A History of Ikorodu From Earliest Times

Ikorodu from Earliest Times to 1999:
Transformation from a Rural to an

Urban Community
By
Peters, Olufunsho Emilola

Matric No: 030104032
Being a long essay submitted to the Department of

History and Strategic Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Lagos in partial fulfilment of the
requirement for the award of Bachelor of Arts Degree
in History and Strategic Studies
October 2008
CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that this project was carried out by Peters, Olufunsho Emilola under
my supervision.
________________________
Dr. E. K. Faluyi
Supervisor
ii
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to the memory of my late father,

Mr. Adedoyin Messiah Peters
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
“Without counsel plans go wrong, but with many advisers they succeed.”
(Proverbs15:22, RSV). To the many, therefore, who contributed in varied degree to
the success of this work and my undergraduate programme I am greatly indebted. I
am particularly immensely grateful to Dr. Emmanuel Kehinde Faluyi, my supervisor,
for making the arduous task of writing the final year long essay an interesting one for
me; may your path shine brighter and brighter unto the glorious day. Dr. (Mrs.) Funke
Adeboye, to you also I express my heartfelt gratitude; you are more than just my
lecturer, you are a role model.
I do also acknowledge a great deal of indebtedness to Mr. Yemi Peju, Mr.
Demola, Adeyemi, and Mr. Tunde Isikalu. You have been a positive influence on me.
Your wise counsels kept me going and gave me hope that, surely, it shall be well.
Thanks a lot, I am very grateful.
I am profoundly grateful to my wonderful mother, Mrs. Rachel Adeola Peters,
thanks for the love and care you showered on me and the commitment you
demonstrated towards the success of this research work and my undergraduate
programme. Thanks so much, you will eat the fruits of your labour. Peters Segun,
Tomi, and Imoleayo, Paul and Mercy Richman, Lola Adekanmi, and Bola Adebola,
you are all partners in my success, I will forever remember this and be grateful to you
for being there for me when I needed you most. Thanks a great deal.
Bukola Afolabi, Imade Raymond, Seun Babawibe and Ariyo Aboyade thanks
for being really good friends. I appreciate your concerns, friendship and commitment
to my success. To the many, whose names are not mentioned here, you are as
iv
invaluable and precious to me as those whose names are mentioned. It would be very
impossible for me to forget your contributions and warm friendship; I express my
indebtedness.
The BIGGEST gratitude goes to the Lord God Almighty that saw me through
this project and my undergraduate programme, granting me wisdom, favour and love.
He is a wonderful God.
Like the scriptural Apostle Paul, I have fought a good fight, I have finished a
race, I have kept the faith; all thanks to God, by whose grace I have studied and
prepared my self, like Abraham Lincoln said, and then my chance will come. To God
be the Glory.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Certification……………….…………………………………………… ii
Dedication…………………...………………………………………….. iii
Acknowledgements………….………………………………………….. iv
Table of Contents……………..………………………………………… vi
Table of Figures………………………………………………………… vii
Introduction…………………….………………………………………. 1
General Background…...…………………………………………. 1
Statement of Research Problem………………………………….. 3
Significance of Study…………………………………………….. 4
Scope of Study…………………………………………………… 5
Methodology…………………………………………………….. 5
Literature Review……………………………………………….. 5
Chapter One: Early History of Ikorodu: Origin, Migration and

Settlement………………………………………………..… 15
Chapter Two: Ikorodu before 1894: Politics, Economic and

Socio-Cultural Activities and Organisations..……..…… 24
Political Structure………………………………………………… 25
Economic Activities………………………………………………. 30
Socio-Cultural Organisations……………………………………... 34
Chapter Three: The Transformation of Ikorodu……………………….… 41

^
Growth and Expansion of Ikorodu……………….…….………. 41
Factors that Led to the Transformation of Ikorodu………….………. 43
Chapter Four: Impact of the Transformation of Ikorodu.……………… 58
Conclusion……………………………………………….……………… 70
Bibliography…………………………………………………………. 75
vi
TABLE OF FIGURES
The Statue of Oga.……………………………………………………… 17

Map showing Ikorodu as part of the protectorate……………………….. 24
Map Showing Ikorodu and her immediate Neighbours………………… 27
vii
INTRODUCTION
GENERAL BACKGROUND
From earliest times, human societies have been experiencing changes in various
degree of quality in all ramifications of the society and human life. This has been
described as urbanisation. Like many other concepts in the social sciences,
urbanisation does not have a generally acceptable definition despite the huge interests
in urban studies and the multidisciplinary approach to it; as a matter of fact, the issue
of a proper or a generally acceptable definition of urban and urbanisation is still at
large. It therefore becomes imperative to define the term in order to have a proper
understanding of what this research work is all about. According to Adejugbe,
urbanisation describes the process by which hamlets and villages metamorphose into
cities and acquired metropolitan status. It is the rendering of rural areas more urban by
adding features characteristic of city life. 1 Urbanisation has also been defined as the
process whereby cities grow and societies become more urban and densely populated.
The term also refers to a process in which an increasing proportion of an entire
population live in cities and suburbs of cities.2 According to Mabogunje, the
fundamental idea in the theory of urbanisation is based on the specialization of
functions among human communities through division of labour. The essence of
urbanisation is specialization.3
Urbanisation involves large congregation of human beings at a particular place
on the earth surface. It also means the removal of the rural characteristics of a town or
area, a process that is associated with the development of civilization and technology.
Demographically, the term denotes the distribution of population from rural to urban
1
settlements. Historically, it has been closely connected with industrialisation.
Basically, urbanisation occur because people move from rural area (country side) to
urban areas (towns and cities) and this usually occur when a country is still
developing.4
The history of the development of Ikorodu shows a marked change in size and
character of the town, a qualitative change from a rural community to an urban area.
Indeed, like any other commercial towns in the world today, its development showed
how a small settlement grew into a cosmopolitan community. Geographically, Ikorodu
is described as a vegetable low land region with relatively flat undulating features and
as an initially massive forest situated approximately 18 kilometres from East to West
and 7 kilometres from North to South. It is bounded in the North by the southern
boundaries of Ogun State, on the South by the extensive Lagos Lagoon, on the West
by Somolu Local Government Area, and on the East by Epe Local Government Area.
Effectively, Ikorodu, as a Local Government covers a land area of about 100 squares
kilometres. The 1993 population census estimated it to have a population of about
400,000 inhabitants.5
In Nigeria, migration as a social phenomenon is one of the strongest factors
influencing urbanisation and it has been observed that more people migrate into urban
settlements and primate cities for better life. The search for greener pastures, that is,
economic power and better living conditions, inevitably resulted into migration.
According to the United Nations estimate, Africa has the highest urban growth rates in
the world. This rapid rate of urbanisation has produced a phenomenon of metropolitan
explosion whereby accelerated growth of city systems has outstripped community
support services, infrastructure, and employment opportunities. Therefore, according
2
to Okogie, such rapid growth raises the question whether the absorption capacity of
these urban centres can ensure adequate provision of employment, hence higher
income and social services for the growing urban environment and to what extent
migrants are integrated or assimilated into the host environment?6
It is against this background therefore, that this work examines the
transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to a commercial urban community. This work
will examine the early history of Ikorodu as well as its migration and settlement,
Ikorodu as a rural community, factors that led to its rapid expansion and also the
impact of this rapid expansion on the social, political and economic life of the people
of the community. What is more, this work on the transformation of Ikorodu from a
rural to a commercial centre will add to the existing works on the history of the
community and its development since inception. This work will also fill a vacuum in
the existing works on the history of Ikorodu in particular, and that of Lagos in general.
STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM
This research works is aimed at investigating and analysing the origin, migration and
settlement of Ikorodu and the factors which aided its transformation into a
commercial centre. Although, the literatures on Nigeria and Lagos history contain
copious references on aspects of urbanisation in the Ikorodu area, there is yet no
comprehensive study of the processes and dimensions of urbanisation in Ikorodu. This
above fact is however due to two major reasons. First because of its geographical
nearness to Lagos, Nigeria’s foremost commercial and until recently its administrative
capital, there is a strong inclination to subsume Ikorodu’s history under that of Lagos.
A second point is that though close to Lagos, Ikorodu is linguistically related to the
3
Ijebu. It is therefore easy to assume that Ikorodu would have been taken care of under
a general discussion of Ijebu history where it culturally belongs.
It therefore becomes an imperative in this research work to provide a
comprehensive urban history and an overview of the major development in the urban
life of the peoples of the town. To this end, this work will reflect on the factors that
led to the transformation of Ikorodu from rural to an urban community and examine
the extent this transformation has altered the political and socio-economic structure of
the community.
SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
Much has been written on aspects of urbanisation in Nigeria, particularly Lagos, the
country’s leading port city and economic hub. However, an important gap in the
literatures on Lagos is the absence of historical studies on the transformation of
Ikorodu from a rural to a commercial centre. Although, historians and social scientists
have written on this subject, they have understandably limited themselves to recent or
contemporary developments. In any case, there is yet no single study on the
transformation of Ikorodu to an urban settlement. This research work, therefore,
bridges this gap by examining factors which transformed Ikorodu from a small
settlement to an urban settlement. To this end, this work will be of significant benefit
to a wide range of audience, particularly students of history, sociology, as well as
urban and regional planning, historians, sociologists and many others.
SCOPE OF STUDY
4
This work will cover Ikorodu from the pre-colonial period to 1999. The closing date
of the study is very significant in that the major road construction i.e. Ikorodu-Owode
Onirin road, which opened up Ikorodu to a greater extent was constructed that year. It
will examine the origin, migration and settlement of the town, Ikorodu as a rural
community, factors that led to the transformation of the town, as well as the political
and socio-economic changes engendered by urbanisation during the period under
review.
METHODOLOGY
Basically, this work will employ both descriptive and narrative approach. It will rely
on both oral evidence and secondary sources. Newspapers, government documents,
relevant publications, articles in learned journals and other source materials that are of
relevance to this task would be used. The work will also adopt interdisciplinary
approach in the search for materials and its analysis. Information gathered will
therefore be collated, interpreted and analyzed.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Needless to say, urbanisation has had so much to do with the emergence of cities and
societies. Urbanisation, which had been historically connected with industrialisation,
played a role in the transformation and socio-economic advancement of the countries
of Europe and North America; it redefines their economy and engenders social
changes. The emergence of cities in Africa, which dates back to antiquity, has also
brought about similar changes. To this end, as a matter of assessing the processes of
urbanisation and the varying factors responsible for the emergence of cities, and their
5
consequence on the society has resulted in the publication of several works. Some of
these works are here reviewed.
The book authored by L. C. Dioka Lagos and its Environs (Lagos: First
Academic Publishers, 2001) examines the historical evolution and development of the
peoples of Lagos State. However, it is the chapter eight titled “Lagos and Her
Neighbours,” that is of immense importance to the research work at hand. In this
chapter, Dioka examines the relations between Lagos and Ikorodu as well as the
importance of Lagos as a coastal settlement linked to the various neighbours by the
Lagoon. According to Dioka, the Yoruba Civil Wars and the closure of the road
between Lagos traders and the other Yoruba States led to the British conquest and,
consequently, the establishment of British administration. Although not much
attention was given to the history of Ikorodu, the work has pointed out the trade link
between Lagos and Ikorodu.
The work of Lai Olurode, titled Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu,
Imota, Igbogbo, Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult,
1993), examines the extent to which commitment of citizens of a town can affect its
development. According to Olurode, the development of a town can be traced to the
activities of identifiable individuals who had given practical expression to the
sentiment of seeing that their town develop. The book therefore examines the key
dimensions of change and also highlighted the profile of those considered as the
agents of this change based on the assumption that the profile of these people is
crucial, since developmental project may fail to take off in a community if efforts are
directed towards reaching the grass roots through the wrong people. Essentially, the
book focused its attention squarely on the profile of certain individuals in the Ikorodu
6
division as it made no attempt to assess other factors that facilitated the process of
transformation of Ikorodu to a commercial centre as well as its impact on the society.
However, the comprehensive treatment of the history of Ikorodu provides a useful
background to this study.
Babatunde Agiri’s contribution, titled “Lagos-Ikorodu Relations 1894 – 1950,”
in The History of the People of Lagos edited by Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and
Jide Osuntokun (Lagos: Lantern Books, 1997) provides a comprehensive outlook to
the importance of the relationship between Ikorodu and Lagos. In this work, Agiri
gave new insight into the political, socio-economic, and administrative history of
Lagos and Ikorodu, paying close attention to inter group relations among the peoples
of Lagos and between them and others. Although, the work did not cover the history
of Ikorodu from 1950 onwards, the author’s examination of the situation in Ikorodu
before 1894 and how it served as a centre in the organisation of trade between Lagos
and the Yoruba hinterland provides an insight into pre-urban Ikorodu.
Another work of relevance to this research is Tunde Oduwobi’s Ijebu under
Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative and Political Analysis (Lagos: First
Academic Publishers, 2004). In the work, Oduwobi examines the Ijebu under colonial
administration highlighting the interplay of administrative and political factors by
looking at the interconnection between government administrative policies and local
policies in Ijebu during the colonial period. However the relevant part of the work is
chapter two titled “The Colonial Advent, 1892 – 1913.” In this chapter, Oduwobi
examined how the Ijebus lost their political independence to the British and thereafter
and became part of the geo-political entity known as Nigeria in 1914. The chapter
revealed the strategic importance of Ikorodu, particularly in trade, a reason it was
7
made a British colony in 1894 under General G. T. Carter, who recognised its political
and economic strength during this period.
The book authored by Ayodeji Olukoju, titled Infrastructure Development and
Urban Facilities in Lagos 1861 – 2000 (Ibadan: Institute Francais de Recharche en
Afrique, 2003), addresses infrastructure development in Lagos with emphasis on the
spatial and demographic contexts of infrastructural development in colonial and post
colonial Lagos. It provides a comprehensive analysis on the history of infrastructural
development and urban policies in Lagos from 1861 up to 2000. Its inquiry into the
three infrastructural sectors of water supply, electricity supply and urban
transportation brought to the fore how inadequate attention to these sectors have
affected the course of development in Lagos since 1861. Importantly, emphasis on the
three infrastructural sectors revealed aspect of socio-economic roles of these sectors
in Lagos during the colonial and the post-colonial period. Although not much
attention was devoted to the socio-economic impact of these three sectors on the
transformation of Ikorodu to a commercial centre, the work provides a historical base
upon which this research task will examine the subject matter.
Ayodeji Olukoju’s contribution, “Nigerian Cities in Historical Perspective: An
Introduction,” in Nigeria Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton,
New Jersey: Africa World Press Inc, 2003), traced the emergence of cities from
antiquity to the post-colonial period. In this chapter, which represent an elaborate
introduction to the entire volume, Olukoju posited that cities in Nigeria dates back to
antiquity. Olukoju devoted great attention to the factors responsible for the rise and
decline of urban centres, particularly those traditional urban centres located mainly in
the territories of the Yoruba and Edo. Needless to say, the author demonstrates wide
8
knowledge of urban history delving into the functions and roles of these urban
centres, urban life in different dispensation, as well as the major themes in urban
development since the advent of British colonial rule. However, his discussion did not
cover Ikorodu which is the focus of this study.
Aribidesi Usman’s contribution, “Early Urbanism in Northern Yorubaland,” in
Nigerian Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven. J. Salm (Trenton, New Jersey:
Africa World Press, Inc, 2003), is also of great significance to this research work.
According to Usman, there is no precise or universally accepted definition to the term
urban. Basically, he author probed into the issue of early urbanism in pre-colonial
Nigeria, especially how it occurred as well as its manifestation in northern
Yorubaland. The author however achieved this by providing an archaeological and
historical overview of early urbanism in the West African forest region, providing
evidence for indigenous growth in north-central Yorubaland with particular reference
to Igbomina, where he conducted fieldwork from 1987 through 1995. Though, the
main aim of this chapter is to prove that some areas of northern Yorubaland did
witnessed an early urban phenomenon, this work paid little or no attention to early
urbanism in Lagos and indeed Ikorodu. The work, nevertheless, will serve as an
adequate guide to this research task.
Also the contribution of Michael M. Ogbeidi, titled “Urbanisation and Social
Reforms,” in Nigerian Cities edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton,
New Jersey: African World Press, Inc, 2003), explores the various major attempts
made by the different federal administrations to reform the Nigerian society as a result
of the intolerable level of socio-economic decadence and cultural degeneration that
affected the entire fabric of the nation due to the process of urbanisation. According to
9
the Ogbeidi, the birth of the Nigerian nation in 1914 and the eventual colonisation of
the colony by the British led to the introduction of mega-cities and rapid urbanisation,
a phenomenon which came with both positive and negative implications for the
people. Needless to say, the author demonstrates wide knowledge on social and
environmental impact of urbanisation delving into some programmes established for
the purpose of social reforms, their aims, functions as well as their shortcomings. This
thus provides a useful guide to this present task in understanding the social and
environmental impacts of urbanisation on Ikorodu for better analysis.
Akinjide Osuntokun’s contribution, “Political Culture and Urban Development
in Nigeria: An Historical Overview,” in Nigeria Peoples and Cultures edited by
Akinjide Osuntokun and Ayodeji Olukoju (Ibadan: Davidson Press, 1997) examines
the linkage between political culture, urbanisation and current environmental
problems. According to Osuntokun, two political cultures which he identified as
monarchical form of government and particularly the segmentary type of political
organisation influenced the emergence of cities and urban centres in Nigeria. This
work, more importantly, stressed the relationship between migration, population
displacement and urbanisation, highlighting factors that greatly influenced the process
of urbanisation, which are the Islamic Jihad and the coming of the Europeans which
actually led to the consolidation of existing cities as well as their expansion. The
author also discusses the negative effect of urbanisation of essential services and most
importantly environmental deterioration. The issues considered in this work are also
the concern of this present research for trying to examine the impacts of urbanisation
on Ikorodu.
10
Kehinde Faluyi’s work, “Migrant and the Socio-Economic Development of
Lagos from the Earliest Times to 1880,” in Lagos Historical Review, a Journal of the
Department of History University of Lagos, vol. 1, No. 9 (2001): 68 – 89, addresses
the role and contribution of migrants to the development of the Lagos metropolis.
According to the author, migration, described as a catalyst in the developmental
process as well as an agent of change among the sending and receiving community, is
an instrument of development. The author examines the inputs of the different
migrants to the economic development of Lagos up to 1880, tracing the migration and
settlement of various groups from the arrival of the Awori, the Ijebu, the Ijo [Izon],
the Bini, the Ekiti, the Ijesha, and the Egba. The author posited that their movements
into Lagos not only affected its political institutions and mode of life but also the
people’s occupation. Although, different reasons are given for the migration of these
migrants into Lagos, economic factor was however the most compelling force.
Though, the work focused attention on migration and population pressure, this work
made no reference to Ikorodu. However, the comprehensive treatment of the issues of
migration and population pressure and how it affects socio-economic development is
relevant to the present exercise.
Another work of relevance to this research is Chinwe Nwanna’s “Rural-Urban
Migration and Population Problems in Nigerian Cities” in Industrialisation,
Urbanisation and Development in Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe
(Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004). This work examines the causes and
consequences of rural-urban migration in Nigerian cities. Apart from economic
factors, Nwanna revealed other factors, such as social, political, demographic, and
environmental factors, which are also responsible for rural-urban migration. A
distinction was also made between the natural rate of growth of population in cities
11
that is due to natural growth and the one that is due to rural-urban migration.
However, the author was more concern with rural urban migration because it has
attracted a lot of attendant problems on the urban areas in general and Lagos in
particular. According to Nwanna, rural-urban migration causes rapid growth of urban
populations that damaged the environment in several ways and causes other socio-
economic problems like acute shortage of basic facilities, such as portable water,
housing and accommodation, environmental sanitation, unemployment and
underemployment, and educational facilities. By and large, the issues discussed in the
work are the focus present task.
Finally, the work of Solomon O. Akinboye, titled “The Socio-Political
Implications of Urbanisation in Nigeria,” in Industrialisation, Urbanisation and
Development in Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe (Lagos: Concept
Publications, 2004) examines the social and political implications of urbanisation in
Nigeria. In this work, Akinboye argued that rapid urbanisation brought in its trail the
problems of unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, poor physical planning and
unhealthy development in the cities that were mostly ill-equipped to cope with such
problems. According to Akinboye, flooding; flood pondages and plash floods became
a perennial occurrence; large areas of the cities were filthy and highly susceptible to
epidemics, adding that shortages of good residential buildings had led to the springing
up of shanty areas and ghettos. Although, other implications of urbanisation, such as
economic and demographic, were left out of the analysis of the trends in urbanisation
and appraisal of the social and political impacts of urbanisation on the Nigerian states,
the work provides useful information on the problem of urbanisation in general.
12
From the above reviewed works, it is evident that little had been done on the
area of the transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban community. Giving this
neglect, therefore, this present work intends to examine the impact of urbanisation on
the fast growing community of Ikorodu.
13
ENDNOTES
1. M. O. A. Adejugbe, Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in

Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 (Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004), 14.
2. “Urbanisation Trend,” an article on wikipedia, an internet based

encyclopaedia, http://en.wikipedia:org/wiki/urbanisation trends (accessed 30th
March, 2008)
3. A. L. Mabogunje, Urbanisation in Nigeria (London: London University Press,

1968), 26.
4. “Urbanisation,” an article on wikipedia, an internet based encyclopaedia,

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 30th March, 2008).
5. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu Imota, Igbogbo,

Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993), 27.
6. D.E. Idatwasa, “Migration Patterns and Social Mobility in Nigeria,” in

Nigerian Journal of Policy and Development; vol. 3 (2004): 152 – 153.
14
CHAPTER ONE
EARLY HISTORY OF IKORODU: ORIGIN, MIGRATION AND

SETTLEMENT
Ikorodu Local Government Area has been described as a vegetable lowland region
with relatively flat and undulating features. It is situated approximately 18 kilometres
from East to West and 7 Kilometres from North to South. Ikorodu is bounded in the
North by the southern boundaries of Ogun State, in the South by the extensive Lagos
Lagoon, in the West by Somolu Local Govenrment and in the East by Epe Local
Govenrment.1 Ikorodu lies on a plateau, the top of which is gently undulating. The
town stretches from Gbasemo (Aga) and Oriya stream in the South to Agbala/Itoikin
road in the north. It is bounded in the west by the Majidun River and in the east by a
straight line that connect Itamaga to Abel Abe factory on Igbogbo-Ipakodo road.2
The town is also connected by a network of streams, the most important of
which are Apeka, Etunerenren, Erikorodo, Melegoke, Yewa, Eri-Ijomu, Ota-Ona, Ota-
Igbo and Erunwen. Most of these streams have now been savagely polluted by
industrial waste or human activities. These streams were the sources of cool, smooth
portable water to Ikorodu of yesteryear. Ikorodu town lies between 30 030′ east of the
Greenwich Meridian and 60075′ north of the equator. It is in located in the equatorial
forest belt of the world but the evergreen forest has been greatly depleted. Glimpses of
what it used to be in the pasts could be seen at present day “Oro groves” in Igboti.
Basically, Ikorodu lies a few kilometres north of the Lagos Lagoon and less than 10
kilometres North of the Atlantic Ocean (the Bight of Benin).3
15
The early settlers of Ikorodu were farmers and hunters. They cultivated a
number of crops, particularly different varieties of yam, namely Akosu, Obisu
(Ewura) and Isu alo, and maize, vegetable, beans (Ewa pupa) which is now almost
extinct, Ewa ewije, popondo and melons. They also cultivated cassava which was
used to make garri and also for the feeding of domestic animals, especially goats
which were a common sight in the town. They had pawpaw, oranges, plantains and
the native banana (Ogede omini) although most of these fruits were never harvested
because of the absence of markets and sale outlets for them. They were mainly left to
rot away on the trees or were consumed by birds and animals.4
The vast majority of the people of Ikorodu descended from the Remo Stock of
the Yoruba tribe. The Remo people came from Iremo quarters in Ile-Ife. Two princes
left Ile-Ife; the elders was the Elepe of Epe (Shagamu) and the younger, the Akarigbo
who later emerged as the clan head of the Remo people. From time immemorial, the
people of Ikorodu were astute traders and businessmen and women. Ebute Ikorodu,
the market, out of which Ikorodu town grew, attracted traders from as far as Ondo and
Ekiti hinterlands. Its fame as a coastal market was only rivalled by Ejinrin.5
According to the etymology of the name of the town, Ikorodu is a shortened
form of ‘Okoodu.’6 Odu is a variety of vegetable; Ikorodu was therefore the spot
where Odu vegetable grew luxuriantly. The founder of the town was ‘Oga,’ a prince of
Remo who was said to have been accompanied on a hunting expedition that took them
down to the lagoon beach by his brother, Prince Sekumade. It has been asserted that
Sekumade permanently settled at Ipakodo while Oga settled down at Agbele (the old
site of Ikorodu).7
16
The statue of Oga, the founder of Ikorodu Town
Source: www.ikoroduoga.net
Essentially, accounts of the history of Ikorodu have largely been based on oral
tradition and oral history. For the last one hundred years or so, however, there has
been an increasing use of written evidence in restructuring Ikorodu’s history, yet there
still exist some gaps and controversial points in the history of the town and district.
What is however clear from all the works on Ikorodu is that it is difficult to discuss its
origin without making reference to Ijebu history and more specifically to Ijebu Remo,
particularly Sagamu with which Ikorodu has the closest cultural, historical and
political ties.
17
An approach to the history of Ikorodu is that presented by Epega on Ijebu
history. According to Epega, the origin could be traced to Ijebu-Ijesa. When the Oba
left Ijebu Ijesa, he was refused accommodation into the palaces of the Olibini,
Osemausse, Abudi, and other rulers. According to Epega, ‘won ko je ki o wo ni ile
won, ita li o nduro nitorina li o se pe oriki ara re ni Oba-nta lehin igba ti o joko tan ni
Ijebu-ode,” which is translate as “They did not allow him settle in their domains,
hence, he stayed outside. This is why he referred to himself as ‘Oba-Nta’ after he
settled down at Ijebu-Ode.”8
It is in Epega’s treatment of Ijebu Remo’s history that he makes reference to
Ikorodu. He is of the view that Ijebu Remo migrated from the Remo quarters in Ile-
Ife. There were said to be 33 towns that emerged from the migration and Ikorodu
numbered 18 on Epega’s list. Epega tries to separate the Ijebu Ode origin from that of
Ile-Ife and in fact insists that Ife Ijebu was the second town to be founded after Ile-Ife.
Thus Ife Ijebu was older than Ijebu Ode. The Ayangburen of Ikorodu seemed to agree
with this view as expressed above by Epega. The migration of the 33 groups from Ile
Ife [Ife Oyelagbo] was said to have been led by Koyelu. His group were said to have
first settled at Orile-Offin now a quarter in Sagamu. He later became the Akarigbo.
Three of his sons migrated and found Igbogbo, Ipakodo and Ikorodu, hence the saying
‘Igbogbo Eko do, ki pakodo, ki koodu ido” implies that Igbogbo was the first
settlement followed by Ipakodo and lastly by Ikorodu. 9 It is interesting to note that
Ewu-Elepe is even older than Igbogbo. The chronological sequence of the four
settlements is almost the exact reverse of their present day sizes.
A popular Ikorodu version of the town’s cognomen is in Oladunjoye. Koyelu
was said to have been blessed with seven sons. Two of these sons, Lasunwon and
18
Sekumade, were hunters. They used to leave Orile-Offin on hunting expeditions to the
present day Ikorodu. They later decided to establish a farm at Ikorodu which was
referred to as ‘Oko-Odu’ (A farm for cultivation of Odu vegetable). This version
traced Ikorodu’s origin to Lasunwon, who during one of his several hunting
expeditions discovered Odu plant. He later decided to make the placewhere he found
this food plant a permanent place of abode. Could this be interpreted to mean that
food was scarce at Orile-Offin? In any case, this location later emerged as a settled
town and referred to with this praise song, “Ikorodu Oga, Ilu Kekere ti nse oko ilu
banta banta,” meaning, Ikorodu Oga, a small town that is husband to a big town.
Oladunjoye in her dissertation therefore tried to justify the version that traced
Ikorodu’s origin to Orile-Offin. She alluded to the fact that Ikorodu accepted Orile-
Offin’s supremacy. There was also the fact that Ikorodu dialect appears to be close to
those of Sagamu than that of Ijebu Ode.10 This was an indirect rejection of Epega’s
version which directly traced Ikorodu’s origin to Remo quarters in Ile-Ife.
Another version of the history of Ikorodu as narrated by the Ayangburen of
Ikorodu, Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi was that the town was founded by a wealthy farmer
called Oga. He was one of the sons of Koyebi, Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo. Koyebi
migrated from Remo quarters in Ile-Ife; a quarter still located in Ile-Ife in present day
Osun State. Koyebi was on expedition and arrived finally at Orile-Offin where he
settled. He came with his sons and brothers, among whom was Oga. Having settled at
Orile-Offin, Oga continued to go on hunting expedition to come back later to his
settlement. At a time he found it increasingly difficult to commute between Orile-
Offin and Remo, everyday and finally decided to settle at Oriwu-Agbele, a point in
Ikorodu. Later, Oga consulted with the Ifa oracle whether or not to remain at Agbele
and was told that it was an ideal place to settle. Oga then decided to go back to his
19
father to inform him of his intention to settle at Agbele. After settling down, Oga
started farming engaging in food crops production mostly pepper and vegetables. His
perimeter fencing of the land was with a vegetable named Odu. The vegetable grew
luxuriantly and he embarked on its marketing which made him become popular
among the people. Hence the saying “we are going to Oko Odu.” Agbele thereby
became Oko Odu and was later corrected to Ikorodu.
Ikorodu has three traditional quarters, namely Ijomu, Isele and Aga. The Oba
confirmed that Ijomu quarter was the first settlement, because Agbele happens to be
part of the present Ijomu. The second quarter is Isele followed by Aga. 12 However, it
is imperative to know that due to Ikorodu’s favourable location for trade between the
Yoruba hinterland and Lagos, there were, at different occasions, fierce struggles
between it and neighbouring towns. Trade in Ikorodu was in local products and later
in the era of the slave trade also engaged in slave trade and sale of fire arms. Johnson
referred to the Ikorodu war in 1865 when the Egba besieged Ikorodu. Ikorodu Chief’s
as a result applied for the protection of the British Government at Lagos. The Lagos
traders and merchants, also suffering due to closure of the markets, wanted the British
to intervene.13 If not for British intervention, Ikorodu would have fallen to the Egba.
The point stressed here is that it need not be inferred that Ikorodu would readily have
accepted being a vassal state to any of its neighbours. Even though, the Bini
successfully stationed one of its chiefs in Ikorodu (Oliha i.e. Olisa), Bini influence on
Ikorodu has been slight. Although, another account has it that, the Benin migrants
came by land through Iki in Ogun state, where almost the whole land belong to the
Olisa family of Ikorodu. This group of Benin people was led by a wealthy and
powerful man called Eregbouwa, now called Rebuugbawa in Ikorodu, from the
ancient royal family of Oliha in Benin City. In Benin language, “Ere” means king,
20
while “Uwa” means peace and prosperity. The Benin people settled down amicably
with the children of Akarigbo and the farm started to grow into a large settlement.
This was about 1630.14 The institution of Obaship was conceded to the line of
Akarigbo while the Olisaship was conceded to the Benin settlers. In effect, the Oba
became the reigning monarch while Olisa became the king maker and the Prime
Minister of the city state.
As a consequence of its strategic location, Ikorodu undoubtedly attracted the
envy of its neighbours as it then had developed into a famous market, and in the
nineteenth century, the Ijebu were able to control the important trade in fire arms
between Lagos and the interior through this market. 15 For many years, Ikorodu was
also said to be the target of the British colonial administration who had hoped to
annex it. Governor G. T. Carter was said to have persuaded the Akarigbo of Ijebu
Remo to surrender his sovereignty over Ikorodu. 16 Agiri has provided details on the
relationship between Lagos and Ikorodu from 1894 to 1950. Carter’s desire to annex
Ikorodu was borne out of his concern to promote commercial activities in Ikorodu and
his judgment was that only the imposition of British hegemony would guarantee
peace in the area. Akarigbo was thought of by Carter to be too weak to ward-off
intruders in the area, mostly those interfering with free trade. 17 Though, the initial
influence of Remo on Ikorodu cannot be doubted, it was Lagos that influenced
Ikorodu more as there started a process of gradual assimilation by Ikorodu people of
various aspects of the socio-cultural behaviour of urban Lagos.
All the parties contending for the control of Ikorodu wanted to exert control
over it for several reasons. The reasons were initially economic and military, but after
the cessation of hostilities among the towns, the primary objective was economic.
21
This was brilliantly summarized as follows, all of them (i.e. Remo, Ijebu, Egba and
Lagos) wanted a control of the Lagoon ports which included Ikorodu and its
surrounding markets in order to have effective access to the palm oil produce trade
from the Yoruba hinterland to the coast and the merchandise trade to the hinterland
from the coast.18 The location of Ikorodu near the Lagoon made it easily accessible
from all parts of Yorubaland. Hence, its proximity to Lagos made its neighbours
jealous of its strategic position and they therefore continuously attempted to control it.
In the overall, Ikorodu town has changed a lot in the past forty years or so. In
terms of area, it has extended beyond the inner circular route (the old city wall). In
other words, the whole area called ‘Aiyeluja’ including both sides of Ayangburen
Road extending to Solomade, Etunrenren, Lowa, Olori, both sides of Lagos Road,
Ojogbe area, Gbasemo, Oriwu Hotel area to Oluwakemi and Adaraloye Streets, both
sides of Igbogbo Road including Owode, Oriwu College, Mobodu area including
Solafun e.t.c. 19 The 1991 provisional census figure for Ikorodu local government area
is 181,900. Out of this, at least 100,000 would be for Ikorodu town, more or less. 20
While some of the people of Ikorodu are still farmers or engaged in Agro-related
industries and sales outlets. About 60% of the town people are engaged in trade and
other businesses in Ikorodu or in the greater Lagos metropolis.21
22
ENDNOTES
1. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu, Imota, Igbogbo,

2. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,”

(keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 - 27 November,
1993), 47.
3. Ibid.47.
4. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local

Government), 14th August, 2008.
5. Interview with Alhaji Tefegbase Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local

6. Interview with Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi (The Ayangburen of Ikorodu till date),

31st July, 2008.
7. Ibid.
8. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 29.
9. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow”, 48.
11. Interview with Oba Oyefusi.
12. Ibid.
14. Interview with Oba Oyefusi.
15. Lai Olurode, Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 34
16. Tunde Oduwobi, Ijebu under Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative
and Political Analysis (Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2004), 40.
17. Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and Jide Osuntokun (eds.), History of the
Peoples of Lagos State (Lagos: Lenthuen Books, 1987), 197.
19. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” 49.
20. Ibid. 49.
21. Interview with Mrs. Meray Adetokunbo (A Trader living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.
22. Ibid.
23
CHAPTER TWO
IKORODU BEFORE 1894: POLITICS, ECONOMIC AND SOCIO-

