyya) is the
farajiyya proper, sometimes also called jubba;10 the lower one (at-taJ:ttaniyya) is
rarely mentioned, and hardly ever described.
A coarse cloak, often (or perhaps even, as a rille) white, was the kibr, worn
by ecclesiastics as well as by the military.ll
On rainy days, ecclesiastics, high and low, used to wear cloaks made of a rough,
hairy material (fukha) like the military. Under the Circassians, this became a

1 The difference is stressed by Nuwairl apud Quatremere, Sultans Mamlouks, I b, p. 22, n.

2 Lane, s.v. taylasan, p. 1867.
3 Maqrlzi quoted inVOtements, p. 257 m., d. also VOtements, s.v. for proof that from 693 A.H.
onwards women used to wear it.
4 Ibn Iyas. I, p. 277. 1. 4; d. Levy, .. Notes ", p. 334.
5 Cf. e.g. pI. XVII. I.
s Ibn Iyas, I, p. 75,1. 3 (quoting Ibn Mammati). Sauvaget was the first to perceive that the hood-
like head-covering, on a well-known ·picture from Samarra, was, in reality, a taylasan (Remarques sur
les monuments omeyyades in J A, Melanges asiatiques, 1940-41, p. 55. n. I).
7 VOtements, p. 328 f.; Nuwairl, MS. 2 n, fo. 32v ; Suyutt, Ifusn, II, p. 219, 1. I f. mentioning that
this was a new thing, innovated in 827 A.H., for shaikhs who attended classes in /;Iad/Uh in the Citadel
of Cairo.
S VOtements, p. 329; de Sacy, Chrest. Ar., II, p. 267.
9 VOtements, p. 329 f. Although on the whole I have refrained from quoting Arabian Nights, I do
so in a few cases, assuming that their present text was edited during the end of the Mamluk period, or
at the latest, during the first decades after the Ottoman conquest, when the manners, customs, and
costumes of the population were still those of the Mamluk period.
10 VOtements, pp. 107-117. We should keep in mind, however, that the jubba formed part of the
Sultan's robe of investiture, q.v. Cf. also Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. 134, n. 2. From Nuwairl's story
quoted above the jubba seems to be identical with the /arajiyya.
11 Cf. Dozy, Suppl., IiI.V.; 1. Iyas, III (~M), pp. 163, 1. 24, 301, 1. 15, 432, 1. 10.
I
1
I.
1 ECCLESIASTICS 53

more common garment, much to the distress of men like Maqrizi, who regretted
the disappearance of the finer forms of life. 1
, Some extravagances are mentioned, thus e.g. that Yal;1ya b. ad-Dawiri, wlien
appointed qadi, put on a tauq, which was quite unheard of,2 but the Inspector of

II
Morte-main-property (na?ir al-auqdf) used to wear it, and nobody made adverse
comments. s He wore khuff-boots and spurs 4 as well.
What exactly a tauq was, is still very problematic. In this-and in many
similar cases-it was obviously a kind of collar or ornament to be worn round the
neck. In other instances it must have meant something very different. In this
\ connection I should like to call attention to a furusiyya'-manuscript in the Biblio-
theque Nationale, where the context and an accompanying drawing prove beyond
doubt, that it meant the front edges of the coat. 5 It may also have had other
meanings as well.
Among the special garments of the ecclesiastics, the black dress of the kha#b
deserves special mention. Together with the black banner and the sword it was
a sign of office, and was donned on Fridays by the preacher of the Sermon. The
garment was a black cloak, and had a hood to match, which was worn over a black
turban. 6 This was a reaction against the 'Alid Fatimids,7 introduced by the
Ayyubids, and remained so under the Mamluks. 8
A prominent place in Moslem society was always reserved for the descendants
of the Prophet (as-sada al-ashraf). But it is noteworthy that their nobility did
not show itself in matters of dress until 773 A.H. when, under aI-Malik aI-Ashraf
Sha'ban, they started attaching a green piece of cloth to their turbans. 9 Some-
times-but perhaps only on very special occasions-more than a small piece of
their headgear was green. Maqrizl tells us that the Sharif Shihab ad-din on his

1 Khitat, II, p.g8, 11. 22-27 (s.v. Suq al-jawwakhiyln). Cf. I. Iyas I, p. 274, 1. 4; V€tements,
p. 128, cf. also under" Amirs " ..
2 I. Iyas, IV, p. 268, 1. 7.

3 lb., p. 44, 1. 3.
4 lb. ib.
5 Kitdb al-makhzun, MS. ar. 2824, fo. 82 V.
6 Cf. the Vienna I;Iariri, Holter, "Galen", p. 24, fig. 20, and the Oxford I;Iariri (Holter," Friihmamluk.",
fig. I4, p. 6 f.). Holter's theory that it represents the Abbasid Caliph is based on the fact that the co-
lour of the Abbasids was black. But black colour indicated merely allegiance to the Abbasids; the
person represented is not for that reason the Caliph himself, who had nothing to do in the scene
depicted.
7 Under Saladin, cf. Ibn Jubayr (Gibb Mem. Series), p. 50; Levy, " Notes ", p. 333.
8 E.g. the 25th Rabi' II, g18, a preacher wearing black (ldbis as-sawdd) delivers a sermon,
(I. Iyas, IV, p. 268, 1. 4).
9 Nuium, ed. Popper, V, p. 216, 1. 13 ff.; I. Iyas, I, p. 227, 1. 5; Suyuti, Husn, II, p. 214, 1.
9 b; id., Ta'rfkh al-khulafd', CaiTO 1305, I, p. 202, 1. 17 f.; 'Ali Dede as-Sigetwari al-Bosnawl,
Mu!1O,tjardt al-awd'il, Bulaq 1300, p. 85, 1. 3 ff.
54 ECCLESIASTICS

appointment as Privak Secretary (katibas-sirr), received as part of his robe' of

honour, a green larlta with golden embroidery.l
,In a society where each class wore a distinctive and discriminative dress, it
ought to have been quite natural that an ecclesiastic who obtained a military grade,
should start wearing military clothes, and vice versa. But this was not. so. In
spite of all the attractions that the status of a member of the military aristocracy
could give to a native, in spite of all the restrictions imposed occasionally on the
<t wearers of turbans" (so e.g. when in 793 A.H. all but the hplders of high posts

were forbidden to ride horses),2 some clerics who became military officers preferred
to wear the garments ofecclesiastics,3 thus, for instance, $al~l;t ad-dill Mul;tammad
b. Badr ad-dill IJasan appointed Private Secretary (katib as-sirr) descended from
the Citadel in Cairo, "wearing a' round' turban and a farafiyya like the Masters
of the Pen and people were glad about it " although he was brought upin military
clothes, became ,an amir under Sultan Shaikh, and for a number of years served'
in posts reserved for the military.' Zain ad-dln Yal;ty~ appointed majordomo
(ustadar) by Jaqmaq in 846 (1442) continued wearing his turban and farafiyya.
This was strictly censured by Ibn Taghribirdi. 6 Shams ad-dill b. 'Awac;i, controller
of munitions (ustadar adh-dhakMra) , originally a peasant from the Gharbiyya-
province, continued to wear the turban of the peasants {'imamat al-fallal;tn);6
similarly 'Ubaid al-Bazd~r who at a point of his cursus honorum had worn military
clothes, apparently gave them Up;7 Al;tmad b. IJ~jj Ahrialik, an amir and son of an
amir, resigned in 779 A.H., ceased wearing military clothes, and adopted the dress
of dervishes, an 'aba' and similar woollen clothes. S
On the other hand, some ecclesiastics are .known to have worn military dress.
With regard to a shaikh who obtained a military grade, and consequently dressed
accordingly, we are told that" afterwards he was forced to leave the 'imama and
wear a sharbUsh." 9 . Shaikh Sidi Abu Bakr became known as ~altib. al-kalauta. 10
$~rim ad-dill Ibr~him b. N~!?ir ad-dill Mul;tammad b. al-IJus~m a!?-$aqari, although

1 Sulitk, s. Dhu-l-l:Iijja 832.

B I. FurM, IX, p. 246, 1. 14. In January, 1429, an edict was promulgated forbidding even to
sell horses to wearers of turbans (incidentally to soldiers of the auldd an-nds as well) and although
it was repealed shortly afterwards, it is a good example of the tendency to curb the' privileges of all
but the military (Sulak, s. Rabi' II. 832).
3 Nujam,ed. Popper, VII, p. 125, s.a. 846 (wa-Iam yughayyir z·iyyahu Ii libs al-mubdshirtnj;
Tibr, p. 43, 1. 3 b.
4 Sulak, s. 22nd Dhu-l-l:Iijja 840.
5 Nujam, ed. Popper, p: VII, p. 125. 1. 12.
6 I. Iyas; IV, P.376, 1. 21.
7 I. Furat, IX, p. 283, 1. IS fi.
B I. Furat, IX; p. 276, 1. 3 .
. 9. Sultans Mamlouks, I a, p. 244. n. II9, 1. 4b.
10 I. Iy3.8, I, p. 340, 1. pu.
 ECCLESIASTICS 55

son of an amir and vizier; was criticised by Maqrizi, who obviously thought it
improper for Ibrahim to wear military dress. 1
Although, on the whole, ecclesiastics were careful not to wear forbidden clothes,
that is, made of silk, satin, or another material in which the silk prevailed, some
of them did; for instance, Ibn Luqman, head of the chancery (~alJib dtwan al-insM') ,
who in 659 A.H. was offered a gown of yellow satin (thaub lJar1r atlas a~/ar), 2 and
appeared in it in public.
During the maulid-ceremonials readers of the Quran and preachers sometimes
used to receive pieces of silk from the Sultan, but this is no proof that they turned
them into clothes for themselves. 3
To sum up: the typical dress of an 'ammt, i.e. a man of the people, consisted
of an"imama and a malula, that of a Mamluk of a takh/z/a and a saUarz.4

1 Sulak, s.v. Ibrahim, among the obituaries of the year 833.

2 Sulak, I, p. 453, 1. 2.
a ljawadith, p. 510, 1. 6, s. 13th Rabi' I, 870.
4 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 351, 11. 7-9.
 ROBES OF HONOUR

In a history of Saracenic costume a special place is due to the robe of honour 1

(khil'a). In pre-Mamluk days often a robe worn by the ruler himself and offered
off his own body-originally more a promise of personal security (aman) than a
token of distinction-it became in the fourteenth century an everyday form of gift,
which state officials could consider as much due to them as were their emoluments.
A number of passages in the chronieles prove this character of the khil'a as a
customary gift,2 more particularly those dealing with changes in the quality of the
robe of honour. 3 Consequently, it is rare to hear, under the Mamluks, of robes of
honour as garments worn by the Sultan himself.4 Nevertheless we read that when
the Rasulid Sultan aI-Malik al-Mu~affar Yusuf b. 'Umar dispatched rich gifts to
Sultan Baybars, the latter sent him in return a shirt (as an aman) and an armour
(iaushan), both originally worn by himself. 5 At the wedding of his son Baraka Qan
with the daughter of QaIaun, Baybars offered to Qalaun a complete tashrifwith a
tt

sharbUsh he had worn himself.6 On the 27th Rajab 837 (9th March I434), having
relinquished the post of vizier, Karim ad-din was appointed major-domo and
received a Sultanian qaba' -coat (min aqbiyat as-sultan). 7 In 862, when Sultan Aynal
wanted to honour Amir Uzbak min Tutukh, who at that time held no post, he offered

1 Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Syrie, p. LXXXIX, objected to this translation of khil'a because the

latter consisted of " un ensemble ... qui comprenait des vetements, des armes, un cheval et son harnache-
ment, etc." This, however, only happened in exceptional cases. As a rule a gift· of several articles
not to be worn by the man thus honoured was called taqdima. On the other hand, very often the
headgear and sometimes even belts, let alone arms-although we should remember that arms were an
essential part of an amir's attire-were not counted as part of a gift of clothes called khil' a.
Cf. infra, p. 56, n. 7.
2 Maqrizi, Khita!, II, p. 2J6, 1. 14 f.; Ibn Taghribirdi, Nui-am, ed. Popper, VII, p. 323, 11. 6-8;
ljawad#h, pp. 30,1. 1 f. ('ala 'ada), 446, 1. 9, 472, 1. 14; Sakhawi, Tibr, pp. 208,1. 12, 424, 1. 12; 1. Iyas,
IV, p. 104,1. 7: akhla'a as-sul~an 'ala man lahu-l-'ada.
a Sakhawi, .pau', IV, p. 24,1. 21 f., mentions 'Abd al-Basit b. Khalil as an official who received
robes of honour higher than his rank. In 873 Yashbak ad-Dawadar received a " magnificent" robe
of honour (khil'a f:tafila) , like that of an atabak, obviously much above his station,!. Iyas, II,
p. 102, 1. 20 f.
4 The sweeping statement of Simone Sigoli (quoted in Thenaud, ed. Schefer, p. XIII) that Barquq
used to wear his clothes only once and then give them away to his "barons ", should be taken with
two grains of salt.
5 Nuwairi, s. a. 674, MS. Leyden Or. 2 m, fo. 215 r , 1. 6 f. quoted Vetements, p. 223.
6 Sul-ak, ed. Ziada, I, p. 563,1. pu., and 564, 1. 1.
7 Sul-ak, s. a.
 ROBES OF HONOUR 57

Uzbak a sallariyya-coat of his own clothes.! In 882, during a journey of inspection

to Syria, Qaytbay offered Qan~uh al-Yal;1yawi, then governor of Aleppo, a sallart of
white wool, lined with grey squirrel-fur, which the Sultan had on himself at the
time. 2 But more often we read only of robes of honour made for the Sultan,
although not worn by him. 3
It is difficult, perhaps even impossible, to say, what constitutes a khil'a. Time
and again we read about a "complete" khil'a, without any specification of the
pieces of which it was formed. 4 Sometimes the robe of honour consisted merely
of a coat or cloak, 5 so that often other items of the amirial wardrobe, such as belts
or hats were specifically mentioned as additional to the khil'a; 6 at other times it
comprised a variety of garments. Occasionally, it included arms,7 the khil'a
received by Abu-I-Fida' in 715 A.H. (1315 A.D.) comprised money and textiles as
well,s and in exceptional cases even a horse's armour and trappings. 9 For this
reason, perhaps, Mamluk authors used to group all these together under one head-
ing: robes of honour and presents. 10 Such details as we find in the sources seem to
suggest that the robe of honour was never of a special cut, but looked, so far as its
shape was concerned, like any ordinary garment, except that it was made of, or
lined or hemmed with, costly material.ll The names of clothes used for robes of

1 1. Iyas, II, p. 61, 1. 14 f.

2 Abu-l-Baqa' b. al- Ji'an, Al-qaul al-musta{waf, ed. R. V. Lanzpne, p. 19, 11. 9-II (trs1. H. Devon-
shire, p. 18 t.).
3 Cf. e.g. the qumdsh offered to Abu-l-Fida' made at the ddr a#-#irdz in Alexandria, Abu-l-Fida',
Mukhta~ar, s.a. 728, IV, p. 101, 1. 6 f.
" Zettersteen, pp. 97,1. 4; 163,1. 4; 2II, 1. 15, without counting of course the numerous instances
when kdmila is merely a mistake of the scribe or a misprint for kdmiliyya, e.g.!. Iyas, IV, pp. 332, 1. 15,
333, 1. 9, 372, 1. 18.
[,
Ji 5 Sakhawi, Tibr, p. 208, 1. 13.
~lil ' 6 In 666 A.H. Sunqur al-Ashqar received robes of honour and ltawd'i~-belts, Suluk, I, p. 570,

II 1. 12; in 712 A.H. -forty-six amirs received robes of honour and sharbush-hats, Nuwairi, s.a., MS.
Leyden, Or. 2 0, fo. 64 r, 1. 15; in 728 A.H. Abu-l-Fida' received ltawd'i,,-belts made of gold and studded
1:1

I, with jewels in addition to robes of honour, d. his Mukhta,>ar, IV, p. 101, 1. 6.

