Cepeda - Psychiatric Interview

PSYCHIATRIC INTERVIEW
OF
CHILDREN AND
ADOLESCENTS
Claudio Cepeda, M.D.

Lucille Gotanco, M.D.
Psychiatric Interview of
Children and
Adolescents
Psychiatric Interview of
Children and
Adolescents
Adjunct Clinical Professor, Department of Psychiatry,
University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio
Lucille Gotanco, M.D.

Assistant Medical Director of Inpatient Services,
Clarity Child Guidance Center, San Antonio, Texas;
Adjunct Assistant Professor, Child and Adolescent
Psychiatry Division, University of Texas Health Science
Center at San Antonio
Note: The authors have worked to ensure that all information in this book is accurate
at the time of publication and consistent with general psychiatric and medical stan
dards, and that information concerning drug dosages, schedules, and routes of ad
ministration is accurate at the time of publication and consistent with standards set
by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the general medical community. As
medical research and practice continue to advance, however, therapeutic standards
may change. Moreover, specific situations may require a specific therapeutic re
sponse not included in this book. For these reasons and because human and me
chanical errors sometimes occur, we recommend that readers follow the advice of
physicians directly involved in their care or the care of a member of their family.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Cepeda, Claudio, author. | Gotanco, Lucille, author. | American Psychiatric
Association Publishing, publisher.
Title: Psychiatric interview of children and adolescents / Claudio Cepeda, Lucille
Gotanco.
Description: First edition. | Arlington, Virginia : American Psychiatric Association
Publishing, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016039069 (print) | LCCN 2016039706 (ebook) | ISBN
9781615370481 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781615371174 (ebook)
Subjects: | MESH: Interview, Psychological–methods | Child | Mental Disorders—
diagnosis | Adolescent | Child Psychiatry—methods | Adolescent Psychiatry—methods
Classification: LCC RJ499.3 (print) | LCC RJ499.3 (ebook) | NLM WS 105 | DDC
618.92/89—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016039069
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A CIP record is available from the British Library.
To my wife, Rosalba,
and to my children,
Claudio Rene and Mary, Adrian and Michelle,
and Joe and Chante
C.C.
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
1 Diagnostic and Therapeutic Engagement. . . . 1
2 General Principles of Interviewing . . . . . . . . . 15
3 Special Interviewing Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . 53
4 Family Assessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
5 Providing Post-evaluation Feedback
to Families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .113
6 Evaluation of Special Populations. . . . . . . . . 123
7 Psychiatric Evaluation of Preschoolers
and Very Young Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
8 Documenting the Examination . . . . . . . . . . . 165
9 Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms . . . . . 191
10 Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms . . . . 239
11 Evaluation of Abuse and Other
Symptoms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
12 Neuropsychiatric Interview and
Examination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
13 Comprehensive Psychiatric Formulation . . 373
14 Symptom Formation and Comorbidity . . . . 401
15 Diagnostic Obstacles (Resistances). . . . . . . .411
16 Countertransference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .429
Appendix: Sample Format/Protocol for
Documentation of Psychiatric Evaluation
of Children and Adolescents . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .453
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477
Preface
This book has its roots in the late 1990s, when I was preparing to teach a class
on child and adolescent interviewing to fellows in the Child and Adolescent
Psychiatry Division at the University of Texas Health Science Center at San
Antonio (UTHSCSA). As I began to think about my upcoming course, I
sketched out some ideas in writing, which would later serve as the preliminary
work for my first book. When I was a medical student, I was highly inspired by
one of my internal medicine professors, Professor Rios, whom I grew to ad
mire greatly. He was very detailed in his physical examinations, and he seemed
able “to read” the patient’s body, listening to the signs and determining organ
impairment, by thoroughly inspecting the physical body. This mystified me
and my fellow medical student peers. As I began to sketch out the initial ver
sion of my book, I wondered whether something similar could be achieved in
psychiatry.
This book is the result of an evolution that started with Concise Guide to
the Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents, published in 2000 by
American Psychiatric Press. That book was translated into Japanese, Span
ish, and Slovak. A revised and augmented version became Clinical Manual
for the Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents, published in 2010 by
American Psychiatric Publishing. (It was an honor to have Doody Enterprises
Inc. review this book and award it five stars and 100 points, the maximum score
given by these reviewers.) That text was translated into Polish. I am extraor
dinarily pleased by the reception of these prior two versions of the present
book. The acceptance of these books in the United States and in the inter
national market has been beyond this author’s wildest dreams!
The present publication is an updated and revised version of the clinical
manual. The chapter on interviewing preschoolers is new, as is the first sub
section on bullying in the chapter on the evaluation of abuse and other
symptoms.
ix
x Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents
I asked my colleague and former pupil Lucille Gotanco, M.D., to join me in

the project of updating and revising the manual for the present publication.
Lucille is a superb practitioner and a dedicated and methodical clinician.
Lucille wrote the chapter on the assessment of preschoolers and the subsec
tion on bullying. My thanks go out to her for her contribution.
I would also like to extend my gratitude to Frederick (“Fred”) Hines, Presi
dent of Clarity Child Guidance Center (Clarity CGC),1 in San Antonio, Texas,
for his support of the new publication. Fred gave all the administrative, IT, and
secretarial support needed to carry out this project, and he gave his permission
to publish the most recent assessment protocol for the written documentation
of all the psychiatric evaluations done at Clarity CGC. Under Mr. Hines’s lead
ership, the association of the Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at
UTHSCSA with Clarity CGC became closer. Clarity is now the principal clin
ical site for the training of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry residents in the
San Antonio area.
Geoff Gentry, Ph.D., Clarity CGC Senior Vice President of Clinical Ser
vices, merits recognition for his unswerving commitment to improving the
quality standards at Clarity CGC. The protocol for documentation of the
psychiatric evaluations reflects how his efforts have evolved and crystallized.
I also want to express my appreciation to Katrina Hallmark, Psy.D., neuro
psychologist and Chief of Psychological Services at Clarity CGC, for reading
the draft of the chapter on the neuropsychiatric interview and examination
and for the feedback she gave on that chapter. My thanks also go out to Mr.
Rick Edwards, Chief of Clinical Services at Clarity CGC, for the case example
involving Phillip in the chapter on the comprensive psychiatric formulation.
I have worked at Clarity CGC for 30 years in various clinical roles, includ
ing as the Medical Director for a number of years. Currently I am Medical Di
rector of the Urgent Care Clinic and Partial Hospital Services at the Westover
Hills Clinic in San Antonio, Texas. It has been a pleasure to work with such a
wonderful group of caring professionals.
I would like to express a special appreciation to Ms. Leticia O. Leal, LPC,
for the excellent work she did in formatting the draft for the final review and
for digitizing the family organigrams/genograms.
1
Clarity Child Guidance Clinic, in San Antonio, Texas, is a nonprofit, comprehensive mental
health organization for children and adolescents. This organization started services to the South
west Texas community in the late 1800s and has been associated with the Department of Psy
chiatry, University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio (UTHSCSA) since the incep
tion of the medical school in 1968. Clarity CGC is a major Clinical Site for the training of child
and adolescent psychiatry residents from the Department of Psychiatry, UTHSCSA, and is also
a training site for advanced psychology candidates, and for psychiatric nursing and occupational
therapy students.
Preface xi
Gratitude also goes out to the staff at American Psychiatric Association

Publishing for the thoroughness of the manuscript review and assistance in
improving the readability and clarity of the text.
Lastly, I want to reiterate my gratitude to the excellent teachers I had at the
University of Michigan in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s: Humberto Nagera,
Jose Carrera, Morton Chethik, Mary Lou Kemme, to name only a few. I carry
perpetual memories of their inspiration and teachings.

CHAPTER 1
Diagnostic and
Therapeutic
Engagement
The diagnostic engagement relates to the rational and emotional involve

ment of the child or adolescent and his or her family with the examiner for
the purpose of establishing a psychiatric diagnosis and developing a thera
peutic plan. This process entails the creation of a therapeutic alliance—that
is, the building of a collaborative relationship with the objective of obtaining
pertinent and accurate data to ascertain diagnoses and define treatment op
tions. Engagement relates to the active efforts by the examiner to bring the
patient and family within the expert influence of the examiner, surmounting
apprehensions and concerns, with the goal of promoting a cooperative and
effective diagnostic and therapeutic relationship.
The quality of the relationship between the examiner and the patient and
family has an important bearing on the accuracy of the diagnosis and on the
patient’s compliance with treatment recommendations. A good interview
achieves its objectives when the examiner promotes optimal participation
from the patient and family in providing accurate and thorough information;
this is achieved when wariness, defensiveness, and self-consciousness are
stimulated to a minimum.
The interviewing process, by its very nature, is a stressful event for all in
volved, including the examiner. The art of interviewing rests on the examiner’s
ability to minimize discomfort and to foster a natural and easy interaction.
1
2 Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents
When the interview is done in a tactful and sensitive way, the patient’s and
family’s apprehension of being “in the hot seat” is diminished.
Truthfulness relates to the veracity with which the family and child inform
the examiner about the main issues, or the facts, related to the patient’s dys
function at home, at school, or in other milieus. Truthfulness also relates to the
quality of disclosure—that is, the reporting of the presence of the predominant
dysfunctions and their degree of severity as well and their impact in adapta
tion and development. Frequently, during the process of obtaining diagnostic
data, the examiner receives partial truths, distorted facts, and sometimes out
right lies from both the patient and the family; he or she also may receive se
lectively biased data or even deliberate omission of relevant information. The
examiner will always be looking for coherence of the data, for the transparency
of the information provided, and for a causal chain in the construction of an
evidence-based factual diagnosis.
Pertinence and relevance relate to what is important to the family and the pa
tient. What the family or the patient considers important is not necessarily in
accord with what the examiner believes to be the major issues in a particular
case. The examiner needs to heed how the child and/or family construes the
nature of the problem and will try to align his or her scientific explanation
with the family or patient’s believes. Parents’ perceptions and their priority of
issues that need to be attended to should be considered and included when
treatment recommendations are being implemented.
We believe that failures in the process of engagement are at the root of mis
diagnoses in medicine in general, and in psychiatry in particular. This view is
in agreement with Groopman (2007), who asserted, “While modern medi
cine is aided by a dazzling array of technologies, like high-resolution MRI
[magnetic resonance imaging] scans and pinpoint DNA analysis, language is
still the bedrock of clinical practice [the interview process]” (p. 8).
We also believe that failures of engagement are related to failures of compli
ance in medicine. The progress that has been made in medicine and psychiatry
and the potential benefits of the contemporary technologies and treatments
options offered to patients are irrelevant if treatment recommendations are
not followed through. Quite often, physicians fail to engage patients in the
process of cure. Modern technical medicine has neglected the importance
and power of the process of treatment engagement.
Rapport has been referred to as the emotional climate between the child
and the examiner that evolves throughout the interview. Engagement relates
to the quality of relatedness and the technical measures used by the examiner
to facilitate the child’s participation during the interview. In other words, en
gagement relates to the means by which the examiner increases rapport. When
a positive emotional bond is created between the examiner and the child and
family, engagement is achieved.
Diagnostic and Therapeutic Engagement 3
The psychiatrist or mental health experts are responsible for creating the
diagnostic and treatment ambiance, in line with the expression “creating
rapport” that was in vogue some years back. With this interpretation, one can
easily understand that rapport could be created in dealing with a depressed,
hostile, or psychotic child, or with an aggravated or irrational family. Because
of the ambiguous meanings that the concept of rapport has evolved, we prefer
the concept of engagement because it has a connotation of deliverance of the
process of winning over the child and the family trust.
Engagement entails warmth, acceptance, playfulness, humor, compassion,
helpfulness, and empathic attunement on the part of the examiner. Further
more, the examiner must have an accepting and tolerant attitude toward hu
man vicissitudes and must be sensitive to emotional developmental levels.
(Table 1–1 lists the ingredients of engagement.) Engagement is also fostered
when the examiner uses positive and encouraging comments and demonstrates
sensitivity to cultural norms and to religious practices. Engagement is achieved
when the examiner conveys to the child and family that he or she understands
their circumstances and when the examiner expresses compassion related to
the child’s and family’s problematic situation.
To build rapport with children and adolescents, the examiner should be
flexible and patient, should possess an in-depth understanding of child and
adolescent development, and should be conversant with topics and areas that
children and adolescents find familiar and interesting (Schulenberg et al. 2008).
What are the consequences of not building rapport? As Schulenberg et al.
(2008) note, “Absence of rapport [engagement] can negatively influence the
evaluation to the extent that the results are invalid; it is necessary to prepare
[interest] individuals and encourage [stimulate] them to do their best on
measures of ability [disclosure] and to respond frankly [openly] in personality
instruments [probing examination]” (pp. 522–523). These ideas are certainly
a corollary to ideas presented in this chapter.
Diagnostic and treatment engagement is not only a caring, deliberate in
tervention but also a subtle and sophisticated clinical skill. Table 1–2 sum
marizes factors that facilitate engagement of the child, whereas Table 1–3 lists
techniques that are not helpful in the engagement process.
The engagement of the child is facilitated when the examiner involves the
patient in the diagnostic assessment and in the development of the treat
ment plan. Therefore, the psychiatric evaluations should be initiated with
the child or adolescent and family together. In some cases, the examination
needs to be conducted separately with child and family, and making separate
examinations and evaluations (see Benny’s case [Case Example 1] below). The
need for separate evaluations is rare, even in the most severe psychiatric con
ditions. Occasionally, an angry and alienated adolescent demands a separate
assessment, or a parent or parents request a meeting without the child. The
Table 1–1. Ingredients of engagement

