Operation Urgent Fury July 1986
Operation Urgent Fury July 1986
Operation
Urgent
Fury and Its
Critics
Captain Daniel P. Bolger,
U.S. Army
The US incursion into the island of Grenada was not a
perfect military operation in anyone’s estimation. Some crit-
ics even contend that, although the operation was an overall
success, major flaws were uncovered in every area, including
planning, intelligence, equipment and inter-service coopera-
tion (see MR Summaries, pages 79-80). Did the operation
reflect as much incompetence as alleged? This writer refutes
some of these serious criticisms.
The 1982 edition of Field Manual 100-5, Operations, tanks, artillery or air defenses. They had only a few
says: “The operational level of war uses available mili- wheeled “armored cars” and some light antiaircraft
tary resources to attain strategic goals within a theater weapons. Gabriel and Savage stated that there were few
of war.”5 This level includes the allocation of forces, the enemy units and that the original US assault units were
deployment of troops against selected enemy forces unable to cope with them.6
and terrain objectives, and the command and control The US military missions in Grenada were estab-
of engaged combat units. Each of these operational lished from the president’s strategic objectives. The
components in Grenada received criticism. It was said safety of the medical students, not the destruction of
that too many forces were employed, the forces were the Cuban/PRA forces, was the immediate objective.
deployed piecemeal against peripheral objectives and As a result, US forces were initially directed against
the operation was inefficiently directed. Lind observed: those opposition forces posing the greatest threat to the
…the United States required seven battalions of US citizens on the island. The civilian presence dis-
troops, plus elements of two other battalions, to defeat couraged the massive use of mortar, artillery or naval
fewer than 700 Cubans and a Grenadian army that hard- gunfire, and air munitions.
ly fought at all. The second objective was the restoration of a dem-
Luttwak also thought the United States used too ocratic government. This necessitated the destruction
much force. He called most of the Cubans “construc- of the PRA. There had to be an island left to restore,
tion workers” and said that only 43 were actually so collateral damage and civilian casualties had to be
soldiers. He added “those few Grenadians who were held to a minimum. Equally important, there had
actually willing to fight” to the opposition forces but to be enough US troops on the ground to physically
commented that the Cuban/PRA forces had no real sweep and control the island to prevent any Cuban/
American students after their rescue by US Army Rangers, Point Salines, 25 October 1983.
required the seizure of one or more runways. Army superiority in numbers or excessive use of firepower .
paratroopers were the logical choice, and the Army US troop strength peaked as the Rangers were with-
Rangers had trained to rescue hostages. Thus, the drawn. The redeployment schedule was dependent
airborne Ranger battalions were added. More infan- on the MAC airflow. The 82d Airborne Division was
trymen were needed to complete the clearance of the not flown in to meet unexpectedly heavy resistance.
countryside, and the 82d Airborne Division was the The first units were already en route as the assault
closest source of nonmechanized troops. They also elements landed.10
had the ability to parachute into Grenada if neces- A second criticism of the Grenada operation
sary, and their normal readiness level is higher than concerned the disposition of the forces employed.
other available Army units. Lind thought the plan should have been one “in which
Force planners allocated the two Ranger bat- overwhelming force is used to seize all critical junctures
talions with Air Force airlift, the MAU, Air Force in an enemy’s system at the outset.” Luttwak wanted “a
Spectre gunships and the USS Independence attack sudden descent in overwhelming strength that would
aircraft to the assault echelon . Air Force Military begin and end the fighting in one stroke.”11
Airlift Command ( MAC) planes would deliver Mission considerations placed the two known
the Caribbean peacekeeping force and two brigades student concentrations at the top of the list of geo-
of the 82d Airborne Division for reinforcements. graphical objectives. Enemy unit positions guarding
The actual force ratios during the campaign proved these objectives were also designated for seizure.
adequate. However, the pace of US reinforcement There was no enemy “rear” area because the Cubans
indicates that the assault elements fought and won and Grenadians were in discontiguous locations, tied
the major engagements without any overwhelming into land features and important facilities. Most of
the enemy force was located in the south although helicopters to lift into company-sized landing zones
aerial photographs showed a Cuban An-26 Curl air- scattered around the island. The two available air-
craft at Pearls Airport. The seizure of both airfields borne drop zones–the airfields–were extremely tight.
would cut off any possible Cuban reinforcements. Only the Point Salines airstrip could accommodate
The terrain limited the amphibious entry points to MAC C141B StarLifter and CSA Galaxy aircraft.12
three beaches-the Grand Mal, Grand Anse and Great Pearls Airport would be a possible secondary site for
River/Conference Bays. However, the MAU could use C130H Hercules transports.
82d Airborne troops talk with a Cuban doctor in detention area, 26 October 1983.
The US dispositions allowed Metcalf and his ground Épines student concentrations well behind Cuban lines.
deputy, Major General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, the The St. George’s facilities would also have remained in
flexibility to move most of the Marine BLT around firm PRA control.