7 Cf. Nuwairi, s.a. 7II (ib., fo. 58 r, 1. 1/2); SulUk, s. Dhu-l-I:lijja 836.
8 Abu-l-Fida', ed. Reiske, V, p. 294 t.
9 In such passages as Gaudefroy-Demombynes (d. supra, n. I) envisaged, or A. v. Kremer,
Beitrage zur arabischen Lexikographie, s. v. khl', p. 51 of the offprint, quoted. Of course we have to
be careful on this point. Time and again we read khala'a 'alaihi ... wa-an'ama 'alaihi, it thus being
quite clear that objects mentioned after an'ama are not part of the khil'a (Nuwairi, s. a. 718, MS. Leyden,
Or. 2 0, fo. 100 a, 1. 9; Zettersteen, p. 215.1. 1-3; 1. Iyas, I, p. 204,1. 13); or khala'a ... wa-faraqa (1. Iyas,
I, p. 264 pu.). Sometimes the word albasa is used (lJawddith, p. 509,1. 20, s. loth Rabi' I, 870) d. p. 8 b.
10 Qalqashandi, $ublt, IV,p. 52, pau' a,,-,>ublt, p. 259,1. 8. That tashrzf and khil'a are identical is
perhaps best proved- by such phrases as: wa-khala'a ... tashr'ifan, viz. Mul:lammad b. Qalaun on Abu-l-Fida'
and his son Mul;la=ad, d. Abu-l-Fida', Mukhta"ar, s. a. 728 A.H., IV, p. 101,1. 5; Sakhawi,. Tibr,
p. 144, 1. 4 (wahuwa ldbis at-tashrzf ... wahuwa ay(lan ldbis khil' a), and various passages from Mamluk
sources, quoted by Quatremere in Raschid ad-din, Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, I, p. 217, n. 62.
11 1. Iyas, IV, p. 104,1. 9; Siwar-although a prisoner-wore on his entry to Cairo a khil'at tamdsilt
'ala aswad, 1. Iyas, II, p. 138, 1. 4.
 ROBES OF HONOUR

honour bestowed upon amirs, are exactly the same as those of everyday wear.!
Consequently they varied with the various sections of the population.
The bewildering variety of robes of honour in the Mamluk realm, is so neatly
classified according to their rank in Ibn Fa<;11 Allah's Masalik al-ab~ar, that one can
hardly do better than to offer it in his own words. But since the only two manu-
scripts of this work, which I have at my disposal, seem to have suffered at the hand
of the scribes who have copied them, and as Quatremere has already translated one
of them,2 I prefer to present a translation of this chapter, as it appears in a long
quotation in Maqdzi's Khitap
" There are three classes of them: Masters of the Sword, Masters of the Pen
and scholars. As to the Masters of the Sword, the robes of honour of the principal
Amirs of a Hundred, consist of a coat made of red satin from Asia Minor, with
(another one of) yellow satin from Asia Minor underneath. The upper coat (fauqant)
has bands of gold embroidery with a lining of grey squirrel, with fringes (or border ?)
on the outside, and aghisM' of beaver. The kalauta-hat is made of gold embroid-
ery, with gold clasps. The turban-shawl is of fine muslin (sMsh lanis), at each
end of it are (bands of) white silk, on which are embroidered the sultan's titles, in
bright silk of diverse colours; then (comes) a gold belt (mintaqa). The belts vary
according to the rank (of their wearers). The most distinguished of all have,
between their upright parts ('umud), intermediate roundels (bawakir) and two side
pieces (muJ"annibatan) ornamented with rubies, emeralds and pearls. Next (in
rank has) one roundel (btMriyya) only, studded (with precious stones); and lastly,
comes one that has but one roundel without stones. EvelY (amir) who is given a
high post, receives further a sword decorated with gold, brought from the arsenal
(silal;t-kMnah) and decorated by the Inspector of the Privy Purse (na?ir al-kha~~).
To this is added a horse, saddled and bridled, covered with a housing (kanbush)
of gold. The horse is from the (sultan's) stable, and his harness (qumash) from the
rikab-kMnah. It is for the Inspector of the Privy Purse, to prepare the gilt saddles
and the embroidered housings. The Prince of Hamah 4 received a khil'a more
distinguished than this. Instead of the fine muslin (sMsh lanis), he was offered a
turban-band of Alexandria silk of similar length. It was of gold tissue and bore
the name of mutammar. Besides this, he received two horses, one of which was
accoutred as mentioned above, and the other had, in place of the kanbUsh-housing,

1 Fauqdni, jubba, kdmiliyya, qabd', saUdr£, etc.

2 Sultans Mamlouks, II b, pp. 72-74.
3 II, p. 227, 1. 20 - p. 228, 1.11. A few passages added from the Masdlik are shown in square
brackets. Ibn Fa~ Allah's description was condensed by Qalqashandi, $ubl;, IV, p. 52, 1. 12 - p. 53.
1. 9, and .pau' a~-~ubl;, p. 259 f. .
4 For a detailed description of Abu-l-Fida's robes of hanour, cf. his biography in Recueil des
historiens des croisades, Historiens orientaux, t. I, pp. 166-186. The khil'a referred to. by Ibn Fa~l Allah
is abviausly the ane granted in Mul;1arram 720. (Abu-l-Fida', ed. Reiske, V, p. 336).
 ROBES OF HONOUR 59

a saddle cloth (zunnart) of red satin. Under Mul}.am.mad b. QalAun it became a

fixed custom to assign similar (presents) to the Viceroy ,of Syria. In addition to
these, Tankiz received a border, (tarktba) of gold brocade placed right round the
top coat (fauqant).
Among robes of honour, just below this rank, there is one called !ardwaft,sh 1
produced in the Royal fa:ctories (dar at-#raz) of Alexandria, as well as in Cairo and
in ,Damascus.' The tardwaft,sh was formed of several bands, some of different

l
colours mixed with gilt: qa~ab. Between these bands, were embroideries. These
bands were woven in a gold material (qa~ab). If the person grew in rank, then a
#raz-band made of gold brocade, was appliqued on to the material and (the coat)
was covered by grey squirrel or by beaver, as mentioned before. Lower in rank than
the tardwaft,sh is a coat (qabd') of an Alexandrian stuff (mufarrii al-Iskandart .at-
tarM. The kalauta (to match) is of gold brocade with clasps, a shash like the
one already des~ribed, and a gold belt (ftiy~a) sometimes with a roundel, and
sometimes without one. All this (is destined) for the lesser among the Amirs of a
Hundred and for those immediately below.
As to robes of honour immediately below in rank, they (are made) of kamkM-
material, which has apattern of a colour different from the (original) materiaL Some-
times, however, the pattern is of a similar hue to the material, but with some differ-
ence. The rank below, has a grey squirrel hemmed with beaver, and the rest is
according to the description given already, excepting'that the belt (ft,iya~a) and the
shash have no embroidered ends, but are composed of bands of green and gilt-yellow,
and the belt has no roundel.
The robe of honour of a lower rank is (made of) kamkM-material of one colour
only, with grey squirrel hemmed with beaver, the rest is according to the description
given above. The kalauta has only little gold in it and its sides are almost without
(metal).' There .is no belt.
For the rank below,. th~ dress is of muft,ram-materiaI 2 of one colour, the rest as
mentioned above, excepting for the kalauta and the clasps. For the rank below,
the dress is of muft,ram and beaver (and lower still), there is a coloured qabd'-coat
with bands of 'red and green and blue and other colours, with gryy squirrel and
beaver; and lower in rank a qabd', either blue or green, with a white sMsh, with ends
of the type mentioned above. For the rank below; the dress is of the same kind
[though to a lesser degree].
As' for viziers. and scribes, their most magnificent khil'a consists of white
kamkM, with bands of plain silk embroidery, with grey squirrel and beaver. [The
beaver is lined with grey squirrel, which (likewise) lines the sleeves.] (A robe
1 This description disposes of Blochet's etymology and explanation of the word, as given in
Mufag.g.a1, op. laud., p. 633,.upper note.
I Mjwm is clearly a misprint.
60 ROBES OF HONOUR

of honour) of lower rank is made of green kamkhd. (On their heads they
wear) embroidered baqyar-turbans of linen, manufactured in Damietta, and tarlz,a-
shawls.
For one rank lower, no grey squirrel is used, and the sleeves as well as the
opening (of the coat) are hemmed with beaver. For one rank lower, the tarl;ta is
suppressed, and for a rank lower (still), the under-coat (tal;ttant) is made ofmul;tram-
cloth. For a rank lower, the upper coat (fauqant) is of kamkhd, but not of white
colour. A rank below, the upper coat is of white m'ul;tram. A rank below, the
under-coat is of 'attabt-cloth.
As for judges and scholars, their robes of honour are made of wool without
#raz-bands, and they wear tarl;ta-shawls. The most distinguished of these robes
are white with green lining. For the lower ranks [matters are more or less as we
have mentioned alreadyJ. It was common practice, that the dress of the Friday-
preachers, which is of black stuff, used to be brought to the mosques, from the
(Sultanian) store-room. It consists of a round 1 dilq-coat, black turban-shawl
(shdsh) and a black larl;ta . .. The clothes of the assistant leader in prayers
(muballigh) are similar (to those of the preacher) excepting for the larl;ta."
The essential thing to remember is the official character of the khil'a. Any
appointment to a higher post implied the offer of a khil'a-so much so that not only
expressions like khuli'a 'alaihi bi..;niyaba 2 became common, but that the word labisa
(sci!. khil'a or tashrtf) became a very common, though sloppy, term for" being
appointed. "3 Similarly an acting appointment was expressed in such words as
X. acted as vizier" without donning the tashrtf." 4 Another consequence was that
an official appointed to two posts at the same time, received two robes of honour.
Thus we read that an ecclesiastic appointed qdijt and kha#b was offered by Sultan
Lajin two robes of honour, one for each post. s Tashtamur al-Badri, appointed
governor of Aleppo, received a robe of honour to be donned on his arrival in Aleppo,
and afterwards he and his sons were presented with a qabd' -coat each for the journey. 6

1 By "round" or "square" coats, Mamluk chroniclers obviously mean coats with round or
square openings for the neck.
2 E.g. Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 94, 1. 1.

3 Nujum, ed. Popper, VII, p. 125, 1,,10 f.: in 846 'Abd ar-Ral;1man b. al-Ku.waiz labisa al-ustd-
ddriyya; .or Ifawddith, p. 32, 1. 12 f.: in 852 labisa YalbugM al-JdrkasL.niydbat tb,aghr Dimya#.
<I Suluk, s. 1st Rabi' I, 838 (5th October, 1434). On an earlier occasion Maqrizi thought it
sufficiently interesting to be mentioned specially that when in 690 A.H. Sanjar ash-Shuja'i was appointed
vizier, he exercised his functions for a time without having received a diploma and a khil'a, Sulak, I,
p. 761, 1. I f.
6 Ibn KathZr, vol. XIII, p. 349, 1. 15.
6 Zettersteen, p. 212, 1. 15 f.; probably for a similar reason the Amir Zain ad-din' Abd aI-Qadir
received a second khil'a two days after having been con£rmed in his office as ustdddr, although the
second khil'a is not called specifically khU'at as-safar, Suluk, s. Mul;1arram 833.
 ROBES OF HONOUR 61

On one occasion at least a high amir was offered two separate robes of honour for
one journey.1
. It was important that the Mil'a should be properly displayed. Consequently
in $afar 716 (1316 A.D.) we find Sh. Mul}.ammad b. Muslim, Chief Judge of the
Hanbalites in Damascus, wearing the khil'a on his way to office and taking it off
after his letter of appointment had been rea(;i.2 Sh. BurM.n ad-din as-Susi,
appointed chief judge In Mecca, wore his khil'a for a week after the letter of his
appointment by the Sultan (marsum) had been read. 3 This applied even to
independent rulers. The Ottoman. Sultan Murad having received three robes of
honour from Shah Rukh appeared in them before the envoys. 4.
Very often these robes were called after the occasion on which they were
granted, so e.g. ~f an amir was offered a governorship the robe of honour would be
called khil' at an-niyaba ;5 the newly appointed vizier would receive a khil' at al-wizara;6
a new appointment was sometimes honoured by a khil'at al-istiqrar; 7 if the term of
office of an official was prolonged or confirmed, when there was some doubt whether
he would remain, the robe of honour would be called khil'at al-istimrar;8 on his arrival
from the province a high official would be welcomed with a khil'at al-qudum;9 on
his taking leave from the Sultan before his departure he would be given a khil'at
as-safar,10 the latter often mentioned together with the kind of garment that served
as khil'at as-safar. l l If the amir was received in audience by th~ Sultan after an
illness and was offered a robe of honour, the latter would be called khil'at al-'afiya'J!l.
to mark the amir's recovery. Being pardoned, a disgraced amir would receive a
khil'at ar-rirjd' 13 or khil'at ar-rirja, 14 some times without any office. 15 Even a

1 Suz-ak, s. 1St Sha'bb 835.

a Birz!lt,. MS. Leyden 1700 b, p. 3.
S Tiby, p. 95, 1. 5 f.
4 Sul-ak, s. Jum. II, 842.
)
5 Zettersteen, p. 212; 1. 15.
o SuMk, s. ShawwM 835.
7 Tiby, p. 384, 1. 3 b ..
a SuZ-ak, s. ~bt' II, 831; l;lawdditk, pp. 30, 1. I f., 543, 1. 18, 467, 1. 2; Tiby, p. 215, 1. 3, 389, l. 8;
there is of course often a chance of confusion between kk. aZ- istimydy andkk. al-istiqydy.
o Tiby, p. 96, 1. 9.
10 Zettersteen, p. 98, l. 3, Sulak, s. Jum. I, 835; Nuj-am, ed. Popper, VII, p. II4, 1. 13.
11 Ibn al-Furat, IX, pp. 19, 1. 24, 62, l. 1 (qaM' kkiZ' at as-salay), 298, l. 3, 306, l. 14, 455, l. 21 (qabd'
kkiZ'at as-sa/ay). For kkil'a in general, d. also I. Iyas, IV, p. 140, 1. 13 ft.; sometimes in abbreviated
form: qabd' as-salay or kdmiliyyat as-sa/aI', d. InM' al-l,Ia§y, s. Shawwa1 873.
12 l;lawdditk, p. 324, 1. 14 f.
13 Tiby, p. 45, 1. I.
14 Tiby, p. 307, l. 16.
15 Nuj-am, ed. Popper, VI, pp. 94,l. 8, 317,1. 5 f.; SakMwt.pau', VII; p. 193,1. 17 f.; Ibn Iyas, II,
p. I62,l. 5; so e.g. when the Sultan wanted to give some satisfaction to a much hated amir after the
latter had been beaten up by Jalbb-Mamluks in the SultanianCourt,l;lawdriitk, p. 323, l. 18.
62 ROBES OF HONOUR

dismissal-of course not if in disgrace I-was an occasion for presenting robes of

honour, in this case a khil'at al-'azl. 2 Sometimes the very absence of such an offer
was in itself a sign of dismissa1. 3
To refuse the gift of a robe of honour was a serious offence, being tantamount to
rebellion or at least a declaration of hostility,4 conversely submission to the Sultan
was expressed by accepting the tashrtf. 5
The robe of honour of an ecclesiastic, like that of a military man, was the same
in cut as his usual apparel. It may puzzle at first that occasionally we read of
ecclesiastics receiving robes of honour which-as far as our present knowledge
goes-are really clothes of the military. So, e.g., when at the inauguration of his
mosque on Friday, 21st Shawwal, 822 (nth October, 1419), Barsbay bestowed
a woollen kdmiliyya lined with sable on the Chief Judg~ of the Hanafites,
Mul;ammad b. Sa'd ad-Dairi. 6 An indication of· human weakness even among
highly placed shaikhs is that their desire for luxury went so far, as to overcome-
in a good many cases-any scruples a religious Moslem might have felt about
wearing gold, silk and other lUxury materials forbidden by religious law; and so we
read that Mul;ammad b. Qalaun used to give QaQi Karim ad-din, when the latter
served him as Inspector of the Privy Purse (na~ir al-khd~~), robes of honour consist-
ing of white satin, an upper coat (fauqant) and an undercoat (tal;tant), both with
piraz-bands and a brocaded skull-cap (qub' zarkash);7 and further, that a qadi
was offered and accepteda golden robe of honour. s
Yet some ecclesiastics~although loyal to the Sultan~ had the courage to
refuse robes of honour made of material forbidden by the law. 9 SuyutilO tells us
that the very pious Taqi ad-din b. Daqiq al-'Id, qadi of Egypt in the days of Sultan
Lajin, refused a robe of honour because it was made of silk, whereupon Lajin
" ordered it to be changed for wool and so it remained until now". On the other