Warmth Helpfulness
Compassion Responsiveness
Benevolence Immersion
Interest Humanness
Caring Equanimity
Active listening Wholesomeness
Empathy Calm demeanor
Sympathy Humor
Sensitivity Developmental knowledge
Acceptance Positive and encouraging comments
Playfulness Awareness and sensitivity to cultural norms
Understanding Sensitivity to spiritual and religious beliefs
Source. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 4.
exceptions typically represent situations in which the child feels very alienated
from the family or in which the parents feel powerless in the face of the child’s
aggression or defiant behaviors. A number of parents want to meet with the
examiner separately to prime the doctor regarding issues they do not feel
comfortable confronting the adolescent about (e.g., drugs, sex, conduct prob
lems, aggressive and intimidating behaviors). Our position about the impor
tance of the conjoint evaluation is in accord with Pruett’s (2007) philosophical
stance: “It also struck me as extremely shortsighted to dissect out the child—
even intellectually—from the family for diagnostic studies, economies of time,
convenience of intervention, or cost containment. Such a myopia was like
a celestial navigator trying to identify a constellation by fixating on but one
star with his sextant; then as now, a really good way to get good and lost”
(p. 2).
In the conjoint meeting, the examiner starts by asking the child for his or
her name and for help with the appropriate spelling, questions the child about
the day of the week and the date, and then asks the child to explain his or her
understanding about why they are meeting. Depending on the child’s open
ness, defensiveness, or guardedness, the examiner proceeds to gather infor
mation from the child or calls on a parent to assist with the provision of the
data.
In our experience, even the most personal issues can be explored and dis
cussed in conjoined meetings. Details and particulars about acting-out be
haviors (e.g., drug use, sexual activity, delinquent behavior) may be deferred
Table 1–2. Factors that facilitate engagement of the child

and family
Courteous and sensitive demeanor
Attention to voice tone and melody
Attention to and focus on patient’s presenting problem
Attentive listening
Use of appropriately attuned language
Parallel nonverbal behavior
Balanced focus on problems and strengths
Sensitive use of humor
Praise of prosocial and adaptive behaviors
Praise of problem-solving behaviors
Positive and encouraging comments
Awareness of and sensitivity to cultural norms
Sensitivity to religious practices
Expression of interest in the patient’s interests and preferences
Respect for family ethos and cultural norms
for further elaboration in follow-up individual interviews. In this regard, any

specific denial (about drugs, sex, and so forth) during the conjoint interview
ought to be corroborated in the individual interviews with either the child
or the family. The same is true regarding probing on some family practices or
discipline styles, marriage life, marital conflicts, and other family matters.
At the beginning of the first psychiatric examination of the child, the ex
aminer should start with a warm greeting and a mutual introduction. The
examiner may start by asking simple questions such as “What is your name?”
“How old are you?” “Where do you go to school?” The examiner may ask if the
child knows where he or she is, what kind of doctor the examiner is, why the
child is at the doctor’s office now, and/or why the child needs to see a psychi
atrist. After these preliminary questions, the specific interviewing process
begins.
Engagement is fostered when the examiner promotes a positive bond with
the child and family; this process is boosted when the examiner expresses
empathy for the child’s or family’s circumstances and when the examiner
identifies with the child’s or family’s perspectives. Engagement is facilitated
when the examiner gives the child positive feedback for behaving adaptively
Table 1–3. Techniques not considered helpful for fostering

engagement
Writing excessively during interview, and paying undue attention to the electronic
medical record
Conveying disinterest, not listening
Lacking warmth
Lacking empathy for patient’s symptoms or circumstances
Relying excessively on surveys or questionnaires
Patronizing
Criticizing
Presenting alternatives, preferences, or recommendations to the family or
patients without prior development of a therapeutic alliance
or in a developmentally appropriate manner or when the examiner praises the

parent for opportune and sensitive redirection during the interview. For ex
ample, when evaluating a 5-year-old boy who has a prolonged history of
hyperactivity and destructiveness, the examiner could praise the child for
responding to structuring, not going into certain areas of the office, not play
ing with the telephone or the computer, and so forth, or praise the parents
when they provide sensitive redirection and when they demonstrate attun
ement with the child’s needs. The child may be praised for displaying behav
ioral organization (see section “Using AMSIT” in Chapter 8, “Documenting
the Examination”), responding to the limits established, respecting the ex
aminer’s structure, or putting away toys at the end of the session on hearing
that the interview is about to end. Engagement is also facilitated when the ex
aminer supports the child’s adaptive efforts. This point is illustrated in the fol
lowing case example.
Case Example 1
Benny, a 16-year-old Caucasian male, was brought by his paternal grandmother
to a psychiatric evaluation for aggressive and oppositional behaviors at home
and at school. The grandmother had had custody of Benny and his 12-year-old
sister for many years, because of the children’s parents’ addiction issues and
their not being able to care for their son and daughter.
Benny had an extensive psychiatric history, including acute psychiatric
hospitalizations and residential treatment for anger dyscontrol, conduct dif
ficulties, unstable mood, and drug abuse. Benny had spent some time at a ju
venile detention center and had received drug treatment at a residential drug
program. At the time of the psychiatric examination, he was on probation.
Benny’s grandmother had previously brought her granddaughter for a psy

chiatric evaluation secondary to aggressive and extreme oppositional be
haviors. At that time, the examiner learned that both children hated their
grandmother and that both were abusive to her. From the moment the grand
mother and Benny entered the examination room, an atmosphere of tension
and hostility permeated the interview. Benny stated at the outset, “Either she
leaves and I stay, or I go and she stays.” When the examiner attempted to
elicit information regarding the grandmother’s concerns, Benny issued a
new warning: “I am not going to stay in the same room with her.” When the
examiner asked a general question to both of them, Benny stood up and left the
room. The examiner asked the grandmother a number of questions regarding
her concerns about Benny. The grandmother was concerned about Benny’s ag
gressive and unruly behaviors and suspected that he was using drugs again. Af
ter spending some time with the grandmother, the examiner escorted her out
and invited Benny to rejoin him.
Benny was a robust and rough-looking adolescent. His hair was shaved
close to the scalp, and he had several scars on his face. He was dressed season
ally in a short-sleeve shirt. An inch-round cigarette burn was conspicuous on
his left forearm. With overt hostility, Benny repeated defiantly that he did not
need to be examined and that he came to the interview only “to get my grand
mother off my back.” Benny displayed a defensive and reserved posture and
conveyed through nonverbal behavior that he wanted the evaluation to be
over as soon as possible.
When the examiner asked Benny about school, he said, “My grades are
getting better this semester.” He said that he liked school and that he had not
been skipping school during the current semester. The examiner praised him
for that. When the examiner asked Benny about his drug use, Benny proudly
responded, “I haven’t touched the stuff for 50 days; today is the 50th day I’ve
been without drugs. I’ve been going to PDAP [a juvenile drug abuse outpatient
program] regularly.” Upon hearing this, the examiner stood up, walked over to
Benny, and shook his hand, congratulating him. The examiner praised Benny
for his effort to stay away from drugs and said that he hoped Benny would re
main abstinent.
Benny smiled with appreciation, and his demeanor toward the examiner
changed demonstrably. He apologized for his previous rude behavior, saying,
“I’m tired of psychiatrists and of taking medicines. They don’t help.” Because
Benny seemed open to further exploration, the examiner proceeded to inquire
about Benny’s self-abusive behavior. The examiner invited Benny to discuss
the cigarette burn on his arm. Benny said that he enjoyed pain and that he
did not see it as a problem. He denied suicidal ideation. He said he was looking
forward to turning 17 because he expected to leave his grandmother’s cus
tody at that time. He said, “That would be a relief!”
The examiner asked Benny how he controlled his anger. Benny said that
he tried to control it all the time. He mentioned a couple of fights at school,
explaining that he had been provoked and that he would not allow “those
punks to run over me.” The examiner said that Benny seemed very angry at his
grandmother. Benny said, “I can’t stand her.” The examiner asked Benny if he
thought about killing her. Benny reported that he thought about it all the
time. He attempted to reassure himself by saying, “I am not stupid. I know
that if I were to kill her, I’d be the first suspect. If I knew a way, I would do it.”
He added, “I don’t want to have a [legal] record because I’m planning to join the
Marines.” The examiner praised Benny again for thinking about his future and
for avoiding things that would stand in his way of achieving his goals. Benny
confessed that when his anger became too intense, he would burn himself
because “it helps me to get back in control.”
Benny was able to review other difficult and sensitive topics (e.g., his re
lationships with his parents and sister). Benny said that he would like to have
more contact with his father. He was very negative and critical of his mother.
Benny was happy that his mother was in trouble and intimated that she was
going to jail: “She’s responsible for what she’s doing, and she should pay for
it.” He didn’t care about her at all. Benny did not seem to like his sister, either;
she was in a residential placement at the time of the interview.
To close the interview, the examiner asked Benny if there was any way a
psychiatrist could help him. Benny said that he did not need any help right now.
The examiner gave Benny his business card and offered his services any time
Benny felt in need of help. Benny shook the examiner’s hand warmly and ap
peared appreciative when he departed.
In the preceding case, the patient arrived at the evaluation with a very angry
and antagonistic demeanor. He came prepared to battle with the examiner.
However, a clear, if not dramatic, change in his attitude toward the interview
occurred after the examiner praised him for his efforts to control himself and
for staying off drugs.
Engagement is also fostered when the examiner initiates the examination
by picking up on themes or preoccupations the child brings to the evaluation,
as in the following case example.
Case Example 2
Rudy, a 14-year-old Caucasian male, was evaluated for paranoia. He brought
to the examination two large dragon drawings. The examiner demonstrated
interest in the drawings, which showed dragons puffing fire with no other
figures or beings present. The examiner asked Rudy what the dragons were
doing. Rudy said, “The dragons are puffing fire.” The examiner commented,
“The dragons seem very lonely; there is nobody else around them.” Rudy re
sponded, “The dragons don’t like to be around other people.” He added, “Oth
ers don’t like dragons because they are very angry.” The examiner added that
the dragons puffed a lot of fire and that they were very angry. To this, Rudy
said, “Although one of the dragons puffs fire, the other puffs only smoke.” The
child added, “I don’t need anybody. I don’t need to be loved.” The examiner
interjected, “Love is essential for life. Without it we can’t live.” Rudy said, “I am
trying very hard not to need love.” After this exchange, Rudy began to talk about
the problems he had with his parents, and the interview continued in a pro
ductive manner.
By supporting this conflicted adolescent’s efforts at adaptive behavior with the

use of displacement (see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques”), his
guardedness decreased and rapport with the examiner increased, and the
interviewee became more open and revealing.
The child may open the interview by talking about sports, a movie star, a
television show, or some other issue that at first glance may seem banal or im
material to the main concerns of the examination. By joining the child’s prevail
ing fantasy or immediate interest, the examiner gains a number of benefits:
1) the examiner gets access to what is uppermost in the child’s mind; 2) the ex
aminer learns about important aspects of the child’s psychological world;
and 3) by paying close attention to the content and the process of the child’s
communication, the examiner gains significant insights into the child’s cog
nitive capacities, language functions, manner of relating, reality testing, and
other psychological and adaptive functions.
The engagement phase needs to be as unstructured as possible. During
this phase, the child should be allowed to speak about anything he or she wants
and to discuss whatever is uppermost in his or her mind. While listening, the
examiner develops a sense or understanding of the sources of the patient’s
anxieties. This approach parallels an open-ended exploration. The examiner
pays particular attention to the child’s emotional expression and to the man
ner in which the child articulates the difficulties (thought processes). This allows
the examiner to appreciate the child’s prevailing mood, cognitive organiza
tion, and adaptive resources.
Observations made during the engagement phase stimulate a number of
clinical hunches or incipient hypotheses. These impressions may serve as bases
for exploring further or for probing a number of diagnostic areas. Also, by
listening attentively and by demonstrating interest and empathy, the examiner
conveys to the child that his or her concerns are considered seriously and that
whatever the child has in mind is of interest to the psychiatrist. In this manner,
the child perceives that the examiner is caring, attentive, and interested in what
he or she has to say.
An important early goal of the examiner is to facilitate the child’s and the
family’s participation in defining the problems and in finding ways to solve
them. If everything proceeds well, later, during the interpretive phase of the
evaluation (see Chapter 5, “Providing Post-evaluation Feedback to Families”),
the child’s, parents’, and examiner’s views regarding what the problems are and
what needs to done about them will converge.
Factors That Facilitate Engagement

of Family
The examiner increases engagement of the family by demonstrating respect
for each family member and by listening attentively to what each member,
even the smallest, has to say. If a baby were in the session, the examiner might
raise the question, “If the baby could talk, what would the baby say about what
is going on?” The examiner also gains engagement by respecting the family’s
culture, customs, and traditions. For example, addressing the father first is
important in Hispanic and Asian families.
The examiner should welcome all the members the family has brought in
and invite all of them to the diagnostic interview: the presence of family mem
bers gives the examiner a broader view of the family’s circumstances, provides
new perspectives on the nature of the presenting problems, and acquaints
the examiner with untapped resources to deal with the problems. Many family
members may have been on the sidelines waiting for an opportunity to assist
in the ongoing family difficulties or to help in the resolution of the problems.
An unsound practice during initial evaluations is for the examiner to inter
ject personal views or to challenge the family’s philosophy, religion, political
views, lifestyle, or composition, be that recombined, interracial, gay, or oth
erwise. The examiner needs to avoid criticizing or patronizing the members,
or entering into power struggles with the families regarding authority or dis
cipline within the family, unless such family practices are questionable or abu
sive. The same should be said about the family’s theory of illness or the ther
apeutic interventions that the family believes are indicated.
By paying attention to the larger picture of the family, the examiner is able
to observe lines of authority, family coalitions, family subsystems, generation
boundaries, and so forth. Furthermore, attending to the whole family gives
the examiner the opportunity to find major foci of dysfunction and to attend
to forces that undermine parental authority or interfere with the resolution of
the problems. On the other hand, the examiner may encounter resources or
areas of strength in different family members or subsystems. These resources
may be instrumental in solving major conflicts within the family or in solving
problems of the family transacting with other systems (see Chapter 4, “Family
Assessment”).
A priority of the examiner is to focus on establishing alliances with both
parents, or at least with the parent who is the family gatekeeper. The examiner
needs to make this effort even if the parent looks ostensibly unconventional
or is physically or mentally impaired—that is, the examiner should keep in
mind that “a parent is a parent.”
Other Factors That Facilitate Engagement

With Child and Family
The examiner needs to create a sensitive and empathic environment for the
child and family. The interview environment needs to be inviting and to
communicate genuine warmth and receptivity. The child needs to feel re
spected and understood at all times. Except with preschoolers, with whom there
is a universal tendency to use “baby talk,” the examiner should use his or her
natural voice and inflection. Children sense when they are being patron
ized or manipulated by adults or when they are being addressed in an artificial
manner.
To engage families, the examiner must show equanimity, compassion, and
tolerance to human frailty. Broad personal experience is also important. The
process of engaging the child and the family is facilitated by the examiner’s
equidistant relationship with various family members. Traditionally, the child
psychiatrist has been cast in the role of the child’s advocate. This special role
should not be exercised at the expense of alienating other family members
or at the risk of being unduly partial to the child.
Obstacles to Development of
Engagement
During the psychiatric assessment, the mind of the examining psychiatrist is
occupied and preoccupied with two professional tasks: the need to document
and the need to determine a diagnosis. This attentional split interferes with
listening attentively to what the child and family need to express.
Nobody would disagree that documentation is necessary and that good
record keeping is a standard of solid and good medical practice; however,
some patients and families get put off by the examiner’s incessant writing,
attention to the electronic medical record, lack of eye contact, or lack of at
tention to their verbal and nonverbal communications. In the same vein, the
examiner needs to limit the use of electronic devices during the examina
tion. Nowadays, it is not unusual for the parents or caretaker to bring smart
phones or tablets to the examination and to review emails or even to carry on
texting during the interview. The examiner needs to reorient the adults to the
matters at hand.
Some patients and families leave the office believing that the physician has
not listened to them or that the examiner does not care about their problems.
Interviewers need to accomplish documentation without sacrificing thera
peutic engagement during the interview. In other words, the physician needs
to make an effort to maintain engagement at all times.
The goal of diagnostic and therapeutic engagement is to ensure that the
patient’s and family’s feel that they are understood. The examiner’s lack of at
tention to the patient’s and family’s subjectivity—that is, to what they want or
need to say—leaves them with a sense of psychological “dis-ease,” and partic
ularly with the feeling of not being understood. Building a diagnostic and
therapeutic alliance is impossible under those conditions. Unfortunately, in
some contemporary psychiatric circles, the notion of therapeutic alliance is
a dated objective.
In an effort to achieve expediency in clinical practice, many practitioners

