Cameron Wallace 17698724.

Diversity, Social Justice and Learning: Assessment 1

Assessment 1: Essay

Students from Greater Western Sydney (GWS) face great challenges in accessing education due to
their socio-economic status (SES). SES refers to an individual’s current social and economic situation
and is determined by an individual’s education, employment and income (Considine & Zappala,
2002). Examinations of SES often reveal inequalities in access to resources such as housing,
employment and education (Considine & Zappala, 2002). Individuals from GWS tend to have a lower
SES compared with the rest of Sydney (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017), making them
susceptible to these inequalities. GWS is located in the western part of the Sydney metropolitan
area, comprising of 14 local government areas starting from Parramatta in the east and extending to
Penrith and the Blue Mountains in the west. The health, occupational and educational disparities
that exist between GWS and the rest of Sydney are regularly presented in the media. The media use
a place-based approach to interpret the disparities that are present in GWS. Place is a variable
concept, described as the relationship established between the individual and socio-political climate,
histories and time (Russel, 2016). An article titled ‘The Road to Nowhere’ (Wynhausen, 2006, p.24)
perpetuates the ‘place’ of GWS is to blame for the negative behaviours of individuals that live in the
GWS suburb of Mount Druitt, preserving the ‘deficit’ discourse that exists in society. These issues
will be discussed and analysed using reputable sources and theoretical frameworks. Firstly, the
socio-economic disadvantages in GWS will be explored by comparing the socio-economic measures
between the GWS council of Campbelltown and the Eastern Suburbs council of Waverly, highlighting
the health, employment and education disparities that individuals in GWS encounter. Secondly,
Bourdieu’s ‘Practice Theory’, specifically his concept of ‘capital’, will be utilised to explore how
students from GWS are disadvantaged in regards to accessing education. Foucault’s ‘Concept of
Power’ will also be explored to discuss and analyse how discourses in society negatively affect
students from GWS in relation to education. Lastly, a discussion will be presented on how power
influences education policy and how this affects teachers and students in GWS.

SES has a powerful influence on an individual’s personality, behaviour, attitudes and values, and it
can also predict what clothes people wear, how they talk and what food they eat (Rubin et al.,
2014). Socio-economic diversity exists across Sydney, correlating with geographical location. This can
be seen when comparing two suburbs of differing geographical locations: Campbelltown, which is a
part of GWS, and Waverly, which is located in the eastern suburbs of Sydney. Table 1 illustrates a
great difference between Campbelltown and Waverly in the socio-economic measures of income,
education and employment. The weekly income in Campbelltown is $700 less than that in Waverly,
the percentage of individuals who have completed Year 12 or equivalent is 25% less in comparison
to Waverly, and the unemployment rate is 3% higher in comparison to Waverly (Australian Bureau of

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Cameron Wallace 17698724. Diversity, Social Justice and Learning: Assessment 1

Statistics, 2017). This has a negative effect on individuals who reside in GWS as low SES is correlated
with poorer physical and mental health, less occupational opportunities and poorer education
achievement (Rubin et al., 2014). Also, children from low SES families have lower levels of literacy
and numeracy, lower tertiary education participation rates, display negative attitudes towards
school and are less successful transitioning from school to work (Considine & Zappala, 2002).

Campbelltown Waverly
Income (weekly)
$818 $1532

Education (Completed Year 12

Table 1: Comparison of socio-economic measures between Campbelltown and Waverly

The socio-economic disadvantages that individuals in GWS face directly affect their access to
education. The challenges for students in obtaining equal and accessible education can be examined
and discussed using the framework of Bourdieu’s ‘Practice Theory’. Bourdieu’s theory explores the
interaction between social structure and human agency and how they work back and forth in a
dynamic relationship. His theory comprises of three main elements; field, capital and habitus, and
the interplay of these elements leads to our sub-conscious behaviour that aims at achieving our
objectives by investing and fighting for capital. There are four forms of interrelated capital that
Bourdieu identified: economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital. All types of capital are very
closely linked to each other and can be converted, which is to say, one form of capital works as
currency to be exchanged against the other forms.

Economic capital is related to an individual’s wealth and income and is most easily converted to gain
cultural and social capital, which is necessary to acquire a better position in society (Giddens &
Sutton, 2013a, p. 881). This has detrimental effects on students from low SES backgrounds as they
have not inherited the capital necessary to navigate the education system. Although parents from
low SES backgrounds such as those residing in GWS require little economic capital to send their child
to school, as public education in Australia is tuition-free, there are advantages of having greater
economic capital that can improve a child’s education. For example, economic capital can strengthen

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children’s extracurricular learning as well as allowing the parent to be involved in their children’s
education as they have time to become involved (DiGiorgio, 2009). Parents with economic capital
also have greater access to educational resources, are better informed about their options (i.e.
different schools) and have a higher self-esteem, which allows them to demand better service from
schools (DiGiorgio, 2009). This illustrates that economic capital creates inequalities for students of
low SES backgrounds as they don’t have the same advantages that higher SES students gain from
having superior economic capital.

Cultural capital is accumulated through one’s language, education, and communication, which are
largely transferred by family and schooling (Mills, 2008). Students in GWS are disadvantaged in
terms of school because their parents coming from low SES working class backgrounds tend to place
greater emphasis on work rather than education (McDowell et al., 2012). Furthermore, working-
class parenting styles do not typically prepare students to the social norms and standards of social
institutions such as schools (Giddens & Sutton, 2013a, p. 882). This greatly affects students from low
SES backgrounds as the culture and standards within schools reflect that of the dominant group
(Mills, 2008). In doing so, this advantages those from middle class backgrounds who have already
gained the cultural capital from family necessary to succeed at school. Although the culture and
standards within schools reflect the dominant group, they are largely portrayed and perceived as
being inclusive for all, which attributes to low SES students perceiving themselves as being
intellectually inferior against their middle-class peers. This extends to higher education where
students from low SES backgrounds are less likely to feel socially integrated, as they are less
accustomed with the cultural norms of university (Rubin et al., 2014). This highlights the significant
impact that cultural capital has for low SES students and the disparities surrounding their ability to
navigate the education system.