1 Nuj11m, ed. Popper, VI, p. 673, 1. 18 (quoted by GD. LXXXIX, n. I).

2 Sallar received one on MuQ.ammad b. Qalaun's third accession, Nuwairl, s. a. 709, Leyden Or. 2 0,
fo. 47 v, 1. 2 f.; the vizier Badr ad-dl:n I;Iasan b. N al?r Allah received on suchan occasion a jubba-lined
or trimmed-with sable which. shows that even a khil'at al-'azl was rather luxurious, Sul11k, s. 17th
Rabi' II, 842. In 852 the Inspector of Jerusalem received one (although it is not called so specifically),
Tibr, p. 209, 1. 3.
3 Sul'l1k, s. 20th Rajab, 835.
4 Cf. among numerous instances mentioned in chronicles Nujum, VI, ed. Popper, p. 46, 1. 16 f.
(Qani Bay al-'Ala'!), Ibn lyas, II, p. 374, 1. I l (Qal?rauh, Viceroy of Syria).
5 Suluk, s. 5th Jumada I, 842.
6 Khi(a(, II, p. 330, 1. 2I.

7 Kutubt, II, p. 4, 1. 21 f.
8 Abu-l-Fida', III, p. 2II, 1. 3 b.

9 1. Iyas, II, p. 374, 1. II.

10 I;Iusn al-mu{ld(lara, ed. 1299, II, p. 134, 1. 5 b.
 ROBES OF HONOUR

hand, clothes distributed by Sultan Khalil to various ecclesiastics on the eve of his
departure for the conquest of Acre are called thaub, not khil'a. 1
We should bear in mind, however, that occasionally amirial robes of honour
such as m~ttammarat and kawamil were given to ordinary workmen. 2 This may
even have been always the case whenever a robe of unspecified character was given
to a person not otherwise entitled to a khil'a. 3 But it must have been often of
much finer texture and lighter weight than usual, so that one could wear it over all
the other garments and on very special occasions fold it and tie it round one's waist
like a sash. 4 But towards the end of the Mamluk kingdom it deteriorated, like
practically everything else, and was made of inferior material. So, for instance, in
912, on the occasion of the 'td al-fitr (February, 1507), Qan~Uh al-Ghauri offered
those entitled to robes of honour, clothes made of coloured cotton worth 3 dinars
each, instead of the magnificent robes they were in the habit of receiving in the
good old days.a
But the Sultan was not alone in the habit of bestowing robes of honour. The
Caliph, 6 the Sultanian princes, 7 governors 8 and high officials used to do it occasion-
ally to their subordinates, especially upon receiving good news. 9 Even the Sultana
sent a robe (not called khil'a) to the Sultan's doctors.1° But other queens are known
to have distributed robes of honour. l l
Originally robes of honour were made in the Sultanian factories, but under the
Circassians they were made privately and sold in the Bazaar of the Sharbush-makers
(suq ash-sharabishiyytn) in Cairo. After a time their free sale was forbidden, it
was placed under the control of the Inspector of the Privy Purse (na?ir al-khd~~),
and nobody but the Sultan could buy these robes in the bazaar. 12
Foreign ambassadors were offered by Mamluk Sultans robes of honour obviously
cut according to Mamluk fashion. 13 This was apparently a general habit at Near
Eastern courts of the time, since Mamluk envoys to the Ottoman Sultans used to

. 1 Mufa~~al, p. 376, 1. 3.
a Cf. e.g. 1. Iyas, I, p. 159, 11. 16-18.
3 Master-masons and skilled workmen: 1. Iyas, I, pp. 204,1. 13,264, pu.; physicians and barbers:
SuZUk, s. 3rd Rajab 837, 1. Iyas, III (KM), p. 224, 1. 10 f.
4 MandU aZ-amt2n of Qani?uh Khamsmi'a and Sibay, cf. 1. Iyas, IV, p. 81, 1. 17 f. Usually the
mandU aZ-aman was worn round the neck, cf. e.g. SuZuk, s. Rabi' II, 842.
5 1. Iyas, IV, p. 104, 1. 7 fl.; a similar complaint with more details about 917 A.H., ibid., p. 247,
1. II fl.; in general terms, ibid., p. 248, 1. 7 f., 286, 1. IS fl.
6 1. Iyas, IV, p. 322, 1. 17.
7 1. Iyas, IV, p. 478, 1. 23.
8 Cf. e.g. the satin robes of honour in the personal estate of Tankiz, 1. Iyas, I, p. 172,1. 10.
9 Zettersteen, p. 159, l. 22; 1. Iyas, IV, pp. 332, 1. 18; 432, 1. 23.
10 1. Iyas, IV, p. 332,1. 16; d. also Mufa~~al, 120,1. 2 (cf. supra n. 24).
11 Mufa~~al, p. 120, 1. 2 (the queen of Bereke of the Golden Horde).
12 Khita(, II, p. 99, 11. II-IS.
13 1. Iyas, IV; Hawadith, p. 472, 1. IS.
 ROBES OF HONOUR

return in Ottoman robes of honour.! It applied even to European Christians,

e.g. Petrus Martyr received a robe of honour of golden material with a tiraz of
Arabic lettering sewn on. 2 Pagani reports that during the last audience of Domenico
Trevisan " on Ie revetit d'une robe de velours cramoisi doublee d'hermine a la mode
moresque, avec un collet egalement en hermine". Trevisan's son and the consul
of Alexandria were presented with similar robes of honour, (( deux autres veteme;nts
de qualite inferieure en soie noire et blanche, furent donnes l'un au secretaire,
l'autre au dragoman." 3 It would be interesting to know whether Mamluk ambass-
adors were given robes of honour cut according to European fashion at the few
Christian courts (such as Barcelona, Venice, Cyprus) with which the Mamluks were
in diplomatic relations, and, if so, whether they would have dared to wear them
on arrival in Cairo a;i they used to wear robes of honour granted by Moslem rulers.
The fact that they were given robes of honour and appeared in them before the
Sultan is too w~ll known to be disputed, the only point at issue is the cut.4 On
the other hand it is a fact that among the presents brought to Cairo and Alexandria
by Venetian ambassadors there were textiles as well as ready made clothes. s

1 Nujam, ed. Popper, VII, p. 450, n. 3-6,. especially note m-n; I;!awadith, p.629, 1. 17 f., and often
elsewhere.
2 Cf. his De Babylonica Legatione, Coloniae 1574, p. 446 t.
3 Ed. Schefer, p. 206.
4 Georgii Gemnicensis Ephemeris, p. 482 (Taghrlbirdl,- the Grand Dragoman, on his return from
Venice).
6 Cf. e.g. La relation de l'ambassade de Domenico Trevisan, ed. Schefer, pp. 176, 186 f., 191 f.
 CHRISTIANS, JEWS AND SAMARITANS

In 700 A.H. (I300 A.D.), being reproached by a visitor from the Maghrib,
Baybars and Sallar enforced the so-called regulations of the Caliph 'Umar (ash-
shuru~ al-:'Umariyya) 1 with regard to the tributaries 2 (Christians, Jews and Sama-
ritans) which included among others several restrictions and prescriptions with
regard to dress. The Christians had to wear blue turbans,s the Jews yellow ones,
the Samaritans red ones,' the Christian more especially a waist-belt (zunnar) 5
and all of them were forbidden to carry anns. The essential point is that but for
the belts of the Christia:ns 6 the only distinction between the " people of the Book ..
and the Moslems was the col?ur of the turban. Sartorially their clothes were
exactly the same. 7

1 That the" regulations of 'Umar " are later than the Caliph, is best proved by the tradition that
I:Iajjaj used to wear a red turban (I. al-Athlr, IV, p. 303,. pu.).
B On the status of the tributaries unde.r the Saracens in general, cf. Gottheil, Dhimmis and Moslems
.n Egypt (in Old Testament and Semitic Studies in memory 01 W. R. Harper, vol. II, p. 366); Tritton,
The Caliphs and their non-Muslim subjects, London, 1930; L. E. B~owne, The Eclipse 01 Christianity in
Asia, Cambridge, 1933; L. A. Mayer, The status of the Jews under the Mamluks (in Magnes Anniversary
Volume, 1938, pp. 161-167 of the Hebrew text, with an English summary on p. XXVII f.); and the latest,
most comprehensive and by far the best, E. Strauss, The History ot the Jews under the Mamluks [in
Hebrew], Jerusalem 1945-51; on their clothes in particular cf. Tritton, Islam and the protected religions
(in ]RAS, 1927, PP. 479-484, and the few scanty remarks of S. Krauss in Encyclopaedia ]udaica, vol. X,
s.v. Kleidung, cols. 105, III f.).
3 Early Islamic restrictions not to wear a turban at all, cf. Tritton, p. II5 f., were apparently
quite forgotten during the period under review.
4 Although a certain ambigu~ty in expression made some European orientalists feel that these
colour restrictions refer to all clothes, cf. e.g. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, V, p. 3Q2, n. I, there is no
question that the edicts had only turbans in mind, cf. e.g. Abu-I-Fida', V, p. 176.
6 This -is so often asserted both for the Mamiuk realm and Moslem countries outside it, by Arab
chroniclers and European pilgrims, that then;l is no need to give any references, except perhaps the
most explicit one: the cQntinuator of theSyriac Chronicle of Bar Hebraeus, ed. Assemani, Bibliotheca
Orientalis, Rome 1719-28, III, pt. II, p. CXXII, says of Ghazan: no Christian should go out without a
waist-belt and all Jews should wear a conspicuous mark on their heads.
8 Ibn Jubair, p. 309, 1. 2; Suytlti, I;lusn, ed. 1299, in a story of Taqt ad-dh~ 'Abd ar-Ral}.man
b. Taj ad·dh1 b. Bint al-A'azz, qaQi of Egypt during the reign of aI-Malik al-Ashraf who when accused
by his enemies of wearing a zunndr round his waist, thus suggesting that the qaQi was a Crypto-
Christian, said with regard to the belt: " If he (i.e. a Christian) could leave if off, he would, so why
should I wear it ? " .
. '1 This is amply proved by literary evidence, e.g. Jacob of Verona, ed. Riihricht (Revue de l'Orient
latin, 1895, p. 191); d' Anglure, op. laud., p. 43 f., as well as by European drawings, cf. e.g. Arnold
von Harff, p. 96. If the. Jewish moneylender depicted in Breydenbach's Peregrinationes (f. 70 v;
Davies, pI. 34 b) js dressed like a European Jew, the reason is, that most probably he was one.

- - - - . -.. --.~-.
66 CHRISTIANS, JEWS' AND SAMARITANS

This edict of 700 A.H. was given a great deal of publicity in its own time and a
prominent place in Mamluk chronicles,l as well as in European histories of the
Islam,2 but it was neither the first nor the worst of a whole series of similar edicts,3
which were issued tithe and again, and never revoked 4 but constantly allowed to
lapse into oblivion, much to the disgust of pious historians. 5
In 709 A.H. the vizier Ibn aI-Khalil suggested to the Sultan that for a financial
consideration Christians and Jews be allowed to wear white turbans again, and
although the members of the Council remained silent (and obviouslyready to accept
the vizier's idea) the Sultan, urged by Ibn Taimiyya, reaffirmed that Jews and
Christians have to wear yellow and blue respectively.6 In 72I A.H. (I32I A.D.)
the restrictions against the Christians were renewed, because they were accused of
arson.7 When the trend of fashion caused turbans to be made larger and larger,
Christians and Jews enlarged theirs as far as they could, until in 754 A.H. (I353 A.D.)
they were forbidden to roll more than ten ells of stuff around their turbans. 8 In

1 It was enforced on the 20th Rajab of that year, and Baybars al-J ashnigir was in charge of its
being carried out (al-qa'im I;' dMlika), Abu-l-Fida', ed. Reiske, vol. V, p. 176 (without details); Nuwairi,
s.a. 700, transl., by J. B:ammer-Purgstall, Les ordonnances egyptiennes (in j A, 1855, I, pp. 393-396);
Zettersteen, Mamlukensultane, pp. 84-89, esp. p. 87,11.5-16; MufaQ.Q.al, Patrologia Orientalis, XX, 38-40
[544-46J; Ibn I:Iabib, Durrat al-aslak, p. 301, n. 5-9; Qalqashandi, ~'/fb(2" XIII, p. 377 f.; Maqrizt, Sulak,
s.a. 700, I, pp. 909, 1. 19-913, I. 1; Khi!a!, II, pp. 498/9; Wiistenfeld, Maerizi's Gesehiehte der Copten,
p. 76 (= p. 31 of the Arabic text) ; Suyuti, Ifusn, ed. 1299, II, p. 2II, I. 9 ff., ed. 1321, II, p. 178; 1. Iyas,
I, p. 143, II. 13-19.
2 Renaudot, Histoire des Patriarehes d'Alexandrie, 1713, pp. 602-605; Wei!, GesehieMe der Chalifen,
vol. IV, pp. 270-272; Lane, Manners, II, p. 300 (towards the end of the chapter "The Copts ") ;
Gotthei!, op. I., p. 366 and lit. in n. 67; Lane-Poole, Egypt, p. 301; Tritton, jRAS, 1927, p. 483 f.;
The Caliphs, p. 121 ff.; M. Canard, Une lettre du Sultan Malik Na~ir I:Iasan a. Jean VI Cantacuzene
[750/1349J (in Annales de l'Institut d'Etudes Orientales, Alger, 1937, III, p. 34 f. andp. 35, n. I, with
many references); Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Syrie, pp. LXXXVIII, 95; I:Iabib Zayyat, AI-Yahud £i-
l-khilafa al-'abbasiyya (in al-Mashriq, 1938, vol. 36, p. 171, quoting Ibn QaQ.i Shuhba and al-Manhal);
J. Maspero, Histoire des Patriarehes d'A lexandrie, 1923, p. 378; Tisserant, Villecourt et Wiet, Abu-I-Ba-
rakat (in ROC, XXII, p. 392); Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, II, P>l.ris, 1740, col. 497; Wiet, ~ibt (in Ene.
Islam; Engl. ed., pp. 991,996).
3 To mention only the earliest of the Mamluk period: In 682 A.H. (1283 A.D.) Sanjar ash-Shuj€l:i
enforced wearing of the zunnar-belt by Christians, who had also to refrain from wearing any glossy
material (ma$q111) (Khifat, II, p. 497, 1. II b f.; Wiistenfeld, Maerizi's Gesehiehte der Copten, p. 71
[= p. 29 of the' Arabic textJ; Tritton, The Caliphs, p. 121). The most important persecutions which
resulted in restrictive dress-regulations and enforcement of various sumptuary laws, will be found on
this and the following pages. But it should be borne in mind that it is at least possible that some
of the measures against Christians and Jews, and wholesale dismissals from offices were followed by
dress restrictions not chronicled by historians.
4, Tritton, p. 12l.