rely a great deal on the use of symptom checklists and related symptom sur
veys. Although checklists have a place in clinical practice and may assist in
the diagnostic process and treatment evaluations, depending on them exclu
sively for assessment purposes hinders opportunities to enrich the diagnos
tic process and to foster a treatment alliance.
Reverse Engagement
The engagement process is the responsibility of the examiner. When the child
initiates the engagement or attempts to befriend the examiner, the situation
is called reverse engagement. Two groups of children commonly attempt re
verse engagement.
The first group, children with disinhibited social engagement disorder
(American Psychiatric Association 2013, pp. 268–270), may try to befriend
and/or ingratiate themselves to the examiner. These children initiate the en
gagement from the very beginning. They do not consider anyone a stranger,
and they believe that everybody or anybody can be a friend. With these pa
tients, the examiner needs to be attentive to setting prompt limits (see Chap
ter 2, “General Principles of Interviewing,” and Chapter 3, “Special Interview
ing Techniques”) and should immediately respond to violations of personal
boundaries.
The second group, children with conduct disorder traits, attempt to be
friend the examiner with ulterior motives. The ingratiation and befriending
behaviors are manipulative. Seductive behavior is common in adolescents
with borderline or histrionic personality disorders. Occasionally, children
with a background of trauma, particularly sexual abuse, may try to reenact the
traumatic experiences with the examiner. Some of these children may dis
play overt sexualized behavior during the interview.
To reveal the primacy and importance of a child’s emotional bonding, the
examiner can ask, “Tell me, who is the most important person in the whole
world?” A child who is securely attached and feels loved immediately re
sponds, “My mom” (or other primary attachment figure). The examiner then
asks, “Who is the second most important?” Commonly, the patient replies that
this person is the father or an equivalent. The examiner proceeds, “Who is
the next one?” A grandparent or other significant person such as a sibling is of
ten mentioned third. The answers to this line of inquiry are illuminating as
to who is really important in the child’s psychological life. Many children re
veal their conflictive attachments in this short list or hint at the degree of dis
connection with their immediate family. For some adolescents, a girlfriend or
boyfriend is high on the list. A special friend may also occupy a place of impor
tance; for others a pet may be the source of trust and affection. Some patients
feel baffled and confused by the question and strain to indicate any person to
whom they feel close. The most disconnected and detached patients re
spond, “Me,” and depressed adolescents who feel unloved may respond, “No
one.” Adolescents in active conflicts with parents commonly say, “A friend”;
in these circumstances, parents are usually at the bottom of the list.
Key Points
• Engagement is a fundamental and indispensable component
of the diagnostic examination.
• Engagement relates to a positive and benevolent bond be
tween the child and family and the examiner.
• The examiner is responsible for the creation and mainte
nance of the process of engagement.
• Success in the establishment of engagement is correlated
with success in the diagnostic process and with compliance
with treatment.
CHAPTER 2
General Principles of
Interviewing
Diagnostic interviewing of a child or adolescent is a collaborative process that

involves the psychiatric examiner, the identified patient, and the patient’s
family, among others. Its purpose is to reach a comprehensive diagnostic for
mulation (see Chapter 13, “Comprehensive Psychiatric Formulation”) that
will serve as the foundation of a comprehensive treatment plan. Conducting
the family assessment is discussed in Chapter 4, “Family Assessment.” In this
chapter, we focus on general principles of interviewing.
The Interview Setting

The diagnostic interview is usually conducted in a professional setting, ide
ally in an appropriately suited office space; however, a productive diagnostic
interview may take place in other locations, such as a classroom, a hospital
at the child’s bedside, a playground, and other settings. The setting is deter
mined by the spirit, purpose, and objectives of the interview rather than by
the nature of the space or the environment surrounding the patient and the
examiner. The most important element of the interview setting is the cli
mate of respect, receptivity, warmth, and cooperative interest that the exam
iner creates. No matter where the interview is carried out, the child and the
child’s family need to feel welcome, respected, and understood. An attitude
of hope and helpfulness should permeate all transactions with the child and
the family, regardless of the clinical condition.
15
Safety—the child’s and the examiner’s—is a basic consideration for all eval
uations. In professional settings, any objects located in the examiner’s office
(e.g., decorative items) may be transformed by the child into playing objects or
may become weapons in moments of dyscontrol. The examiner should keep
this risk in mind when making decisions regarding the examination space
and the office decor. A child, especially a preschooler, should not be left in
the reception area without adult supervision. This recommendation applies
particularly to children with a history of impulsive or destructive behavior.
Preparation for the Psychiatric Examination

Ideally, children and adolescents should be prepared for the psychiatric exam
ination ahead of time. The examiner should provide guidance to the parents
regarding what to tell the child about the examination. The type of guidance
depends on the nature of the problem and the relationship between the par
ents and the child. If open hostility exists between the two, the child may not
be amenable to adequate preparation.
In general, parents need to address the distressing symptoms that disturb
the child or the problematic behaviors that put the child in conflict with others.
If the child feels depressed, for instance, parents could explain that the child
will be taken to a child psychiatrist to find out why he or she feels that way and
to get help. In some cases, parents may want to tell the child that the psychi
atrist will help the child discover, for example, why he or she is getting into
trouble at school or at home. Occasionally, parents are not forthright with a
child regarding the need for the psychiatric evaluation. When parents feel
intimidated or when they fear the child’s response, they are likely to be less than
candid with the child about the evaluation. In these circumstances, parents
often cajole or deceive the child by saying that he or she will be taken to a med
ical doctor, a counselor, a special school, or somewhere else. In crisis or emer
gency situations, the preparatory aspects of the interview are usually dis
pensed with.
Children rarely express explicit concerns about their symptoms, but this
does not mean they are happy with their problems. Children with psychiatric
symptoms are unhappy to a greater or lesser extent; some prefer to save face
rather than acknowledge responsibility for maladaptive behaviors. Others
may be unwilling to discuss their problems and to seek change until the right
person and the right circumstances present themselves. If the child is given
this opportunity, the chances for involving him or her in the examination and
in the treatment process may increase.
For some children, the interview may become a turning point in their lives
and may have a longlasting, positive effect. The interview, therefore, needs
to be considered in a broader perspective rather than with narrow and imme
diate objectives. If the examiner is unsuccessful, or worse, becomes aversive
General Principles of Interviewing 17
or psychologically negative to the child, the end result may be detrimental

for future evaluations or psychiatric interventions.
The Interview Process

Before a face-to-face interview with the parents and the child, the examiner
needs to clarify the nature of the problem(s) that prompted the evaluation.
Contact with the referral agent (e.g., medical professional, school, other agency)
helps the examiner sort out issues that need to be addressed during the assess
ment. The referral agent may be able to provide useful information or clarify
the questions at hand. This preliminary review of the situation will stimulate
broad hypotheses that will give initial organization to the psychiatric exam
ination.
An important consideration is who or what has prompted the need for the
assessment. Does the concern originate within the family or from an external
source (e.g., school, court)? It makes a big difference if the concerns come
from within the immediate family rather than from external sources. An eval
uation that is initiated by someone outside the family typically is fraught with
greater difficulties and overt obstacles (in the form of open resistances) from
the start (see Chapter 15, “Diagnostic Obstacles [Resistances]”).
Caveats of the Interviewing Process

The examiner needs to avoid premature closures. In particular, the examiner
needs to consider that observations gathered during the consultation may
not be typical of the child’s or family’s behaviors. There are other caveats the
examiner needs to consider, as described by Charman et al. (2015):
A good-quality clinical assessment of children and adolescents and their

families is time consuming and requires expertise, but a few-hour assessment
provides only a limit snap-shot of the child’s functioning. Moreover, chil
dren’s behavior in the clinic [office] may not be representative of their behav
ior elsewhere. For example, a child who is polite, quiet and compliant may be
highly disruptive in familiar settings. Parental reports may misrepresent the
child’s difficulties because of biases related to parents’ background or problems.
The father of a child with autism, for example, may underplay the difficulties
noting “I was just like that at his age and I don’t have any problems now.”
School reports, too, can be biased. A well-behaved child with learning problems
may be described as not having discernible difficulties, while a disruptive
child of average IQ may be reported as failing academically as well as socially.
Despite standardization of questionnaires, these, too, are not bias-free, and if
respondents have intellectual or language problems they may not necessarily
interpret questions correctly. In such circumstances, the only way to obtain
more reliable information on the child and the factors that contribute to his
or her difficulties is to supplement the clinical assessment with direct obser
vations. (p. 438)
Maintaining Dependency Ties During the Interview

Many evaluations are marred from the very beginning because the examiner
inadvertently or prematurely threatens to sever strong dependency ties be
tween the child and the parents. This risk is greater during the examination of
adolescents when the examiner assumes more individuation and autonomy
than the child has achieved or more independence than the parents are able
or willing to grant. The following case example illustrates this point.
Case Example 1
Nick, a 17-year-old Caucasian male, had just been withdrawn by his mother
from an acute psychiatric hospital, where he had been admitted 48 hours
earlier for an acute psychotic episode. The mother alleged that the former
psychiatrist “had been insensitive” and that the doctor “had rushed into judg
ment regarding the diagnosis” (she was told that her son had schizophrenia
and that he needed acute psychiatric hospitalization). She complained that
the psychiatrist had spoken to Nick “alone for only 10 minutes.” She objected
to having been separated from her son and was upset that she could not be
around to comfort him. She said that she was going to start a national cam
paign “to ensure that parents of hospitalized adolescents could stay in the
hospital with them.” According to the former psychiatrist, Nick arrived at the
hospital in a state of incoherence and displayed florid psychosis. Nick’s mother
claimed that prior to the referral to the psychiatric hospital, she had taken
him to a local emergency room, where “he had an episode of respiratory ar
rest.” The acute psychotic break coincided with Nick’s father’s recent depar
ture for a consulting job in another state.
Nick, a valedictorian of his high school class, had been markedly driven to
excel, had been an honor student, and was seeking entrance into an Ivy League
college. He got up at 4:30 A.M. to study on a regular basis and was involved in
multiple extracurricular activities. According to Nick’s mother, most of the
family members, including Nick’s father, were shy. His father had a severe
stuttering disorder, and Nick’s mother used to speak for him in social situa
tions. There was a strong history of bipolar disorder in the mother’s extended
family.
Nick was born a few weeks prematurely and weighed about 5 lbs. He was
born with respiratory distress syndrome. His parents were told to make fu
neral arrangements for him. Nick survived but required an incubator and
oxygen for the first 3 months of his life. At age 3 months, he had spinal men
ingitis but never had seizures. His development was delayed: he first sat at
age 11 months and walked at 18 months. Nick’s mother could not tell if there
had been any delay in Nick’s speech production. Nick had always been of
smaller stature than his peers, and this had been a source of difficulty with
his classmates. His superior intelligence was recognized when he entered
school.
During the diagnostic evaluation, Nick’s mother responded when the exam
iner asked Nick questions. She was very anxious and intrusive. She minimized
the nature of the recent psychotic episode and did not lose any opportunity
to extol the virtues and accomplishments of her “special child.” The examiner
recognized and accepted the dependent relationship of this adolescent with

his mother and made no attempt to disrupt the symbiotic bond.
Nick was guarded and suspicious and maintained limited eye contact. He
was thin and small and had a frail appearance. He was mildly depressed and
very constricted in the affective sphere and had problems developing rapport
with the examiner. He was coherent, but his speech was moderately pressured
and uninterrupted (he did not punctuate his sentences). His associations were
loose and tended to be very circumstantial. Nick was overtly paranoid. A num
ber of times he asked his mother to bring a lawyer because he feared the exam
iner might “tamper” with his mind. His mother appropriately reassured him
at those times.
Nick denied he was experiencing auditory or visual hallucinations but ac
knowledged that he had experienced them recently. He denied any suicidal
or homicidal ideation. He also denied there was anything wrong with him. He
wanted to go back home right away, “to catch up with my studies and to con
tinue the college search.”
Nick’s mother was told that Nick still needed intense psychiatric moni
toring in an acute psychiatric hospital. She persuaded Nick to follow the ex
aminer’s recommendation. Nick recovered promptly and completely from
the psychotic episode. Shortly afterward, his mother informed the examiner
that Nick had been awarded the president’s scholarship to attend a promi
nent university in New England.
Despite multiple risk factors, Nick demonstrated an exceptional cogni
tive and academic outcome. His mother’s fear for his life and Nick’s behav
ioral inhibition had contributed to his strong dependency needs. Nick’s long
term psychiatric outcome was uncertain.
The preceding case illustrates the importance of beginning the evaluation with
a family interview and alerts the examiner to the risks of prematurely sepa
rating the child from the family for the individual interview.
Conducting the Individual Interview

Once the family assessment has been completed (see Chapter 4, “Family As
sessment”), the child can be interviewed alone. An important goal for the
examiner during the individual interview is to facilitate the child’s verbaliza
tion of his or her problems so that the child may put into his or her own words
the nature of the difficulties or the manner in which the child perceives
them. Without the child’s understanding, the quality of diagnostic data will be
compromised and incomplete. The examiner’s facilitation of the child’s ver
balizations also helps in building a diagnostic and therapeutic alliance.
Creating Engagement
As described in Chapter 1 (“Diagnostic and Therapeutic Engagement”), one
of the first goals of the examiner is to create engagement. Toward this goal, ex
perienced clinicians display an automatic behavioral repertoire (adaptive
professional demeanor) and make instantaneous adjustments when they in

terview children. For example, they change body posture, vocabulary, tone
of voice, and even their affective display. These adjustments of verbal and non
verbal communication put the clinicians in immediate contact with the child’s
developmental level. The following case example illustrates the process of
engagement in an impaired and defensive early adolescent.
Case Example 2
George, a 12-year-old Asian American male, was a very defensive and unco
operative child. He was clever and liked to outsmart adults and his peers. He
had a history of chronic affective psychosis and had an extensive psychiatric
history, including prolonged hospitalizations for suicidal and aggressive be
haviors. He was intelligent but had a history of chronic school problems, in
cluding aggression toward his teachers. For many years, George had received
neuroleptic medications to control the psychotic symptoms, and he had devel
oped a severe case of tardive dyskinesia. As a result, all antipsychotic medica
tion had been stopped.
When George was interviewed for the first time, he fidgeted a great deal in
his chair; at times, he rocked and tilted the chair in such a way that the exam
iner feared for George’s safety. The examiner said to George, “That makes me
uneasy.” George reassured the examiner that he would not get hurt and con
tinued tilting the chair back and forth. When asked why he was brought to the
hospital, George said, “Drugs.” The examiner asked, “Which ones?” George
answered, “Marijuana.” He said that he had used marijuana for a long time,
adding that his parents did not know anything about his drug use. To this the
examiner said, “It takes a lot of cleverness to hide this from the family.” George
responded with an enthusiastic, “Yes!” George then proceeded to talk about
the buzz he got from gasoline: it made him feel like he was floating, as if he
could fly. The examiner then asked George whether he had ever attempted to
fly. George said that from time to time he felt like Superman and had tried to
fly from the roof of his home. On one occasion, George “tried and fell on my
belly and it got hurt pretty bad.” He denied he had broken any bones while try
ing to fly.
Later in the interview, when the examiner and George discussed his sui
cidal behavior and prior suicide attempts, George said he had a secret plan
to kill himself and stressed that he was not going to share the plan with any
body. He stated that he frequently daydreamed about flying over a highway
bridge and being killed by a car. He said he believed he would go straight to
heaven, adding that he was not meant to be in this life, because “I can’t make
it in life.” George then described how bad he felt about himself. For example,
when he looked at himself in the mirror, he used to see a monster with horns.
This monster talked to him and told him to do bad things. On one occasion,
the monster told him to hurt somebody, but George shouted, “No!”
The preceding case example illustrates successful engagement of a resis

tant child. By joining the child’s grandiosity, the examiner facilitated the de
velopment of rapport. The child provided meaningful information after the
examiner achieved an emotional connection with him.
The Psychiatric Examination