Grenada after Pearls was taken. The BLT (-) attack on The single Marine battalion might have encoun-
26 October, combined with Army attacks at Calliste tered slow going in the thickly undergrown Calliste/
and the Grand Anse raid, broke the back of the Cuban/ Frequente area, and the Marines’ ability to contain
Grenadian resistance. It was suggested that the move- the Cuban and PRA battalions across a mile of jun-
ment of the BLT (-) to the St. George’s area was too gle foliage is questionable. Without an airstrip, the
slow, and a “platoon or two” could have been sent by Marines would have to rely on seaborne reinforcement
helicopter during the afternoon of 25 October.13 This if they ran into trouble. The Cubans and the PRA,
move might have run afoul of the St. George’s PRA secure in their barracks and located near arms caches,
antiaircraft gunners which had downed a Black Hawk could have held out for some time. This scheme might
and two Sea Cobra helicopters by 1200 on 25 October. have worked over time, but the mission was to seize
Lind preferred a scheme of maneuver involving Grenada, not beseige it.
only the Marines. The main effort of the BLT would Luttwak desired a wholly Army operation and
have been a landing at Grand Anse, followed by a opined that:
move across the southwestern peninsula to cut off …had Urgent Fury been planned by Army officers
Salines from St. George’s. “…this would have isolated competent in land warfare, their natural tendencies would
the Cubans from the rest of the island and made any have been to stage a coup de main, using as many battal-
defense on their part meaningless.”14 Unfortunately, ions of the 82d Airborne Division as could be airlifted , as
it would have also left the True Blue and Lance aux well as the Rangers.
• Grenada only has two usable airborne drop forces would have been unable to protect the 237
zones, and many objectives were not near these students who were not near the school campuses,
drop zones. Pearls or the St. George’s area. Enemy forces missed
• MAC airlift would require time to stage to the east in the initial assaults would have been free to with-
coast before executing such a plan. The air-space draw to the central mountain forests. This scheme
coordination over Grenada would have been diffi- would have lacked any operational flexibility.
cult, especially if the drops occurred at night . • Airborne, amphibious, air assault and infiltration
• If US forces did use amphibious techniques, the maneuvers all require careful coordination. It is
troops available would have been limited to the not just a simple matter of dumping clots of men
Marine Corps MAU. Assembly of more Marines all over an area.
would have taken more time than gathering and • Preparations for such a massive plan could scarce-
organizing a MAC airlift. Assembling Army units ly be missed by Soviet and Cuban intelligence
for amphibious operations would take longer still. services. Due to an established pattern of exer-
• Near-perfect intelligence would have been re- cises, it was possible to send out the Rangers and
quired concerning likely objectives. Without the first 82d Airborne Division battalion without
vehicles, ground movement or coordination, US telegraphing the punch.
Command and control “failures” also received at- supervised five elements the first day (the Navy, the
tention from the critics. Lind stated that the operation Air Force, the 82d Airborne, the MAU and Special
was “a pie-dividing contest among all the services” Operations Forces), well within a normal span of
when it should have been a naval operation. Luttwak control. This was reduced to four subordinate units by
takes the opposite approach and says the operation 1600 that day.
was “naval through and through” even though “the There was speculation that the Army Rangers
Navy merely provided transportation and some carri- wanted “in” on Operation Urgent Fury to justify a
er-launched airstrikes that should not have been nec- third Ranger battalion.17 In fact, the Navy and Marine
essary at all.” Gabriel and Savage introduced the idea task forces offshore were not capable of fulfilling the
that “panic” over Cuban ground strength in the joint special operations requirements and facing three active
task force ( JTF) and higher headquarters diverted battalions and possibly seven militia battalions. Each
C130H s from “Fort Stewart, South Carolina” (sic) (it of the services did things essential to their nature. The
was actually Hunter Army Airfield, Georgia) to Fort Navy secured the seas, provided carrier air power and
Bragg, North Carolina, to accelerate the arrival of the landed the Marines. The Marines conducted three
82d Airborne Division.16 landings in seven days, both by LVTP7 and helicop-
The US command and control organization was ter. The Army seized an airfield by airborne assault
relatively simple. The JTF commander reported to one and fought the bulk of the Cuban/PRA ground forces.
man–the commander, US Atlantic Command. Metcalf The Air Force airlifted supplies and reinforcements
and employed powerful Spectre gunships. Each service MC130Es and 18 C130Hs at Point Salines and played
freed the others to accomplish their unique missions. major roles in the fighting and rescue operations. The
The charge that the operation was too “Navy” in lead battalion of the 82d Airborne Division (already in
nature ignores basic US doctrine on amphibious oper- the air as the Rangers jumped) arrived aboard C141Bs,
ations. McDonald summarized the doctrine by noting not C130Hs.20 Rather than accelerate the deployment
that the landing force commander controls opera- airflow of follow-up battalions to meet Cuban/PRA
tions until follow-up (by doctrine, Army) forces are resistance around Salines, the JTF commander moved
established ashore. Metcalf, assisted by Army deputy the BLT (-) to Grand Mal beach, using darkness to cov-
Schwarzkopf, exercised overall command from the sea er the maneuver. It was a prudent, calculated decision
until the Army took over the entire island from the without any evidence of panic except perhaps on the
Marines for consolidation.18 Metcalf ’s position enabled part of the dismayed PRA units north of St. George’s.