CULTURAL ACTIVITIES AND ORGANISATIONS
It has been suggested that Ikorodu was founded between 1600 and 1650. 1 Ikorodu in
1894 became a British colony, a situation which brought about change in its
administration and political structure. At the inception of colonial rule in Ikorodu, the
Lagos colonial government interfered in the town’s local politics to the detriment of
its ruler’s interest by establishing a local government council for Ikorodu between
1894 and 1901 with Balogun Jaiyesimi, the Oloja, and two other chiefs as members of
the council. By this step, the traditional governing council, the Osugbo, fell into
insignificance in reckoning in Lagos and became largely unofficial in the local
administration of the town.2 However, prior to 1894, Ikorodu as a community was
rural and has its own distinct political, economic and socio-cultural structures.
Map showing Ikorodu as part of the Protectorate
24
POLITICAL STRUCTURE
According to all available oral and written sources, Ikorodu did not evolve an
independent Obaship institution in its early history. 3 In this regard, when the town was
newly founded, the first settler in the town was Oga, the son of Akarigbo Koyelu of
Orile-Offin. Oga had no child, hence Lasunwon, one of his brothers who settled in the
town with him, was installed as the “Oloja” of Ikorodu”. 4 The title was later changed
to Ayangburen as it is now known since 1936. 5 It is important to note that by this time,
Ikorodu was under the political jurisdiction of Orile-Offin in Remo; the Oloja
recognised the sovereignty of the Akarigbo. It is also important to note that the need
for political independence of Ikorodu town from Orile-Offin by this period had
become a major political issue because the town had grown in size and prominence
since its establishment so much so that it was almost, if not more, as prosperous than
its overlord town.
Expectedly, the emergence of the Obaship institution in Ikorodu precipitated
some political development. In this regard, there emerged a council of chiefs and
other political institutions through whom the Oba governed the town. The first of
these was the council of traditional chiefs which included the following categories of
chiefs: Olisa, Aro, Odofin, Otunba, Leka. This was followed by other chiefs according
to their dates of installation. These were many and included Losi, Salu, Pete, Mosene,
Adegoruwa, Lufegboye, Sapadeoye, Lemo, Iyalode, Legu, Alafesinu, Gbelegayi,
Ayannise, Fesiwura, Seromade and Agbotegboye. In addition to assisting the Oba in
discharging his administrative duties, this council of chiefs was also saddled with the
task of selecting a new Oba in the events of the death or deposition of the Oba. 5 The
kingmakers comprised the Iwarefas, Olisa, Aro and three other chiefs representing
25
each of the three quarters of Ijomu, Isele and Aga. Other chiefs forming the king
makers were chiefs within the Osugbo Cult and these included Olutuoko, Oloku
Akogun, Olotu Erelu, Apena and Ogbeniwoli, who was the chief of the household of
the Oba but not a member of the Osugbo cult. Each of these principal chiefs was
appointed from each of the families of the founders of the settlement. Each of these
chiefs were saddled with the task of maintaining law and order in their respective
wards and empowered by the king to try civil cases.6
The Osugbo was another important political institution in the political
structure of the town; the Osugbo was the legislative arm of government which acted
to check the excesses of the Oba. The Osugbo as custodian of the town’s spiritual
deities could pronounce the Oba unfit to continue governance, while it also had the
power to revisit cases earlier tried by the Oba. The Osugbo council is headed by the
Oluwo and it is pertinent to note that while all the principal chiefs were members of
the Osugbo, membership of the council was opened to indigenes of the town who
have attained the required age and willing to pay all membership dues of the council
in addition to being of good character. It is a special cult which many do not want to
enlist particularly the women because their menstrual period ceases to flow once they
join the cult. It was for this reason that at the sound of the cult’s special drumming to
initiate new members, both old and young, especially women run to seek cover.
Hence, the term “Omo Alulumamora.”7
During this period, Ikorodu town had relations with other neighbouring towns
and was therefore not isolated. However, the Oloja of Ikorodu gradually attained pre-
eminence over other towns and villages in this area because of the expansion of
Ikorodu town compared to others and also as a result of its central location and
26
commercial importance.8 Over the years, the Adeboruwa of Igbogbo, Alajede of Ijede,
Ranodu of Imota, and the Abowa of Agbowa respected the Oloja of Ikorodu and made
themselves politically subservient to Ikorodu. For example, major disputes in these
neighbouring towns that cannot be resolved were brought to Ikorodu and these
disputes were usually settled by the Osugbo (The Judicial Body) and the Awopa
(representing the police). Before the establishment of present day court in Ikorodu, the
Osugbo had several traditional customary courts such as Iti-Liwe court, Iti-Magbo
court and Ara-nfo court where cases were tried. However, this political subservience
and the reference of difficult cases to Ikorodu arose out of respect for the Oba of
Ikorodu.9
Map showing Ikorodu and her immediate Neighbours
27
These different neighbouring towns and villages had their Obas and Baales as
the case may be. But in towns like Igbogbo, Ijede, Agbowa and so on, the people
usually come to Ikorodu for confirmation to the throne before the new Oba could be
installed and crowned. Nearly all the neighbouring towns and villages had settlement
of Ikorodu people in their respective areas. The Oluwo of Ikorodu testified that
majority of Ikorodu people had their farm settlements in these neighbouring towns
and villages and the farmers only come to Ikorodu during the weekends and important
festivals at Ikorodu town.10
The political institutions of Ikorodu, Igbogbo, Ijede and Agbowa were similar.
In each village, the Oba was head of the local affairs. The Oba was regarded as a
divine ruler and in theory he had absolute powers. His attributes, like other Obas in
Yorubaland, was “Oba, alase ekeji Orisha” (king, the ruler, second only to the deity).
He was addressed as “Kabiyesi” an expression which is a contracted form of the
sentence “ki a bi yin ko si” (There is no questioning of your authority). The Oba, in
theory, had the power of life and death over his subjects and was not accountable to
them for any of his actions. The Oba was sacred and could not be seen by ordinary
people. In practice, however, the Oba was not an absolute ruler. It is true that as the
executive head of government, he exercised considerable powers particularly over the
common people. But this power must be exercised sparingly and wit justification. The
Oba’s powers could be checked by the Osugbo.11 The Osugbo society was the largest
and the most important society in Ijebuland. It comprised the most senior chiefs,
including the Oliwo, Olisa, Aro, Odofin and other chiefs. These chiefs were
themselves usually representatives of certain lineages or wards in these towns and, as
such, they were mouthpiece of the people and were therefore a body which the Oba
could not brush aside. The Oba could not take any decision on important matters
28
affecting the town without consulting the Osugbo and grave consequence often
followed if he did or if he became an oppressive ruler.12
The importance of the above analysis is to show the interactions between
Ikorodu and her immediate neighbours. The Osugbo of Ikorodu might meet and
discuss with the Oba and the Osugbo of Igbogbo town on very important issue that
commonly affected them. Also, if there was a political crisis in any one of these towns
the Osugbo of other towns, consulted for help, might come to the towns and suggest
ways of resolving the crisis so as to bring peace into the area. Young men were not
admitted to meetings of the Osugbo society, although they could act as messengers
during their probationary periods.13
There was also the “Egbe Apena”, the highest grade of the Ogbonni
representing the town’s ordinary people. The head of the grade held the title of Apena.
This title was generally held for life and was not hereditary. Any promising member
of the “Egbe Apena” was eligible for the post. In practice, the Apena held the position
of secretary in the governing council. He convened meetings and in the absence of the
Oliwo, the head of the Osugbo society, he presided over the meetings. 14 The Apena is
the mouthpiece of his grade at meetings.
Also important in the political organisation in these towns were the Erelu.
These were female members, who were allowed to participate in the Osugbo meeting.
The Erelu were consulted on all matter concerning the female members of the
community. The Ipanpa council was another notable political institution in the pre-
colonial political history of Ikorodu. This council was predominantly made up of
youths, whose responsibilities were the defence of the town in time of war and
29
maintenance of law and order in time of peace. This group is headed by the Balogun,
a professional warrior, who is responsible for the recruitment, training and discipline
of members.15
In addition to the above, the only other political development recorded in the
history of Ikorodu town from about 1600 to 1900 was the imposition of British
colonial rule. The imposition of British colonial rule over the town in the aftermath of
the British pacification of Ijebu forces in 1892 and the annexation of Ikorodu as a
British colony in 1894 brought about changes in the political history of Ikorodu. The
establishment of British colonial rule saw the relegation of the Oba and drastic
reduction in the powers of the traditional chiefs and institutions. In Ikorodu for
instance, the Oba was reduced from being an absolute ruler to a mere appendage of
British colonial officials, whose only role was to implement policies of his British
overloads and collect taxes on behalf of the British crown.16
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES
The economic development of Ikorodu from a mere settlement into a thriving
commercial town was as a result of natural endowment alongside personal and
communal efforts. The area within which the town is situated is one that is very
suitable for farming as there is adequate rainfall and a network of rivers that ensured
all year round irrigation even during dry season. Largely, as a result of this, the area
was blessed with an abundant supply of games. It is thus not surprising that the
earliest occupational activities favoured by the people of Ikorodu was hunting,
farming and fishing.17 There were also commercial activities in form of trade between
Ikorodu and her immediate neighbours. Trading activities took place in the markets of
30
Ikorodu, Ejirin and Ikosi, where traders from different parts of Ijebuland met with
Lagos traders.18
Before the establishment of Ejinrin market, Ijebu market was Ikosi, which by
location is close to Ikorodu. Here, all traders, especially Ijebu traders, from Epe,
Makun, Abigi and the Awori from Lagos traded their articles. However, because of
robbers, communication problems and the constant quarrel between Ijebu-Ode and
Ikorodu traders, it was decided that a lagoon side market should be established. This
was Ejinrin market founded in the early 1830’s. Tolls were imposed and collected at
this market by the Awujale and the king of Lagos. Another market was also
established at Agbowa, but no toll was collected there.19 The difference between these
markets, that is Ikosi and Ejinrin, and Ikorodu was that Ikorodu was a town on its own
and not an artificially created market town.20
The Ikorodu people were primarily farmers. They engaged in agriculture and
gardening using implements like cutlass, short handled hoes with large blades. They
produced mainly food crops like vegetables, cocoyam, beans, pepper, banana,
cassava, maize and palm oil. The Igbogbo people, for instance, specialized in the
making of ‘Garri’ from Cassava and their brand of Garri was called ‘Garri Gbogbo’
which was in great demand by both the Ijebu and the Awori. Other farm produce from
Igbogbo town included plantain and maize. Baiyeku, Ibeshe, Oreta and Ijede were,
more or less, fishing villages specializing in fishing. Palm oil and palm kernels were
also produced in these fishing villages. The centres of exchange of these products
were the markets of Ejinrin, Ikorodu and Ikosi. Here the Ijebu, the Egba and the
Awori exchanged their products. Of all the markets mentioned above, Ikorodu market
emerged as the most significant in terms of volume of trade that took place there.
31
Other products like maize, water plantain (Ogede omini), yam, cassava, palm oil, and
fruits were brought to the markets and they were exchanged for European goods, such
as mirrors, tobacco, rum, arms and ambitions and European clothes. 21 Other economic
engagements included crafts like drumming, blacksmithing and weaving, especially
by women. These could either be part-time or fulltime engagements. Apart from
farming, hunting was another popular occupation. The weapons used included traps,
bows, arrows and spears.
Trade was carried on at two levels. There was the local trade involving
exchange between residents of a town and its surrounding areas. Also, there was the
regional market held at specific intervals. Many of the traders were itinerant market
men and women. Some of them who were petty trader settled for daily market, while
big traders would move with their wares to their prospective buyers. There is the
Iworo markets operated every seven days where all commodities obtainable in any
legal market could be found. Majority of traders from the neighbouring towns brought
their wares to Ikorodu. It should be noted that of all the immediate neighbours of
Ikorodu, only Agbowa could compete in commercial status with Ikorodu and, as such,
Agbowa ranked second to Ikorodu in commercial importance in the area. In the 1820s
when slave trade was still booming, Ikorodu wanted to take over Ikosi port which
constituted a sort of threat to their own port. Consequently, sporadic attacks in form of
raids were launched against the Agbowa people by Ikorodu in order to ensure the
supremacy of Ikorodu port. The Ikorodu, as a result, forced Agbowa people to move
from their old location to their present site.22
By the turn of the 19th century, when the disintegration of the Oyo Empire
precipitated a protracted war in the hinterland of Yorubaland, the people of Ikorodu
32
soon turned their location, mid-way between Lagos and the hinterland, to their
economic advantage as many of them became middlemen selling gun powder to the
warring parties in the hinterland from Lagos. It is interesting to note that the
preference given to the Ibadan army by the Ikorodu arms dealers and their fellow
Ijebu neighbours provoke the wrath of the Egba, who felt that the continuous sale of
gun powder to the Ibadan army by Ikorodu was detrimental to their war efforts.
Consequently, in a calculated attempt to prevent the sale of ammunitions to their
Ibadan adversaries, the Egba forces launched an attack against Ikorodu forces in
1854.23 Indeed, it is strongly believed that the Egba’s attack on Ikorodu forced Ikorodu
to seek for British protection as a way to repulse their adversaries.
With the establishment of British supremacy over Ikorodu, plantation farming
was introduced to replace the traditional subsistence farming. In this regard,
encouraged by the British colonial masters, the people of Ikorodu began the
cultivation of cash crops, such as cocoa, oranges, and kolanuts which were sold to the
British trading firms based in Lagos. It is worthy to note that in the earliest times,
cowrie shells were the major medium of exchange, although trade by barter was
favoured by some in the course of their transactions. However, like every other
spheres of human endeavour, the advent of colonial rule affected the medium of
exchange as paper currency and coins were introduced to replace the use of cowries
and trade by barter.24 In addition to this, a daily market was established by the colonial
authorities in addition to the pre-existing periodic market as a way of eliminating the
middlemen position occupied by the Ikorodu traders.
33
SOCIO-CULTURAL ORGANISATIONS
Like every other Ijebu town and village, Ikorodu had similar social and cultural
organisations with slight local peculiarities. Consequently, in discussing the socio-
cultural organisation of Ikorodu as well as the relationships between Ikorodu and her
neighbours, these similarities and the distinctive features would be highlighted. The
socio-cultural development of Ikorodu also took the same pattern as that of economic
development. In this regard, the social transformation and development of the town
from the time of its settlement was as a result of individual, communal and colonial
developmental efforts. Individual developmental efforts included building of
residential quarters and opening of communal tracks and paths, both within and
connecting the town with neighbouring towns to facilitate free movement of people
and goods. At the communal level, joint efforts were undertaken to designate and
clear town square, which was an important avenue for socialisation and recreation in
pre-colonial Ikorodu.25
Religion occupied a central place in the social life of the people of Ikorodu
right from the earliest times. Before the introduction of both Islam and Christianity,
the people practiced traditional religion. Some of the traditional cultural festivals
common to Ikorodu were Magbo (oro), Liwe (Oro), Eyibi (Agemo), Ogun, Asa, Osu,
Eluku, Egungun, Ifa and Igunuko. Oro was an important traditional festival. It was
during festivals that men asserted their superiority over women by keeping them
indoors. Singing of songs to insult social deviants and people who had engaged in evil
activities during the year was a special feature of the festival. For a long time Ikorodu
produced leading Oro singers in Ijebuland during the festivals. This particular act of
singing gave Ikorodu social and cultural importance amongst its immediate
34
neighbours.26 The result was that whenever Ikorodu was to hold its Oro festival,
singers came from Ijebuland both near and far, come to listen to and appreciate the
songs of Oro leaders in Ikorodu. They would then go back home to reproduce these
songs.27
There were different types of Oro cult. Some of those common to Ikorodu and
her immediate neighbours were Liwe, Pago, Sege, Onipakala, Eyita, Moro, Aige,
Oniwonu and Legbejewan. Imota and Igbogbo had Liworu, Onipakala and Ogere. The
importance of the Oro lay in the fact that it is believed that it drives away enemies and
evil spirits from the town. It is also believed that it provided children for barren
women. Consequently, women made sacrifices of pounded yam and soup during Oro
festivals. Eluku was one of the Oro cults in Ikorodu, which was not common among
her neighbours. It was from this festival that the indigenes of Ikorodu got their oriki
(cognomen) as “omo Eluku meden meden,” that is, indigenes of Ikorodu are the
offspring of Eluku. Eluku was a festival through which the elders distinguished
between bona fide indigenes of Ikorodu and non-indigenes. Non-indigenes that
watched Eluku did so at his or her own risk because if such person was caught during
the festival which usually takes place around eleven o’clock at night, he could either
be killed or maimed.28 The effect of this on Ikorodu’s neighbours was that during the
Eluku festival, they found it difficult to pass through Ikorodu.
In Ikorodu, Igbogbo, Ipakodo, Imota, Ijede and others, Oshun and Ogun were
the Oba’s (king’s) festivals, when the Oba was supposed to dance. Usually, sacrifices
of dogs, cocks and snails were made on the opening ceremonies of these festivals.
These festivals also facilitated mutual relations among the people of Ikorodu and its
neighbouring towns during these festivals. Other towns, also, invited Ikorodu peoples
35
to participate and celebrate with them during their festivals. The festivals, thus, served
as a forum where different people come together for social and political purposes.29
Traditional music was another feature of socio-cultural organisations in
Ikorodu. Traditional musicians were regarded as prophets, who used their music as a
tool for reforming the society and vaticinating about events to come. 30 A good
example was Chief Sadiku Agbaku (Oluda), who was well recognised for his
excellence in traditional music associated with both the Magbo and the Liwe festivals
in Ikorodu. These are highly regarded traditional occasions when the best of
behaviour and social demeanour are expected. Through his music, immoral
behaviours and unbecoming activities in the town are highlighted and subsequently
brought under control. Indeed, through one of his songs, he prophesied about the
transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban community thus:
Miko na we ba pari, no ju mi o
Mara moto to meje o sona o
Ikorodu adi Heady-quarter
Aiye Oriwu a soju ni niaye mi
Dede eni emi akore wa sile
Ero ba mi se Magbo aiye
Ero be mise magbo ero
Egungun Ijomu o
Orisa Ijomu ti ba mi segun odi
Elegbe mi o, Magbo egungun Ijomu o.31
Translation
If this road is completed in my life time