5 Cf. e.g. Nui11m, ed. Popper, VII, p. 721 f.

6 Suyliti, Ifusn, II, p. 212, 1. 9 b.
7 BirzaH, s.a.; Wei!, IV, p. 273, n. I; the usual conception (Gottheil, Tritton 75) that this time
Christians only were affected, is not supported by the texts.
8 Ibn Iyas, I, p. 201, 1. 3; Tritton, p. 123 gives 755 A.H. as a date, and mentions merely the
coloured wraps of Christian, Jewish and Samaritan women.
 CHRISTIANS, JEWS AND SAMARITANS

820 A.H. (I4I7 A.D.) Christians were forbidden to wear turbans longer than five
ells. l In 822 A.H. the Police Inspector (mul;ttasib) renewed these regulations:
Christians and Jews were ordered to make narrower the sleeves of their coats and
their turbans, so that the latter should be no longer than seven ells, and their
women folk had to wear dresses of a particular colour. 2 On the 22 $afar 854 A.H.
(6th April, 1450) the restriction to seven ells was repeated,3 and in Mul).arram
868 A.H. (Sept.IOct. 1463) again reinforced for everybody excepting money-
changers and physicians, 4 this time allowing ten ells. Even after that restriction
their turban was a rather imposing head-gear. Whatever may be said about the
length and shape of the turban, on the whole the colour was a distinguishing sign
and one of the disabilities least encroached upon, as witnessed by Moslem and non-
Moslem observers. 5 On the other hand it should not be forgotten that in illuminated
manuscripts of the Mamluk period Moslems are depicted as wearing yellow, red
and blue turbans. 6
Similar restrictions applied to their women as well. In the streets Christian
and Jewish women had to wear blue or yellow cloth on their heads,7 or on their
breasts,S to distinguish themselves from their Moslem sisters, or they had to wear
their girdles (zunnar) above the wrap (izar) , 9 and in any case to wear a distinguish-
ing sign in the bath. 10 The girdle had to be of the same differentiating colour as
the turban of the men of their respective communities, i.e. yellow for the Jewesses,
blue for the Christian and red for the Samaritan women, just like the wrap.l1

1 Maqrlzi apud Quatremere, MJmoires geogr. et hist. sur l'Egypte, II, p. 260.
2 Nujitm, ed. Popper, VI, p. 400, 1. 19 ff.; Maqrizi apud Quatremere, 1. c.
3 Nujitm, ed. Popper, VII, p. 186,1. 10 f.; lfawddith, s.a.; Weil, V, p. 245, n. 2.
4 Nufitm, ed. Popper, VII, p. 722, 11. 1-5. This time the restrictions lasted for about a year.
S Cf. e.g. Rohricht und Meisner, Ein niederrheinscher Bericht iiber den Orient (in Zeitschrift f.
deutsche Philologie, 1887, Bd. 19, p. 24); Ludolph de Sudheim, ed. Neumann, p. 364-5; Arnold v. Harff,
p. 95; Thenaud, ed. Schefer, p. 7, mentions that European Jews .on arrival in Alexandria" prindrent la
tocque jaulne "; Ibn Iyas, IV, p. 481, 1. 15 (with regard to the minter Yusuf Shanshu mu'aUim I;' ddr
a(l-(larb, 18th Shawwal 921). In 882 A.H., in order to disgrace an amir, Yashbak put on his head the
yellow turban of a Jew (I. Iyas, III (KM), p. 133, 1. 6).
6 Cf. e.g. the I;Iariri-manuscripts, Br. Mus. Add. 22, 1I4, where we see Abu Zaid (fo. 79 v), I;Iarlth
(fo. 96 rl' and a qadi (fo. II4 r) wearing blue turbans; or Br. Mus. Or. 1200, where in a scene in the
Mosque (fo. 85 v-86 r) persons with red and blue turbans are among the worshippers, and where Abu
Zaid is shown sometimes with a blue turban (fo. 100 r) and sometimes with a red one (fo. 110 x); or
Br. Mus. Or. 9718, fo. 72 r, where the three listeners to Abu Zaid wear, one a red, one a blue and one a
yellow turban, although no Christian, Jew or Samaritan is mentioned in the text.
7 As Ibn Taghribirdi speaking about veiled women (Nufitm, ed. Popper, VII, p. 722, 1. 2 ff.) makes no
distinction between Moslem and Non-Moslem, it is probably correct to assume that at least in 868 A.H.
Christian and Jewish women of the Mamluk realm used to cover their faces, while outside their houses.
8 Weil, IV, p. 271, 1. I.
9 Vetements, p. 28, quoting Nuwairi, MS. Leyden, 2n, fo. IIIv.
10 Nufitm, ed. Popper, VII, p. 722, 1. 3 f.
11 Vetements, p. 28, quoting lfusn, s.a. 755 (ed. 1299, II, p. 214, 1. II f.) This, howewer, is not
borne out by European sources.
68 CHRISTIANS, JEWS AND SAMARITANS

Maronite " Christians of the girdle" who served in Palestine as donkey-drivers

(muMrt) and as such had to accompany and guide Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem,
used to wear" barretins noirs " as headgear without a kerchief being wound round
it. l On the whole the girdle (zunnar ) was the essential part of a Christian's dress. 2
On the other hand they used to receive robes of honour, so e.g. Master Jacob,
the Jew (al-mu'aUim Ya'qub al-Yahudt), when in charge of the mint (mutal:taddith
dar arj-rjarb) received on the 25th Sha'ban 918 (5th Nov., 1512) a woollen blue
kamiUyya trimmed with sable, in which he descended from the citadel.3
None of these dress regulations applied to the inhabitants of Kerak and Shaubak.
This district being considered Christian, was exempt from such restrictions in
700 A.H. and remained so, at least at the time when Nuwairl wrote his chronicle,
probably even in the days of Maqrlzi.4

1 Zuallart, pp. 72-74; Baumgarten, Peregrinatio, p. 57; Vetements, p. 207, n. 3.

2 Cf. supra, n. 6.
s I. Iyas, IV, p. 283, 11. 12-15; ib., p. 722 top.
4 Nuwairi, 1. c.; Hammer-PurgstaU, 1. C., p. 394 f.; Suluk, I, p. 912, 11. 13-15.
 WOMEN

Saracenicwomen used to wear chemises (qum~an), visible~to judge by liter-

ary evidence~underneath their upper garments.
This caused offence, so that when, in 751 A.H.,· in the heyday of Mamluk
luxury during the vizierate of Amir Manjak, a peculiar kind of chemise called
bahtala, with long train and sleeves three ells wide became fashionable, the vizier
ordered the sleeves to be cut, imprisoned a number of transgressors, and by using
various other means succeeded in .restraining the women from wearing them. 1
But this reform was of short duration. During the early Circassian period, when
sleeves became even wider, an edict was issued by the Amir Kumushbugha, then
viceroy of Egypt during the absence of the Sultan (na'ib al-ghaiba) , and promulgated
in 793 A.H. in Cairo and its vicinity, forbidding the wearing of chemises with sleeves
wider than .12 ells. As was often the case before, this attempt too remained
ineffective. A few days after the edict was published, Mamluks and pages of
Kumushbugha patrolled the bazaars, the streets of Cairo and the neighbourhood,
in order to enforce it, and cut all thesuperfiuously long sleeves with knives. 2 After
the Sultan's return, the women reverted to the old fashion,3 although years later
Ibn Taghribirdi still saw chemises made according to KumushbugM.'s order-and
called after him al-qum~an al-KumushbugMwiyya-and described them as having
sleeves like those worn by Bedouins. 4 The chemise itself which, according to
religious law, ought to have been long, was-at least during the 14th century-
often short, reaching only to the knees. s Together with the chemise, the mi'zar,6
a kind of knickers, was worn, an undergarment perhaps identical in cut as well as

1 Maqrlzt, Khitat, II, p. 322, 1. 26 ff.; Ibn Iyas, I, p. 193, 1. 26 ff.

2 For further information see Ibn al-FurM, Ta'r~kh, ed. Zurayk and 'Izzedin, IX, pp. 267, 1. 16,
268, 1. 19 ff.; d. also Ibn Taghrtbirdt, an-Nuium az-Zdhira, ed. Popper, V, p. 541, 11. 1-5; Suyutt, l,lusn
al-Multdfl,ara, ed. 1299, II, p. 217, 1. 22 ff. (where Ketbugha is a mistake for Kumushbugha). The edict
was prompted by an outrageous use of 92 ells for a chemise! Dozy, Dictionnaire des vetements, p. 374,
knew this story from a passage in Suylitl, but quoted in addition a passage from Ibn Iyas which is
not to be found in our printed edition.
3 Ibn al-Furat, op. laud., p. 268, 1. 25.
4 Ibn-Tagbribirdt, t. c., 1. 5.
5 Ibn al-l;Iajj, Kitdb al-Madkhal, I, p. 201, 1. 3.
6 Dozy, op. laud., p. 38 ff., with examples for men (Sultan Shaikh) and women. Wearing the
mi'zdr in a public bath was considered of special importance, d. Kutubi, FCiwdt .al-Wataydt, 1299, I,
p. 44, 1. 16 (with reference to Ibn Taimiyya).
70 WOMEN

in name with that worn by men. 1 For some time at least long drawers (saraw£l)
were also worn,2 perhaps in lieu of a chemiselike gown (thaub}.3 There is an
explicit reference to them in the case of the first Mamluk Sultana, Shajar ad-Durr,
who, done to death by the maids of the harem, was thrown into the ditch with
nothing on but chemise and drawers (sarawU). These drawers were kept tight by
an expensive band (tikka}.4 But it is doubtful whether the wearing of either of
these two kinds of drawers was universal, although numerous arguments for and
against could be invoked. 5 The fact that lists of women's trousseaux in marriage-
contracts of the Mamluk period make no mention of drawers or-what is far more
important-of the luxurious trouser-bands, may be quoted as an argumentum ex
silentio against the assumption that drawers were very popular. But the value of
this evidence is much restricted by the scarcity of such contracts. On the other
hand the fact that some time lat~r during the Circassian period the usual word for
drawers was libds, i.e., dress kat' exochen, seemsto indicate its popularity at that time.
Above these undergannents a gown {thaub) was worn, the most common
component of young women's dresses as we can see from the above-mentioned lists
of their trousseaux. Again, the prescriptions of the law were disregarded and
the gown was made short, with short and wide sleeves. Ibn al':'I:!ajj mentions this
as of recent date, i.e., of the early I4th century.6 The whole person was swathed
in an ample wrap (izar) which covered the entire clothing. The garment was
generally white for Muslims, 7 whereas the women of the People of the Book had
to wear it in distinctive colours,S Christians in blue, Jewesses in yellow, and Sama-

1 Arnold v. Harfl', Pilgerfahrt, ed. von Groote, who, to judge by a standing phrase in his voca-
bularies, ought to know, says of Cairene women: die vrauwen dragen leder hoesen mit bruechen an
(p. 106).
2 Maqrlzi, Sulak, ed. Ziada:, I, p. 540,1. 10; Frescobaldi, Viaggio in Egitto e Terra Santa, Roma,
1818, p. 95.
a Ibn al-l;Htjj, op. laud., I, p: 201, 1. 5.
4 Maqrlzi, Sulak, I, p. 404, 1. 3 f.; Ibn Iyas, I, p. 92, 1. II f., explains that it was of red silk, with
pearl and a vesicle of musk. For Circassian bands, d. Meshullam of Volterra, ed. A. Ya'ri, p. 55.
5 C£., e.g., a story about a man disguised as a woman who wears no drawers (sardwfl) , Usama,
Kitdb al-I'tiMr, ed. Hitti, p. 43, 1. penUlt.; an indirect proof that women wore no knickers may be
found in Ibn al-Baji, op. laud., I, p. 201, 11. 3-5. So far as men are concerned the position is even
clearer: on the one hand aI-Malik al-Mu'izz in 653 A.H. forbade men to go out without trousers (sardwil)
(Maqrlzi, Sulak, I, p. 397,11. 3-6), on the {)ther, after the Ottoman conquest of Syria, the defterdar of
Damascus, had to issue a special edict i=ediately afterwards forbidding men to appear without
trousers outside their own houses. The population was most unwilling (Ibn Tulun, Das Tilbinger
Fragment der Chronik, ed. Hartmann, p. 48,1. 12 ff. under the events of the last day of Rabi' I, 923 A.H.).
6 Op. laud., p: 203, 11. 1-5.
7 A. v. Harff., 1. e.; Bernard von Breydenbach, Peregrinationes in Ter'ram Sanetam, Speier, 1490,
I, II (= Davies, Bernard von Breydenbach and his Journey to the Holy Land, pI. 34 a).
8 Nuwaid, s.a. 700, d. Ibn Taghdbirdi, op. laud., VII, p. 722, 1. 2 ff.; Qalqashandi, $ublt ai-A' sM,
XIII, pp. 378, 1. nIt., 379, 11. 1,3-4; Suyuti, op. laud., II, p. 214,1. I I ff.; Dozy, op. laud., p. 28; Tritton,
The Caliphs and their non-Muslim SUbjects, p. 123.
 WOMEN 71

ritans in red. It was fastened by a girdle (zunnar) , alleged to have been invented
by Mutayyam, a favourite at the court of al-Ma'mun and al-Mu'ta:;;im.l As
headgear they used a piece of cloth ('i~aba) wound turbanlike round that part-of
the wrap (izar) which covered the hair, similar in fashion perhaps to that of Bedouin
women to-day,2 except that it was sometimes richly embroidered and adorned
with precious stones. 3 Women's turbans were the subject of much controversy,
and although it was often denied that they ever used them 4 "the vigour with
which theologians attack women who wear turbans . . . shows only too clearly the
existence of such practices." 5 The word 'imama, turban parexceUence, does
occur in descriptions of turbans of women, as, e.g., in the edict of Mu1).arram
662 A. H., forbidding women to wear turbans,6 or by Ibn al-I:Iajj,1 who mentions
with disgust a turban resembling the double hump of the dromedary. During the
second half of the 15th century, this unsightly thing disappeared and a tall tartur,
covered by the outer wrap, served as headgear. As Arnold von Harff described
it, " women wear a high thing on their head, in the shape of a goblet, wound with
expensive cloths and ornaments", 8 but on the accompanying picture nothing of
the latter is to be seen. 9 In Rajab 876 A.H. the Sultan Qaytbay published an

1 Kitdb al-Aghdni, Bulaq 1285, vol. VII, p. 35,1. 10 f. With regard to the question whether this
girdle was to be worn by women of the People of the Book over or underneath the wrap, there wa,
no unanimity among the guardians of the law, d. Nuwairl quoted by Dozy, op. laud., p. 28, and Belins
'Fetoua relatif ala condition des Zimmis ' (in Journal Asiatique, 1851, ser. IV, t. 18, p. 505); a fact that
ma-kes one feel that this little problem was purely academic and of no importance in everyday sartbrial
life.
2 Cf. among numerous other pictures: Scholten, Palestine Illustrated, I, p. 142, fig. 308; Musil,
The Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins, 1928, p. 123, fig. 34.
3 Several Arab chroniclers relate among the events of the year 787 A.H. a story of which the
essential part is that a woman was alleged to have seen the Prophet in a dream, who forbade the wearing
of the shdsh, so e.g., 'Abli, Ta'rikh al-Badr, s.a. (MS. Br. Mus. Add. 22,360, fol. 123 r, 1. 16), Ibn Qa91
Shuhba, adh-Dhail, S.a. Rajab 787 (MS. Paris, I599, foI. 10 r, I. 20 ff.) quoting Ibn Duqmaq. Dozy,
op. laud., p. 239, quoted the same story from the Leyden manuscript of Ibn Iyas, but in our printed
edition the whole passage is omitted.
4 A. v. HarfI, p. 106, L 24/5; similarly Dozy, op. laud., p. 3Il, who in this case quoted only two
very late travellers, categorically stated that the turban was Worn by men apd never by women.
5 Bjorkman, Encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. turban (p. 889).
6 Maqrlzl, Sulak, I, p. 503, I. 9.

