Sino-Pakistan Relations: Repercussions For India: Journal of The Research Society of Pakistan

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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan

Volume No. 55, Issue No. 1(January - June, 2018)

Muhammad Saleem Akhtar *


Umbreen Javaid **

Sino-Pakistan relations: Repercussions for India

Abstract
Pakistan-China relations are based on decades. Political changes could not
disrupt these relations that remained ever strong in spite of political changes in
Pakistan. People of both the states like each other. Pakistanis always warmly
welcomed the Chinese investment in Pakistan. Pakistan’s textile sector was
damaged because of Chinese competition since the ending of the Multi-Fiber
agreement. History is not an obstacle to project a better future as a basic contest
in the region. However, in Pakistan the real issue is not its relationship with India
but its own future trajectory: Whether Pakistan will continue to emerge as an
established, democratic republican, moderate Islamic state or sink in extremism,
ethnicity, unemployment, terrorism and hawkishness. A bright future of both the
states is attached with each other. Pakistan is promoting herself in agriculture,
industry, textile and infrastructure with the help of China. Pakistan has been
facing security threats from very beginning. It secured its security positions
through the balancing of power in the region against India with the co-operation
of China. In this article Pakistan-China relations would be hi-lighted in
repercussions of India.
Key words: India vs China, China vs Pakistan, reservation of India, security
threats.

Sino-Pakistan relations
The relations of Pakistan and China are based on non-interference
principles of each other. The examples of these non-interference are East Pakistan
and Xinxiang issues. Pakistan recognized China in 1949. She denied to support the
basis of the East Pakistani secessionists and supported Pakistan's sovereignty and
territorial integrity. Sino-India war of 1962 more strengthened these relations
(Syed, 1969). Throughout the history of Indo-Pakistan, India had repercussions
over the relations of China Pakistan. For countering Sino-Pakistan relations India
made her strategic partner to US. Foreign policy of both (Pakistan and China) the
states shows the interests of each other. The investment of China in Pakistan is
promoting the infrastructure of Pakistan while on other hand a safe and smooth
route is available to China through Pakistan for its trade all over the world
(Kumar, 2007). China takes Pakistan as a gateway for its exports and is building

*
Muhammad Saleem Akhtar PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab,
Lahore
**
Dr. Umbreen Javaid Chairperson, Department of Political Science and Director, Centre for South
Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore
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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 55, No. 1, January - July, 2018

up infrastructure like China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) links to ease


access between Xinjiang and the Indian Ocean. China also receives important
political backing from Pakistan, particularly in forums like the Organization of the
Islamic Conference (OIC). Pakistan‘s instability is a permanent threat to the
Chinese trade. However, a shortest trade route is available to China through
Gwadar port. China is constructing the huge infrastructure in Pakistan for e.g.
CPEC. It is primarily intended to expedite the export of Chinese goods not only in
Pakistan but throughout the world (Haider, 2005). If Pakistan is able to counter the
terrorism and insurgency these relations would be more strong and durable.
Because China often criticizes the activities of Pakistani Taliban in Xinxiang
province of China. If Pakistan is not able to encounter them it would be great
threat to its luminous future. Contrasting the West, China is seen an ―all-weather
friend‖ of Pakistan. China‘s apprehensions about Uighurs, rather than India,
underpin present-day defense cooperation with Pakistan. There is a need to start a
multi-faced programs to familiarize the culture, language, events and history of
both the states for each other (Haider, Baluchis, Beijing, and Pakistan's Gwadar
Port. , 2005).
Chinese foreign policy trends
Instead of inspecting China through its own imperial lens or signified
version of Marxism-Leninism, some scholars applied the fundamental Western
realist notions of power, national interests, and international restraints to the study
of China's foreign policy, especially to its crisis behavior. ―The texture of
international politics remains highly constant, patterns recur, and events repeat
themselves endlessly‖ (Linklater, 1995), in the Chinese case, Chinese foreign
policy as unavoidably particularistic, uncertain, or in flux. Just as it can be claimed
that, in expressions of war and peace, it has also been experiential that ―A
relatively stable continuity of foreign policy output can be identified‖ (Ng-Quinn,
1983).
In as much as the 'outputs' or 'effects' fall into patterns, the 'inputs' or
'causes' cannot be too irregular. As suggested by the findings of one study, ―the
behavior of the Chinese decision system is basically nonrandom‖ (Trabasso,
Causal thinking and the representation of narrative events. , 1985). Perhaps the
biggest challenge to the China-unique thinking was posed by the emerging
systemic, or realist, approach. The realists hold that Chinese foreign policy
makers, like their counterparts in the West, must take into account the far greater
military and economic power of their super power adversaries or allies. This, they
say, is demonstrated by the major shifts in China's foreign policy, such as its
honeymoon with Moscow and the later rapprochement with Washington paradigm
shifts that reflected in China's external setting (Trabasso, Causal thinking and the
representation of narrative events. , 1985).
In new Chinese foreign and trade policy, economic interdependence
became the new trend. New forces/actors started redesigning Chinese foreign and
security policy institutions and processes (Jakobson, 2010). The presence of Multi-
National Corporations (MNCs) in 1990 and 2000, there were more than 500
companies operating 4,500 factories, branches and offices in China. The foreign
policy of China totally bases on trade and development. The new trends of its