I’ll put up to seven vehicles on the road
Ikorodu will become headquarters
I’ll be a witness of the development of Oriwu in my lifetime
All and sundry bring riches back home
People celebrate Magbo with me
People celebrate Magbo
The masquerade of Ijomu
The deity of Ijomu has conquered my adversary
My kinsmen, Magbo, the masquerade of Ijomu
36
Traditional musicians are thus regarded as philosophers and god sent. Other
traditional musician included Bombata Oshikabala and Nosiru Atuwon, an Apela
maestro and the musician that introduced guitar into Apela music. Bisiriyu Atunrase
also performed something similar to Apela music. Usually, during the “Odun Osu,” a
festival celebrated yearly for the reigning Oba, Rogunyo, the highest of all the social
clubs in Ikorodu, take the centre stage to perform during the festival.32
Another important factor was the age grade societies. Different age grade
societies usually danced and sang during various festivals. These societies called
“Egba” were open to any female or male citizen of the town. The functions of the age
grade societies included community development. They took part in construction of
foot paths, roads, bridges and even helped one another on their farms. They helped in
checking evil practices among their mates. Thus, they helped in the maintenance of law
and order. These age grade societies contributed to inter community development. They
spread their ideas, practices and values to other age grade in other villages. The age
grade societies helped in building the Oba’s palace and also ran errands for Oba and the
elders of the town. In difficult times, members also helped one another just as they do
for one another also in times of important functions, especially during ceremonies like
marriage, funeral, and christening a new child, which were considered important in
Yorubaland. They also helped one another on the farm.33 A particular age grade society
of a town might exchange visits and ideas with its counterparts in another neighbouring
village, if they so desired. These age grades sometimes cut across towns and villages in
Ijebuland.
There was also the factor of intermarriage among Ikorodu and her neighbours
which facilitated socio-cultural links Ikorodu men and women married from areas like
37
Igbogbo, Ijede, Agbowa and so on. Also people from these smaller neighbouring towns
and villages intermarried with Ikorodu people. However, Ikorodu forbade intermarriage
between her citizens and other distant Yoruba towns particular those with facial or tribal
marks. Hence, the statement “obi mo foyo, Oyo pon lo.”
Another noteworthy aspect of the social development of Ikorodu town lies in
relations between individuals. In this regard, the social relations in the town was
maintained within the contexts of “ebi-system” i.e. family link and the “regberegbe-
system” i.e. the age group in Ikorodu before the turn of the 20 th century. The concept of
the ebi-system holds that people of blood links are grouped as one distinct social group.
Once a person is born or linked to a particular family, his life was inextricably tied with
the fate of the entire extended family. 34 Thus, no single member of the family could
unilaterally take decision for himself concerning important issues, such as marriage,
christening a new child, burial e.t.c., because, in organizing such social events the entire
family would be involved in the planning and every other aspects of the events. Indeed,
it has been said that the concept of “Aso-ebi” in which all members of a family and
their well wishers wear the same clothe started from Ikorodu.35
By and large, from the foregoing, it is crystal clear that Ikorodu town before the
advent of British colonial rule had become a centre of commercial activity though
sparsely populated. The established socio-economic structure in the town however
supported a thriving economy which was based on plantation agriculture and attracted
migrant labour force from far and near as well as traders from as far as the northern part
of the country. Consequently, one could safely conclude that the advent of the British
colonial rule only brought about further development to the town and transformed the
hitherto farm and hunting ground into a densely populated community
38
ENDNOTES
1. Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agari and Jide Osuntokun (eds.), History of the
Peoples of Lagos State (Lagos: Lenthuen Books, 1987), 198.
2. Adefuye, et al, History of the Peoples of Lagos State, 202.
3. Aina Oladipupo Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo Community 1800
– 1900, a final year project of the Department of History and International
Studies, Lagos State University, 1998, 18.
4. Interview with Chief Olusegun Adeyemi (Vice-Chairman for the Peoples

Democratic Party (PDP), Ikorodu-East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.
5. Lai Olurode Social Change in Ikorodu Division (Ikorodu), Imota, Igbogbo,

6. Abiodun Naimot Allison, “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19 th Century: A

Study in Intergroup Relations”, a final year project of the Department of
History University of Ibadan, 198, 38.
7. Interview with Comrade Ayodele Elesho (Former Commissioner for

Information in Lagos State), 4th September, 2008.
8. Allison, A. N. “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19 th Century: A Study in

Inter-group Relaitons,” a final year project of the Department of History,
University of Ibadan, 1982, 9.
9. Ibid. 10.
10. Interview with Mr. Salisu Anifowoshe (A Farmer in Ikorodu), 21st August,
2008.
11. Interview with Comrade.
12. Ibid.
13. Allison, “Ikorodu and Her Neighbours in the 19th Century,” 11.
14. Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu (Ikorodu Party Chairman for Democratic Party 10 th
June, 2008.
15. Ibid.
16. Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo”, 23.
17. Interview with Alhaji Tufegboye Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local
Government), 14th August 2008.
18. Interview with Comrade Elesho.
39
19. Interview with Mr. Saheed Adekoya (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21 st August,
2008.
20. Ibid.
21. Interview with Mr. Anifowoshe.
22. Allinson, “Ikorodu and her Neighbours in the 19th Century”, 15.
23. Ibid.
24. Dada, “The Origin and Growth of Igbogbo”, 26.
26. Interview with Alhaji.
27. Ibid.
28. Interview with Mr. Adekoya.
29. Ibid.
31. Interview with Alhaji Ajisebutu.
32. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow”,

(keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 – 27 November,
1993), 50.
33. Interview with Mr. Tunde Isikaly (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.
35. Interview with Mrs. Adebola Ishola (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4th September,
2008.
40
CHAPTER THREE
THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU
GROWTH AND EXPANSION OF IKORODU
Transformation refers to a qualitative change; a marked change in size or character, especially
one for the better. It is a known fact that cities and their environments all over the world
are continuously changing. This process of urbanisation has, in many respects, over
the years, led to the transformation of areas that are hitherto rural into urban centres.
This appropriately illustrates the history of Ikorodu, a city in northeast of Lagos.
Although debatable, the gradual transformation of Ikorodu into an urban area can be
traced back to 1894 when the territory was annexed by the British colonial
government in Lagos as part of the Lagos colony. Prior to this development, Ikorodu
had been an important trading post of the Remo Kingdom lying along the trade route
between Lagos and Ibadan and, besides, its location along the Lagos Lagoon had also
made it an important trading port after Lagos. These factors which to a large extent
had made the town a centre of commerce before 1894 formed the foundation for the
subsequent change. Whereas these factors among, others led to the transformation of
Ikorodu into a suburb of Lagos, it was its proximity to Lagos that actually resulted in
its development into an urban area. Thus, the urbanisation of Ikorodu is as a result of
the urban sprawl in Lagos.
Ikorodu started as a farm settlement and subsequently expanded into a market
town where merchants from Ijebu-Ode, Sagamu, Epe and other towns converge to
transact business.1 Subsequently, as the volume of trade grew, the town of Ikorodu
also grew in importance. The population of the settlement gradually increased as
41
people of other ethnic group apart from the Yoruba began to migrate and settled down
in different part of the town.2
As more people moved into the town, it expanded into all direction and even
ate into other settlements. Basically, Ikorodu is made up of core groups or nuclei
referred to as ‘Itun,’ each of which has an exact boundary defining it from another. 3
Itunmaja, for instance, was populated mainly by people from Idowa, an important
historical Ijebu town. Itunwaiye was settled by people from Iwaiye in present day
Ogun State. Itunsoku was settled by people from Isokun quarters in Sagamu, then
Layeode was peopled by Ode-Remo, Itagbodo by people from Oke Gbodo, Itun Elepe
is a quarter containing Elepe (Sagamu) descendants.4 As a consequence of the process
of urbanisation developments in Ikorodu has spread into its surrounding towns and
villages so much so that some of these villages like Ipakodo, Igbogbo, Ibeshe etc., are
considered as part of Ikorodu.
By the beginning of the 20th century, Ikorodu and its environs had begun to
witness qualitative change in every sphere of the society. By 1920, as a means to fully
take advantage of the growing commercial activities in Ikorodu, boat and ferry
services were introduced to convey people from Ikorodu to Lagos. This opened up
Ikorodu to greater commercial opportunities as both foreigners and indigenes of
Ikorodu began to invest in the economy of the town. These investments went mostly
into the establishments of textile and ceramic factories. 6 By the 1950s, the number of
industries established in Ikorodu has risen above five. 7 This development further
attracted more people to the town, especially in the Odogunyan and Odo-Nla areas of
Ikorodu. Moreover, the construction of the Lagos-Ikorodu road in the early 1950
made Ikorodu more accessible.8
42
Further expansion of Ikorodu was influenced by socio-political and economic
developments in Lagos. The creation of Lagos State out of the former federal territory
and Western State brought tremendous development and boosted the development of
Ikorodu. When the state government decided to create industrial estates all over the
state, land was set aside at Odogunyan and Odo-Nla area of Ikorodu for this purpose.
Thus, the establishment of industries encouraged people to move to the area to acquire
land for residential purpose.
New residential areas developed in and around the industrial areas. The advent
of civilian administration following the exit of the military gave rise to the
development of housing estates by the Jakande and Shagari administration which
brought large number of people to Ikorodu to acquire these houses, thereby bringing
large number of people to Ikorodu. Consequently, the population increased from about
70,000 in 1963 to about 300,000 in 1990 and to over a million in 2000 a jump of over
200 percent. Whereas in the 1980s, the Lagos end of Ikorodu was at the Government
College Ikorodu, but by the 1990s new settlements have emerged at Agric Owotu,
Agbede and other areas. By 1999, when this project terminates, all aspect of Ikorodu
has witnessed qualitative change. All the known features of an urban area have
become conspicuously evident.
FACTORS THAT LED TO THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU
On August 4, 1894, several treaties were signed by the Akarigbo that saw to the
cession of certain territories in Ijebu-Remo (including Ikorodu to Great Britain).
Thereafter Ikorodu became an administered part of the Lagos Colony, cutting it away
from Sagamu and Ijebu-Ode.12 With the establishment of Ikorodu Native Authority in
43
1901 by the British Colonial Administration to include Ikorodu town and independent
villages of Agura, Ebute, Aga, Ibeshe Ashashe, Oshorun, Isin, Oripodi and Ipakodo,
Ikorodu began to experience some developments which led to its transformation
beginning from the 1950s.12 Importantly, the construction of the Lagos-Ikorodu road
in 1953 opened up the town for easy and quicker movement of people and goods
between Ikorodu and Lagos. By the turn of the second half of the 20 th century, the
transformation of Ikorodu had. no doubt, been aided by a number of related factors
ranging from social and economic to political factors; a phenomenon that has
transformed Ikorodu from a vegetable farm (i.e. Oko Odu) into an urban area.
SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS
The transformation of Ikorodu which has implication for social life in the area is
partly as a result of the revolution that had taken place in the transport network
between Ikorodu and Lagos. The opening up of Ikorodu had tremendous effects on
the town and adjoining towns of Igbogbo, Ipakodo and on the far away Imota and
Ijede. Thus, one of the factors that led to the transformation of Ikorodu was the
construction of Lagos-Ikorodu road in 1953.14 Prior to this period, the evacuation of
palm produce, food crops and fish from Ikorodu and its surrounding lagoon
settlements to Lagos depended on the rowing boats. These were slow, often taking
almost a day’s journey to Lagos. The canoes or boats were often disturbed by gales
and storms causing them to capsize in which many lives were lost. In 1919, Mr.
Joshua Ricketts, the fourth son of the Reverend John Edwards Ricketts of the Agbowa
enterprise, went into boat building. In 1921, he had built the first motor launched
named “Letitia” after his mother, and introduced the first motor launch linking Lagos
to Ikorodu and other important Lagoon ports.
44
The introduction of a motor launch service by Mr. Ricketts revolutionised
lagoon transportation during the colonial period. Letitia carried twenty five
passengers and, at a speed of 8 miles per hour covered the distance between Ikorodu
and Lagos in one and a half hours. The service was, therefore, a marked improvement
and ensured speed and safety in water transportation on the Lagoon. Between 1921
and 1923, Mr. Ricketts had no serious competitors. His fleet increased to five during
the period. In 1925, Mr. Ricketts faced a strong competition from Mr. Osinubi, an
indigene of Ikorodu, who traded under the name “Owolowo”. In 1930, one of the
Owolowo boats, Iyalode, capsized in the Lagoon as a result of overload. The
government, thereafter, imposed stricter controls over the operation of the steam
boots. It became necessary for each boat to carry life jackets or life buoys and for the
operators to have the required experience and obtain marine licence. Furthermore the
boats were subjected to regular inspections to ensure that they were seaworthy. These
measures certainly minimized accidents on the Lagoon. More importantly, some of
Mr. Ricketts’ rivals that could not meet the new requirements sold off their boats and
Mr. Ricketts was the main beneficiary. By 1939, the Rickett’s fleet had increased to
twelve despite the stiff competition from the Owolowo Company. Many Ikorodu
people preferred to journey in the Owolowo boats, while Mr. Ricketts’ services was
described as European dominated.15
On January, 15, 1942, there was again another boat disaster involving Iyalode
caused again by overloading. This event led the government to adopt yet again strict
measures against overcrowded boat service in the lagoon. Not even Mr. Ricketts’ fleet
was excluded. The Owolowo Company was compelled to reduce the number of boat
in its fleet. This finally gave Mr. Ricketts an edge over his rival. Perhaps the most
significant consequence of the 1942 boat disaster was the impetus it gave to the
45
planning and construction of the overland route from Lagos to Ikorodu. The death toll
in the accident aroused the anger of people in Ikorodu, Epe, Sagamu and Ijebu-Ode. A
committee of concerned citizens of these towns was formed to raise funds for the
construction of the road which was eventually completed with Federal Government
Support in May 1953. The construction of the road spelt the final doom for the launch
service. By 1956, six out of the seven boats on Mr. Ricketts’ fleet had been declared
not seaworthy. And indeed, by that time, the boats only plied the Ebute Ero to Ebute
Meta route.16
Although attempts to open up Ikorodu started in 1864 when Glover built a
road from Oriwu to the Lagoon beach, it was however the Ikorodu-Lagos road which
was completed in 1953 that finally opened up Ikorodu to Lagos and thus to the
outside world more than ever before.17 It would be recalled that Ikorodu’s location has
always proved to be strategic as far back as the era of slave trade during which the
Egba among other trading partners fought for its control. With the completion of the
Lagos- Ikorodu road, it now took less time to travel between Ikorodu and Lagos.
Moreover, more goods and services were then exchanged between the two locations.
Also, importantly, Ikorodu started to serve both as a place of work and a place of
residence for people as well as for many industrial establishments, though on a small
scale. Many indigenes of Ikorodu who were working in Lagos also returned to
Ikorodu to sleep on a daily basis. The road link thus enhanced home-town
commitment on the part of the indigenes. With the completion of the road, other
people especially traders from neighbouring town such as Oyo, Abeokuta, Ondo, Ekiti
and as far as the Eastern part of Nigeria began to settle in Ikorodu in order to ensure
easy trading activities with the people of Ikorodu as well as with Lagos.18
46
Another factor that led to the growth of Ikorodu into an urban community was
the establishment of industries.19 With the opening up of the Lagos-Ikorodu road in
1953, industrial establishments, though on a small scale, now began to take off. This
effort was first initiated by the indigenes of Ikorodu in persons of Late Chief S. O.
Ggbadamosi and late Chief R. A. Allison. Before this period, Mr. S. O. Kamson and
his brother, Mr. J. F. Kamson in the 1930’s, both from Ikorodu, were established in the
textile business in Lagos and manufacturing of singlets. Their success encouraged
many from Ikorodu to seek employment under them. By the 1940s, S. O. Kamson’s
modest factory along Adeniji Adele II Street had become a regular port of call for
Ikorodu indigenes seeking employment in Lagos. Meanwhile J. F. Kamson also
established a factory at Isolo which later moved to Akoka (now acquired by the
University of Lagos). He, like his brother, also employed many Ikorodu indigenes.20
Among prominent Ikorodu business families in Lagos in the 1940s and 1950s
were the Bensons and the Gbagamosis. The Benson family engaged in transport
business in the city, while the Gbagamosi family also manufactured singlets and later
went into ceramic manufacturing, this time in Ikorodu. S. O. Gbadamosi thereafter
started a partnership business with his cousin Chief R. A. Allinson under the trading
name of Ikorodu Trading Company in 1935. This company engaged in the
importation of cheap Japanese goods and other commodities from Western Germany.
The Ikorodu Company Limited later turned into a manufacturing outfit, producing
woven and textile materials in 1937. This brought it into keen competition with the
Untied African Company (U.A.C.) which was then running a similar venture. The
United African Company later sold off its underwear factory to the partnership of S.
O. Gbadamisi. The Ikorodu Company Limited also diversified into ceramics
47
production in 1943, but the venture never succeeded due to the ill health of one of the
partners which eventually led to the liquidation of the company.
At the time the garment factory was at its peak, it has 2,000 employees on its
payroll. With the establishment of these indigenous industries, more people came to