7 Gp. laud., p. 20I (bottom). Ibn al-I;Iajj's compatriot 'Ali b. Maimun al-Maghribi, in describing
this headgear used the same expression: 'ala ru'asihinna ka-asnimat al-bukht. .
Bya curious slip, Goldziher, Zeitschrift d. Deut. Morgenland. Gesellschaft, I 874:, XXVIII, p. 320,
n. I, quoted this passage from 'Ali b. Maimun's Ghurbat al-Islam without realiziIIg that it is a paraphrase
of a ltadUh; d. Muslim's $aMlt, Kitab al-LiMs, last but one Mb (Nawawi's commentary, vol. IV, p. 458),
thus adding a further example of the word 'imama being used for a woman's head-dress.
8 GP. laud., p. 106: want die vrauwen dragen eyn hoych dynck off yerem heufft in aller gestelt-
nysse wie eyn kelick, dal; gar mit koestlichen duechen iIId tzieraeten vmb wonden is. Cf. pI. XIV, 2.
9 Gp. laud., p. 107. Exactly the same headgear is to be seen on the pictures of Carpaccio,
Mansueti and Bellini, but. also without any ornaments.
72 WOMEN

order in Cairo that no woman should wear a crested bonnet ('i~aba muqanza'a)
or a silken saraqush, l further that the "paper" of the 'i~aba should be a third of
an ell long and bear the stamp (khatmj of the Sultan on either side. Appropriate
orders were given to dealers in "papers 2 of women", and agents of the then police
inspector (mulJ,tasib) Yashbak al-Jamali went round the bazaars, and on finding a
woman wearing either of these types of headgear, they whould beat her and pillory
her with the 'i~aba hanging down from her neck. Women got flurried and went
out bare-headed, or without an li~aba, or, much against their will, with a long
li~aba as ordered by the Sultan, but they would wear the proscribed head-gear
inside their houses. After a while things quietened down and the Cairene ladies
wore what they liked, as before. 3
Na~ir ad-din b. Shibl, in 830 appointed police inspector, forbade women the
wearing of taqiyya~caps.4 Perhaps we shall not go wrong in assuming that during
the early 9th century of the Hijra these caps were about two-thirds of an ell high,
with tops shaped like domes padded with paper and trimmed with beaver about an
eighth of an ell wide. 5
Their boots were identical in shape with the light and fine boots worn by men
(khufJ). They were usually made of coloured leather. 6 Over them was worn the
sarmuza, a kind of low shoe (na'l) removed when entering a house. All three kinds
were sold in Cairo in a special bazaar (Suq al-akhfdfiyy£n) founded some time after
780 A.H.7 A slipper, worn in the street as well, was madas, mentioned occasionally
as beingC used as a weapon when the populace w(!.nted to vent their wrath on a
victim who fell into their hands. 8

1 As we said .above, p. 28, this headgear was in the second half of the 13th century typical of
Tartar male dress, until it became, as the edict of Qaytbay shows, quite an ordinary headgear for
Maml~k women. The passage in Ibn Iyas (III, KM, p. 64, 1. 9 f.) proves that the de;finition in
Burhdn-i Qati', to wit, that the saraqash was a woman's headgear, or, at least, a woman's headgear
as well as a man's, is correct against Quatremere (Sl1ltans Mamlouks, I a, p. 236, n. IIO) and Dozy,
op. laud., p. 379, n. 1.
2 The padding of a bonnet or a cap consisted of paper and loose fibre (d. pI. XII, I) hence the
name.
3 Ibn Iyas, III (KM), p. 64, n. 8-22.
4 AI-Asadi, ap. Ibn Tulun, Rasa'il ta'rikhiyya, IV, al-htm'at al-barqiyya, p. 63, 1. 6 ff., for which
reference I am obliged to the late J. Sauvaget.
5 This is the description of a tdqiyya of a man, given by Maqrizi, Khita!, II, p. £04, 1. II; but
our author condemns this fashion as making men look like women. Cf. supra p. 31.
6 Cf. also v. Harff, op. laud., p. 106; but Frescobaldi, p. 95, mentions only white ones (stivaletti
bianchi). Cf. e.g. pI. XVII.!.
7 Maqrizi, op. laud., II, p. 105, 1. 5.
8 Maqrizi, Sulak, I, p. 802,1. 13 (d. also Sultans Mamlouks, II b, p. 13 and n. 19); Ibn Taghrl-
birdi, Nuium, ed. Cairo, VIII, p. 46, 1. 8. Cf. also a similar although earlier, incident in Ibn ar-Rahib,
ed. Cheikho, Beirut, 1903, p. 87, 1. I I where the plural amdisa instead of the more common madasat
is used.
 73

In this connection the wooden- clogs (qabdqib) should be mentioned. Some-

times richly decorated, they played a sad role in the history of Mamluk women-the
earliest occasion being when Queen Shajar ad-Durr was beaten to death with them:!
Prostitutes could be recognised by their special apparel, the most conspicuous
part of which were apparently red trousers and a peculiar kind of wrap (mula'a).2
It goes without saying that town women went about veiled. Various forms
of veils (miqna'a, qina', niqab) existed, mainly of the following types:
(a) a veil of black net covering the entire face,3
(b) like (a) but leaving two holes for the eyes, 4
(c) a white or black face-veil (burqu') covering the face up to the eyes. 5
To appear in public without the veil was a sign of great distress. 6
It is quite possible that dancers and singers used no veils, but of course we have
to take into consideration that on miniatures, metalwork, etc. they are invariably
shown indoors.
Boys and girls wore clothes of the same cut as their elders, except that instead
of the veil the girls wore caps· (al-kawat£ wa-t-tawaq£), for which there was a special
market in Cairo (suq al-bakhaniqiyy£n).7
The all-covering wrap was no hindrance to fashion. Style developed never-
theless, and although it found no historian of its own, nor an Arab poet, like the
Persian Ma1).mud Qari, to sing its praise, it angered the men of the law and the
police inspectors, from whose hand-books we learn something about trends prevail-
ing in those days. Mu1).amrp.ad b. Mu1).ammad al-'Abdari, better known as Ibn
al-I;Iajj, who lived in Egypt during the early 14th century, protested against the
clothes of women being too short and tight-fitting, the latter especially in view
of the obvious manner in which they moulded the figure. 8 He complains that the
Ii
long drawers (sarawU) are worn much below the waist-line instead of starting from
i
II 1 1. Iyas, I, p. 92, 1. 5 .
.1
I
1

2 Maqrtzt, Khi!at, II, p. 96, 11. 15-16. Cf. also Wiet, L'Egypte arabe, p. 494.
3 Frescobaldi, I. C., in dealing with types (a) and (c); describes the former as pertaining to the
nobility: "e Ie piu nobili portano una stamigna nera dinanzi agliocchi"; d. also v. Harff, op. laud.,
p. 106 f. (pI. XIV, 2), v. Breydenbach, I. c.
4 Joos van Ghistele, Tvoyage, p. 23, cf. Dozy,op. lattd., p. 424. To this kind Dozy applies the
term niqdb.
5 Cf. pI. XIX, 2. R6hricht und Meisner, Niederrhein. I1ericht, p. 34; Frescobaldi, I. c.
6 On Ghazan's approach to Damascus in Rabt' II, 699 A.H., women left their houses unveiled
(Zettersteen" Beitrage zur Geschichte der Mamlukensuttane, p. 59, 1. 12; Yuntnt, s.a.,· MS. Topkapu
Saray Muzesi, No. 2907 E., vol. II, fo1. 154 r bot.); when the Qalaunid princes Ijajj and I;Iusain were
suspected of revolt and summoned to their brother, the Sultan aI-Malik al-Kamil Sha'ban, their mothers
appealed on their behalf, appearing unveiled (Ibn Duqmaq, al-Jauhar ath-thamin, MS. Istanbul, As'ad
Eff. 2243, fol. 72 r); during the earthquake in 886 A.H. (1481) women were leaving their houses unveiled
(1. Iyas, III KM, p. 173, 1. 14).
7 Khitat, II, p. 104, 1. 3.
8 ap; laud., I, pp. 200, 1. penult. - 201, L 2.
74 WOMEN

it, as prescribed by the law. 1 Incidentally we hear that these drawers were mainly
worn out of doors, and were discarded at home. 2
It would be a mistake to think that these garments were either simple or cheap.
If we are to believe the words of Maqdzl, who as inspector of police (mul;ttasib)
was in charge of the morals of Cairene women and therefore well informed, there was
a growing tendency to luxury. Whereas under Bal;td Mamluks, only Sultans and
their wives and the most important amirs used to wear costly furs, under the
Circassians, even the soldiers, scribes, and common people, and every woman of the
upper classes wore imported furs.3 Similarly, at a time when there was a general
dearth of precious metal in the country and the wearing of gold and silver dresses
had to be abandoned, women wore caps (tawaq£) luxuriously ornamented with gold
and silver. 4 Sumptuary laws were passed time and again, like those of Manjak
mentioned above. He also forbade shoemakers to make expensive boots (al-akhfdl
al-muthammana) and announced in the bazaars that whoever sold silk izars, would
have his property confiscated by the Sultan-but with only ephemeral results. 5
We are indebted to Maqdzl for a few details about these excessive prices, e.g.,
that about the middle of the 8th century A.H. a chemise called baMala was sold for
1,000 dirhams and more, a wrap (izar) went as high as 1,000 dirhams, ~hoes or boots
(al-Mufj wa-s-sarmuza) might cost 100 to 500 dirhams a pair,6 and a particularly
fine pair of drawers (sarawU) of the wife of the Amir Aqbugha 'Abd al-Wal;tid
200,000 dirhams or approximately 10,000 dinars.' But the most striking example
of extravagance in women's dress is the story of a wife of the Sultan Barsbay who
managed to spend 30,000 dinars on a single dress, made for the circumcision of her
son and Barsbay's successor, aI-Malik al-'Azlz yusuf. What a pity that the sole
record of its splendour is the angry outburst of a laqth r8

lOp. laud., I, p. 201, 1. 6 f.

2 Op. laud., I, p. 201, l. 17 f.
3 Khi#a#, II, p. 103, 1. 31 ff.
4 Op.
laud., II, p. 104, 1. 15 f.
6 Op.laud., II, p. 322, 1. 28 f.
6 Op.laud., II, p. 322, 1. 25 ff.
7 Op.laud., II, p. 384, 1. 34.
8 N~tj-am; ed. Popper, VI, p. 739, 11. 2-5; Wiet, L'Historien Abul-Mal;ulsin (in Bulletin de l'Institut
d'Egypte, t. XII, 1929-30, p. 100). .
 ApPENDIX I

THE QUMASH

One of the great difficulties in studying Saracenic costumes is presented by

set phrases, meaning roughly what the words indicate, but used in a special sense,
more often than not, explained neither by our dictionaries (altogether not very
helpful when it comes to Mamluk technical terms) nor by the context. In most
cases these are obviously abbreviations, similar to the English expression" white"
or " black tie " which defines not merely the article in question but a whole series
of garments. as well as their material, cut and colour, the particular item singled
out being considered - sometimes without sufficient reason ~ as the most characte-
ristic of them all.
One of these terms is the word al-qumash. It was such a familiar expression
that we find no definition of it in our sources. Since Mamluk dignitaries kept their
Wealth to a very large extent not only in ready money and precious stones, but in
other valuables as well, of which textiles of various descriptions and clothes formed
partI, it is often difficult to say whether qumash in a given passage means cloth or
clothes 2 and if the latter, what kind of clothes. Sakhaw1 3 constantly refers to the
Sultan's discarding his woollen winter clothes and donning the summer ones at the
opening of the summer season by saying wa-labisa al-qumdsh al-abyarf, a~-~aift
" and he donned the white summer-qumash" leaving it open whether the word
has a special meaning here or is used in a general connotation like in parallel passages
of Sakhawi himself, labisa a~-~uf qabla-l-'ada 4 "he donned wool before the usual
time ", labisa a~-~uf al-mulawwan "he donned the coloured wool" 5, or as Ibn Iyas