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Pakistan- India Rivalry Hampering The Saarc To Become A Worthwhile Forum

policies made her an independent state. Chinese foreign policy about investment in
poor countries made her a professionalize, pluralize and globalized. It removed the
complexities of the world about its policies. Definitely China will face the
demonstrated attitude of big powers over her economic progress. It will reflect the
China‘s external relations (Jakobson, 2010).
Pakistan foreign policy trends
―The foreign policy is fundamentally defined as the art of dealing
diplomatically with other countries by a peculiar frame of action. Our history is
abuzz with unsuccessful agreements‖ (Mahmood, 2004). Pakistan has to build a
reputation of integrity and then open avenues particularly with small countries. A
vote is a vote so taking together small countries in majority will aid more in
passing resolutions. Pakistan‘s technique should be three layered. In Phase 1,
seminars, conferences, and meetings be deliberated in all countries where our
diplomats are sent. They are to be tasked with the responsibility of discussing
imperative issues abroad like the role of CPEC in reducing freight for Central
Asian goods. Human rights violations by using pellets in Jammu Kashmir be
widely aggravated, and circulated. In Phase 2, her achievements in developing
sectors like education, health, metropolitan laws, and policing power be projected
to people around the world through foreign office with statistical data
corroborated. In the last phase, eminent scholars, legislators, and analysts could be
sent all across the globe to address the core disputes that hang her in a bowl of war
for decades. They shall be independent in its workings, and drafting
recommendations jointly with other luminaries. Albeit, rectification for its
approval will be sought with the government of Pakistan (Sahoo, 2006).
The Shanghai Corporation is a sole economic body whose objective is to
oversee multilateral opportunities for all Asian States. This is a pivotal point in
history for us to lobby for a joint Mega project in Industrial, Agricultural or Water
sectors. China Pakistan economic corridor itself is a corroboration to benefits of
mutual relationships being enhanced. Pakistan should not let oligopoly to take seat
in SEO. Oligopoly, is a term in this context to describe the dominance of one or
few powers over one organization shall be condemned. Eschew from harm,
Pakistan can plan cultural troupe along with study exchange programs to facilitate
a harmonious working environment. India, obviously a country with greater
population (100 million) has a remarkable marketing power. Lobbying with social
networking sites like twitter, Facebook, economist, and numerous others have
projected Indian viewpoints on several issues in a quadruple manner. For instance,
the Kashmir cause for which Muslim world renowned people of Muslim World
are speaking up on Facebook or twitter is being censored. For example a Peace
ambassador Jibran Nasir‘s account was barred from access. His crime was that he
disguised the faces of Bollywood stars in form of Kashmir victims. His target
audience were the spiritually dead people around the world who remained silent
upon encroachment of Human rights in Kashmir. Thirdly, Pakistan should
emphasize to diplomats, and ambassadors abroad to advocate for a positive image
of Pakistan in media (Ali, 2001).
Consequently, it would lead to burgeoning foreign investment, tourism,
security yielding and a favorable environment for Pakistan. It will aid us in