Ikorodu in search of employment. There was also the establishment of foreign
industries, such as Nichemtex (now United Nigeria Textile Company, the largest
textile manufacturing company in Africa), Peterson and Zochonis (P.Z.) Industries
Ltd, and Cussons, Spintex, Ocean Fisheries, Facility and a hosts of other smear
industries, all of which except Nichemtex were located in the industrial estate at
Odogunyan (Ikorodu North).23 With the establishment of both indigenous and foreign
industries, Ikorodu witnessed an upsurge in population, as a lot of people came in
from neighbouring towns and beyond. These industries and the concomitant
population increase resulted in rapid urbanisation of Ikorodu turning it from a rural
setting into an urban settlement.
Another factor that accounted for the rapid development of Ikorodu is its
nearness to Lagos. Due to its geographical nearness to Lagos, Nigeria’s foremost
commercial and until recently its administrative capital, Ikorodu enjoyed a strategic
position which makes it more attractive to people who wanted direct connection with
Lagos.24 Ikorodu town has changed a lot. In terms of area, it has extended beyond the
inner circular route (the old city wall). In other words, the whole of that area called
‘Aiyeluja’, both sides of Ayangburen Road extending to Solomade, Etunrenren, Lowa,
Olori (both sides of Lagos road). The Ojogbe area, Gbasemo, Oriwu Hotel area to
Oluwakemi and Adaraloye Streets, both sides of Igbogbo Road including Owode, and
Oriwu College, Mabodu area including Solafun e.t.c The 1991 provisional census
48
figure for Ikorodu Local Government area was 181,900. Out of this at least 100,000
would be for Ikorodu town, more or less. About 60% of the town people are engaged
in trade and other businesses in Ikorodu or in the greater Lagos metropolis. These
later group daily shuttled between Ikorodu and Lagos.24
Also, as a result of the nearness of Ikorodu to Lagos, Ikorodu women became
particularly prominent traders in Lagos, where they dominated the textile business,
especially in the vibrant ‘Gota’ area, Ita Balogun, Alakoro, Apongbo etc. It has been
estimated that about 90% of Ikorodu people dominated the economic life of Lagos.
About 98% dominated trading activities in Mosalashi, Gota, Ereko, Apongbo, and
Obun-Eko markets while about 40% dominated trading activities in Jankara and
Alaporo markets. It has been estimated that Ikorodu women folk are so successful in
business that they own about 60% of the wealth of all Ikorodu sons and daughters put
together.25 All of these was enhanced by the proximity of Ikorodu to Lagos.
The relatively high cost of living in Lagos is another factor that led to the
marked change in the size and character of Ikorodu. The position of Lagos as a natural
harbour and ultimately the terminal of land routes in South Western Nigeria made it a
significant place in terms of population.26 The availability of port facilities, lagoon and
marine transportation greatly facilitated industrialisation which made Lagos the most
industrialized city in Nigeria.27 Consequently, the population of Lagos continued to
grow and this led to the need for more food to feed the rising population. Since Lagos
could not provide enough food for its teeming population, it was compelled to seek
the cooperation of some of its neighbours. This phenomenon influenced the relations
between such neighbours as Ikorodu, Egba and Lagos. Thus, Ikorodu began to
experience daily influx of people. More significantly, as metropolitan Lagos gradually
49
became ‘Load shedding’, not only was life becoming ‘too hot’ financially for the low
income earners in the city, but the ‘sappy’ atmosphere made landlords to attempt
passing on the effect of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of the
government to tenants generally.28
Naturally people look for an environment that would be more accommodating
and welcoming, Ikorodu readily provided that alternative. The choice of Ikorodu
became more appealing, particularly to low income earners, because the cost of living
was relatively low. A number of civil servants, some of whom are indigenes of
Ikorodu as well as migrants in Lagos relocated to Ikorodu because of low rents. 29 A
few also preferred to acquire landed properties in Ikorodu because they were cheaper
compared with what obtained in Lagos. As at 1992, a room and parlour cost between
N150 and N200 in the choicest part of Ikorodu and the adjoining town of Ipakodo
whereas the same would cost between N250 and N300 in Lagos. Generally, food
prices were lower in Ikorodu area than in Lagos. At Imota, which is about 15
kilometres from Ikorodu, a bunch of plantain that would cost N35 in Mushin was sold
for N20. The same goes for fruits.30 The cost of living in Lagos thus led to influx of
people into Ikorodu.
Another factor that led to the expansion of Ikorodu into a commercial centre
was the efforts of some of its indigenes towards the development of the town. 31
Basically, the development of a town can be traced to the activities of individuals who
have given practical expression to their sentiment, to ensuring that their town moves
forward. Ikorodu in this respect was fortunate to have such citizens who fought to
bring about social change and transformation in the town. Before the opening of the
Lagos-Ikorodu road, Ikorodu could not provide employment opportunities for its
50
people because of the weak economic activities there. The pull to Lagos was stronger,
as almost six out of every ten adult males from the town migrated to Lagos. The pull
had significant effect on Ikorodu. One of the early effects was the influence of some
of the indigenes of the town, who were based in Lagos on socio-political development
in Ikorodu. These men had formed an association in Lagos about 1920. They then
contacted the Oloja and his chiefs and proposed the building of a new palace for the
ruler. This meant removal from the former palace in the centre of the town and since
the project did not disturb British rule in the town, it went on unhindered. By 1936,
the new palace was opened with the ruler assuming the new title Ayangburen.32
New ideas continued to filter back to Ikorodu and its environs through the
activities of the youth of the area who were schooling in Lagos. For example, student
societies or associations played a significant role in the implementation of the reforms
of local government authorities from 1938 to 1950. Their social impact was also
evident in the movement for secondary school education in Ikorodu Township. For
example, S. O. Kamson among others, was very prominent in the building of Oriwu
College in the town.33 It is therefore worthy to note that the contributions of these
people is crucial since development project may fail to take off in a community if
efforts are directed at reaching the grassroots through the wrong people. Thus, the
contributions of some of the indigenes of Ikorodu to the town led to the
transformation of Ikorodu to an urban community.
The establishment of schools was another factor that led to the transformation
of Ikorodu.34 Prior to the establishment of the first secondary school in Ikorodu,
Ikorodu indigenes and others who had settled in Ikorodu took their children to Lagos
for the continuation of their studies after their primary school education in Ikorodu.
51
The first primary school did not come to Ikorodu Local Government until 1892. This
was the Methodist Primary School. Thus, between 1892 and 1949, when the first post
primary education institution was founded in Ikorodu, Ikorodu pupils had their post-
primary education in Lagos and other neighbouring towns. However, the effort of
some of Ikorodu indigenes led to the establishment of Oriwu College, the first post
primary education institution in Ikorodu. Thereafter, more schools were established.
For instance, when Late Otunba Adeniran Ogunsanya was appointed the first Attorney
General of the newly created Lagos State, and later as the Sate’s Commissioner for
Education, Government Teachers Colleges were created in the five divisions of the
state and Ikorodu was a beneficiary. However, much later Government Teachers
College Ikorodu was changed to the Lagos State Model College, Igbogbo.35
Another example was the establishment of Government College Ikorodu and
the Technical College made possible by Commissioner Reuben Olorunfunmi Basorun
when he was appointed as the Commissioner for Education in Lagos State in 1982. As
at 1991/92 academic year, Ikorodu has 54 primary schools with a total enrolment of
38,301 pupils and 23 secondary schools with a total enrolment of 20,645 pupils. 36
With the establishment of schools, Ikorodu has experienced influx of people who
settled in the town for the educational developments of their wards.
The eviction and demolition of Maroko was another factor that contributed to
the expansion of Ikorodu.37 In July 1990, the prevailing military government of Lagos
state ordered the demolition of Maroko community. The demolition of the entire
community was carried out after a-seven-day quit notice announced over the radio
and led to the forced eviction of an estimated 300,000 people from their homes of
52
several decades. Thus, thousands of this these displaced persons found solace and
ready haven in Ikorodu.
The dualisation of the Ikorodu road project was another factor that brought
about qualitative change in Ikorodu.38 This was a major factor that led to influx of
people into Ikorodu, particularly Owotu (Ikorodu West) and Odogunyan (Ikorodu
North). Commenting on the advantage of the dualisation of Ikorodu road, Colonel
Mohamed Buba Marwa on April 2, 1993 promised that dualisation would save people
travelling time. According to him at the foundation laying ceremony of terrace
bungalow at Owutu housing estate in Ikorodu, eventual allotees would be lucky as
dualisation of the Ikorodu road project would further reduce the time and stress
associated with moving from Ikorodu to the Lagos metropolis. 39 With its ability to
save peoples travelling time as well as control omission of pollutants from vehicles,
the dualisation of the Ikorodu road project brought more people into Ikorodu leading
to its rapid transformation.
POLITICAL FACTORS
The creation of Lagos State on May 27, 1967 engendered tremendous change in
Ikorodu. Prior to this period, the metropolitan areas (colony province) of Ikeja, Agege,
Mushin, Ikorodu, Epe and Badagry were administered by the Western Region.40 At the
creation of Lagos State, Ikorodu was divided into two and this has to do with whether
to go with Lagos or remain a part of Western Region. But majority of Ikorodu
citizens, who realised the economic advantage offered by Lagos and as a result of its
nearness to Lagos chose to be part of Lagos. Chief Segun Adeyemi rendered this song
53
which climaxed the final separation with Western Nigeria when Ikorodu decided to go
with Lagos, thus:
Ikorodu Eko ya o
Eko yi ni s’Oba owo o
Benson ke yin ma ni so, o ya
Awade s’ere Ibadan, Ibadan
Ara Oriwu n ki gbe
Awon n re’ Badan
Ikorodu o ti ya
Tawa t’Oba.41
The translation is as follows
Ikorodu let us go to Lagos

Ikorodu let us go to Lagos
Lagos, the king of money
Benson led us on
We are not slaves to Ibadan
The people of Oriwu are crying
They are going to Ibadan
Ikorodu let us go with the king.
The annexation of Ikorodu to the newly created Lagos resulted in population
explosion as Ikorodu started enjoying benefits like the establishment of court and
schools by some of its indigenes, who were appointed members of the new Lagos
state administration. Late Otunba T. O. S. Benson, in his capacity as the Federal
Government Minister of Information, brought the transmitting station of the Voice of
Nigeria to Ipakodo in 1962. Similarly, late Otunba Adeniran Ogunsanya, the first
Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice of Lagos State, brought the
transmitters for the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria to Ikorodu. 42 The creation of
Lagos State as well as the political influence of some political holders from Ikorodu
led to the rapid transformation of Ikorodu.
54
With the creation of Lagos State as a divisional headquarters, local
government was also created. It is instructive to know that local government
administration in Nigeria emerged from the British colonial administration in the
country. Consequently, in 1901, a Central Native Council was established in Ikorodu
headed by a District Commissioner.43 With the emergence of Ikorodu as a divisional
headquarter and as residence for divisional officer, lands were earmarked within the
Ikorodu Division for the establishment of industries and banks. Lands were also
acquired for staffs of different organisations such as the West Africa Examination
Council (WAEC), University of Lagos (UNILAG) the National Electricity Power
Authority (NEPA) and so on; this further brought many people working in Lagos to
Ikorodu.44
By and large, from the foregoing, it is crystal clear that several factors;
political, social and economic factors led to the transformation of Ikorodu. To this
end, one could safely conclude that the combination of all these factors activated the
process of urbanisation which in turn contributed to the transformation of Ikorodu.
55
END NOTES
1. Interview with Oba S. A. A. Oyefusi (The Ayangburen of Ikorodu till date),

31st July, 2008.
2. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele Awolesi (Former Chairman Ikorodu

Local Government), 14th August, 2008.
3. Ibid.
4. Interview with Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday Today and