First and foremost, during the psychiatric examination, the clinician should
use language appropriate for the child’s developmental level. Special attention
is required to avoid the use of sophisticated or professional language. Fur
thermore, the examiner should understand that when the child or the family
uses common words such as “depression,” the meaning they give to such words
is not necessarily the same as the meaning the examiner gives to them. Cur
rently, with the heightened awareness of bipolar disorders, laypersons com
monly use the expressions “chemical imbalance” and “mood swings” without a
common basis for use of the terms.
The examiner must ascertain whether the child understands the initial ver
bal transactions; if the child does not understand, the clinician should sus
pect an auditory sensory defect, delirium, or a receptive language disorder (see
Chapter 12, “Neuropsychiatric Interview and Examination”). When working
with children who have receptive language difficulties, the examiner needs to
modify the communication approach. The clinician must speak slowly and
in a deliberate manner to make contact with the child, striving toward atten
tive eye contact and face-to-face communication. The examiner could also
use alternative media (e.g., play, drawing) to interact and communicate with
the child. If delirium is suspected, a detailed examination of the sensorium
is mandatory. If the child does not seem to respond to the examiner’s utter
ances, the examiner should determine whether the child’s auditory functions
are intact or whether autistic features are present. If the child has a hearing
impairment and the psychiatrist is not fluent in sign language, arrangements
should be made in advance to procure the assistance of a qualified inter
preter.
Sensitive comments to the child about signs of illness or injury (e.g., limp
ing, a crutch, a sling, a cast) help the examiner to build rapport and increase
the diagnostic alliance with the patient. For example, the examiner can con
vey to the child that he or she has noticed that the child is sick or may have
been injured in some way.
Phases of the Psychiatric Examination

As listed in Table 2–1, the psychiatric examination has seven phases. The first
four are discussed in this section.
Beginning the Interview (Engagement)

The beginning or engagement phase of the psychiatric examination involves
the initial contact between the examiner and the child, and possibly his or
her family. Leon’s (1982) comments regarding the first meeting between the
adult patient and the doctor are applicable to child psychiatry (in which case
Table 2–1. Phases of the psychiatric examination

Beginning the interview (engagement)
Elaborating the presenting problem
Extending the exploration
Completing the mental status examination
Closing the interview
Interpreting the results
Presenting treatment recommendations
“physician” represents the child psychiatrist and “patient” refers to the child
and family):
Although the physician may already have seen many patients that day, this is
the first meeting of this patient and doctor. For the patient, it is important.
The patient has been anticipating this meeting with a mixture of fear and hope.
The patient’s fear comes from many sources. What will the doctor be like?
Will the patient be judged adversely? What will be found? Will the doctor want
to help? The hope is that the doctor can relieve the stress. (p. 15)
In a similar fashion, Katz’s (1990) description of the adolescent’s anxiety

preceding the initial interview with a therapist could be aptly applied to the
first meeting between the child and the psychiatrist:
While the first few minutes of an interview are significant with all patients,
they are particularly significant with adolescents, as many of them are strug
gling for independence, trying to establish an identity, and choosing their
place in the world. They are particularly sensitive to any signals from the
therapist [examiner] that their power of decision, their intelligence, and their
perceptions will be ignored. (p. 70)
Depending on how the preliminary contact goes and what impressions are
made, a warm-up stage or engagement phase takes precedence in the initial
encounter (see Chapter 1, “Diagnostic and Therapeutic Engagement”). The
goal is to help the patient and family feel at ease and as comfortable as pos
sible, thereby promoting cooperation and a decrease in anxiety and wari
ness. In general, this phase is more prolonged with preadolescents and with
younger, immature, and regressed children. With adolescents, the engagement
phase may not take long. The extent and duration of the engagement phase
depend on the degree of psychopathology, the degree of dystonicity (dis
comfort) or reaction against the symptoms, and the patient’s awareness of a
need to change.
The engagement phase allows the examiner to determine the patient’s

and family’s openness and their likely degree of participation in the diagnos
tic process. It also provides an incipient sense of the patient’s and family’s re
latedness (i.e., the quality of interpersonal relations within the family and
with the child). These preliminary perceptions guide the examiner in judg
ing the degree of overt psychopathology, the level of cooperation and rap
port, and the amount of structuring (i.e., direction) that will be necessary to
ensure success in the diagnostic process.
Once the family’s concerns have been explored and the family members
have been given the opportunity to express their views on the problem(s),
the family may be asked to leave, and the child’s examination continues.
Elaborating the Presenting Problem

The major purpose of the elaboration phase is to explore the presenting prob
lem as fully as possible. This phase parallels what Brown and Rutter (1996)
called the “systematic exploratory style” of interviewing, which involves a
fact-oriented style and feeling-oriented techniques. Systematic questioning and
specific probing have definite advantages in eliciting factual information.
This approach seems to be successful in eliciting the “detailed, relevant data
needed for an adequate diagnostic formulation” (Cox et al. 1981a, p. 289):
The structured and systematic exploratory styles are far superior in provid
ing evidence on the definitive absence of problems....The implication is
clear: if psychiatrists are to obtain sufficient detail about family problems
and child symptoms for them to make an adequate formulation on which to
base treatment plans, systematic and detailed probing and questioning must
occur. (Cox et al. 1981b, pp. 31–32)
The approach parallels Shea’s (1998) Chronological Assessment of Suicide

Events (CASE) approach, described later in this section. Table 2–2 lists the
goals involved in this phase. The priority during this phase is to obtain a clear
and detailed account of the presenting problem. The examiner asks what,
how, when, and where questions to delve into the facts, events, and circum
stances related to the presenting problem. Questions regarding “how much”—
frequency, intensity, and other factors that bring on the problem—are of ma
jor relevance. After this exploration is completed, the examination of the psy
chological factors that may contribute to the problem—that is, the “why”
questions—may be in order. The why questions relate to opinions, psycholog
ical explanations, rationalizations, and belief systems that are subjective by na
ture. For instance, if the presenting problem is anger dyscontrol, the examiner
needs to consider the following questions: What does the patient do when he
or she loses control? Does the patient become aggressive? How? Does the pa
tient become destructive? Does the patient become self-abusive? In what ways
does the patient become self-destructive? Has the patient ever tried to hurt
himself or herself, or to hurt others? (Note that the examiner is conducting a
mental status examination while exploring the presenting problem.) How of
ten does the patient lose control? Where does the patient lose control? How
long does it take for the patient to regain control? What factors make the pa
tient lose control? What happens after the patient loses control? Has the pa
tient ever received any treatment? Has the patient complied with therapeutic
or medical recommendations? How does the patient see his or her loss of con
trol? Does the patient see dyscontrol as a problem? Note that the most in
trospective questions come last. The same format may be followed with other
symptoms (e.g., depression, suicidal behavior, drug abuse, running away).
When the issue at hand is suicidality or homicidality, standard questions
are, in the case of suicidality, “How close have you been to killing yourself?”
and “Do you have a plan to kill yourself?”; or, in the case of homicidality, “How
close have you been to killing someone?” “Whom have you thought of killing?”
and “Do you have a plan to kill that person now?” The examiner must assess
the patient’s potential risk to harm others and must remember his or her duty
to warn potential victims, a result of the 1976 Tarasoff vs. Regents of the Uni
versity of California decision (Nurcombe 1996).
Systematic interviewing parallels Shea’s (1998) approach for the evaluation
of suicidal ideation. In this approach, the examiner uses a number of question
ing techniques, including 1) behavioral incidents, 2) gentle assumptions, and
3) denial of the specific. Behavioral incidents questions probe for specific
facts, details, or trains of thought (e.g., “Describe what happened. How did you
try to kill yourself?”). This approach is similar to asking what, how, when, and
where questions. Gentle assumptions questions focus on areas or topics that
the patient hesitates to talk about (e.g., “How often do you think about suicide?
How do you intend to kill yourself?”). These open-ended and leading ques
tions explore areas the patient rarely discusses spontaneously. Denial of the
specific questions include specific probes to rule out symptoms or a variety
of problems (e.g., “Have you had thoughts of shooting yourself?” “Have you
tried to hang yourself?”).
In Shea’s approach, the examiner explores the four following chronolog
ical areas: 1) present ideation and suicidal behaviors, 2) recent ideation and
behaviors over the last 6–8 weeks, 3) past suicidal ideation and behaviors,
4) immediate ideations and plans for the future. Shea warned that many times
patients will erect a façade for the mental health professional or the primary
care physician while describing the suicide event that led them to seek help.
This barrier may sometimes arise out of a sense of embarrassment or per
haps because the patient is genuinely feeling a little better since sharing his
pain at the time of the presentation. Such a reassuring interplay can lull the
clinician into a false sense of security. Any time the patient displays any hint
Table 2–2. Elaborating the presenting problem

Clarifying major concerns regarding the evaluation or consultation
Listening attentively to verbal and nonverbal behaviors
Making efforts to understand the presenting symptoms
Exploring the multiple dimensions of the presenting symptoms
Keeping focus in the presenting problem before exploring other areas
Connecting the presenting problem with major dimensions in the child’s life:
Family
School
Girlfriends/boyfriends
Friends
Developmental concerns
Hygiene and personal care
Issues of abuse
Ongoing history of abuse
Past history of abuse
of ambivalence about suicide (or being alive), the subject should be explored
at once. Suicide usually requires considerable forethought and internal debate
arising from many days of intense pain. The degree to which this pain has
taken the patient to the edge of suicide in the recent past may serve as one of
the best indicators of whether the patient will cross that line in the near future
(Shea 1998, pp. 472–495).
In the evaluation of suicidal behavior in children and adolescents, the ex
aminer needs to determine the factor of intentionality. The intention to com
mit suicide is the core from which all suicidal behavior and a great deal of
self-destructive behaviors originate. Simply exploring whether the patient has
suicidal ideation is not enough. The examiner must explore all the possible
means the patient has in mind. This point is illustrated in the following case
example.
Case Example 3
Matthew, a 6-year-old Caucasian male, was referred by a social worker for a
psychiatric evaluation because of concerns regarding the child’s depressive
state and possible suicidal behavior. One year earlier, Matthew had under
gone a psychiatric evaluation for aggressive behaviors at home and at school.
His disturbance seemed to have started 1 year before the previous evaluation,
when his father moved out and his older brother was hospitalized. Shortly af
terward, Matthew began to kill small animals, to trip and hit his peers, and
to hit his teenage sister. Matthew threw things around and was quite angry
at his mother. Earlier, Matthew’s preschool teacher had described him as
very disruptive and withdrawn; he also was said to be careless and destructive
with his schoolwork. Matthew displayed a prominent fear of fires; this had
begun after a fire drill. Matthew had not been abused but had witnessed his
father’s abusive behavior toward his mother. Matthew’s developmental mile
stones and history prior to his father’s leaving home were unremarkable.
Both parents had depression and anxiety, and Matthew’s older brother had
been diagnosed with oppositional defiant disorder and a behavioral distur
bance associated with a brain disorder, possibly secondary to marijuana expo
sure in utero.
At the time of the current evaluation, Matthew’s mental status examina
tion revealed a handsome, bright, and articulate child who appeared his
stated age. He looked unhappy and depressed and exhibited marked retarda
tion in psychomotor activity. His affect was markedly constricted, and he ap
peared anhedonic and hopeless. When questioned about suicidal ideation,
Matthew confirmed it readily. When asked how he thought he would kill him
self, he said he had thought of using a knife. The examiner asked Matthew if
he had considered other means of hurting himself. Matthew said that he had
wanted to jump from the roof of the house. He had also thought about using
a gun, lying down in the road so that he could be run over by a car, or crushing
his brain somehow. He said that he had stood on his head many times, hop
ing to “drown” his brain with blood. Matthew missed his father a great deal
and hated living with his mother. He was very unhappy with his mother’s re
cent remarriage. Also, he hated school and had difficulties concentrating. No
psychotic features were evident. Matthew was given the diagnosis of a major
depressive episode and was placed on an antidepressant.
The preceding case example illustrates a severe affective disorder in an

early latency child and also demonstrates the variety of self-destructive means
a child had devised. This case illustrates full melancholic symptomatology in
early preadolescence. The same comprehensive and thorough exploratory ap
proach is mandatory with adolescents, and if necessary with the parents.
Issues related to the child’s psychiatric history and ongoing treatments
are also explored during the elaboration phase of the interview. Data related
to the presenting problem become the core organizer of the interview pro
cess. All data gathering will have the presenting problem as its reference
point and as its integrative core.
Extending the Exploration

The third phase of the psychiatric examination is equivalent to the review of
systems conducted when a physician is completing the history and exami
nation in the field of physical medicine. During this phase, the examiner ex
tends the exploration to other areas and attempts to find threads connecting
to the presenting problem. For example, the parents of a 12-year-old girl with
anger dyscontrol may tell the examiner that their daughter is aggressive at
home. The examiner explores other areas: Does the child also lose control at
school or in the neighborhood? Has she ever had any other problems at school?
If so, what kind of problems has she had? How does this child do academi
cally? How are her peer relationships? The examiner pursues any leads perti
nent to the evolving hypothesis. For example, the exploration may branch into
questions related to oppositional behavior, conduct problems, gang affilia
tion, or drug use.
Examiners should approach sensitive areas (e.g., suicidal or homicidal be
haviors, drug abuse) from many different angles. They should never be satis
fied with a single denial to a question related to a sensitive issue. Sometimes,
rephrasing a question or using different language brings about productive
diagnostic information. Some children who have denied having suicidal
thoughts respond differently when asked, “Have you had thoughts of killing
yourself?” The use of vernacular language may be quite appropriate in this
regard.
Sometimes, despite careful exploration, the examiner does not find corrob
oration for some clinical impressions (intuitions or “hunches”). In cases of
suicidality, homicidality, psychosis, substance abuse, and other areas, the cli
nician must remain cautious and avoid making premature closures, because
his clinical impressions may be correct, despite a lack of explicit clinical proof.
When the examiner has an uneasy feeling about a concerning issue, despite
the patient’s denials regarding suicidal or homicidal thoughts, drug abuse, or
another issue, the examiner should heed his clinical sense and background
experience.
The examiner should attempt further clarification of the clinical incon
gruencies because they may indicate that the patient is withholding (volun
tarily or involuntarily) relevant information or that other lines of inquiry
may need to be pursued to achieve full clarity. Some children tenaciously with
hold sensitive information. Children are adept at keeping certain secrets (e.g.,
suicidal intentions, homicidal plans, psychotic experiences, drug abuse, phys
ical or sexual abuse, and sexual activity). The examiner also needs to be aware
of countertransference responses, because tactful utilization of these re
sponses may be helpful in the diagnostic process (see Chapter 16, “Counter
transference”).
A number of areas need to be explored in every child or adolescent inter
view (Table 2–3). These areas include the child’s relationships with family
members, the kind of discipline the child receives, the child’s history of phys
ical or sexual abuse, his or her school life (e.g., academic performance, school
difficulties), and his or her friendships. The child’s drug use, conduct diffi
culties, and sexual behavior should also be explored.
Table 2–3. Extending the exploration