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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 55, No. 1, January - July, 2018

deliberating her viewpoints multiplying her lobbying punch. In the past, we have
been a member of RCD, SEATO, CENTO, OIC, but all in vain. Both of the
defense pacts were aimed at helping a member nation if attacked but US did not
aid in 1965 or ‗71 as East Pakistan withered into Bangladesh. It is to be realized
that as one member dominates a group, that institution has fairly more tasks other
than its prime duties? In this aspect. United Nations Security Council, has not
been able to resolve the Syrian conflict, Kashmir issue, Massacre in Burma,
Japanese Islands, South China Sea, and several others in the pipeline. It owes to
the Veto club which diminishes the influence of other nations. A reformation to
ascent permanent Security Council members has to be in hot pursuit by Pakistan,
one of the most afflicted by the controversial UN role in 1971 war. Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto was upright, and honest in his speech on 15th December at UN regarding
the failure of such an organization which came to legalize occupations (Sha, M.A.
1997).
Limitations to China-Pakistan relations
After the incident of 11 September 2001, the relationship between China
and Pakistan came under greater inspection. The relationship between China and
Pakistan was built because Pakistan‘s distrust had due to NATO attack on Pakistan
army and twenty five soldiers were martyred. Simultaneously, China and Pakistan
celebrated ―Friendship Year‖ and 60 years of diplomatic ties. During this era,
there had been high profile state official visits, multi-billion-dollars economic
deals, joint groundwork projects and joint armed maneuvers. But from twenty to
thirty years ago China was rising the slogans of Pakistan-China relationship and
now time had come to materialized such relationship with Pakistan. China helped
Pakistan in every field of life. In the meanwhile Pakistan handed over the Gwadar
Port to China that has aroused further doubts (Deepak, 2006).
China and Pakistan have promoted the relationship as an ―all-weather
friendship‖ (Syed, 1969). Pakistan knows very well that she can expand the
relationship via Chinese investments and political support, and therefore reacts
quickly to any attack on Chinese interests. For example, in the course of the Lal
Masjid blockade in 2007, when some Chinese citizens were kidnapped by radicals,
Pakistan Government quickly responded to back-door diplomacy from Beijing to
protect their release. Pakistan‘s instability has impelled China to reconsider its
―all-weather friendship‖ ties with Pakistan behind the scenes, while it visibly
remains a faithful collaborator (Kumar, 2007). In July 2011 attack, Chinese
officials marked the first time publicly that Pakistani-trained militants to an attack
in Xinjiang. In another incident, when Pakistan expressed a wish for the Chinese
to build a military base at Gwadar port, Beijing quickly denied any knowledge of
the request. Here are apprehensions for Pakistan and China to misinterpret each
other‘s foreign policy (Garver, The security dilemma in Sino‐Indian relations. ,
2002).
China has unremittingly engaged with multiple political players in
Pakistan whether there is civilian or military rule in Pakistan to ensure its interests.
If Pakistan has a representative government, China evades its interests by
upholding links with political parties and opposition political parties as well. For
example, in 2010, the Chinese Communist Party granted an invitation to Maulana

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Pakistan- India Rivalry Hampering The Saarc To Become A Worthwhile Forum