Tomorrow”, (keynote address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19 – 27
November, 1993); 47.
5. Babatunde Agiri, “Lagos-Ikorodu Relations 1894 – 1950,” in The History of

the Peoples of Lagos edited by Ade Adefuye, Babatunde Agiri and Jide
Osuntokun (Lagos: Lenthern Books, 1987).
6. Interview with Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu (Ikorodu Party Chairman for Peoples
Democratic Party) 10th July, 2008
7. Interview with Comrade Ayodele Elesho (Former Commissioner for

Informaiton), 4th September, 2008
8. Ibid.
9. Leo C. Dioka, Lagos an Its Environs (Lagos: First Academic Publishers,

2001), 164.
10. Interview with Alhaji Tufegboye Adewunmi (Former Chairman Ikorodu Local
Government), 14h August, 2008.
11. Ibid.
12. Tunde Oduwobi, Ijebu under Colonial Rule 1892 – 1960: An Administrative
and Political Analysis (Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2004), 40.
13. Abiodun Naimot Allison, “Ikorodu and her neighbours in the 19th century: A
Study in Intergorup Relations”, a Final Year Project of the Department of
History, University of Ibadan, 1982, 24.
15. Agiri, The History of the Peoples of Lagos, 204 – 205.
16. Ibid.
18. Interview with Alhaji Adewunmi.
19. Ibid.
56
21. Ibid.
22. Interview with Chief Segun Shodipo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.
Ijede and Ipakodo): A Profile of the Elites (Lagos: Unilag Consult, 1993) 27.
24. Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,” 50.
25. Interview with Mrs. Mercy Adetokunbo (A Trader Living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.
26. Interview with Chief Shodipo.
27. “Urbanisation”, an article on wikipedia, an internet based encyclopaedia,

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 30th March, 2008)
29. Lai Olurode Social Change in Ikorodu Division, 51.
30. Ibid.
31. Agiri, The History of the People of Lagos, 205.
32. Ibid. 203.
33. Ibid, 205.
34. Interview with Chief Olusegun Adeyemi (Vice-Chairman for the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP), Lagos East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.
35. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. Dioka, Lagos and its Environs,164.
41. Interview with Chief Adeyemi.
42. Ibid.
44. Ibid.
57
CHAPTER FOUR
IMPACT OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF IKORODU
The birth of the Nigerian nation in 1914 and the eventual colonisation of the country
by the British led to the introduction of mega-cities and rapid urbanisation. These
phenomena came with both positive and negative impact on the people. The fairly
high rate of urbanisation in Nigeria in the last two decades has attracted considerable
attention and evoked quite a commendable level of analytical writing from
environmentalists in particular and social scientists in general. Urbanisation is,
essentially, a critical process of development and a profoundly disruptive process.1
In the contemporary world, urban life constitutes the dynamic basic for a
number of activities and processes that are associated with modernity and economic
advancement. Thus, any decisive and systematic efforts to transform the traditional
societies into modern political systems must envisage the development of a modern
urban system. At the same time, rapid urbanisation can, in many ways, create
economic, social and psychological tension and divisions which, viewed from a
political perspective, become potential sources of political instability and constraints
to effective nation-building; hence, the argument that “both the vital role of
urbanisation and its potentially disruptive consequences create perplexing problems of
public policy.”2
Commencing from the last century, urbanisation was nothing problematic in
Ikorodu, as much of the town was characterized by an abundance of land and
relatively sparse population density. However, as the new century approached,
58
increasing level of urbanisation has led to scarcity of land, acute shortage of social
amenities, such as portable water, housing, electricity, schools and good roads,
increased unemployment and underemployment, environmental sanitation and crime
to mention but a few.
SOCIAL AMENITIES
The emergence of urbanisation in Ikorodu brought about some social developments
which had significant sociological impact on the town. However, these positive
developments came with serious negative impacts on the people and the town itself.
These developments as well as their negative impacts are subsequently discussed.
WATER SUPPLY AND DEMANDS
Urban dwellers use more water and energy and generate more wastes than rural
dwellers. Before the transformation of Ikorodu to an urban community, the people
depend on rivers and streams for drinking and washing. The most important streams
are Apeka, Etunrenren. Erikorodo, Melegoke, Yewa, Eri-Ijamu, Ota Ona, Ota-Igbo
and Eruwen. These streams were the sources of cool smooth portable water to Ikorodu
of yesteryears. However, most of these streams have now been savagely polluted by
industrial waste or human activities.3 In 1987, for instance, a good number of shallow
boreholes and micro-works had been sited in the Local Government Area by the State
Directorate of Foods, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFRRI). And to supplement
these efforts, a sum of N200,000 was earmarked to extend water to some communities
within the town.4 Mini-water works, including the one in Ikorodu, were introduced
59
during the period of the civilian administration between 1991 and 1983 to help deal
with the problem of water scarcity.5
However, despite the fact that water is an essential need of man, its supply in
terms of quantity and quality is still inadequate. The major indicator of this is the
number of people who have access to safe water. In Nigerian urban areas, particularly,
access to safe water has always been poor. The scarcity of water in Ikorodu for
instance was further exacerbated by its waterworks which has stopped functioning.
The result of this is that private individuals as well as industrial concerns and other
establishments tend to supplement water supply by sinking boreholes or digging wells
as alternative source of supply. In addition pipe breakages and inefficiency in the
management of water supply inhibit greater output.6 These problems were aggravated
by the incessant power supply that either disrupted or damaged the process or raised
the costs of providing safe water. The quality of the waters is also poor, posing danger
to the health of the people, particularly low income earners and very poor people who
lives in slums and squatter areas.7
ELECTRICITY
Ikorodu accounts for about 40 percent of the total electric power supply in Nigeria,
but inadequate and exotic power supply for industrial, commercial and domestic
demand has characterized the service provided by the National Electric Power
Authority (NEPA) now renamed as Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN). The
regular occurrence of intermittent power outages has led to nearly all industrial
establishments in Ikorodu acquiring their own stand-by generator. This was however
different before and during the early years of urbanisation in Ikorodu. In 1987,
60
Ikorodu Local Government area provided a sum of N500,000 which was spent on
providing electricity for some communities (Ile mere, Losi-Oba, Odo-Nla and
Bagidan) located within Ikorodu Division.
The Lagos State Government also provided Electrification Programme for
Ikorodu Local Government during this period8 and as a result, people as well as
industries enjoyed daily power supply during this period.9 But the rise in rate of
population that moved into Ikorodu to enjoy stable power supply increased the rate of
consumption and subsequently created the problem of power supply now faced by
PHCN. The ultimate consequences of this undesirable situation are low capacity
utilization and higher cost of production. It was hoped that Egbi Thermal Power
Station, which was commissioned in the late 1980s in Ikorodu purposely to meet the
electricity requirements of Lagos and Nigeria at large would improve the situation. 10
Although it did for a while, the station developed problems and the necessary funds
for spare parts to put the station back into full capacity have not been provided. The
result has been the acquiring of generators by individuals and companies to deal with
the erratic power supply. However, efforts are currently being made to address the
problems in collaboration with the federal government.
HOUSING AND ACCOMMODATION
Providing quality housing for people of all income levels is an integral component in
any growth strategy, but this has never been given adequate attention in urban Lagos.
Housing in Lagos and Ikorodu is inadequate both in quantity and in quality owing to
growing urban population. Prior to the expansion of Ikorodu into a large community,
the people lived in mud houses. The first storey building in Ikorodu (built with wood
61
and cement) was built during the construction of Lagos-Ikorodu road in 1953.
However, housing did not engender much problem because the people lived together
as one. However, as population grew in Ikorodu so also the problem of
accommodation.11
In 1972, the Lagos Executive Development Board (LEDB), the Ikeja Area
Planning Authority (IAPA), and the Epe Town Planning Authority were merged to
form the Lagos State Development and Property Corporation (LSDPC) to stimulate
greater efficiency and eliminate delay, waste, and duplication of responsibilities in the
housing sectors in Lagos.12 Nevertheless, the problem persists mostly because of
rapid of population growth, but also because of the introduction of the structural
Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986 and the threefold increase in the price of
petroleum fuel in 1994.13 Despite the efforts of the various housing authorities and
attempts by Lagos State Government, particularly during the administration of Lateef
Jakande and Col. Buba Marwa,14 over 90 percent of housing and accommodation in
Ikorodu is still provided by private sector and individuals.
Housing has been widely seen as a secure and lucrative investment, which
enhances the owner’s status in the community. Whereas access to privately owned
land through customer channels or purchase has made it possible for a relatively large
stock of owner-occupied housing to build, opportunities for those excluded from the
means of access to land have been limited to areas in public ownership. As a result,
squatting is limited and over 60 percent of residents are tenants, some in tenements
constructed by absentee landlords, but the majority in houses occupied by landlords,
of modest means.15 The problem of housing remained intractable with the increasing
growth of slums, shanties and squatter settlements. These settlements have both
62
physiological and psychological implications for people that are imprisoned in them.
Evidence has shown that housing conditions in Ikorodu are not improving rather they
are deteriorating. Most houses lack access to modern amenities such as electricity,
toilet facilities and water. As a direct consequence of overcrowding, there is lack of
clean fresh air, and air-borne diseases are common e.g. tuberculosis and meningitis.16
EDUCATIONAL SERVICES
Education undoubtedly is the best legacy a government can give to its people. In
1949, the first secondary school in Ikorodu was established and this led to a quality
social change in Ikorodu. As the school took off, people moved in to build houses
close to the school. This encouraged the development of new settlement. The
establishment of Oriwu College, in addition to the first primary school established in
1892, led to the establishment of more schools particularly after the creation of Lagos
State when the Sate Government as well as the Local Government gave priority to
establishments of more educational institutions.
However, due to population explosion brought about by rapid urbanisation,
educational services in Ikorodu became affected negatively. The public schools
became congested due to inadequate funding, and partly due to neglect of these
institutions. Individuals began to establish private schools, most of which are rather
expensive and unaffordable by low income earners and very poor people in the
community.17 Consequently, pupils began to drop-out of schools, to take up all types
of menial jobs including Bus conducting, water carriers, labourers; the cumulative
effect of all these was the rise in crimes and criminal activities in Ikorodu.
63
UNEMPLOYMENT AND UNDEREMPLOYMENT
The young migrants, just like the case of Ikorodu, are usually young educated and
semi-skilled adults who are in the most productive period of their lives. Before 1970,
when the Lagos state government earmarked land for the establishment of industries,
mostly all Ikorodu citizens were involved in one economic activities or the other
particularly trade. The establishment of local and small scale industries saw to the
employment of able-bodied young men and women. A good example of this was the
establishment of garment factory by Late Chief S. O. Gbadamosi, which at its peak
employed 2,000 workers. The rate of employment increased with the establishment of
more industries in 1970s.8 However, with the establishment of industries more people
migrated to Ikorodu to take advantage of the opportunities. The result of this was a
sharp decline in the rate of employment in subsequent years.
Underemployment is another characteristics feature of Ikorodu where able-
bodied young men and women are seen selling or hawking various goods ranging
from handkerchiefs to newspaper. This was however not the case before. Prior to the
rapid expansion in population, young men were mostly apprentice, learning one skill
or the other. The economic recession since the late 1980s with the poor performance
of the industrial sector including state-owned firms, threw many out of employment
thus contributing to the unemployment and underemployment in Ikorodu.19
CRIME
As a city grew the cost of housing and infrastructure also rose sharply. There are less
water, land and building material available and greater congestion problems. As a city
decays in this way, governments often do not meet the service needs of residents and
64
urban development is dominated by private capital. Consequently, unemployment
grows, as do drug abuse, crime, and homelessness.20 Arising from the problem of
unemployment and underemployment is the phenomenon of the so-called “area
boys.” These are the unemployed, able-bodied men, possibly drug addicts, who harass
other people, mostly motorists, for money in broad daylight. 21 They operate in certain
areas of Ikorodu especially the motor garages and parks and may sometimes turn
violent.22 Although, there existed crime in the past, it did not assume the present
alarming proportion. However, the emergence of Ikorodu as an urban community with
the concomitant problem of unemployment and underemployment increased the crime
rate in the town. In the past decades, several accounts of armed robbery operations
have been reported or witnessed, by both individuals and industrial establishments,
within Ikorodu.23
ENVIRONMENT SANITATION
Wastes waste management are usually a major problem in urban centres. Air pollution
results form over-dependence on motorized transport, and from the burning of coal to
supply energy. A major way of disposing waste in Ikorodu before the transformation
was by digging of pit to pour refuse which was later burnt to ashes. Also during this
period cleanliness was regarded as a priority, as dirtiness could account for a person’s
loss of political appointment particularly when Ikorodu was part of the Western
Region.24 However, with urbanisation came the issue of environmental sanitation. The
reluctance of the people to pay for waste disposal services coupled with the
inefficiency of the waste management authorities further heightened the problem of
environmental sanitation.
65
Access to toilet facilities creates another problem. There are many locations
within Ikorodu where people lacked access to toilet facilities. These findings imply
that many people urinate and defecate in the open spaces with serious health
implications.25 It is however instructive to note that in respect to the issue of waste
disposal Lagos State Government has introduced Private Sector Participants (PSP)
scheme for refuse collection. This has brought some improvement to the disposal of
wastes around Ikorodu area.
INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT
Urbanisation can be linked with industrialisation and development. For instance, an
urban setting is a setting that has been opened up for industrial development. It is also
a community that has achieved some level of development and in which the various
gadgets for communication e.g. telephone, telex, electronic mail, internet etc. exist. It
can then be averred that, in a way, the concepts of urbanisation and industrialisation
are both intrinsic and symbiotic factors in the development process. Cities, in general,
provided concentration of population from which industrial labour may be drawn;
they also contain a greater variety of skills and resources than rural areas. 26
Urbanisation therefore promotes values favourable to entrepreneurship and industrial
growth.
In summary, urbanisation and industrialisation, to a large extent, constitute a
vital component of the modernization process. However, the establishment of
industries also have its own negative impacts on the society. 27 This is inform of
industrial waste, air pollution and water pollution, and other problems associated with
industrial wastes. Forn instance, industrial development of Ikorodu since the 1970s
66
had generated as much environmental problem as the economic good it engendered.
Poor industrial waste management had resulted in air pollution, emission of
greenhouse gases which has tremendously affected the quality of air, and the pollution
of water which ha s denied the people of Ikorodu access to clean water from the
streams and abundant waters that surround them.
In the overall, while it is true that urbanisation is necessary for the
development of any community, it also has serious negative implications on the
social, economic and political make up of communities, if not properly managed and
planned.
67
END NOTES
1. Micheal M. Ogbeidi, “Urbanisation and Social Reforms,” in Nigerian Cities,

edited by Toyin Falola and Steven J. Salm (Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World
Press, Inc, 2003), 333.
2. Solomon O. Akinboye, “The Socio-Political Implications of Urbanisation in