1 Cf. the personalty of famous arnirs and officials, such as the Viceroy Tankiz (Kutubi, I, p. 94, 1.
2 f.), or Amir Sallar (I. Iyas, I, p. 156), or the Vizier 'Ala' ad-din b. Zanbftr (I. Iyas, I, p. 197,1. 19 fl.).
Cf. also Suluk, I, p. 584, 1. 5 gifts of al-amwdl wa-l-qumdsh; I. Iyas, III (K M), p. 168,1. 4: md nuhiba ...
min khuyzll wa-mdl wa-sildb wa-qumash wa-burak, shorter, ibid., 174~ I, 2; !;Iawadith, s. a. 873, p. 700,1. 7:
khuyul wa-qumdsh wa-silab.
2 Neither meaning, of course, needs proof. They were well established by I88r, so that it is a
little difficult to understand why Dozy should have thought it necessary to include them in his SuppU-
ment. But the word itself remained a problem even afterwards. .
3 Tibr, pp. 200, 1. 4, 306, 1. 10 b, 347, L 5 and often elsewhere.
4 Tibr, p. 12, 1. 9.
5 Tibr, p. 267, 1. 13.
 APPENDIX I

puts it albasa al-umara: a~-~uf "he clad the amirs in wool" 1. This is just like saying
of a K. C. "he took silk ", although what one really has in mind is not so much a
particular material ~s a particular robe. But occasionally we get a glimpse of its
meaning. Thus, e. g., when Baybars wrote to the amirs in Cairo from his tour of
inspection in Syria in 670 A.H.. (I27I-2 A.D.) "And, so help me God, I did not spend
a night without my horse being saddled (mashdUda) , wearing my qumash, even
the spur!" 2 or when we hear that in 739 A. H. (I338/9 A. D.) a former clerk in
the chancery of Safad used to wear a short qumash 3, or when Sultan Barquq with
thirty men attacked Sultan J:UHi after the Battle of Shaql}.a:b in 792 A. H. (I390
A. D.) "and they pulled off the qumash of three Chjef Qadis who advanced against
them" " or when with the advance of YalbugM. an-Ni~iri and Mintish on Cairo in
Jumida II, 79I (June I389), the populace became bold and started snatching away
the turbans of the people and stripping them off their qumash 5, or when Ibn al-
Furit tells us that in ~afar 799 (Nov. I396) Barquq sent to Tanam al-I.Iasani 6 five
parcels of qumash, all fashioned and: all lined With sable, or when Ibn Iyis described
the attack on an old Mamluk who went up to t,he Citadel in Cairo on pay-day with
his slave: " And he was walk~g with him, we~ring his qumash which he would put
on upon ascending the Citadel" 7. All this clearly indicates that the qumash was
an outer garment, coat or cloak, to be put on ·over one's lighter clothes. It implies
that the qumash was or could be of a ceremonial character, and that - at least some
kinds of it - were heavier in weight, than ordinary clothes. In this connection we
may recall another instance of the qumash not being worn by the owner b;imsel£,
but carried for him by one of his servants 8, or that in 699 A. H. (I299-I300 A. D.)
after the defeat at Homs the fleeing soldiers threw their helmets away as well as
their armour (iawasMnahum) and their- quniash in order to lighten the burden of
their horses 9. In this particular case it might, of course, be argued that since
qumash is used as a synonym for kanbush, housing,1O the latter is meant in this
passage too. But this is hardly probable.
1 III (KM), p. 131, 1. ult.
a Sul-ak, I, p. 600, 1. 4 f.
3 Kutubi, I, p. 63, 1. 20.
<I Ibn al-Furat, IX, p. 187, 1. 4.
6 Ibn al~Furat, IX, p. 82,1. I; similarly Zettersteen, Beitrage zur Gesckickte der Mamlukensultane,
p. 59,1. 6.
8 IX, p. 454, 1. 13.
7 1. Iyas, IV, p_ 107,1. I I ff.; d. also 1. Iyas, II, p. 329,1. 13.
S Sul-ak, I, p. 575, 1. 8. I should like to suggest, en passant, a small change in diacritical points
in one word of this so well established text: for qumdsk naum we should probably read qumdsk yaum,
but it does not affect the present argument. -
9 Yunini, s. a. MS. Topkapu Saray Miizesi, 2907 E, vol. II, £0 154 r, 1. 8 ff.
10 Peipper, in his glossary to Ibn Taghribirdt, Nuj'l1m, VI, translates it by «saddle-cloth D. It
may be worth noting that the plural of qumdsk in the latter sense, is not aqmiska, but qumdskdt (Ibn al-
Furat, IX, p. 247,1. 9 f.)
 APPENDIX I 77
, A young mamluk used to receive after his manumission, on his entry into
the service, a horse and qumaslt, obviously his service coat 1. It is clearly
this very qumash which is mentioned in the story of an unruly mamluk, Jfulim
ai-Franjl, who in 922 A. H. (I5I6 A. D.) was arrested and hanged in Bilbais
wa-huwa bi-qumashihi bi-saifihi wa-turkashihi "in his coat, with his sword and his
quiver" 2.
Similarly, the words qumdsh al-khidma are obviously used for" in full dress" 3.
Khidma was the" service" of the amirs which consisted of waiting on the Sultan 4,
. and qumash al-khidma was the coat worn by both the Sultan and the arnirs on this
occasion, although as a rule "the· coat of the service" refers to the dress of the
Sultan and not to that of the amirs 5. When Sultan Barsb~y visited the sick amir
Jfulibak al-Ashraf! he went 'bi-ghair qumash al-khidma without the coat of the
service 6. That these words really mean that the Sultan was in informal attire is
best proved by another paSsage with the same content: Sultan Faraj .visited the
sick amir Qar~j~ mutakhatJifan bi-thiyab iulUsihi 7 dressed lightly, in informal house-
clothes, where bcith expressionsmuiakhatJi/ and thiy~b iulusihi clearly indicate the
domestic character of his dress. This assumption is confirmed by Ibn Taghrlbirdi
who. continued quoting Maqrlzt, since the latter expressed his astonished indignation
at this lack of formality ("and we have not seen an Egyptian king who would ride
from the Citadel bi-qumash julusihi in his house-coat bar hinl "), and added: " per-
haps al-Maqrlzl wanted (to indicate) with the words bi-qumash iulusihi that the
Sultan did not-don al-kala/tah wa-qumlsh al-khidma the tall cap of the Amirs and full
dress. And (in fact) this was his intention" 8. We find this coupling of qumash
al-iulus and kala/tah in another passage of our author, where he mentioned that on
the 3rd Rajab 859 (I9th June, I455) the Sultan ordered his amirs to doff the kala/tah
and put the qumdsh al-iulUs on 9. Similarly Ami! Shaikh, surprised by the news
of the unexpected arrival of Sultan Faraj in Damascus, abruptly left his companions
and saved his life bi-qumash iulUsihi ih the coat he was wearing at home 10. When

1 I. Iy1s, III (KM), p. 2, 1. 12, IV, p. 95, 1. 6 and often elsewhere.

I I. Iy1s, V, p. 36, 1. 6.
8 Inba', s. 15thRabt' II, 873; 1St Sha'ban; 873; cf. also Nujum, ed. Popp.er,VI, p. 277, 1.1 f.
, Baybars, Zubda, fo. 25 v, 1. 7; Suluk, I, p. 540, 1. 3. .
& As shown on pp. 15-~o, with the exception of the headgear donned on .ceremonial occasions and
the clothes worn during the investiture; sartorially the clothes of the Sultan were exactly like those. of
the amirs.
• Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 626, 1. 7 ff.
7 Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, P. 193, 1. 16· f.
8 Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 194, 1. 1 f. This is especially important since jul-a5 sometimes. means
" audience given by the Sultan ",and, consequently, thiy.db al-jul-as could be taken to mean " <hess
worn during audiences. formal dress".
8 I. Taghrtbirdt; l;lciwddith, p. 237, 1. IS.
lD. Nuj-am, ed. Popper, VI, p. 230, 1. 13.

6.
 APPENDIX I

Taghribirdi, the father of the famous historian, went to meet Shaikh and. Naurftz
informally, he went /1 khawa~~ihi la ghair with his special guard only, bi-qumash
iulUsihi in an informal house-coat 1. When on the 7th Rajab 859 (23rd June, 1455),
al-Qft'im billfth, the deposed Caliph exiled to Alexandria, left the Citadel like an
arrested amir without any retinue, accompanied only by the Chief Chamberlain
and the Wftli of Cairo, he was bi-qumash iulUsihi in his house-coat 2.
Although khidma, according to the definition given above, and the maukib,
the Sultanian procession on ceremonial occasions, usually across Cairo, were two
very different ceremonies, and might have required different clothes, since one
consisted of sitting in a hall or enclosed courtyard, and the other of riding outside
the Citadel 3, the qumash al-khidma and qumash al-maukib seem to have been
identical. This suggests itself on many occasions when the qumash al-maukib is
mentioned 4, or when the term qumash al-khidma is used with regard to clothes
worn by the Su:ltan durin.g a maukib 5. Sometimes we see the same parallelism
with regard to kala/tah and qumash al-maukib as we have seen with regard to qumash
al-khidma, an additional proof that both kinds of qumash are identical 6. Moreover,
this similarity seems to be proved by the fact that occasionally both are mentioned
in one breath 7, or by parallel passages in which once the words qumash al-khidma
and another time qumash al-maukib are used s. Nevertheless, as in the case of
robes of honour, magnificent as the qumash al-maukib must have been, it consisted
only of clothes well-known as the ordinary clothes of amirs on any but ceremonial
occasions. Ibn Taghribirdi who noticed with disapproval Barsbay's slack habits·
of dress and grumbled at the fact that the bad example set by Faraj in riding out
without qumash al-khidma was followed first by Shaikh and then by Barsbfty until
it became a habit 9, left us a description of Barsbily's qumash al-maukib on a
memorable occasion, the IIth $afar 832 (20th Nov., 1428), during a "splendid royal
procession" when Barsbfty - very much to the satisfaction of our author who was
an eye-witness - was dressed up like Barquq and other kings: Barsbay wore a

1 Nufum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 243, 1.16 f.

2 Haw(},dith, ed. Popper, p. 238, 11. 9-12.
3 I am well aware of certain passages in Mamluk chronicles, where maukib should be translated
by the Sultan's reception ", but they are so few that they can be taken as exceptions proving the rule.
H

4 Nufum, ed. Popper, VI, pp. 173, 1. 12, 579, 1. 5 (Barsbayon special occasion without It), VII,
p. II6, 11. 7, 13 (Jaqrn:aq without it); Inbti', s. 2nd $,i.far 873; 6th Rabi' I; loth Dhu-l-Qa'da; and often
elsewhere.
5 Nufum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 627. 1. 4.
6 Nujum, ed. Popper, VII, p. II6, 1. q: bi-ghair kalaftdh wa-ld qum(},sh; IJawddith, p. 478,1. 14:
kalaftdh waqumdsh al-maukib; Ibn Tfihln, p. 52, 1. 1 .f.: kalaftdh wa-quml1sh 'ala-l-'l1da fi-l-mawdkib.
7 Inbti', s. a. 873, 19th Dhu-l-I,Iijja (qum(},sh al-khidma wa-l-maukib).
8 Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 627,1. 4 f. (q. al-khidma) and VII, p. II6, 1. .12 (q. al maukib).

9 Nujum, ed. Popper, VI, p. 627, 1. 4 f., VII, p. II6, 11. 13-I5.
 APPENDIX I 79

kala/tah and a woollen /auqan~-coat with two sides, red and green 1. Since both
the kala/tah and the /auqan£ are quite typical amirial clothes, this would seem finally
to prove that from the point of view of cut there was nothing special in the qumash
al-maukib.
That a ruler like J aqmaq 2 known and praised for his austerity in matters of
dress, appeared without the qumashal-maukib during one of the famous processions,
can be easily understood even without the precedents established by the famous
Circassian Sultans just mentioned. But that the procession should have been
nevertheless described as /t ubbaha 'a?£ma " one of great splendour" proves that
the decisive factor· was not the appearance of the Sultan, but the pomp displayed
by his retinue 3.
During the Circassian period we frequently find the expression ash-shdsh wa-l-
qumash, in most cases clearly meaning "in gala" 4. If our assumption that
qumash means the overcoat worn as " full dress" is correct, the term would be clear,
since shdsh is (a) the length of muslin worn on the turban whereas the ordinary
headgear of a Mamluk amir during Royal processions, the sharbUsh or the kala/td,
was worn without the shdsh, (b) a shawl worn round the neck as part of the khil'a.
Thus the combination of shdsh and qumash would indicate that the occasion was
particularly ceremonial. Since the wearing of heavy clothes was unpleasant in
Egypt except during the short winter season, it may be taken for granted that it
was a concession to the Mamluks that Qft,ytbay abolished the wearing of the shdsh
and qumash for the" service" of the Citadel (khidmat al-qa~r) 5. Qan~Uh al-Ghauri
followed suit in 914 A. H. (1508-9 A. D.) and in his turn abolished it for all official
processions except on Fridays, High Holidays, on the departure of the pilgrims to
Mecca and on the arrival of an envoy 6. In practice Qan~uh al-Ghauri was appa-
rently much more liberal, since Ibn Iyas could assert ,that this Sultan had held
only one maukib with shdsh and qumash 7. That Qan~Uh tolerated a similar laxity
in the case of receptions of foreign ambassadors is amply borne out by many state-
ments of Ibn Iyas, a few of which are illustrative enough, such as, that on the
20th Rabi' I, 917 (17th June, 15II), the envoy of Shah Isma'il was received in the
Citadel after a maukib which although held without shdsh and qumasli, was never-

1 Nujam, ed. Popper, VI, p. 666 ult.-667, 1. 2; in Sulak, s. lIth $afar 834 (29th Oct., I430); from
which Ibn Taghrlbirdi perhaps obtained his information, the overcoat is called qumdsh ar-rukab and
described as qabd' akhij,ar bi-muqallab abmar.
2 Nujam, ed. Popper, VII, p. 245, 1. 10 ff.
a Nujam, ed. Popper, VII, p. lI6, 1. 6 f.
4. Nujam, ed. Cairo, VIII, p. 204, 1. 6 f.; Tibr, p. 209 t.; I. Tftlftn, p. 7, 1. 9; 1. Iyas, I, p. 269, 1. 14;
III (KM), p. 322, 1. 12, and often elsewhere.
5 I. Iyas, III (KM), p. 322, 1. 12.
6 I. Iy~, IV, p. 149, 1. 2.
7 IV, p. 421, 1. 8.
80 APPENDIX I

theless described as "magnificent, one of the famous processions t' /tafil min az.;.
mawakib al-mashhUda 1, or, on Ist Jum~da. II, 920 (24th June I5I4), the envoy of
the Ottoman Sultan who bro-qght valuable presents and was very well received,
with sufficient pomp to have the day described as famous (mashhud), the maukib
itself was without shdsh and qumash 2, or in 922 A. H. (I5I6 A. D.) the Abyssinian
envoy, the first to arrive at the court of a Mamluk Sultan after an interval of thirty-
six years was received without the shash and qumash 3.
But before leaving the subject, we have to dispose of one possible and even
obvious objection. Ibn Iy~s tells us 4 that Mu1,lammad b. Qal~un was the first to
introduce ash-shdsh wa-l-qumash into army dress. Although this chronicler is by
no means a reliable authority on the early Ba1,lrl period which he treats cursorily
in a few scores of pages, and although he was not half as much interested in matters
cifmaterial culture as, e. g. Maqrlzi or Ibn Taghribirdi, neverthele§s this statement
should be considered. We should ask ourselves whether it stands to reason that
before the reign of this Sultan army officers did not have some sort of " gala" for
ceremonial occasions. The answer is clear: they did not. Speaking of the dress
of the Mamluks under the early Bal,lri Sultans, Maqrlzi 5 related how coarse were
their clothes and of what rough material, until first Sultan Qala.un, and afterwards his
son Khalil, completely changed and refined army clothes. Ibn Iy~s 6 reproduced
the essentials of this chapter in his chronicle, and although he mentioned the intro-
duction of the shdshand qumash at a later point,? it is obvious that in writing he
had the words of Maqrizi in mind.

1 I. Iyas, IV, p. 219, 1. II-220, 1. I.

I Ibn Iyas, IV; P.383, 1. 21 - 384, 1. 7.
8 Ibn Iyas, V, p. 9, 1. 19. It should be pointed out, however, that the Abyssinian envoy who
came in Mu1;l.arram 886 (March, 1481) was also received in a maukib /tdftl min ghair shdsh wa-ld qumdsh:
Ibn Iyas, III (KM), p. 174, 1. 17 f.
, I, p. 173, 1. 15 f.
5 Khital, II, ,pp. 98, 1. ult. - 99, 1. 5.
8 I, pp. 120, 11. 10-18.
7 See last note but two.