Fazl-ur-Rahman, who was the head of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI). The
Communist Party also invited Imran Khan, the leader of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf
(PTI) to Beijing after his party gained more attention in the Pakistan domestic
political ground. In the meanwhile, the Chinese are willing to deal with non-state
actors, questions remain open for China, which can protected its interests to these
actors (Khokhar, 2011).
The US-Pakistan relationship is being distressing due to the arrest of a
CIA contractor in Pakistan followed by the killing of Osama bin Laden on
Pakistani soil. US helped Pakistan in the field of agriculture, trade and defense but
after finishing help on behalf of America, Pakistan felt the deprivation. The
relations between US and India was going to be enhanced day by day and these
relation were not good for Pakistan because India considered Pakistan her worst
enemy so, it was a great danger for Pakistan. The relations between India and USA
have strengthen the relation of Pakistan and China (Young, 2015).
Repercussions for India
History of Sino-India and Indo-Pakistan shows, there has been lot of
essential rivalry, bilateral distrust, and suspicion. In the shadow of uncertainty, the
Sino-Indian relations is restricted by the subsequent issues that endure to disclose
tension for the two States.
The territorial dispute
China is a huge country. China has territorial and border disputes with
eighteen countries. The exception is the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, which it
keeps on its payroll. Here is a list of the countries that have territorial and border
disputes with China: Japan, Vietnam, India, Nepal, North Korea, Philippines,
South Korea, Bhutan, Taiwan, Kazakhstan, Laos, Brunei, Tajikistan, Cambodia,
Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia, Mongolia and Afghanistan (Lo, 2003).
 Sino-Pak relations
Another repercussions for India is China-Pakistan relations. China and
Pakistan are "all weather friends" and there is presence of mutual support and
cooperation. The close friendly relations have been maintained between them.
These relations have been tested with time and space over the years. Their mutual
corporation has gained greater strength and vitality despite the great changes
which have taken place on the international and regional scene and has also
remained unaffected by domestic changes. This is because that the friendship
between the two countries is based on respect for the principles of the United
Nation Charter and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence (Deepak, 2006). It
is underpinned by mutual trust and confidence and has been nurtured and enriched
by frequent high-level contacts. Both sides have a common interest in the peace
and stability of South Asia and have been working together in the pursuit of this
objective. They oppose transnational and regional hegemony and have been
striving for a just international political and economic imperative. Pakistan and
China consult each other on their issues on regularly basis and cooperate on
international and regional forums. It is always hoped that the relations between the
two countries will continue to flourish and strengthen especially in the coming
epoch (Deepak, 2006).
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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 55, No. 1, January - July, 2018

 CPEC and India‘s stance


During Musharraf era, China-Pakistan planned to construct an energy and
economic corridor that is known as China Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC). It
connects Kashgar in China‘s province Xinjiang Uygur to the southwestern
Pakistan‘s port of Gwadar (Baluchistan). The CPEC will be vital for India in the
larger context of China‘s regional and largescale initiative, known as ―One Belt,
One Road‖ policy (Kennedy, 2015). India has opposed this corridor as it will pass
through the disputed territory of Azad Kashmir in Pakistan. It is also true, some
very serious territorial disputes concerning China, India and Pakistan are yet to be
resolved. However, if scheduled CPEC exercised inventively, it will open new
panoramas of local economic cooperation and stability in the region (Singh, 2015).
The changing regional environment provides some options to the Indian
policymakers in responding to the Gwadar-Kashgar project: First, India can
continue to object and protests which may delay or obstruct the construction of the
corridor (CPEC), but it cannot be stopped. Second, India can adopt a more
constructive approach regarding corridor by reaching out to Pakistan and China to
propose trilateral collaboration in the proposed development. Various relationships
already exist between India and Pakistan. Ultimately, such a trilateral cooperation
(China-India-Pakistan) may activate the regional economic collaboration, regional
integration and human capital development. If this should happen, the economic
corridors linking China and South Asia will be the real ―game-changers‖ of the
world (Pitlo III, 2015).
 Regional ambitions
China can enlarge her influence into the India through the policies of
―sphere of influence‖ (Levine, 1972), and ―string of pearls‖ (Pehrson, 2006).
China‘s encirclement policy of India, is being responded by New Delhi by ―look
east policy‖ (Jaffrelot, 2003), developing her relations with Taiwan, Japan,
Vietnam, etc. Due to the rouse of their enormous economic development, both the
States have the right to be accepted as regional and local power. Both the states are
fighting to equate the strategic game against each other, but they find themselves
in a ―multi-sum game‖ (Kukeyeva, 2012). For India‘s perspective such
collaboration would greatly develop the probabilities of achieving passage to
Afghanistan, to improve the large Central Asian flea market and access to the
region‘s excessive natural resources, which has been a dream of India. In this
connection, Pakistan would also get enormous benefits. It would also put an end to
the antagonism against India (Egreteau, 2008).
 Global ambitions:
China and India also have global goals. China has been less
argumentative and follows the approachable diplomacy, India also has clear
intentions to play a global role. India and Japan have demanded the veto power
status in United Nation Security Council (UNSC). Till now, China has not yet
reinforced to India‘s effort to become a permanent member of the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) and the member of nuclear supplier group (NSG).
Although, India has guaranteed to the United Nations to enhance its vital role in
the UNSC by creating a five plus group, which would comprise five permanent
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Pakistan- India Rivalry Hampering The Saarc To Become A Worthwhile Forum