Social capital represents an individual’s entirety of social relations and worth in society that allows
them to access information, material, knowledge and support, adding to the capital they already
possess. Individuals with extensive social connections are more inclined to be employed, housed and
healthy as well as increasing their access to education (Imandoust, 2011). Individuals from higher
SES backgrounds are more likely to possess greater social capital in the field of education compared
with those from low SES backgrounds, as economic and cultural capital help build social relations
with individuals and institutions (Imandoust, 2011). This negatively affects students from GWS as
they are connected to their parent’s social capital, limiting their access to information and support
they may need at school.

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Discourses refer to the ways of talking or thinking about particular subjects within particular
societies and institutions (Giddens & Sutton, 2013b p. 98). The power and influence of discourses are
based on their acceptance as ‘truth’ among society. Foucault’s ‘Concept of Power’ can be utilised to
explore and understand the discourses that exists in education nationally and globally and how
these discourses affect students in GWS. Foucault explains “power is everywhere, operating at all
levels of social interaction, in all social institutions and through all people, accumulating through
accepted knowledge and discourse” (Giddens & Sutton, 2013b p. 99). That is to say the dominant
group in society wield their power to influence politics, media and education, creating discourses
that affect the entire population of that society.

Discourses of neoliberalism heavily influence the education policies of western countries including
the United Kingdom and Australia (Wardman, 2016). This discourse has turned education into a
marketplace, where students have become consumers responsible for their own conduct and
learning as this responsibility has become ‘individualised’ (Wardman, 2016). The discourse of
‘individualised learning’ is embedded in the education system, and this can be detrimental for
students of low SES backgrounds as they have not acquired the cultural capital necessary to value
learning and take responsibility for their own education. As students from low SES backgrounds have
trouble navigating the school system they are labelled by those in power as problematic for not
conforming to the norms and expectations of the dominant discourse (Aikman et al., 2016). Labelling
by those in power creates deficit discourses, impacting students from diverse backgrounds as
assumptions are made about their social and learning capabilities (Aikman et al., 2016). This greatly
affects students in GWS as they are seen as deficient because their skills, abilities and talents do not
conform to the dominant discourse in education and society.

Education policies are designed and shaped by those in power. These policies are designed within
the dominant discourse of society outlining strategies that will help students adhere to social norms.
‘Policy Insights: Five Challenges in Australian School Education’ (Masters, 2016) has a focus on
disadvantaged students including those of low socio-economic status, in particular, the second and
third challenges outlined. The second challenge focuses on reducing disparities between low and
high SES schools in Australia. The strategy suggests maximising access to quality teachers and
promoting effective school improvements (Masters, 2016). The third challenge outlined in the policy
focuses on reducing the ‘long tail’ of underachievement in academic outcomes. This strategy
suggests personalising teaching and learning, sharing progress with parents and diagnosing where
students are in their learning (Masters, 2016). These strategies aim to build on student’s cultural

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capital by improving their education outcomes thus improving their chances of navigating the
education system and improving their chances of adhering to the norms of society.

Although these strategies essentially conform to the dominant discourse, they also challenge the
deficit discourse by outlining that teaching and learning should be personalised to adhere to the
needs of the student. This provides power to the teacher as they are able to implement pedagogy
based on their own evaluation of the student rather then what is outlined by those in higher
positions. Pedagogical practices that have been identified as effective in improving learning for
students from diverse backgrounds including those from low SES backgrounds have been labelled as
‘Turn-around’ pedagogies (Kamler & Comber, 2005). This form of pedagogical practice involves the
teacher looking at students and their families in different contexts, as well as moving towards a
more informed, sociological view of diversity (Kamler & Comber, 2005). Engagement in learning
among low SES students can improve when the teacher recognises their prior knowledge and skills,
implement popular culture and technologies and communicate with families about the
disadvantages they may encounter (Kamler & Comber, 2005). The practice of ‘turn-around’
pedagogies aligns with the discussed policy as it promotes family engagement, effective teaching for
diverse students and acknowledges students’ education levels. This policy enacts power to teachers
of GWS by allowing them to practice ‘turn-around’ pedagogy, resulting in potential educational
benefits for students of GWS.

In conclusion, power plays a significant role in developing discourses. This affects the design of
education policies as they are designed by those in power to generally adhere to the dominant
discourse, affecting individuals who do not identify with the dominant group, such as those with a
low SES. Residents of GWS generally have a lower SES then those residing in other parts of Sydney
affecting students’ access to education. The inequalities they face can be examined using the
framework of Bourdieu’s ‘Practice Theory’ and his concept of ‘capital’. Students of GWS lack
economic, cultural and social capital providing them with great disadvantage when it comes to
accessing education as they generally, do not have the finances, value work over education and have
insufficient social networks to successfully navigate the education system. To combat this issue more
policies like ‘Policy Insights: Five Challenges in Australian School Education’ need to be designed as it
provides power to the teacher as they are able to implement pedagogy based on their own
evaluations of student’s needs. Teachers working in GWS should consider practising ‘turn-around’
pedagogy as it has been shown to be effective in improving low SES students’ education.

Word Count: 2153

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