't,
 ApPENDIX II

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Paris, 1852, p. 39, nO 68. - Blanc, Charles: Histoire des peintres de toutes les ecoles. Ecole Venitienne.
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 APPENDIX II
I
I~
Portuguese .in the Indian Ocean, a contemporary painting representing the Mameluke Sultan, Kan-
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III
i.l
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·11
.1
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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L_: __ _
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 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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94 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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. --------.~--------------
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ment sous la direction de M. Henri Le Roi. Bruxelles, 1854.
104 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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 BI;BLIOGRAPHY I 05

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 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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8

:_r~

~I
~
 IIO BIBLIOGRAPHY

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I
I
'j

I
1

I
i

MW' I
 BIBLIOGRAPHY III

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 INDEX

In this index an asterisk (*) denotes the occurrence of the word so marked
more than once on that page, either in the text, or in the notes, or in both. In
arranging the index no notice has been taken of the Arabic article. Public col-
lections are indexed under the names of the respective towns, private ones under
the names of their owners.

'aba' 18*, 20, 54 Ardashlr I. 39

Abbasids 12*, 13, n. 8, 15, 53, n. 6* Ardavan V. 39
'Abdallah b. Zanb11r 26, 29 Armenia 22*, 30
'Abdal-Basit b. Khaill 56, n. 3 arms and armour 5, 7, II, 19, 20, 36* - 48 *,
'Abd aI-Qadir 60, n. 6 56, 57, 65, 75, n. I., 76
'Abd ar-Ral;1man b. al-Kuwaiz 60, n. 3 arrow 15
'Abd ar-Ral;1man b. Taj ad-din 6 artists 46
al-Ablaq 36, n. 3 Asandamur 48, n. 3
AM Bakr, Sidi 54 Asia Minor 40, 58*
Ab11 Bakr b. Mul;1ammad b. Qala11n 13 atabak 14
Abu-I-Fida' 57*, 58* Athens, Benaki Museum 27, n. 2, 47
Abyssinians 80* atlas see satin
Acre 63 Atlit 48, n. 5*
'adhaba 51* 'attaM 60
al-'A~id li-dtu Allah 44, n. 7 axe 45,47*
ad~m 34 Aybak, aI-Malik al-Mu'izz 70, n. 5
Al;1mad b. Aynal 22 Aybak ar-Rllmt 30
Al;1mad b. I;Iajj Almalik 54 AynaI 56
Al;1mad b. I;Iajj\: 40 Ayyubids 5*, 21, 26, n. 2, 27-29. 31, 33, 36,
'Ala' ad-din b. Zanb11r 75, n. I 37*, 41, 42, 53
Aleppo 43, 60
Alexandria 14, n. 4, 17, 50, 57, n. 3, 58, 59*, Badr ad-din al-Kilistani: 51, n. I
64*, 67, n. 5, 78 Baghdad 12
'Ali b. Maim11n al-Maghribi 71, n. 7 bahtala 69, 74
'Ali b. Qalau,n 26, n. 2 bai{la 41, 42, n. 2
aman 56* see also mandU al-amdn Baktamur 26, n. 5
Amirs passim Ba'labakk material 16, 19, 22, 24, 49, n. 6,
am'lr shikar 24 51, 52
'ammi 55 balas 40
'an bar-beads 50 baldric 15, n. 5, 16, 45*
anith 43 band (for drawers and trousers) 70*
Antwerp, Musee du Vleeschhuis 41 band 18, 20, 26, 45
Aqbugha min 'Abd al-Wal;1id 74 Baneth, D. H. 6
Arab, Arabic passim banners 15, 46*, 53
'araqiyya 50 " Baptistere de Saint Louis" see Paris
arbab al-'amt2'im see Ecclesiastics baqyar 50*, 60
arbab as-suyitf see Amirs Baraka Qan 56
 INDEX II3

Barcelona 64 castor 25, 31

Barqliq 14. n. 3. 17. 19. 25. n. 2. 29. 30. 48. chemise 69*, 70"', 74
51. 56. n. 4. 76*. 78 chin straps 43-
Barsba.y 43; 62, 74*, 77, 78 * China 43, n. 6, 44
bath 67 Christian knights 38; 39'"
bawdkif' see bikdriyya Christians 49*. 65"'-68"', 70, 71, n. I
Ba.yaztd II 43 chronicles 7
Baybars I 15, 19, 20, 24, 29, 51, 56"', 76 Circassians 19"', 20. 24*, 25, 28-32*, 34, n. I,
Baybars II 15, n. I, 23, 65, 66, n. I 37, ,42, 43, 48, 52, 63, 69, 70*' 74, 79*
Beatty, Chester 5 clasps 38, n .• 58, 59*
beaver 52,58,59*,60. 72 cloak 25
Bedouins 69, 71 see also sword clogs 73
Bellini, Gentile 10, 71, n. 9 coat see qabd'
belt 23, 25*. 26*, 50,57,58"',59*,65"',66, n. 3 coat of arms see heraldry
Ben Horin, U. 5 coat of mail 19, 20, 36, 37*-40"', 41, n. :I
Benaki. Ant. 27, n. 2 collar 15. 24. 37
Berchem, Max van 36 Constantinople 10, see also Istanbul
Bereke KMn 30, 63, n. I I Copenhagen, National Museum 47
Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum 48, n. 5 coronation 13, 15
Berlin, Zeughaus 43 cotton 50, n., 52, 63. see also Ba'labakk.
bikdf'iyya 27, 58"', 59'" crimson 40
Bint al-A'azz 65, n. 6 crown 16*
bi-rasm 42, n. Crusaders 42, 46, 48. n. 5
black 12"', 31. 33, 34. 53"', 60"', 64, 68 Cyprus 64
blue 39, n. 3, 49, 59"', 65-68. 70
bonnet, crested 72 dabMs 45. n. 3. 46'"
bonnet. pointed see qalansuwa dagger 37, 44
Book, People of the, see Christians. Jews, dd'ira 34. n. I
Samaritans damascening 5*.44"'.45
boots see khuO Damascus 44*. 59. 61, 70. n. 5. 73. n. 6. 77
boys 73 damask 45 '
Breydenbach, Bernhard von 10 Damietta 44. n. 2., 60'"
brigandine 37"', 39-41 dancers 73
brocade 33, 34, 40"', 59"', 62 Danish 45. 47*
Brussels, Musee du Cinquantenaire 5 ddr at-(irdz 57, n. 3, 59
Brussels, Milsee de la Porte de Hal 5, 41, 42 daraqa 37. 47
Bry, Theodore de 12, n. 3 dashan 37
Buchthal, Hugo 5. 8, n. 2 DaulatMy 47. n. 4
buckles 43 Day. Florence E. 5
bughlutdq. bugh1-atdq 24'" dhu·dba. dhawd'ib 50
Bulgarian 18, n. 2, 27, 34 diM! 40'"
Burha.n ad-dtn as-Slisl 61 dilq 50"'.60
burqu' 73 Dimand. M. S. 5
,dif" 36. 37. 41• n. 3
Cairo 59, 63, 64*, 69, 70. n. I. 72*-74, 76"', 78 Dozy 7*
Cairo. Ba,b an-N~r 48, n. I. drawers 70*. 73. 74'"
Cairo, Coptic Museum 5 Dresden. Historisches Museum 47. n. 4
Cairo, National Museum of Arab Art 5, 44, n. dress-regulations passim
, " Caliph 12"'-14*, 15, 53, n. 6"'. 63 Durighello collection 9
camail 41, 42* durrd'a 15*
cap 18, n. 2, 42*, 49, 62, 73, 74
cap (steel with camail) 43 ear guards 42"'. 4.3
Carpaccio 12, n. 3, 17, 71, n. 9 Ecclesiastics 12. 15. 49*·55"'. 59. 60. 74
It
I
I,
I

I,
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 II4 INDEX

Egypt 7. 9. 10*. 12. 24. n. I. 48• 62. 73. 79 !tarba 37

embroidery 33. 50. 54. 58*. 59*. 71 Harff. Arnold von 10
emerald 58 !tarSr see silk
ermine 25 al-I;Iasan b. MuJ;tammad b. Hibat Allah 45
Ettinghausen. Richard . 5. 6 I;Iasan b. N~ Allah 62. n. 2
hat 21 and passim
face guards 42 helmet 20. 37. 39. n. 7. 41*-43*. 46. 76
Faraj 13. 17. 20. 25. 26. 31• 77*' 78 Henry II 30
faraiiyya 15. 24. 50-52*. 54* heraldry. heraldic emblems 10*. 38. 39.42• 44.
Farrukh Yasar 43 46*-4 8*
Fatimids 21. 40. n. 4. 53 Heyd. U. 5
fauqdnt. fauqdniyya 14. n. 5. 34. 50. n. 7. 51*.. hide 47 see also leather. shagreen. etc. :'-
52. 58*-60. 62. 79* !tilya 44. n. 2*
field-dress 19 !tiyd§a 18,. 19. 25*-27'''. 57. n. 6. 59*
FtrUzabAd 39 Holland. Royal Institute of 7
fleur-de-Iys 43 Holter. K. 8. n. 2
Florence. Museo Nazionale 40 horse armour. horse acco:utrement 57-59 see
Florence. Museo Stibbett 38 also saddle. housing. kanMsh. qumdsh
forbidden materials 20. 62* housing 15. 58*.76
Frankish 22* . Hunt. Master of the 24
Frid;a,y-preacher see khatib I;Iusain b. MuJ;tammad b. Qalaun 73. D.6
l0,lddh 40. n. 6. 43 I;Iusam ad-dln 25. n. 8
fur 23*.25
fur see under name of each kind Ibn al-I;Iajj 73
furasiyya-books 12. 45. 48. n. I. 53 Ibn al-Khalll 66
Ibn Luqman 55
ghadddra 47 Ibn $a~arl 50. n.
Ghazan 73. n. 6 Ibn Tairoiyya 66. 69. n. 6 .
Ghazt b. 'Abd ar-R.a1}.man 45 IbrAhlm b. MuJ;tammad a~-$aqart 54. 55
GhAzI b. Zangl 23.4';. n. 3. 46 'imdma 13*. 15. 18. 24. 31. 49*. '50.' n .• 54*.
ghimtl 45 55. 7 1 *
ghishd' 58 Imru-I-Qais 36. n. 3 .
gilt see gold In!lia 44. 45. 47
Glray 29 investiture 13. 15*
girdle 67*. 68. 71* iqtd' 34
girls 73* Irkmas min Tarabay 30
glass 8 iron 43*. 44. n. 2. 46'"
gold 19. 20. 26. 34. n. I. 35*. 42*. 46• 47,' 50,' 'i§dba 71. 72*
54, 57. n. 6, 58*. 59*. 62*. 64. 74* isfini 42
gown see thaub Islamic Culture Board. Hyderabad . 6
Gray. Basil 27 Isma'll. Shah 79
green 31. 51. 53.54. 59*. 60*. 79* Isma'll. al-Malik 8{!-$a.Iil;). 27
Istanbul. Army Museum. Church of St. Irene
!tadid dhakar 40. n. 6 36.44
hair 17. 18. 31. 71 Istanbul. ~inili Ko~k38
I;Iajjaj 65. n. I Istanbul. Topkapu Sarayi Mllzesi 5. 36. 4 2 • 43.
I;Iajjt. al-Malikal-Mu~affar 73. n. 6 n. 5. 46. n. 9
I;Iajj!. al-Malik a~-$alil;). 76 Italy. Italian .. 10*. 17
!talqa 24. 26•. 35 izdr 67; 70• 7 1• 74*
Hama 16. n. 4. 58 'izz Ii- 42. n.
!tamtla 45
Hanafites 51. 62 Jacob. mintmaster 68
Harari. R. A. 3.9.27. n. 2 jade 25

L I
 INDEX H5
jahdza 45 kizZik 21, 23.
JAnibak al-Ashraft 77 kaft,yya, kawdft 24:, 31, 73 .
Janim al-Franjt 77 kuZZdb 28, 38; n'
Jaqmaq 19*,40,54, 78, n. 4, 79 Kumushbugha 69*
jausnan 37*, 38, n., 41, 56, 76, see also laminae Kundig, Albert 6
of armour
javelin 37 Idbis 37, n' 3
jazeran 38 Lajtn 60, 62*
J erusalem6z, n. 2, 68 laminae (of armour) 37*, 38*, 39, n. 2, 40*, 41*
Jerusalem, Department of Antiquities 5 Lamm, C. J. 9
Jerusalem, Jewish National and Hebrew Uni- lance 37, 46*
versity Library 6 Idnis 58*
jewellery 5,44*, 57, n. 6, 71, 75 leather 18, n. 2, 27, 34*, 38, 43, 45, 50, 70,
Jews 49*,65*-68*, 70, 71, n. 1 n. I, 7z.
Jovius, Paulus 12, n. 3 leggings 35, 37*
jubba 15*, 52*, 58, n. I, 62, n. 2 Leonardo da Vinci 10, n. I
judge see qd¢i Levant 10
i-akn, i-akha 17, 20, 22, 25·*,52 Levy. Reuben 7
iuZ-as 77*, 78 * Zibds 21, 70
linen 60
KafIa 19 links of mail 37*
kalt, mukaDat 18, n. 2 London, British Museum 5
kaZajtdh, kaZauta, kaZautdn 16,17*,18, n. 2. 21*, London, Victoria and Albert Museum 5,
22*,26,28*, z9*, 30, 54;· 58, 59*. 77*. 78*, 79* Lu'lu' 27
kaZdZtb see kuZZdb lynx 17*, 25*
Kalebdjian .Freres 5
kaZsdt az-zard 37 mace 45, n. 3, 46*, 47
kdmiZiyya 13. ~6, 17, 19, 25. n. 5; 57. n. 4, 58, ma'dant 24,40
n. I, 61, n. II, 62, 63, 68 madds 72*
kamkhd 59*, 60* Maghrib 65
kanb-asn 15, 58*, 76 Ma1;tmftd, al-Malik al-Mu;affar 34, n. I
Karlm ad-din 56, 62 Mal;tmftd Qart 73
kdtib as-sirr 54* mail-shirt 19, 20, 36*, 37*, 40 *, 41*
kazdgnand 37, n. 3, 39, 40*, 41, n. 3 malatt 28, 50
Kerak 68 al-Malik al-Mu'izz Aybak 70, n. 5
Ketbugha 69, n. Z mal-ala 24*,25,32; 55
Kevorkian, H. 5, 9;U. I Mamluks passim
Khairbak 43 al-Ma'mftn 13, n. 8, 71
Khaltl 14, n. 7 mandtz 27
Kha1tl b. Qal!1in 19, n. I, 20, 22, 28-30, 63, 80 mandtz al-amdn 63, n. 4*
khaniar 44, n. 8 Manjak 69, 74
khattb 53. 60* Mann, Sir James 5
knd§§akt 26*, 27, n. I, 36, n: 4, 46 Mansueti 12, n. 3, 17, 71, n. 9
khaudha 37,41 mans-ai 14. n. 4
kkidma 77*, 78*, 79 manuals for officials 7, 10
kkiZ'a 13*, 14*, 15, 25, n' 8, 26*, 33, n. 5, 34, manuscripts. illuminated 8, 12, n. 2,·5Z
n' I,· 54, 56*;-64*~ 68, 79 mark-ab 35
Khirbat al-Mafjir 4.1 Maronites 68
, " bhuD 18, n. 2, 20, 34*, 35*. 37, 50. 53. 72,. Marquet de Vasselot, J. J. 9'"
74* mars-am 61
Khushqadam 19 marten 25
kkulba 12, n. I Martin, F. R. 9
;kibr 52 ma§q-al 66, n. 3
 II6 INDEX