participants plus two temporary members. China is continuously checking India‘s


global ambitions. As far as China is concerned, China wants to connect all sub
areas in Asia, Europe and Africa, which can be seen in his ―one road, one belt‖
policies (Winters, 2007).
Pillars of China-Pakistan Entente Cordiale
China-Pakistan entente cordiale has underwent its crux and mutual
support in the every hour of need (Khokhar, 2011).
1. Diplomatic Support
Pakistan has always a most important basis of diplomatic support for
People of Republic of China in every hour of need, whether it has been the upkeep
of Chinese rights over Tibet, Taiwan, and the China‘s Xinjiang province. Another
very important aspect of Pakistan‘s diplomatic support to China is the acceleration
of the American president‘s revolutionary visit to Beijing in 1972 (Mirll, 2007).
China obligated Pakistan to the opening of world phase. Recognizing of
democratic republic of Pakistan, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, spoke to the
Pakistan parliament: ―At the crucial moments when China sought to break the
external blockade, restore its lawful seat at the United Nations and achieve the
normalization of relations with the United States, we received valuable help from
Pakistan. On those major issues related to Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang, we have
enjoyed Pakistan‘s consistent and full support‖ (Young, 2015).
2. Energy Corridor
Strategically, Pakistan‘s links to Europe and Central Asian States, have
become very important for China in getting energy supplies for her expending
economy. It is the energy strip which Islamabad has purposed to China to pay back
its everlasting friendship. In 2006, Pakistan enhanced the Gwadar port as a first
step in an expanded energy corridor plan that is anticipated to the Persian Gulf oil
from Gwadar to China. Expectedly, Pakistan will generate 60 billion US$ a year in
transit fees in the next 20 years, and China will protect this significant energy
route (Malik, 2012). Now, China is the world‘s second-largest customer of oil
after the United States. Its ingestion is predictable to twofold by 2025. Both India
and China are rival for limited supplies. Pakistan is vital to China‘s proposal for
regional power. ―China is spreading its oil sources by cutting billion dollar
contracts from Sudan to Iran and scoping out substitute transport routes through
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand and Myanmar‖ (Kumar, 2007).
3. Strategic Co-operation
The China-Pakistan strategic co-operation is an everlasting and win-win
assurance. China-Pakistan establishment has the unbiased to attain specific
goalmouths by taking full advantage of the effectiveness of either side‘s assets.
China-Pakistan relationship is based on truthfulness, expectation, common goals
and a sympathetic of each other‘s occasions and principles. Musharraf went to
China in April 2006, Hu Jintao suggested a ―strategic partnership‖ with Pakistan to
―consolidate and deepen bilateral relations‖ (Rajain, 2005). The scheme specified
the importance in which Pakistan is apprehended by China as its strategic
companion. Incongruously, this conglomerate has been impotent to gain its full

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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 55, No. 1, January - July, 2018

impending. In this perspective, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visit to