Sleep
Sleep habits; difficulties falling or staying sleep
Issues at night time: worrying feelings at bedtime; being scared at night and
other issues at night
Insomnias, nightmares
Psychotic features at night
Awakening at morning
Mood at morning, behavioral organization
Issues related to getting ready to go to school
Transportation issues
School
Academic performance
Behavioral issues at school; issues related to school discipline
Bullying
Tardiness and absences
Alternative placement
Issues with special education and remedial services
Behaviors after returning home
Use of electronics and social media
Visitation of inappropriate places in the Internet (pornography, violence,
terrorism, chatrooms)
Hygiene
Showering, dental hygiene
Hygiene during menstrual cycles
Personal care, hair care; clothing
Perforations, tattoos
Friendships
Gender issues
Gender preference: do you prefer boy or girls?
Family reaction to gender preference, to sexual choice?
Quality of friends
Table 2–3. Extending the exploration (continued)

Respect for home rules
Leaving home without permission; sneaking out of the house at night
Letting people into the room at night
Running away
Conduct Problems
Sexual behavior; birth control
Delinquent behavior; gang participation
Substance abuse must be evaluated privately, because adolescents do not

want their parents to know about this aspect of their lives. The examiner
should not merely ask an adolescent, “Have you used drugs?” This type of ques
tion gives the adolescent an easy way out; he may respond with a fast denial.
Instead, the examiner needs to conduct a detailed inquiry, using gentle as
sumption questions, such as the following: “What drugs have you tried?” “Do
you drink wine coolers, beer, or liquor?” “How many times a week do you
drink?” “How often do you get drunk?” “What kinds of problems have you got
ten into because of alcohol?” “Do you drive after drinking?” “Have you re
ceived any citations for driving while intoxicated?” “What other drugs do you
use when you drink?” “Have you been sexually involved when you’ve been
drinking?”
The examiner should inquire individually about the following substances
of abuse: marijuana, amphetamines, cocaine, crack, LSD (lysergic acid di
ethylamide), sedatives (benzodiazepines and others), steroids, inhalants,
and other hallucinogenic and mind-altering substances. The examiner should
systematically ask the patient these questions: “When did your use of [drug]
start?” “How much do you use it, and how often do you use it?” “When was the
last time you used [the drug]?” This methodical inquiry needs to be repeated
with each drug the patient admits to using (Senay 1997).
The examiner also must attempt to ascertain whether the child has ever
experienced any withdrawal symptoms or has ever been delirious or psy
chotic under the influence of drugs. Furthermore, the examiner should ex
plore impairment and lapses of judgment during drug use. For example, the
examiner may ask questions such as these: “When you use [the drug], do you
fight?” “Do you get sexually involved?” The examiner must explore whether
the adolescent has used intravenous drugs and whether the adolescent has
been sexually involved with individuals who have HIV (human immunodefi
ciency virus) or hepatitis. If the examiner has not inquired about sexually trans
mitted diseases, this is the opportune time to approach the topic. (For more
information about evaluating alcohol and substance abuse in adolescence,

see Chapter 10, “Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms.”)
The patient’s sexual behavior should be explored systematically. The exam
iner should not simply ask the patient, “Have you ever had sex?” It is better to
assume that adolescents are sexually active. The patient needs to be asked about
issues related to unprotected sex and history of pregnancy. Sexually active ad
olescent females must be asked, “Have you ever been pregnant?” Similarly,
sexually active adolescent males should be asked, “Have you ever impregnated
a girl?” Asking the patient whether he or she likes girls or boys opens the door
to explore the patient’s sexual orientation and his or her sense of gender. The
adolescent may start a conversation about gender dysphoria.
Because children tend to be protective of their caregivers, denials to direct
questions such as “Have you been physically abused?” need to be considered
carefully. A more tactful question could be, “When you do something wrong,
how are you disciplined?” More specific questions about abuse should follow.
During the exploratory phase, the patient’s medical history is also investi
gated. A history of head trauma, seizures, congenital problems, cardiovascu
lar issues, or neurological problems may be relevant in the diagnostic process.
A selected family and developmental history also may be illuminating (see
Chapter 4, “Family Assessment”).
Completing the Mental Status Examination

During the fourth phase of the psychiatric examination, completing the men
tal status examination, the examiner finishes exploring areas of the patient’s
mental status that were not covered earlier. In the process of exploring the
presenting problem, the examiner has the opportunity to assess a number of
areas typically covered on a mental status examination. These findings may
not need to be formally explored again if the examiner has a solid understand
ing about areas already covered. For example, if during the interview, the ex
aminer has noticed that the child or adolescent gives accurate details about
his or her own history, including dates and precise locations, the examiner can
safely assume that the patient’s recent memory is probably intact. If the child
is in advanced math classes (e.g., calculus) at school, the child’s calculation
ability may not need to be tested, unless there are good reasons for doing so.
In the same vein, if the examiner previously determined that the child had hal
lucinatory experiences and the examiner ascertained the nature of those per
ceptions, the examiner may not need to inquire about them again.
When beginning to explore the patient’s sensorium and intellectual capac
ities, the examiner should mark the transition to a different kind of question
ing by telling the patient that the next series of questions will test his memory,
orientation, and so on. The examiner might say, for instance, “These are ques
tions that are asked of all children.” Children who have neuropsychological
deficits may be sensitive to this examination. If, despite reassurances, the pa
tient remains apprehensive or exhibits narcissistic mortification, this line of
exploration should be interrupted or postponed. Once the mental status ex
amination is complete, the examiner should ask the patient and family if they
have any additional important information to share. After any additional data
gathering is complete, the psychiatrist will move into the interpretive phase
of the interview.
Modalities of the Psychiatric Examination

The psychiatric examination is comprehensive when most of the possible
areas of psychopathology are reviewed; it is considered focal or selective if
only selected areas of the patient’s psychopathology or of the mental status
examination are explored. The interview is also classified as unstructured or
structured.
Unstructured Interviews
The psychiatric interview is unstructured if the examiner does not follow a
predetermined scheme to conduct the interview process. In this modality,
the examiner does not follow a prearranged path in exploring the relevant
issues or completing the mental status examination. This modality gives the
examiner a great deal of flexibility; he or she can adapt the examination to
the relevant issues or to the most salient aspects that emerge during the ex
amination. The examiner attempts to follow a coherent thread in the flow of
emerging data and takes advantage of the patient’s emotional abreactions to
understand the nature of the patient’s internal conflicts.
In unstructured interviewing, the examiner emphasizes the process and
the vicissitudes of affect and attempts to help the patient to see and make con
nections between the content of the interview and troublesome emotional
factors that the patient is experiencing. In this modality, the empathic and
emotional processes are emphasized, and building rapport and establishing
a solid therapeutic alliance are the examination’s major objectives. The pa
tient’s relatedness to the examiner becomes more important than the data
and the thoroughness of the examination. The unstructured modality does
not cover all the relevant areas of a psychiatric examination in a consistent
and systematic fashion and frequently leaves important areas unexplored.
Furthermore, unstructured interviewing leaves significant room for subjec
tive inferences regarding observations and diagnoses.
Structured Interviews
The structured interview is used when consistent and systematic data gath
ering and high levels of reliability are desired in the psychiatric examination
and diagnostic process. In the most structured form of interview, the exam
iner uses a standardized set of questions. The examiner stays with the prede
termined format of the examination, without deviating, until the interview
is completed. Structured interviewing has a unique role in research (i.e., to as
certain change in any given diagnostic category resulting from, or secondary
to, a given intervention), in epidemiological studies (i.e., to establish incidence
and prevalence of psychiatric disorders), and in developmental studies (i.e.,
to compare contemporary examination data to baseline assessments with
the purpose of ascertaining developmental change). In structured interview
ing, the degree of the examiner’s inferences is decreased to a minimum. (For
more information about structured and unstructured interviews, see Note 1
at the end of this chapter.)
In clinical practice, behavioral rating scales, checklists, and symptom in
ventories are commonly used. Parents, teachers, patients themselves, clini
cians, child care workers, and others can administer them. Table 2–4 lists the
advantages and limitations of behavioral rating scales (Achenbach 1995).
Strategies for Evaluation of Preadolescents

The interviewing space needs to be inviting to children and spacious enough
to allow small children to play comfortably on the floor. It should contain
a medium-size table and appropriate chairs for playing and other diagnostic
and therapeutic activities. For a small child or a preadolescent, sitting at a
table feels more natural than sitting in a chair, face to face with the examiner.
A variety of materials and toys should be readily available to the child. Table
2–5 outlines the basic toys necessary for the psychiatric assessment of pread
olescents.
The examiner can foster engagement with the preadolescent by address
ing the child warmly and engagingly and making the child an active partici
pant of the diagnostic process from the very beginning. A common strategy
is for the examiner to begin by asking simple questions to the preadolescent
during the family meeting. For example, while taking notes, the examiner
could ask the preadolescent how his or her name is spelled, what the current
day or date is, and so on. The child’s demeanor and responses provide im
portant information about the child’s alertness and intelligence.
The examiner may also reach an agreement with the child regarding the
family member to whom questions should be addressed. The patient may be
told that he or she is going to be asked the questions and that if a question
becomes too difficult to answer or if the patient does not want to answer the
question, the parents will be asked for an answer. This strategy gives the child
a prominent role in the interview and helps to create a positive working and
diagnostic alliance; usually, the family agrees with this arrangement. This ap
Table 2–4. Advantages and limitat ions of behavioral rating

scales
Advantages
Behavioral rating scales are convenient and economical.
The basic instrument is usually printed.
Relevant observations can usually be made under a variety of conditions without
rigid standardization of the observational interval, setting, or inputs to subjects

and raters.
Behavioral rating scales can be completed quickly.
They can be completed by diverse informants without specialized training.
They can cover a wide range of data, from specific behaviors to inferential
judgments.
They provide scores that are easy to analyze.
High test-retest and inter-observer reliability are obtainable.
Limitations
Exclusive reliance on predetermined items may cause important characteristics to
be overlooked.
Rating scales compare individuals in terms of item and scale scores but may not
provide ideographic (individualized) descriptions of persons apart from their
specific pattern of scores.
Rating scales are affected by the cooperation, knowledgeability, and candor of the
rater, although gross distortions are clinically informative and can usually be
detected by comparisons with other data.
Rating scales are subject to misuse by being over-interpreted or interpreted too
literally in isolation from other data about the case. Ratings from different
informants should therefore be compared with each other and with other types
of data about the case.
Source. Adapted from Achenbach 1995, pp. 3–4. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 36.
proach gives centrality to the child’s problems and concerns. When a mental
status examination outline exists, the child may be “invited” to help the cli
nician fill in the requested information. Often, the child takes an interest in
this cooperative enterprise.
A face-to-face interaction in an adult-like setting is an awkward situation
for the preadolescent. The examiner should be sensitive to the patient’s anx
iety about the new situation and environment. Even with the best of prepa
ration, the child will arrive with fears and negative expectations about the
Table 2–5. Toys required for a diagnostic examination

Playhouse with furniture and a toilet
Doll family, with a dad, a mom, and children
Dolls with different ethnic features (e.g., white, black, Hispanic, Asian)
Wood and plastic building blocks, building bricks (e.g., Legos), disposable activity
dough (e.g., Play-Doh)
Paper and pencils for drawing and writing
Crayons for coloring
Play telephones
Action figures representing men with associated weaponery
Table games and other structures games (e.g., checkers, Parcheesi)
interview. A format in which the child and the examiner sit at a table gives
the child a sense of comfort. The child is more likely to feel at ease if the in
terview is conducted in a specially furnished playroom. The younger the
child, the greater the need is for nonverbal approaches such as play or the
use of nonverbal media (e.g., drawing, puppetry, games; see Chapter 3, “Special
Interviewing Techniques”). The nature of the media depends on the child’s de
velopmental level, as well as the examiner’s style, preference, and technical
experience.
After the child is properly situated in the office, the examiner attempts to
engage the child. After some engagement is achieved, the examiner tells the
child what he or she already knows about the presenting problems and then
discusses with the child the known concerns. Most children start a verbal en
gagement when they are invited to discuss what is already known; more of
ten than not, they express their thoughts about the problems without major
difficulties. The exploration then proceeds. Instead of asking the child ques
tions about issues the examiner already knows about, the examiner should
disclose to the child what has already been learned about the problem and en
courage the child to present his or her point of view.
Technical Issues of the Diagnostic Inquiry

Open and Leading Questioning
Open questions give children the opportunity to express themselves and al
low the examiner to observe a spontaneous flow of thought processes and
the emergence of preconscious affect and of emotional conflicts. When pa
tients elaborate on some issues, the examiner observes the nature of the
thought process, the integrity of reality testing, the degree of relatedness, the
status of receptive and expressive language, the quality of cognitive abilities
and social and adaptive skills, and so forth. The following are examples of
open questions: “How are you feeling today?” “How is your day going?” “How
did you sleep last night?”
Leading questions constrain the patient’s answers, often result in mono
syllabic (usually yes or no) answers, and stifle the communication and en
gagement between the examiner and the patient and family. Worse, leading
questions frequently include or suggest the answer to the question. The fol
lowing examples are counterparts of the open questions: “Are you feeling OK?”
“Is your day going well today?” “Did you sleep well last night?”
The clinician needs to develop the discipline to avoid leading questions
consistently. Leading questions may be dangerously reassuring. Care must
be taken not to ask leading questions when exploring sensitive areas (e.g., “You
didn’t want to kill yourself, did you?”) or to ask questions that would result
in yes or no answers (e.g., “Do you sleep well every night?”). Leading ques
tions (e.g., “Did you really intend to kill yourself?”) are inappropriate in a
couple of ways: 1) the questioner is deferring the assessment of such a seri
ous behavior onto the patient, and 2) the question gives the patient an easy way
out (by responding “no”). The examiner, not the patient, is responsible for as
sessing the nature of this and related serious matters. Therefore, the examiner
should ask open-ended questions (e.g., “What did you intend when you over
dosed?” “How is your sleep?”) and must pay close attention to the patient’s
responses, including the associations generated and the patient’s flow and
change of affect. We believe that the use of leading questions is the source of
many misdiagnoses and medical errors.
Some situations obligate the examiner to ask leading questions. These in
clude instances when engaging the patient is difficult, when the child’s ver
bal productivity is limited, or when the child’s comprehension capacity is
poor. Even in these circumstances, leading questions should be structured in
a way to offer the patient choices. For example, if the examiner were to ask the
child, “How are you feeling today?” and the patient does not respond, the ex
aminer could ask, “Are you feeling the same, worse, or better than yesterday?”
Based on the response, the examiner continues attempting to clarify the na
ture of the answer.
In general, open-ended questions are more productive than closed ones:
“Closed questions ...may inhibit emotional expression not only because they
suggest a very brief factual reply but also because they suggest that the ex
aminer has already decided what is important and relevant” (Hopkinson et
al. 1981, p. 413).
Interpretive and Declaratory Comments

During diagnostic inquiry, the examiner may find interpretations and declar
atory comments to be productive. Interpretations and expressions of sympa
thy explicitly indicate the examiner’s interest and attention in the emotions,
feelings, and attitudes of patients and families. Expressions of sympathy are
also likely to be reinforcing because they indicate that the examiner cares.
When such caring responses follow the expression of emotions or feelings,
the informant is likely to be encouraged to continue showing feelings. Inter
pretations might draw the informant’s attention to feelings that had been below
the surface (Hopkinson et al. 1981), such as when the child or the family dis
closes the death of a significant other, a serious illness of a family member or
close friend, the departure of a dear one, and so on.
Declaratory statements often elicit more information and create less resis
tance than do questions, particularly if the questions explore issues the patient
is not yet ready to broach. For instance, when a patient is displaying a partic
ular emotional state, making a gentle assumption (see subsection “Phases of the
Psychiatric Examination” earlier in this chapter) such as “You look angry [or
scared or nervous,]” is likely to be more productive than asking, “Are you an
gry [or scared or nervous]?” A statement such as “I understand you have prob
lems at home” is a far better opener than the question “Do you have problems
at home?” Asking a question like “Do you have any problems?” will certainly
start the interview on the wrong foot.
If the examiner knows that the child has a particular problem, the exam
iner should state the problem up front, thereby presenting the issues directly
and getting to the heart of the matter from the very start. For example, the
examiner could start by saying, “I understand you have problems controlling
yourself ” or “It seems that you do not want to live anymore.”
Use of Developmentally Attuned Language