Masters of the Pen, see Ecclesiastics musaqqat 44 '"

Masters of the Sword, see Amirs musawwida 12, n. 6
maukib 78*-80* musbal 20, 37, 51
maulid 55 mushahhar 22*
Mecca 61 mushajfar 22, n. 4
metalwork 8, 9, 45*, 47, 74 musk 70. n. 4
mighjar 39, n. 7, 41*, 42, n. 2 Muslim passim
mihmdz 18, n. 2, 19, 35*, 37, 53, 76 muslin 79
military aristocracy 21*-35* and passim al-Musta'ln billah 14. 33. n. 5*. 48
miniatures see manuscripts, illuminated al-Mustakfi b. al-I;Iakim 13. 14, n. 7
mintaqa 25*, 58 al-Mustakfi b. al-MJltawakkil 13, n. 2
Mintash 76 al-Mustamsik billah Ya'qub 14
miqna'a 73 mutammar 14"', 58, 63
mishadda 15 muthammar 14. n. 4
mi'zdr 69* al-Mu'ta<;1.id Abu Bakr 13, n. 2
money-changers 67 mutakhaffij 77*
Mongols 18, 38, 42 mutarraz see {irdz ,
morocco 35 al-Mu'tallim billah Mul;tammad 71
Moslem passim al-Mu'tallim billah Zakariyya 14, n. 3
Mosul-school 8, 48 al-Mutawakkil Mul;tammad b. Abi Bakr 13. n. 2
muballigh 60 al-Mutawakkil Mul;tammad b. Ya'qub 13
muMshir 28, n. 4 Mutayyam 71
mudarra' 37, n. 3 muwa" ama 43
mudhahhab 15 muzarkash see zarkash
mudhakkar 43
mudhhab 34 na'l 72
mujarrij, mujraj 50, 59 nasal 41-43
Mughulbay 47 Na~ir ad-din b. Mailiq 51
Mul;tammad (the Prophet) 45, 53, 71, n. 3 Na~ir ad-din b; Shibl 72
Mul;tammad b. I;Iasan 54 nd$iriyya 29
\ Mul;tammad b. Mul;tammad al-'Abdarl: 73 nd'.ara 16*. 17, 30
Mul;tammad b. Muslim 61 Nauruz 78
1 Mul;tammad b. Qalaun 13, 14, n. 7, I5, 17, 18*, ndtir al-khd$$ 58*. 62, 63
I Near East 10, n. I
19, 23*, 26, 31, 34, 41, 42, 59, 62'", 80
Mu1;tammad b. Qaytbay 17, 29,32. 47. n. 3 neck guard 4 2 '", 43
Mul;tammad b. Sa'd ad-Dairi 62 New York, Cooper Union 5
Mul;tammad ibn az-Zain 9 New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 9,46,
n. 9
\ mu[wam 59'",60*
multtasib 67, 72*-74 nijdd 45
mujanniba 58 nimja. namja 37,44, n. 8
I, mujauhar 44, n. 7 niqdb 73
mukalwat 28 ni$dj;' 25
mukhmal see velvet Norman shield 48
muld'a 73 Nuradin, Ntir ad-din 23, 45*
\ mulbas 37, n. 3
mumawwaj 14. n. 4 Osman (miniaturist) 12. n. 2

I
\
manammar 14, n. 4
muqallab 14. 19. 79. n. I
muqawwar 52
Ottomans 24. 43*, 44, '63, 64. 70, n. 5, 80
Oxford, Bodleian Lib.rary 5

muqanza' 72 Palermo, Museo Nazionale 9

al-Muqtafi Ii-amr Allah 44, n. 2 Palestine 7, 9. ro, 68
Murad II 61 Palmyrene 18
Musa.. Al;tmad 8, n. 2 paper padding 31, 72*
 INDEX II7
Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale 53 Qaytbay 15, n. I, 16, 18, 20, 38, 57, 71, 72,
Paris, Church of St. Denis 38 n. I, 79
Paris, Durighello coll. 9 qina' 73
Paris, Louvre Museum 5;" Baptistere de St. qirdb 45
Louis" 5, 9, 42, 45; " Reception of a Vene- Quatremere 7
tian Embassy" 10, 12, n. 3, 17, 32, n. 13, qub' 18, n. 2, 42, 49, 62
Appendix II quiver 77
partizan 46 qumdsh 17, 57, 58, 75*-80*
Pauilhac, Georges 5, 38 qundus 24, 34
peak 42*,43
pearls 58, 70, n. 4 ratrat 13
peasants 32, 54 ra~ama see raqama
People of the Book see Christians, Jews, Sama- rammdfia-lancers 25
ritans rdndt 37
Persia 21, n. 9, 45, 47, 73 raqama 33
petit-gns 24 red 19*, 25, 28, 29, 32*, 34, n. I, 35, 40, 49, 58,
Petrus Martyr 64 59*, 65*, 67*, 70, n. 4, 71, 73, 79*
physicians 67 Reuwich 10
pilgrimages, accounts of 9 revers see muqaUab
plate armour 38* Rice, D. S. 5, 8, 40, n. 5
plume-sockets 42* rikdb 19
polo 18* rikdb-khdndh 58
Pommerantz, luna 6 ring 19
prostitutes 73 robes of honour 56*-64'" see also khil'a
" round" coat 60*
qabd' 13, 14, 18, 19*, 21*-23*, 27*, 29, 34, n. I, roundel see btkdriyya
49; n. 6, 56, 58, n. 1,59*-61, n. II*, 79, n. I ruby 58
qabqab 73 rumfi 37,46
qarJ,t, chief qdrJ,~ 49*-53, 60*, 62*, 65, n. 6, 76
al-Qa<;ll al-Fac;lil 52 sdbil 37, 50
al-Qa'i)l1 billah 78 sable 14, 16*, 17*, 19*, 25*, 62*, 68, 76
qalansuwa 39, n. 7, 49, 50 sabre see sword
Qal'at al-Muslim!n 30 saddle 18*, 47, 50, 58 *, 59, 76*
Qal'at al-Qurain 42, n. 6 Safad 76
Qalalln 19, n. I, 22*, 26, 34, n. I, 40, 56, 80 §afd'ilt 37, n. 8
qamt§ 21,69 sait see sword
qamilln 20 Saif ad-din ar-Rashidi 29
Qani Bay al-'Ala'i 62, n. 4 Saladin 27, 39, n. 7, 42, 44*, 46, n. I I
Qan~llh al-GhaurI 13, 16, 17, 19, 24, 25, 30, 47, Sallar 23*, 24*, 62, n. 2, 65
63, 79* sallari, salldriyya 14*,16*,17*,20,23*-25*,30,
Qan~llh' Khamsmi'a 63, n. 4 34, n. I, 55, 57*, 58, n. I
Qan~llh, aI-Malik a~-Zahir 18, n. 2, 32 Salomons, Vera 6
Qan~llh al-Yal).yawi 57 Samaritans 49, 65*-68*, 70, 71*
qantdriyya 37, 46 Samarra 52, n. 6
qdqum 23,64* Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya 36, n. 3
qarablls 50 sammllr 14, 19, 23*, 25*, 62, n. 2
Qaraja 77 Sanjar ash-Shuja't 31, 60, n. 4, 66, n. 3
Qarasunqur 48* sdq al-mllza 37
qarqal 40*, 41* Saracens 5*, 8, 10*, 21, 38 *, 39, 43*, 45*-48*,
qa§ab 59* 5 2 ,75
Qa~rauh 62, n. 4 saraqllj, sardqllsh 22, 30*, 31*, 72*
qaunas 43 sardwU 70 *, 73, 74
Qayt 29 sarmaza 72, 74

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 lI8 INDEX

Sarre, Fr. 9 skull-cap 50*; 62

sash 18*-20, 63 sleeves 15, 22*, 23, 33*, 50, 52, 59, 60, 67, 69*
satin 14, 22*, 24, 26, 29, 34, n. I, 39, 40, 55*, slipper 72
58*, 59, 62, 63, n. 8 sources 7*-II*
~aulaq 21*, 23, 27 splint-armour 37*, 38*
Sauvaget, J. 72, n. 4 spurs 18, n. 2, 19, 35*, 37, 53, 76
sawdd 12, n. 6 " square" coat 60, n. 1
scabbard 45* squirrel see sinidb
scales 41 standard see banners
scimitar see sword steel 40, n. 5, 43*, 46*, 47
scribe see Ecclesiastics stirrups 19
Selim I 24, 33, 36, 43 stockings 37, leather stockings see khuff
Sha'ban, aI-Malik aI-Ashraf 29, 31, 53 Stone, G. C. 46, n. 9
Sha'ban, aI-Malik al-Kamil 73, n. 6 stones, precious see jewellery, and under indi-
shadd 19, 49, n. 3 vidual names
Shafi'ites 51* Strauss-Ashtor, E. 6
shagreen 45 streamer 46
Shah Rukh 61 stripes 22
shahhara 39, n. 1 Sudan 15
Shaikh, aI-Malik al-Mu'ayyad 17, 26, 33. n. 5*. Slidun 39
54, 69, n. 6, 77, 78 * ~-af see wool
shaikh see Ecclesiastics ~-aj~ 19, 51
Shajar ad-Durr 70, 73 Sulaiman b. Hilil.l al-Qurashl 50, n.
Shams ad-din b.' 'Awa<;l 54 Sultan 15*-20*,28-30,33,40,45-47,52*,55-58,
Shams ad-din ar-Rumi 49, n. 6 61*-63*, 66*, 69*, 72*, 74*, 75, 77*, 79*
Shaql,lab 13 Sultana 63
Sharaf ad-din ad-Damamini 51 Sultanian factories 34, n. I, 63, see also, ddr
sharb-ash 21, n. I, 27*,28*, 54. 56. 57, n.6, 79 at-tirdz
sharif 53 summer clothes see white
-shdsh 29, 58*, 59*. 60, 71, n. 3, 79*, 80* sumptuary laws 20, 66, no 3, 74
shdshiya 50 Sunqur al-Ashqar 57, n. 6
shatfa 46 suqmdn 35
Shaubak 68 surcoat 39*
shawl see #ar(ia sword 15*, 21*, 23, 37, 41, 43*-45*, 53, 58, 77
shi'dr IS Syria ,7, 9, la, 18, 45, 48, 49, 59. 70, n. 5, 76
shield IS, 37, 47*, 48*
Shihab ad-din, Sharif 53 tabar 47'"
shoe 72,74 tabarddr 47*
sh-al;t 17, n. 4 ta(Mb 28
Sibay 63, n. 4 tajrif 50
sikh 37 Taghrlbirdi, the dragoman 64. n. 4
sikklna 37 Taghribirdi, a~-Zahiri 78
sildl;t-khdndh 58 tal;ttdnl 52, 60*, 62
silk 15, 18*, 19, 22*, 25*, 26, 33*, 41, 46"', 52, 'fa'if 34. 50
55*, 58*, 59, 62*, 64, 70, n. 4, 74 taf 16*
silver 35, 47, 74* takaldwdt 21*
sinidb 18, n. 4, 24, 25*, 34, n. I, 52, 57, 58, takhffja 16*, 17*, 24*, 29'", 30 *, 49, n. 3, 55
59*,60 Tanam al-I;Iasani 76
s'inn 46* Tankiz 26. 59, 63, n. 8, 75, n. I
Siraj ad-din aI-Hindi 51 taqallada 15*,45
sirwdl see sardwil taqdima 56, n. I
Sis 30, n. IO Taqi ad-din b. Daqiq aI-'ld 62
Siwil.r 57, n. I I tdqiyya 31*, 32, 72*-74
 INDEX II9
tardwaIJsh 59* Uzdamur, the Dawadar 24
!ar/J 50, 59
tarIJa 13*, 50, 51*, 52, 54, 60* Vecellio, Cesare 12, n. 3
!driqa 48, n. I veil 67, n. 7, 73*
tariil 35 velvet 16, 17, 19, 40* 41, 45, 64
tarkhdn 30 Venice, Venetian 10, 12, n. 3, 22, 64*
tarkhdniyya 29 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Nationalmuseum
tarMba 59 47, n·3
larraIJa 51, n. 3 vizier 22, 50, 51, 59, 60-62, n. 2, 66*
Tartars 21*-23, 30*, 31, 38, 72, n. 1
tart11r '71 waih 16
tasa 50 washaq 17*, 25*
tashMr 39, n. 1* Washington, Freer Gallery of Art 5
tash1'~f 56, 57, n. 10, 60*, 62 watered silk 14, n. 4
Tashtamur al-Badri 60 white 18*, 19, 25*, 34, 50*-52, 5'7-60*, 62, 64,
Tatar 39 66, 70, 72, n. 6, 73, 75 '
tauq 53* winter clothes see white, wool
taylasdn 52* women 49, n. 3, 52, n. 3, 66, n. 8, 67*, 69*-74*
teneke 37, n. 8 wood 45-47*, 73
textiles 5, 75, see also cotton, linen, silk, wool 16*-19, 22, 25, 28, 50-52; 54, 57, 62*, 68,
wool etc. 75*,'76
thaub 34, n. I, 49, n. 6, 55, 63, 7'0* Wormann, C. 6
Thordeman, Bengt 5 wrap 67*, 70, 71*; 73*. 74
tikka 70
tirdz, mutarraz 14, n. 5, IS, 23, 26, 29, 33*, Y~ya b. ad-Dawhi 53
34*, 52, 59, 60, 62, 64 Y~ya, Ustadar 49, n. 1.54
Trevisan, Domenico 64 '" Yalbugha al-Jarkast 60. n. 3
tributaries see Christians, Jews, Samaritans YalbugM an-Na~irt 39, 76
trousers 70*' 73 YalbugM al-'Umari al-KM~~akt 29, 34
111 46* Ya'qub al-YahUdt 68
Tumanb8.y I 17, n. 4 Yashbak ad-Dawadar 33, n. 6, 56, n. 3. 67, n. 5
Tumanbiy 1.1 IS, n. I Yashbil-k: al:Jamall 72
Tuquztamur 48 yashm 26
TuransMh 25, n. 8 yellow 18, 22, 26. 29*, 34. 40. 46*, 49. 55, 58,
turban 13*-17, 19, n., 20, 24, 28-32, 49*-54*, 65- 6 7*. 7°
58*. 65*-67*,71*, 76, 79 Yusuf, ,al-Malik al-'Aziz 74
turkdsh 77 Yusuf, al-Malik al-Mu~a:ffar 56
Turks, Turkish 21, 22, n. 1*, 24*, 30, 38, 47 Yiisuf Shanshu 67, n. 5
turs 37, 47*, 48 *
zam!24, 32*, 33
'Ubaid al-Bazdar 54 Zangids 5
fl,jak~ 22 zardiyya 20, 37*, 39-41. see also coat of mail.
'Umar 65* mail-shirt '
'umud 58 zardiyya Ddw11diyya 20, 39
U stdddr 54 'I<, 60* zardkdsh 47
'Uthman b. Jaqmaq I4, 18 zarkash (embroidered or brocaded) 14, n. 5.
Uzbak 24 IS, 22. 29, 33, 34*, 62,
Uzbak al-Muk~1;lal 30 zirh 37, n. 8
Uzbak al-Yusufi 44, n. zunndr 65*, 66. n. 3. 67. 68, 71
Uzbak min Tutukh 56,57 zunndrt 59