Islamabad in December 2010, has pointed out, ―the international and regional
situations at present remain complicated. As all-weather strategic partners, China
and Pakistan should communicate and cooperate closely and cope with challenges
jointly … China-Pakistan pragmatic cooperation is a key part of the bilateral
strategic partnership and enjoys promising prospects. China expects to take
concerted actions with Pakistan to bring more benefits to its people‖ (Small,
2015).
4. Military Cooperation
The ―eye of the tiger‖ is the connotation of Sino-Pakistan defense ties.
They endure to embellish amidst the Western blame of Pakistan‘s nuclear weapons
enlargement. From 1965 to onward, China has been largest arm supplier to
Pakistan (Haider, 2005). However, China is capitalizing in Pakistan through
economic projects, energy corridor (CPEC), power and cable projects in the
distressed northern parts of Pakistan. China‘s military cooperation can be
attributed to mutual rivalry with India. In reaction to the India-USA nuclear
agreement, China has agreed to follow a ‗step-by-step‘ approach to fulfilling
Pakistan‘s determination for a lengthy nuclear energy program (Garver, The
Security Dilemma in Sino‐Indian Relations. , 2002). In the joint press statement
issued at the close of Prime Minister Wen Jiabao‘s visit in December 2010, both
states ―reiterated that they will continue to enhance mutual trust and cooperation in
the military and security field in line with the principles and spirit of the Treaty of
Friendship, Cooperation and Good-neighborly relations. This is conducive to
peace, security and stability of the two countries and the region. They agreed to
step up personnel training, joint exercises, training and cooperation for national
defenses, science and technology, and collaboration in defenses production …
(and) maritime security‖ (Garver, 1996).
Conclusion
This has been verified more than one time that China residues Pakistan‘s
neighboring companion and strategic collaborator. Nonetheless, now China-
Pakistan relations raises many questions. At one side, China is not only a regional
power to accommodate Pakistan‘s interests alone but also it has its own global
interests, China has sighted Pakistan‘s interests through the glimpse of its own
international interests. It is also actuality that ―powers only bet on stakes that are in
their own interest and secondly, have satisfactory prospects for their goals‖
(Ikenberry, 2010). Consequently, China-Pakistan construct the energy corridor in
the name of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and also having formal
acceptance of lots of contracts and MoUs to increase mutual economic, military
and trade relations. The Sino-Pakistan redefines its bilateral relations and entente
cordiale will remain undiminished. Though, China-Pakistan military cooperation
will last to develop, there could be a setback to the bilateral economic relations
because Pakistan faces huge deficit in bilateral trade. It is also significant for both
China and Pakistan to increase diplomatic support to settle each other‘s main
issues. However, despite the limits in Sino-Indian understanding and incomparable
tactical importance of Pakistan, the situation is still not satisfying. The prompt
changes the global environment, in spite of their differences, they have been

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Pakistan- India Rivalry Hampering The Saarc To Become A Worthwhile Forum

intended to improve their financial relationships. No state has commenced anti-


dumping objections against China to become a member of the World Trade
Organization (WTO) except India. There are lot of fears that unnecessary import
of low-priced Chinese products is fabricating Pakistan‘s market. Alike, some
analysts have already estimated the beginning of a ―Chindia‖ (China-India) in the
following twenty-five years (Engardio, 2006).
For the implementation of new deals, China should develop new
approaches. On the other hand, some major powers want to replace China for
using delaying tactics, due to delays in submission of such agreements which are
made by China in the past. Pakistan is forced to trust more on international
financial institutions such as IMF and World Bank etc. In the case of Gomal Zam
and Satpara Dam projects, the United States of America has pronounced to finance
them, while as per the agreed terms and condition it should have been developed
by Chinese support. Pakistan and Peoples Republic of China have joint forums to
discuss such problems, where the issues of bilateral relations, contemporary trade
trends and appropriate action taken to reduce such fears can be examined. The
Chinese huge trade investment in Pakistan has destroyed the job opportunities of
Pakistani people. In Pakistan‘s Baluchistan province, the bordering tribal region
such as FATA and FANA, has strategically most dynamic regions of Pakistan. It
has created some dissatisfaction for Pakistan due to anomic activities in
Baluchistan. People‘s employment is a dynamic factor for the improvement of
Baluchistan, and both the states should create opportunities for jobs.
―Everyone knows what Pakistan will be without China. Its ego is boosted
purely by the support it gets from China,‖ said George Fernandes.

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Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan – Vol. 55, No. 1, January - July, 2018

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