With Preadolescents
In communicating with a preadolescent, the examiner needs to use vocabu
lary calibrated to the child’s developmental and cognitive level. Although
smart and verbally advanced children may have sophisticated language skills
and a rich vocabulary, this is not true of most children, even those from well
educated families. The examiner should avoid using technical jargon. For ex
ample, simple terms such as sad and feel bad are better than depressed and
guilty. In contrast, most children are familiar with the term suicide. In fact, in
quiring about the meaning of this term is a smooth way to explore suicidal
intentions or suicidal behavior in young children. Table 2–6 lists some terms
often used in adult psychiatric evaluations and the less complex equivalents
appropriate for use with preschoolers and early latency children. When exam
Table 2–6. Developmentally appropriate terms and phrases

for communicating with young children
Adult diction Terms for use with children
frightened scared
frightful scary
cruel or malicious mean
anxious nervous, antsy
angry or frustrated upset, mad
of a sexual nature nasty
irritable grouchy or cranky
feel guilty about ... feel bad about ...
compulsion urges
depressed feel down or feel sad
self-concept feeling good or feel bad about oneself
feel hopeless feel like not caring anymore
improve feel better
learning problems have trouble learning or hard to learn
ined carefully, the words upset, scary, nasty, sad, bad, and good seem to carry
more affect than do their more sophisticated synonyms; the latter are most
frequently used at the service of defense intellectualization or isolation of af
fect. The word progress is seldom understood by preadolescents; instead, they
will readily understand when an examiner asks, “Do you feel any better or any
worse?”
The examiner needs to pay equal attention to the use of idioms; even the
most common idioms may be beyond a child’s comprehension. Preadolescents
and even early adolescents tend to be concrete thinkers and often interpret
idioms literally. No subject is taboo in any diagnostic interview. Any topic can
be discussed with children if appropriate language and judicious timing are
used.
Dealing With Nonverbal Behavior During

Diagnostic Assessment
During a diagnostic examination, preadolescents and early adolescents some
times resort to responding with nonverbal behavior rather than verbal an
swers. For example, a preadolescent might respond to a question with a facial

gesture, shrugging of the shoulders, or a penetrating stare. This covert and
guarded nonverbal communicative language needs to be transformed into a
declarative language.
When the patient responds with a stare during the diagnostic inquiry, the
examiner could tell the patient, “Your eyes said a lot; now is the time for your
mouth to speak, for your mouth to tell me what your eyes said.” For patients
who shrug their shoulders, the examiner can approach the issue in a rather hu
morous manner by saying, “My ears can’t hear what your shoulders are try
ing to tell me.” A similar approach may be used with other nonverbal behav
iors, such as bowel sounds, knuckle cracking, and changes of body position.
The examiner must make a deliberate effort to translate or transform the non
verbal language into a verbal narrative. A related issue, nonverbal enactments,
is described in the section “Enactments During the Psychiatric Examination”
later in this chapter.
Process Interviewing
In the process interview, the examiner notices how things are said and pre
sented. The content of a communication refers to the explicit aspects of the
communication. The process refers to the implicit aspects of the communi
cation—to the way the communication is presented. To assess the commu
nication process, the examiner pays special attention to the way the patient
communicates. The way things are conveyed may be more important than
what is said. For example, the patient may be saying one thing with words and
a very different thing with his or her voice or body language. The examiner
should inform the patient about any discrepancy between verbal and non
verbal behaviors and make the patient aware of atypical nonverbal communi
cations. Any incongruity between verbal and nonverbal behaviors requires
elucidation. Every time an abreaction of affect occurs, the examiner should
ask the patient about the thoughts or memories that brought on those emo
tions. When the patient interrupts his or her own narrative or when unex
pected transitions occur in the patient’s train of thought, the examiner should
ask about these interruptions or transitions. It is meaningful to know whether
the patient has noticed these events. The following case example illustrates
process interviewing.
Case Example 4
Donna, a 16-year-old Caucasian female, was being evaluated for protracted
depression and suicidal behavior. According to Donna, her depression went
back to when she was 7 or 8 years old, and she revealed that she had felt sui
cidal for a long time. Donna’s mother and maternal grandmother had re
ceived a diagnoses of schizophrenia. A maternal aunt had raised Donna since
early childhood. Donna had received both inpatient and prolonged outpa
tient treatments, with limited success.
At the time of the evaluation, Donna’s aunt was in the process of giving
up custody rights to the state because she could not handle Donna and could
no longer afford to pay for Donna’s psychiatric services. Donna had been in
volved in a lesbian relationship with a female 3 years her senior and had dis
played significant behavioral problems at school and at home. Donna also had
problems with substance abuse: she had abused marijuana, cocaine, LSD, and
other mind-altering drugs. Donna had been a bright and articulate child who
had excelled in school. Her academic performance had suffered during the
previous year. She was described as a gifted and creative adolescent. Donna
was fairly well kept and groomed, but she was a rather unattractive adoles
cent; she was withdrawn and maintained poor eye contact. Her psychomotor
activity was low. She appeared distant and was not spontaneous; there was
an air of apprehension and fear about her. Her mood was very depressed, and
she exhibited marked constriction of affect, both in range and in intensity.
She rarely smiled. Donna used sophisticated language, and her responses
were filled with intellectualization and isolation of affect.
When the examiner asked questions, Donna took a long time to answer
and noticeably hesitated while responding. When the examiner asked Donna
how she felt about her aunt (whom Donna called “mother”) giving up her
guardianship rights to the state, Donna gave a bland and unemotional re
sponse. The examiner gave Donna feedback about the way she communi
cated and presented her thoughts. She expressed surprise and claimed that
in all the time she had been in treatment, nobody had given her feedback
about how she came across. She said, “My thoughts are in a different channel
from other people. I always feel empty.” When the examiner asked Donna why
her thoughts were in a different channel from others, she said, “I need to build
a barrier around people.” Donna was able to discuss her apprehension and par
anoid feelings and her difficulties with trusting and feeling close to people.
The content of Donna’s delusional depression is presented as a case ex

ample (Case Example 11) in Chapter 8, “Documenting the Examination.”
The process interview is illustrated further in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of In
ternalizing Symptoms” (see Kurt’s case [Case Example 11] example).
Technical Issues in the Evaluation of Adolescents

The adolescent evaluation should begin with the adolescent and the family
together. The benefits of such a meeting are multiple: the examiner hears the
parents’ concerns directly, and the examiner has the opportunity to observe
how the adolescent relates to the parents and how the parents or family
members relate to one another. During the family meeting, the examiner
completes most of the preliminary exploration and overall assessment of the
presenting problem and the adolescent’s level of functioning. The examiner
explores the adolescent’s school and family functioning; the parents’ knowl
edge of their child’s behaviors, such as drug use; and other serious concerns.
As these issues are addressed, the examiner invites and encourages the adoles
cent’s participation. How the parents and adolescent handle conflicts gives the
examiner a sense of the nature and intensity of the conflicts between them
and of the problem-solving capacities within the adolescent and within the
family.
After the parents express their concerns, the examiner asks them to leave.
The adolescent is then given the opportunity to expand on or to present his
or her side regarding the parents’ concerns. The adolescent is asked to talk
about issues the parents may not have any knowledge about, such as suicidal
thoughts, school truancy, alcohol or drug use, illicit activities, sexual life, gang
participation, cults, or other issues related to the presenting problem. Even
if during the conjoined interview the adolescent made a number of denials
about specific probes (e.g., suicide, homicide), those denials should not be
taken as the definitive response. They need to be corroborated during the in
dividual interview. Also, during the individual interview with the adolescent,
a comprehensive mental status examination must be completed.
If the adolescent is not cooperative and displays hostility or resistance
from the very beginning of the interview, the examiner may need to consider
a different approach. Katz (1990, pp. 74–79) proposed four basic strategies
to deal with an adolescent’s immediate resistances. These strategies plus two
others are presented in Table 2–7 and are discussed more fully in Chapter 15,
“Diagnostic Obstacles (Resistances).”
Physical Contact
No rigid rules exist regarding physical contact with young children. Each
clinical situation requires consideration of the child’s developmental level,
but the clinician may wish to keep some key points in mind when making
decisions regarding appropriate physical contact. In general, the examiner
should exercise restraint in initiating physical contact with a child except when
the child is a toddler or a preschooler in need of guidance toward the office.
Such guidance is achieved by holding the child’s hand or making ongoing con
tact with the child’s shoulder in a comforting and reassuring manner. The ex
aminer may respond to any physical contact related to social courtesies (e.g.,
handshaking). The examiner needs to be sensitive to cultural norms. Reject
ing the family’s cultural norms may be interpreted as a sign of rejection and
rudeness. A family from Mexico City came to the author’s office to request an
evaluation for their youngest child, a 9-year-old preadolescent boy who had
neurodevelopmental problems. On the day of the appointment, as soon as
the examiner came in to the waiting area, the mother advanced toward the
examiner and kissed him on the cheek. Following this, the mother ordered
her two daughters, a 13-year-old and a 15-year-old to greet the doctor. The ad
Table 2–7. Strategies used in the psychiatric examination of

adolescents
1. Clarify the examiner’s role as a stranger. When the examiner detects an
immediate distrust, he or she should respond with the ready acceptance of
the distrust, pointing out to the patient that the examiner is a stranger and
that the patient has no reason to trust the examiner.
2. Analyze the situation to the patient. When the examiner finds himself
herself in trouble with a patient, the examiner should analyze the situation to
the patient and enlist the patient’s assistance. Often the patient revels
information that can be helpful.
3. Seek opportunities to empathize with the patient. The examiner should
demonstrate as quickly as possible his or her powers as a therapist—the
power to see things from the patient’s point of view—and the power to
understand what is going on in the patient.
4. Offer immediate help to the patient. Each adolescent who comes to the
office unwillingly is faced with the evidence of his or her own helplessness.
The examiner offers power in the form of knowledge, and offers help, if
appropriate, by intervening on the patient’s situation.
5. Reverse role with the patient. The examiner asks the patient to take the
examiner’s role, while the examiner takes the patient’s role. Acting as the
adolescent, the examiner presents his or her concerns and seeks help from
the adolescent (see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques”).
6. Support adaptive behavior. The examiner validates, praises, and promotes
normative and adaptive behavior.
olescents readily came in and kissed the physician on the cheek. The greeting
occurred in the presence of their consenting father. Although this manner of
greeting is certainly not condoned in the United States, the examiner needs
to be open to cultural differences in manners of greeting; he or she is right to
respect differences in social/cultural norms.
With older adolescents, the examiner may initiate handshaking upon greet
ing the patient. Younger children sometimes initiate affectionate contact
and may seek comfort by bodily proximity or by holding the examiner’s hand.
Children may want to show appreciation and make affectionate physical
contact. If the contact is genuine and appropriate, the clinician may indicate
that it is accepted and appreciated. However, the examiner should remind the
child that he or she can express emotions with words and that words of appre
ciation are as good as hugs or other physical expressions of affection. Spon
taneous embracing to express gratitude or to say good-bye is uncommon in
children who are loved and well cared for. For small children in need of re
assurance and support, a tap on the shoulder or a delicate tapping on the
head may be sufficient. Table 2–8 lists principles of physical contact with
children.
With children older than mid-latency age, the examiner should exercise
clinical judgment as to when it is appropriate to receive or accept physical con
tact, when it should be avoided, and when limits need to be imposed. Caution
should be exercised when the examiner and the patient are of the opposite
sex and when allegations of sexual abuse have been made; in such a case, no
matter how young the child, physical contact should be discouraged, if not
avoided.
When the child is female and a male examiner detects promiscuous relat
ing or inappropriate sexualization, he needs to exercise caution and set lim
its on boundary violations. The examiner should be particularly alert to any
kind of physical contact with an overtly seductive female child or adolescent.
The same caution applies to situations in which the examiner is female and
the patient is male. Examiners of either gender may also be the focus of homo
sexual behavior by children or adolescents who have been abused or by pa
tients who are struggling with consolidation of their sexual identities.
With children who have not been sexually abused, an examiner may oc
casionally want to convey affirmation, approval, or reassurance by a gentle
touch or when the doctor and patient converge in emotional rapport. In this
case, sensitive contact could be appropriate and developmentally fitting.
Physical contact is obligatory in some situations. For example, the examiner
must hold a small child who is beginning to harm himself or herself or to dis
play aggressive behavior toward the examiner; a firm hold may be necessary
in these circumstances. The examiner should emphasize that the child will
not be allowed to harm himself or herself or hurt the doctor. If the patient is
an adolescent who gets out of control, the examiner should warn the patient
that if the aggressive or intimidating behavior persists, the evaluation will be
terminated immediately. If the patient persists, the examination should end at
once. If the adolescent gives signs of being on the verge of losing control and
asks to leave, the examiner should give this opportunity without objections
by asking, “Do you need time to chill out?” or “Would you like time to get a
hold of yourself?” and letting the patient leave. The examiner should inform
the parents that the adolescent has left the evaluation in a state of dyscontrol.
The examiner should establish procedures to follow in the event that he or
she is at risk or in danger. The examiner must take precautionary actions if a
patient is out of control and is at risk of self-harm or of harming others.
Physician contact with preadolescent and adolescent patients during the
physical and neurological examination merits special comment. Contact is
obligatory during this process. Some child and adolescent psychiatrists del
Table 2–8. Principles of physical contact