Nigeria,” in Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in Nigeria,
1950 – 1999, edited by M. O. A. Adejugbe (Lagos: Concept Publications,
2004), 256.
3. Mathew Ayodele Awolesi, “Ikorodu Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow” Keynote

address at the 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19-27 November 1993, 47.
4. “Focus on Ikorodu Local Government, Lagos State,” Memorandum specially

presented for the official visit of General Ibrahim Babangida, Ikorodu, June
1988, 15.
5. Josephine Olu Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development in

Metropolitan Lagos,” http://www.uni.edu/unipress/unipbooks/un26ue/
un26ueoj.htm (accessed 24th July, 2008).
6. Interview with Mr. Johnson Ogunbajo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21 st August,

2008.
7. Ibid.
8. Focus on Ikorodu Local Government, 14.
9. Interview with Mr. Yemi Peju (Publisher, Trade and Contact Magazine and an
indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008).
10. Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development in Metropolitan

Lagos,” http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unupbooks/unrebe/un26ueoj.htm
th
(accessed 24 July, 2008).
11. Interview with Mr. Segun Peters (A Businessman living in Ikorodu since
1981), 7th August, 2008.
12. Abiodun, “The Challenges and Growth of Development on Metropolitan

Lagos”, http://www.unu.edu/unupress/unup books/un26ueoj.htm (accessed
24th July, 2008).
13. Interview with Chief Segun Shodipo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4 th September,
2008.
14. Interview with Comrade Ayodele (Former Commissioner for Information,

Lagos State), 4th September, 2008.
68
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Interview with Comrade Elesho
19. Interview with Chief Mathew Ayodele Awolesi (Former Chairman Ikorodu
Local Government), 14th August, 2008.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
24. Interview with Chief Segun Adeyemi (Vice Chairman) for Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) Lagos East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.
25. Peju Onibokun, Urban Research in Nigeria (Ibadan: Akinola Printing Works,
1990), 14.
26. Akinboye, “The Socio-Political Implications of Urbanisation in Nigeria”,

257.
27. Interview with Mr. Segun Peters.
69
CONCLUSION
This work has examined the transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to an urban
community up to 1999. A careful attempt has been made to highlight the impacts of
the transformation both negative and positive on any society using Ikorodu as a case
study. A glance at the origin and migration of the Ikorodu people, their socio-cultural,
political and economic activities, had affected the structures of the town. The impact
of urbanisation points to the fact that the process, is a continuous one and cannot be
halted. The enormous impact of urbanisation on the economy, social and cultural
environment of Ikorodu underlines this reality and aptly demonstrates that if properly
planned, urbanisation could bring about more benefits to the town, as it has elsewhere
in the world.
Urbanisation has been defined as the process by which hamlets and villages
metamorphose into cities and acquired metropolitan states; it is the rendering or rural
areas, more urban by adding features or characteristics of city life. 1 It has also been
shown that urbanisation also means the removal of the rural characteristics of a town
or an area, a process that is associated with the development of civilization and
technology.2 Urbanisation could also result in efficiency. Cities can be tremendously
efficient. For example, imagine a hundred families living in one hundred separate
houses spread out over many acres of land. But now the same one hundred families
cluster in a singly block of flats. Obviously, in the flats, far less effort is required to
supply energy, water, heating and waste disposal to these families.3
It is only in cities that such things are recycling programmes are possible
because collection can be made so efficiently. Also, if properly planned, urbanisation
70
can bring about convenience. In a city, everything is closely knitted. Access to
education, health, social services and cultural events are much more readily available
in the city than a rural setting. Because things are located so closely, cities can make
the use of personal motor vehicle use unnecessary for many citizens. This is
especially true when a city has efficient mass transportation systems. Such services
are not feasible for rural population because of lack of demand. Resources are
concentrated in urban centres, which are not available in villages. Because of the
density of people, wealth, and other resources in cities, many institutions become
possible that would not in areas where such things are more spread out. Basically
when enough people are cluster together in a small area, they start coming up with
new ideas to improve their conditions of life.
However, the problems and challenges posed by the rapid urban growth in
Ikorodu are immense, more easily observable and perhaps very frightening are the
general human and environmental poverty, the declining quality of life and the
underutilized as well as the untapped wealth of human resources. Housing and
associated facilities (such as water, electricity, waste disposal are grossly inadequate.
People still live substandard environment called slums, plagued by squalor and
grossly inadequate social amenities, such as, a shortage of schools, poor health care
facilities and lack of opportunities for recreation among others.5 Juvenile delinquency
and crime have become endemic in urban areas as a result of the gradual decline of
traditional social value and the breakdown of family cohesiveness and community
spirit.
Moreover, the capacity of law enforcement institutions to prevent crime is
increasingly hampered by technological and resource limitations. Therefore,
71
according to Mabogunje, the fundamental idea in the theory of urbanisation is based
on the specialization of functions among human communities through division of
labour. To him, the essence of urbanisation is specialization. 6 Thus, in order to make
the process of urbanisation worthwhile, both the government and the individual have
roles to play. On the part of the individual, there is the need to have a sense of
responsibility. Facilities established by government are for the betterment of the
populace and should therefore be treated as such. 7 The reason why the United States
and Europe are disciplined is because their citizens are law abiding. Individuals
should obey laws pertaining to traffic payment of taxes and electricity bills as well as
dumping of refuse. On the parent of the traditional government, the Oba should
encourage community development initiative where citizens would be encouraged to
contribute their positive quota to the development of the community.
The local government should also rise to its responsibilities by providing basic
amenities and supporting community security and policing. Ikorodu is known to be
home to many industries and establishments. These industries also have a role to play
in the aspect of corporate social responsibility. The notion of corporate social
responsibility is an essential feature of corporate governance. Beyond profit
maximization, corporate organisation and industries have social responsibilities to
address the basic needs of the environment where they operate. The concept of social
responsibility presupposes action towards a “social problem” or responsiveness to the
basic issues of safety, pollution, minorities and social development. 8 A good example
of the efforts of individuals was the coming together of all the communities (Igbogbo,
Imota, Ipakodu, Ibeshe, Ikorodu etc.) to form the Ikorodu division for the
championing of Ikorodu Governor in 2007. This was made possible by the coalition
of leaders of Ikorodu Division (OND) headed by Chief B.O. Benson.9
72
On the part of the government, urban planning should be encouraged. The goal
of urban planning is to achieve the benefits of cities without incurring all the negative
effects that accompany such development. This goal is sometimes referred to as
‘Sustainable Growth’. How do urban planners hope to achieve sustainable growth?
The most basic rule is to plan cities, rather than to let them grow naturally. When
cities are planned, it can be ensured that there is adequate infrastructure to support the
population, and that residential areas are located with convenient access to major
transit arteries and to social services.10
In conclusion, many research findings show that while cities in Nigeria, as in
other developing countries, have been growing at a very rapid rate, there has been no
commensurable growth in the rate at which social services and infrastructural
amenities are provided. The result has been a gradual decline in the quality of the
environment and in the quality of life. Educational facilities such as primary and
secondary schools have not been able to accommodate the sharp increase in the
number of pupils; the ratio population to health facilities such as dispensaries,
maternity homes and hospital is unfavourable, health facilities are neither well staffed
nor adequately equipped. The same findings apply to housing, employment
opportunities and crime prevention faciltieis.11 The pattern trend and characteristics of
urbanisation in Nigeria and call for measures aimed at summing the growth of cities,
controlling the rate rural-urban migration; and improving the quality of life in both
urban and rural areas. Taking appropriate measures calls for a thorough understanding
of the urban sector. Thus, urban planning and research are therefore inevitable.
73
END NOTES
1. M. O. A. Adejugbe, Industrialisation, Urbanisation and Development in

Nigeria, 1950 – 1999. (Lagos: Concept Publications, 2004), 14.
2. “Urbanisation Trend”, an article on wikipedia, an internet based

encyclopaedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 18th March,
2008.
3. Joseph Olu Abiodunm, “The Challenges of growth and development in

metropolitan Lagos,” http://www.unu.edu/ unupress/unupbooks/un26ue/
4. “Urbanisation”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/urbanisation (accessed 18th

March, 2008).
5. Interview with Mr. Tunde Isikalu (an indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008.

7. Interview with Mr. Peju Akinyemi (Publisher, Trade and Contact Magazine
and an indigene of Ikorodu), 21st August, 2008.
8. Michael M. Ogbeidi; Fundamental of Nigerian Business History (Ogun:

Babcock University Press, 2007), 75.
9. Interview with Mr. Peju Akiyemi.
10. Poju Onibokun, Urban Research in Nigeria (Ibadan: Akinola Printing Works,
1990), 13.
11. Ibid, 14.
74
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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address, 2nd Ikorodu Oga Day, Ikorodu, 19-27 November 1993.
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“Focus on Ikorodu Local Government, Lagos State”. Memorandum Specially

Presented for the Official Visit of General Ibrahim Babagida, Ikorodu, June,
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Interview with Alhaji Mufutau Ajisebutu (Ikorodu Party Chairman for Peoples
Democratic Party), 10th July, 2008.
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August, 2008.
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Interview with Chief Segun Adeyemi (Vice-Chairman for the Peoples Democratic
Party, Lagos East Senatorial District), 21st August, 2008.
Interview with Chief Segun Shodipo (an indigene of Ikorodu), 4th September, 2008.
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August, 2008.
Interview with Mr. Segun Peters (A Businessman living in Ikorodu since 1981), 7th
August, 2008.
Interview with Mr. Tunde Isikalu (Indigene of Ikorodu), 4th August, 2008.
75
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77

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Ikorodu from Earliest Times to 1999:

Transformation from a Rural to an

Peters, Olufunsho Emilola

Being a long essay submitted to the Department of

This work is dedicated to the memory of my late father,

(Proverbs15:22, RSV). To the many, therefore, who contributed in varied degree to

the success of this work and my undergraduate programme I am greatly indebted. I

am particularly immensely grateful to Dr. Emmanuel Kehinde Faluyi, my supervisor,

lecturer, you are a role model.

I do also acknowledge a great deal of indebtedness to Mr. Yemi Peju, Mr.

Thanks a lot, I am very grateful.

I am profoundly grateful to my wonderful mother, Mrs. Rachel Adeola Peters,

demonstrated towards the success of this research work and my undergraduate

impossible for me to forget your contributions and warm friendship; I express my

Chapter One: Early History of Ikorodu: Origin, Migration and

Chapter Two: Ikorodu before 1894: Politics, Economic and

Chapter Three: The Transformation of Ikorodu……………………….… 41

Chapter Four: Impact of the Transformation of Ikorodu.……………… 58

The Statue of Oga.……………………………………………………… 17

described as urbanisation. Like many other concepts in the social sciences,

of a proper or a generally acceptable definition of urban and urbanisation is still at

understanding of what this research work is all about. According to Adejugbe,

The term also refers to a process in which an increasing proportion of an entire

population live in cities and suburbs of cities.2 According to Mabogunje, the

fundamental idea in the theory of urbanisation is based on the specialization of

functions among human communities through division of labour. The essence of

Urbanisation involves large congregation of human beings at a particular place

how a small settlement grew into a cosmopolitan community. Geographically, Ikorodu

as an initially massive forest situated approximately 18 kilometres from East to West

kilometres. The 1993 population census estimated it to have a population of about

In Nigeria, migration as a social phenomenon is one of the strongest factors

explosion whereby accelerated growth of city systems has outstripped community

support services, infrastructure, and employment opportunities. Therefore, according

migrants are integrated or assimilated into the host environment?6

It is against this background therefore, that this work examines the

transformation of Ikorodu from a rural to a commercial urban community. This work

STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM

copious references on aspects of urbanisation in the Ikorodu area, there is yet no

comprehensive study of the processes and dimensions of urbanisation in Ikorodu. This

a general discussion of Ijebu history where it culturally belongs.

It therefore becomes an imperative in this research work to provide a

literatures on Lagos is the absence of historical studies on the transformation of

contemporary developments. In any case, there is yet no single study on the

transformation of Ikorodu to an urban settlement. This research work, therefore,

to a wide range of audience, particularly students of history, sociology, as well as

urban and regional planning, historians, sociologists and many others.

and socio-economic changes engendered by urbanisation during the period under

on both oral evidence and secondary sources. Newspapers, government documents,

therefore be collated, interpreted and analyzed.

societies. Urbanisation, which had been historically connected with industrialisation,

played a role in the transformation and socio-economic advancement of the countries

these works are here reviewed.

Neighbours,” that is of immense importance to the research work at hand. In this

importance of Lagos as a coastal settlement linked to the various neighbours by the

consequently, the establishment of British administration. Although not much

between Lagos and Ikorodu.

development. According to Olurode, the development of a town can be traced to the

activities of identifiable individuals who had given practical expression to the