him to divert readily most of the Marine BLT to the Few military operations are free of flaws and
St. George’s area on 25 October. This action tore the human errors, and the operational planning and
heart out of the PRA resistance. That the Navy direct- execution of Operation Urgent Fury were not perfect.
ed Operation Urgent Fury should come as no surprise: There is plenty of room for constructive criticism of
Grenada is an island. the Grenada operation based on impartial analysis of
The allegation that a panic in the command struc- available information. The US armed services should
ture resulted in a redirection of the airflow and that appreciate the sincere interest of men who provide
“three quarters of the Ranger force never left Fort this constructive criticism. Unfortunately, good
Stewart (actually Hunter Army Airfield)”19 was not intentions do not remedy a lack of accuracy. Nor
true. Both Ranger battalions (minus a few headquarters should the final outcome be overlooked by anyone-the
people and some brand new arrivals) jumped from five mission was accomplished.
NOTES
1. Admiral Wesley L McDonald is quoted in Lessons Learned “Blue Christmas Coming Up,” Air Force Magazine, January 1984,
as a Result of the US Military Operations in Grenada, Full Commit- pp 78-79; and Henry Zeybel, “Gunships at Grenada,” National
tee Hearing of the House Committee on Armed Services, House Defense, February 1984, pp 53-55.
Committee on Armed Services, 98th Congress, Second Session, 2. L James Binder, “Grenada Post-Mortem : A ‘Report’ That
Washington, D.C., 24 January 1984, p 17. See also “Grenada : Will Wasn’t,” Army, June 1984, p 12; “Study Faults US Military Tactics
Lessons Learned Be Taught?,” Army Times, 5 November 1984, pp in Grenada,” The Washington Post, 6 April 1984, p A-3; “Study
30·32 and 36; Benjamin F. Schemmer, “JCS Reply to Congressio- Criticizes Invasion Tactics in Grenada,” Christian Science Monitor, 6
nal Reform Caucus’ Critique of the Grenada Rescue Operation,” April 1984, p 1; and Schemmer, op. cit., p 12, features William S.
Armed Forces Journal International, July 1984, pp 13-18 and 99; Lind’s remarks on his research techniques.
Hearings on Organization, Structure and Decisionmaking Processes 3. “US Concealed Grenada Loss, Report Charges,” The New
of the Department of Defense: Part 8: Hearing Before the Senate York Times, 22 October 1984, p 10.
Armed Services Committee, US Senate, 98th Congress, First Session, 4. Edward N. Luttwak, The Pentagon and the Art of War: The
Washington, D.C., 9 November 1983, p 337; Bruce Marcus and Question of Military Reform, Simon & Schuster, N.Y., 1984, p 309.
Michael Taber, Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution, In a substantive footnote, Luttwak refers to the Rangers as “1st and
1979-83, Pathfinder Press, N.Y., 1983, pp 319-21; Hugh O’Shaugh- 2nd Battalions of the 75th Infantry Brigade.”
nessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath, Hamish 5. Field Manual (FM) 100-5, Operations, Department of the
Hamilton, London, Eng., 1984, pp 15-16; “Grenadian Arms Cache Army, Washington, D.C., 1982, p 2-3.
Diverse, Substantial,” Army Times, 28 November 1983, p 38; D-Day 6. Schemmer, op. cit.; Luttwak, op. cit., pp 51 and 53; and “US
in Grenada, edited by Kesaharu Imai, World Photo Press, Tokyo, Concealed Grenada Loss, Report Charges,” op. cit.
Japan, 1984, pp 21 and 82; “Paratroopers Get Gratitude, Aid,” 7. Lessons Learned as a Result of the US Military Operations
Army Times, 14 November 1983, p 26; “Jumping Into a Hot DZ at in Grenada, Full Committee Hearing of the House Committee on
500 Feet,” Ibid., pp 1-2, 10 and 66; Lieutenant Colonel Michael J . Armed Services, op. cit., p 27; and Hearings on Organization, Struc-
Byron, “Fury From the Sea: Marines in Grenada,” US Naval Institute ture and Decisionmaking Processes of the Department of Defense:
Proceedings, May 1984, pp 125-26; “Marines on Grenada Met Part 8: Hearing Before the Senate Armed Services Committee, op.
Light Resistance,” Army Times, 28 November 1983, p 29; Christo- cit., p 344.
pher C. Wright, “U.S. Naval Operations in 1983,” US Naval Institute 8. The Grenada Papers, edited by Paul $eabury and Walter
Proceedings, May 1984, pp 52-67 and 285-95; James W. Canan, A. McDougall, Institute for Contemporary Studies, San Francisco,