Tenderness is the legitimate foundation for contact with the child.
The examiner should be judicious when contemplating physical contact.
In general, it is better to respond to than to initiate physical contact.
Physical contact is more appropriate and fitting with preadolescents than with
adolescents.
Preschoolers and early preadolescents often seek physical contact.
Physical contacts are legitimate and fitting when related to affirmation or praise
for achievements or good deeds (e.g., the child passed a test, gained an award,
or is celebrating a birthday).
Supportive contact is indicated when the child is emoting pain or sadness or when
the child breaks down under the influence of strong emotions or traumatic
memories.
Caution is needed when responding to or initiating contact with abused
children.
Physically abused children rarely seek or accept physical contact.
Neglected children are promiscuous in the search for body contact. The examiner
should enforce body boundaries and provide consistent limit setting.
The examiner should beware of physical contact with sexually abused
children; these children either are apprehensive about retraumatization
and misperceive body contact or may attempt to recreate a sexual abuse
experience.
The examiner needs to respect social manners and be attuned to cultural
norms.
egate all aspects of physical examination and medical care to pediatrician

colleagues or other physicians, but multiple reasons exist for the evaluating
and treating psychiatrist to conduct the physical examination.
The observations gathered during the physical and neurological exami
nation are invaluable for achieving a comprehensive and integrative view of
the patient. Findings frequently shed light on the diagnosis (e.g., evidence of
a neurocutaneous disorder), aid in the examiner’s understanding of the prob
lem’s etiology (e.g., evidence of self-inflicted injuries), or demonstrate the ex
tent of a given identified problem (e.g., marked gynecomastia in an adolescent
who has doubts about his sexual identity). In other cases, the physical exam
ination redirects the process of assessment and treatment (e.g., when the
physician observes ample evidence of physical abuse or drug addiction, even
though the patient has denied such abuse or addiction throughout the inter
view). The examiner should explore methodically the history of every traumatic
or surgical scar. These are only a few examples of the usefulness of conducting
the physical examination during a comprehensive psychiatric examination.
Neurological examination findings are equally valuable in patients with neu
ropsychiatric disorders.
The benefits of having the evaluating psychiatrist perform both the phys
ical examination and the psychiatric examination far outweigh the risks (see
Table 2–8). This is in agreement with Towbin’s (2015) assertion that “[t]he
physical examination in child psychiatry is part of the doctor’s relationship
with the patient, the patient’s family, and in many cases, other health providers
in the patient’s life” (p. 449). Some basic precautions minimize the potential
negative risks. “The physician must also be aware of and protect the patient’s
modesty and anxiety (Towbin 2015, p. 452). The physician should always
conduct the examination in the presence of a nurse, or better yet, in the pres
ence of one of the patient’s parents. When evaluating female adolescents, the
examiner should always invite the mother to be present during the examina
tion. The physician should always tell the patient what is about to happen dur
ing the examination (e.g., “Now I’m going to examine your ears and your eyes,”
“Now I’m going to examine your belly”). The physician should remember that
boys with a background of sexual abuse are as anxious about the physical ex
amination as are girls with the same history. Some patients may object ada
mantly to a physical examination. Except in cases of medical emergency, a
patient’s refusal should be respected, and the examination should be deferred
to the child’s pediatrician or family doctor.
Special sensitivity needs to be demonstrated when examining the female
thorax: that is, when listening to heart sounds and when exploring the hy
pogastric and inguinal areas. Pelvic examination, when indicated, should be
referred to a gynecologist. If the examiner is a male and a female patient asks
for a female physician to conduct the physical examination, this request must
be granted.
In our experience, after thousands of physical examinations on preado
lescents and adolescents, on only two occasions have patients misperceived
the physical examination experience. In one case, a 12-year-old early adoles
cent girl with schizophrenia said, “I know you have the ‘hots’ for me. I know
that because of the way you touched my breasts.” Reality testing addressed
her misperceptions. In the other case, a 9-year-old overanxious girl felt very
anxious during the physical examination and complained about it afterward.
For most female patients and for children in general, the physical examination
is an uneventful experience with no detrimental psychological consequences.
These indispensable procedures pose no significant risk in the building of a
therapeutic patient-doctor alliance.
Activity, Structuring, and Support

During the Psychiatric Examination
The examiner strives to create the optimal level of activity—that is, prompting
and questioning—needed to elicit from the patient and the family information
relevant to the diagnostic assessment. Excessive prompting tends to stifle the
patient’s spontaneity and may render the interview mechanical and emo
tionally sterile. When the interview has been too structured, the patient or the
family may leave the office feeling dissatisfied, intruded upon, or even baf
fled, and with the sense that they could have said more if they had been given
the opportunity. In contrast, in unstructured interviews, the data may be par
tial, incomplete, or irrelevant to the diagnostic goals if the patient is not given
enough guidance and structure. The goal is to achieve a balance between ac
tivity and passivity (see subsection “Modalities of the Psychiatric Examination”
earlier in this chapter).
Structuring is the process by which the examiner establishes conditions,
contingencies, or limits during the psychiatric examination; these measures
are necessary to ensure the integrity of the interviewing process, the integrity
of the interviewing environment, and the safety of the child, the family, and the
examiner. Simply, the examiner sets the structure to contain the child’s or
the family’s acting out.
Structuring entails the control of a number of variables during the interview.
The examiner has control of factors such as the interview space (e.g., limiting
the child’s actions or movements to a restricted area), the type of play and the
toys used, the nature of the probing (e.g., using open-ended questioning or
structured interviewing), and the degree and quality of nonverbal behavior
(e.g., physical contact with the examiner). With verbal children, the examiner
may direct the content and the process of the communication. Active struc
turing and limit setting are needed with hyperactive, impulsive, aggressive,
self-abusive, seductive, or disorganized children.
The quality and degree of structure needed varies in each interview, de
pending on the child’s developmental level, quality and intensity of psychopa
thology, dystonicity of symptoms, willingness to participate in the interview,
and interest in working on his or her problems. Without appropriate structur
ing, a safe, effective, and productive interview cannot be achieved.
The examiner must convey to the child and family that the interview will
be conducted in a safe atmosphere in which all verbalizations will be permit
ted and encouraged. Any personal or physical aggression will not be toler
ated. The child needs to know that if he or she loses control, the examiner will
help the child to regain it. If the child expresses aggression or self-abusive
behaviors, the examiner will note the context in which these behaviors orig
inated. The examiner’s priority is to help the child regain control and to return
the interview to its exploratory mode. The examiner must actively monitor
safety conditions throughout the psychiatric examination.
The child needs to be supported or confronted as needed. There is no con
tradiction if the examiner is supportive and empathic during some parts of the
interview, yet challenging and confrontational during other parts. The examiner
should demonstrate empathy toward the child’s emotional pain and circum
stances but must confront the child’s maladaptive behaviors. The examiner
should help the patient assert self-control when an impulsive action is about
to be carried out and should appeal to the child’s adaptive functioning when
the child entertains any impulsive or destructive action.
Balancing empathy and confrontation is an important skill for dealing with
children and adolescents. For children with certain clinical presentations
(e.g., acting-out behaviors, externalizing disorders), sensitive confrontations
are always required (see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques”); in
contrast, for children with internalizing disorders (e.g., anxiety, depression),
empathic interventions are the most helpful and productive.
The child psychiatrist will likely be asked to evaluate potentially danger
ous adolescents. In these cases, the examiner needs to be alert to identifying
(and anticipating) moments of potential danger during the examination. Limit
setting needs to be enforced when the patient displays inappropriate famil
iarity with the examiner or when the patient behaves in a physically or sex
ually inappropriate manner toward the examiner.
Carrying the Psychiatric Examination

In a psychiatric examination, the concept of carrying relates to the process
of assisting a patient to enhance verbal communication and to maintain a
smooth verbalization flow throughout the interview. Carrying requires a num
ber of therapeutic skills—including engagement, appropriate management
of silences, and use of humor—and a good balance of exploratory and sup
portive approaches. This active assistance is of particular importance when
interviewing patients who are developmentally arrested, resistant, or neuro
psychologically impaired.
When the patient has cognitive or neuropsychological limitations, major
challenges for the examiner include aiding the patient in the initiation of
verbalization, helping the patient with a sensitive management of silences,
and prompting the patient to be introspective. The more impaired a child is,
the greater the need for communication assistance and the greater the ex
aminer’s responsibility to actively assist the child via the function of carrying
the interview.
In general, small children do not tolerate silence; the tension created by
silence is too much for them to bear. Prolonged silence is intimidating and
erodes the engagement effort because the child may interpret silence as with
holding or an expression of aggression on the part of the psychiatrist. For

very small children, silences should last no longer than 10 seconds; for early
preadolescents, no more than 15 seconds; and for adolescents, no more than
20–25 seconds. If the patient becomes silent following a question, the exam
iner needs to break the silence and move onto something else.
Enactments During the Psychiatric Examination

Enactments are nonverbal dramatizations of internal emotional conflicts that
may occur when the patient is either unaware of the problems or has diffi
culties communicating them in verbal language. Enactments represent con
flictive dramatizations that need assistance for verbal representation. The
examiner needs to transform nonverbal communication (e.g., gestures, ac
tions, motor displays) into an explicitly verbalized problem. The following
are some case examples:
Members of a gang had raped a 12-year-old Hispanic female. When interviewed

2 years later, the girl was sitting by a metallic table that had multiple holes.
As she discussed the rape, she stuck her fingers in and out of the holes in an
obvious copulatory gesture. This adolescent felt terrible about herself and
had attempted to kill herself a number of times because she felt like “dam
aged goods” after the rape. The girl exhibited active symptoms of posttrau
matic stress disorder. The enactment indicated how active and disorganizing
the gang rape incident still was for her.
A 14-year-old Caucasian male with a history of neuropsychological deficits,

low intellectual functioning, and significant language difficulties was seen in
consultation for persistent regressive behavior and enuresis. The examiner
had been informed that the child seemed to enjoy urinating on himself. Dur
ing the interview, the boy repeatedly twisted and compulsively tightened the
edge of his shirt around his fingers. This behavior appeared to be an enact
ment of the child’s effort and conflict surrounding his enuresis.
A 13-year-old Asian American male with a history of bipolar disorder was

evaluated for depressive features after the manic state began to recede. When
the patient was actively manic, he was busy all day long, lifting weights with
out feeling tired or experiencing muscle pain. He had an inordinate amount
of energy. At the time of the interview, while talking about how much better he
was feeling, he began to display his muscles and began contracting his biceps
in both arms, touching the bulk of each bicep in a clearly exhibitionistic man
ner. The examiner reminded the patient about the feelings he had while in the
manic state and pointed out to him that he might be missing the abundant
energy he had before. This helped the patient understand some of his depres
sive feelings.
A 13-year-old Caucasian male with a history of marked impulsivity and overt

manic features was evaluated for issues regarding sexual identity: he had
conspicuous gynecomastia and clearly effeminate traits. During the assess
ment, the boy placed his hands under his sweatshirt and formed with his fists
two prominences on his upper chest, simulating female breasts. When the
examiner asked, “What are you doing?” the boy responded, “Mountains.” The
examiner understood the patient was enacting, in a seductive and histrionic
fashion, his concerns about his sexual identity in general and his gynecomas
tia (i.e., the “mountains”) in particular.
Qualities of the Diagnostic Interview

During the diagnostic interview, the examiner’s goal is to achieve the best qual
ity interview possible. The important qualities of the interview are described
in more detail below and are summarized in Table 2–9.
Sensitivity
Sensitivity relates to the examiner’s ability to empathize with the child (and
family) and to adjust his or her approach to the child’s developmental level, to
the family’s circumstances, and to the nature of the presenting problem. Sen
sitivity also implies that the examiner is attentive to the child’s level of anxiety
and attempts to carry out the evaluation process with the least amount of
stress possible. An optimal level of engagement and empathic attunement to
the child’s emotions and anxiety level are good markers of sensitivity.
Fluidity
The examiner strives to maintain a natural and smooth flow of the child’s ver
bal and nonverbal communication. A sense of fluidity and cohesion is cre
ated when the examiner facilitates smooth transitions from one topic to the
next and closely follows the thread of the child’s communications and emo
tional expressions.
Depth
The examiner seeks to clarify and explore the main issues at hand, including
their ramifications and meanings, before moving on to other areas. He or
she gives special attention to the child’s verbal and nonverbal manifestations
of affect. Every time an emotional abreaction occurs, the examiner asks the
child to verbalize what made him or her feel in that particular way. In the same
vein, when the child narrates events that by their nature are filled with emo
tion and the child does not display the corresponding affect, the examiner
queries the child regarding the reason for the discrepancy. In the latter case,
the examiner attempts to draw out the child’s suppressed emotions and to
give the child an understanding of the abreacted emotional states. The inter
view gains a sense of depth when the examiner connects the child’s affects with
ongoing events at home or school, or with concerns regarding the child’s pre
senting problem.
Table 2–9. Qualities of the diagnostic interview

Sensitivity Comprehensiveness
Fluidity Meaningfulness
Depth Versatility
Coherence Efficiency
Specificity
Source. Reprinted from Cepeda 2010, p. 53.
Coherence
As the examiner strives to connect and to integrate the information gathered
during the interview, he or she gives to the process a sense of connection or
coherence. Inexperienced examiners often give the interview process a quality
of discontinuity or fragmentation. An observer is left with the impression that
the communication is unclear or disjointed, that certain areas were inade
quately explored, or that certain topics were missed altogether. When coher
ence is not achieved, the patient feels irritated and misunderstood.
Specificity
Specificity of the psychiatric interview refers to the examiner’s understanding
and identification of the presenting complaints and clarification of the con
text in which the symptoms appear. A complementary idea is the concept of
functional assessment. Because psychopathology and problems of adaptation
go hand in hand, the examiner needs to clarify how psychopathology interferes
with the patient’s adaptive capacity.
Comprehensiveness
The examiner strives to be thorough. Comprehensiveness is achieved by ex
ploring all the possible ramifications of a given problem in the context of the
child’s developmental history and current family and school circumstances
(i.e., other relevant medical or psychiatric history).
Meaningfulness
The interview should make overall integrative sense to achieve meaningful
ness. By following through with a topic until full understanding is achieved,
the examiner gains depth and breadth of meaning.
Versatility
Versatility relates to the examiner’s skill in meeting and engaging diverse
presentations of child and family dysfunctions. The diagnostic interview needs
to be tailored to each child’s and family’s needs. To build a bridge of trust and
to create an atmosphere of understanding, the examiner needs to address the
specific issues related to the child and family’s presenting problem. A mo
notonous or ritualistic survey of symptoms will not fulfill this need.
Efficiency
The examiner needs to keep up a diligent pace in the process of diagnostic data
gathering. He or she must be efficient with time. To achieve efficiency, the
examiner needs to have a flexible but clear plan in mind. The goals of the in
terview need to be pursued, even in the presence of intrinsic or extrinsic
pressures. The experienced examiner knows how to differentiate the essential
from the unimportant. He or she learns to obtain the fundamental data in the
least possible time and to use the obstacles discovered in data gathering as
vehicles to increase his or her understanding of the child and the child’s cir
cumstances. An efficient and experienced examiner is able to complete a com
prehensive assessment of a child and family in 1.5–2 hours. Although a solid
diagnostic interview may be accomplished in one sitting, circumstances may
dictate additional diagnostic sessions. We agree with Strakowski (2016, p. 1),
who observes, “Some psychiatrists feel the need to nail down a diagnosis after
a single session, which is often unrealistic, especially with bipolar disorder.”
The same may be said in evaluating multiple complex psychiatric conditions
in children and adolescents.
Validity of the Psychiatric Examination

Establishing validity of the psychiatric diagnoses based on diagnostic inter
views is frequently problematic because no gold standard exists with which
to compare the findings (Grills-Taquechel and Ollendick 2008). For issues
related to the concept of validity, see Note 2 at the end of this chapter.
Key Points
• Issues related to engaging and treatment alliance are em
phasized and centrality is given to the exploration of the pre
senting problem.
• There are questions and ways of questioning that foster the
interviewing process, There are others that do not.
• Developmental sensitivity facilitates the technical aspects
of the interview along the life arc from infancy to young
adulthood.
Notes
1. Unstructured interviews give full discretion to the interviewer as to what,
when, and how to ask questions, and how to record them. Semistructured
interviews also allow leeway to the interviewer regarding the order in
which questions are asked. The emphasis is on obtaining consistent and
reliable information. Extensive training is required to ensure that clinical
discretion is used judiciously. Highly structured interviews are more re
strictive in the amount of freedom allotted to the interviewer, and all re
sponses need to be recorded in a prespecified format. Clinical judgments
are reduced, and no extensive training is required for their administration.
Structured interviews are commonly administered by laypersons. The ri
gidity of these interviews renders them impersonal because the format
hinders the creation of rapport. These protocols also interfere with reli
ability and validity by not giving the interviewee an opportunity to report
all difficulties or to explore them in depth (Grills-Taquechel and Ollendick
2008). Examples of highly structured interviews include the Diagnostic
Interview for Children and Adolescents (DICA) and the Diagnostic Inter
view Schedule for Children (DISC-IV). Examples of semistructured in
terviews include the Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia
for School-Aged Children (K-SADS), the Child Assessment Schedule (CAS),
and the Interview Schedule for Children (ISC; Costello 1996, pp. 460–463).
The Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule for DSM-IV: Child and Parent
Versions (ADIS-IV-CP) have been used frequently in youth anxiety dis
orders research. It covers all the anxiety disorders included in DSM-IV
(American Psychiatric Association 1994), as well as most of the prevalent
disorders of childhood (Grills-Taquechel and Ollendick 2008, p. 465).
Comprehensive diagnostic instruments vary in the degree of training re
quired to administer them and in their degree of reliability, sensitivity,
and specificity for certain diagnoses. In clinical practice, the distinction
between structured and unstructured interviews is blurred. For example,
relatively inexperienced clinicians have administered semistructured
instruments “in a highly structured fashion, with little variation from the
suggested wording...and experienced clinicians have varied the wording of
highly structured interviews without apparently changing the perfor
mance of the interview” (Costello 1996, p. 463). Lay examiners have also
been able to make judgments about answers that rival the judgments made
by clinicians (Costello 1996). The K-SADS-P IV, -E, and -PL are the most
comprehensive in diagnostic categories when compared with the ADIS-
IV-CP, DISC-IV, and DICA. The ranking from the most to the least com
prehensive is K-SADS-P IV, -E, and -PL, DISC-IV, DICA, ADIS-IV (Grills-
Taquechel and Ollendick 2008, p. 467). On the overall importance and
relevance of structured interviews, Angold (1994) commented, “Though

structured interview techniques have many advantages, they will aid the
clinical processes only when used skillfully and sensitively” (p. 54). Fisher,
Chin, and Vidair (2015, pp. 419–435) review a variety of batteries and in
terview protocols, including specific measures for a number of diagnoses,
and broad-based schedules aiming to determine psychopathology in
many behavioral and emotional fields. The authors discuss indications and
recommend particular protocols for certain conditions depending on
age range.
2. A number of difficulties linger around the validity and reliability of diag
nostic interviews: 1) One of the most consistent difficulties involves the
use of parent-child diagnostic interviews, because the findings are com
monly discordant. In general, symptoms and diagnostic agreements within
and across multiple informants are usually poor. 2) The sequence of dis
order presentation in the interviews affects the informants’ reports. 3) The
emotional state of the informants affects the quality of the responses. 4) The
degree of structure affects validity and reliability. 5) The child’s cognitive
capacities affect validity and reliability. Some experts propose that children
should be at least age 10 years to respond to highly structured instruments
such as the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children—Revised (DISC-
R). 6) Motives can affect responses. Individuals may deliberately overre
port or underreport to get access to services, or children may suppress or
deny problems. 7) The validity and reliability vary depending on the nature
of the disorder or disorders that are being investigated. 8) Parental psy
chopathology may affect the nature of the reporting (Grills-Taquechel
and Ollendick 2008).
Validity refers to how well a test measures what it is supposed to mea
sure. Content validity refers to the degree to which questions (e.g., in an
interview) explore all aspects of the domain under study (e.g., a specific
disorder). Criterion-related validity relates to the degree to which a mea
sure predicts an outcome on another measure such as adjustment; it is
considered concurrent when the measures are obtained at the same time
and predictive when one measure is obtained prior to the other. Construct
validity measures how effectively the information obtained from the in
terview agrees with the theoretical construct being investigated (conver
gent validity). Divergent validity relates to nonsignificant associations
with measures determined to measure theoretically diverse constructs
(Grills-Taquechel and Ollendick 2008).
CHAPTER 3
Special Interviewing
Techniques
This chapter addresses situations or circumstances during the psychiatric

evaluation that require specific handling. A variety of diagnostic approaches
can be used to circumstances in which standard protocols are ineffective
and special knowledge and skills are required. Effective use of a variety of
nonstandard diagnostic techniques expands the diagnostic and engagement
“toolbox.” When standard techniques fail to achieve the goals of obtaining
useful clinical data and secure an engagement, the examiner needs to try al
ternative means to reach these goals. In this chapter we present techniques
that may be used when common approaches are unfruitful.
Gathering Collateral Information

Examiners always gather collateral information from a child’s significant oth
ers: parents, siblings, grandparents or other relatives. There are times when
the examiner seeks information about a child from teachers, school counsel
ors, and other school liaison personnel; probation officers or judicial repre
sentatives; and consultant physicians, therapists, alcohol/drug counselors,
and the like. A child’s friends are worth considering as sources when the pre
senting problem relates to suicide, homicide, or terroristic activities. Friends
often know far more about what the child under examination is thinking or
contemplating than anybody else.
53
Limit Setting During the Psychiatric

Examination
Novice examiners have significant difficulty maintaining a safe and unencum
bered diagnostic environment. Impulsive children frequently violate space
or personal boundaries, and children may become destructive or aggressive
during the diagnostic examination, posing a risk to the safety of the diagnos
tic process. In these circumstances, the examiner needs to convey unambig
uously that these behaviors must stop.
The examiner needs to convey that he or she is in charge of the psychiatric
examination process at all times. Inexperienced examiners fear that setting
limits during the diagnostic interview will make the child less cooperative or
that setting limits will decrease the chances for building a diagnostic and ther
apeutic alliance; this is a groundless concern. Rather than decreasing trust in
the examiner, appropriate and opportune limit setting gives patients a sense
of security. Children and adolescents with impulse-control difficulties hope
to find someone who will help them to have a secure hold off themselves.
Appropriate structuring and timely limit setting are fundamental require
ments in any diagnostic interview. Failure to assert limits and to delineate
boundaries poses risks for the patient and the examiner and may imperil the
entire diagnostic enterprise. The therapeutic alliance may be jeopardized if
the patient perceives the examiner as not capable of establishing or main
taining a sense of safety during the examination. The following case example
illustrates inadequate management of risk and boundary problems during a
diagnostic interview:
Case Example 1
During the live patient interview portion of a mock oral board examination,
a first-year fellow in child and adolescent psychiatry encountered a 13-year
old Caucasian female who displayed marked hyperactivity, impulsivity, and
immaturity from the beginning of the interview. The adolescent started off
by making fun of the fellow’s name. She also began to smile inappropriately,
fidgeted a great deal, and stared at one of the ceiling corners. The fellow kept
busy writing down the child’s answers to his questions missing important
nonverbal behaviors.
The child kept squirming and tilting her chair backward. At one point,
she got up, picked up a long stick that was leaning against the wall in a corner
of the room, and began to swing it from side to side. The stick made contact
progressively with a piece of furniture, the child’s chin, and the fellow’s boots,
legs, and knees. Finally, the child pointed the stick at the fellow’s tie, directly
at his neck, in a teasing, provocative, and dangerous manner. In a bland
and unconvincing fashion, the fellow said to the child that what she was
doing was dangerous; however, he hesitated in asking her to put down the
stick.
Special Interviewing Techniques 55
In the preceding case example, the hazardous development was predictable

once this impulsive child picked up the stick. An experienced clinician would
have anticipated the child’s impulsivity, immaturity and escalating and inap
propriate social behaviors and her potential for aggressive behaviors. The
most appropriate and timely intervention would have been to ask the child to
put down the stick as soon as she picked it up from the corner.
Many examiners have had experience with children who bring to the inter
view knives, lighters, and other potentially dangerous items. In one way or an
other, these children make the examiners aware of the presence of these items.
These children sometimes display and use these weapons in a clearly provoc
ative and dangerous manner. The examiner must indicate in an unambiguous
and convincing voice and demeanor that the threatening and dangerous be
havior needs to end at once. If necessary the examiner needs to call extra help
to ensure the safety of the patient, the interviewer, and the diagnostic envi
ronment. (Issues regarding limit setting in a preschooler are discussed in the
next section.)
Physical Holding During the

Diagnostic Assessment
The examiner needs to hone in on different areas of family and parental
functioning as well as different developmental acquisitions when assessing
a preschool child. The examiner will attempt to determine the quality of the
child’s attachment to the parental figure and at the same time ascertain the
degree of parental figure’s emotional investment in the child. Does the ex
aminer see evidence of the child’s exploratory behavior in an unfamiliar en
vironment? Does the child show evidence of separation anxiety? Does the
child show behavior organization (see Chapter 8, “Documenting the Exam
ination,”)? Does the examiner observe the parent demonstrating a positive
regard toward the child? Is the parent attuned to the child’s biological, emo
tional and security needs? Does the parent attend to the child’s safety and to
his or her impulsivity? Does the parent display a capacity for sensitive and
effective limit setting? Does the parent allow the child to do whatever he or
she wants? Does the parental support the child’s efforts at self-soothing, be
havioral organization, or self-regulation?
Issues with continuity of upbringing need to be explored. “Have you taken
care of your child all the time?” “Who else has been involved in the rearing
of your child?” “Have you ever been separated from your child?” What were
the circumstances?” “Who took care of the child while you were away?” “Has
the child ever been placed outside of the family?” The examiner needs to in
quire if Child Protective Services (CPS) has ever been involved with the family.
If so, what was the reason? Here is an example of an evaluation of and inter
vention for a 4-year-old boy.
Case Example 2
Rudd, a 4-year-old Caucasian male, was brought to the consulting psychia
trist for severe hyperactivity and impulsivity, low frustration tolerance, and
aggressive outbursts. When he became angry, he threw things, such as toys, and
overturned chairs and so forth. He had a history of significant developmental
speech defects but was not receiving speech therapy at the time of the eval
uation. Rudd would not listen to his mother and frequently became aggres
sive toward her and his 7-year-old sister. He did not seem to respond to time
outs, either. Rudd had no prior psychiatric treatments but had a history of de
velopmental delays and a history of asthma and of a right polycystic kidney.
The biological mother was a 25-year-old, single parent who had four chil
dren from four different fathers. Her first child had died at 3 months, and the
third child had been given away for adoption at birth. Mother was totally on
her own: she had no extended family support (she received no support what
soever from her own mother) and had no friends; she was not receiving child
support payments, but her two children were receiving SSI [Supplemental Se
curity Income]. Rudd’s biological father was not involved in his life.
When the examiner came to the waiting area, Rudd was throwing a tantrum;
mother was asking him to get up but he did not obey and persisted in his out
burst. I asked mother to proceed with me to the office [first intervention]. When
he saw that mother had gone beyond the reception door, he readily got up
and joined mom and his older sister. In the office, Rudd began to fuss, and
since he had no expressive functional speech, he started demanding by non
verbal means that he wanted this or that. Rudd did not show behavioral orga
nization and lacked capacities for self-soothing and self-regulation; cognitive
deficits were also likely. Rudd wanted to imitate or to do anything his sister
did. For example, if his sister began to draw, he also asked for a sheet of paper
and a pencil. Rudd did not utter any understandable verbalizations during the
evaluation. A number of times Rudd got into what his sister was doing, and
when his sister appropriately asserted herself, he started to whine; when his
sister did not give in, Rudd’s frustration escalated and he began to hit his sister,
threw things, and started a tantrum. Commonly, mother would observe her
children’s misbehavior but she did not do anything about it. When mother
acted, her interventions were weak and unconvincing. Her voice was soft and
did not carry any sense of authority. Mother’s demeanor did not carry instru
mental aggression or parental effectiveness. The examiner called mother’s
attention to the fact that Rudd was bothering his sister. Mother told the ex
aminer that telling Rudd to stop misbehaving did not work. Mother told
Rudd in a very bland and ambiguous manner to stop bothering his sister and
even told daughter to give in to Rudd’s demands.
Because Rudd did not get what he wanted, first, he hit his sister and then
he picked up a metallic toy car and threw it at his mother. Mother did not
respond to this incident either. When he attempted to throw a number of
books that lay on the examiner’s round table, the examiner picked Rudd firmly
up in his arms, lifted him over the table, and set him down in a corner near
the door [second intervention]. The examiner asked mother not to make any
eye contact with him [third intervention]. Rudd fussed and whined for about
3 minutes and then quieted down. Mother was amazed that Rudd had calmed
down. The examiner explained to mother that she needed to convey convic
tion and authority every time she told him to stop. Once the child was calm,
the examiner suggested to mother to make contact with the child and even
to provide some comforting body contact [fourth intervention]. The child re
mained in good self-control for the rest of the evaluation. At the end of the
interview, when the family was departing, Rudd came to the examiner and
embraced him [fifth intervention]!1
Confrontation as an Engagement
Technique
Confrontation is not the technical approach that first comes to mind during
a discussion of engagement. Using confrontation as an engagement tech
nique appears to be either counter-intuitive or at best paradoxical. However,
when sensitively used, confrontation is a very good and appropriate engag
ing technique.
Case Example 3
Casper, a 16½-year-old Caucasian male, was referred for an emergency psy
chiatric evaluation after he placed his head in a train track when he saw the
train coming. He pulled himself back from the tracks shortly before the train
passed, feeling a sense of shock that he had gone that far. Casper had also
tried to hang himself some days prior to the rail track incident. During the ini
tial assessment, the examiner learned that Casper had been feeling depressed
for more than 3 years and had received no psychiatric treatment. Casper did
endorse feeling anxious and preferred to be by himself. He reported that he
had problems getting up in the mornings and that he also had difficulties con
centrating; the latter difficulties went back to grammar school years. Casper
said that it was hard for him to be around other people and that it was even
harder to initiate conversations.
Regarding emotional issues, Casper stated that life was pointless, that life
was a bother, that he did not see any point in going on, and that things had a
predictable path: “You have to get up every morning, go to school...” He was
not doing well at school and had heard from teachers that there was no
chance he could go to college to become a psychologist (his professional am
bition) with the grades he was making. Casper was a junior in high school
and, previously, had participated in the Gifted and Talented program till the
9th grade; this was the time when he started feeling depressed and anxious
and when his grades began to drop. Casper disclosed to the examiner that he
had been feeling hopeless for a long time and that he had stopped caring.
There was no history of physical, emotional, or sexual abuse, no history of
alcohol/drug abuse, and no difficulties with the law. Casper was very defen
1See Chapter 4, “Family Assessment,” for further comments on this case.

sive during the initial interview, conducted in a hospital setting. He definitely

looked depressed and displayed a very constricted affect.
During the second diagnostic interview, he said that there was no reason
for him to be in the hospital and that his problems were not as serious as
those of other children in the acute care unit; he stated that he wanted to go
home. The examiner told him that in his many years of practice, he had never
heard of an adolescent attempting to kill himself by putting his head on the
train tracks! When Casper stated that he was not thinking about that any
more, the examiner reminded him that he had tried to hang himself some
days before. Casper remained silent for a short while but then told the exam
iner that when he was brought to the hospital, he had been expecting to be
seen by a therapist and had not thought of being put in the hospital.
On an early Monday morning, after his emergency admission on Sunday,
the day before, Casper had already called his mother to complain about the
facility and had demanded that his mother take him out. The examiner real
ized that significant separation anxiety was activating the patient’s anxieties
about being away from home. When the patient told the examiner that he was
going to ask his mother to come to pick him up from the hospital, the examiner
told Casper that he would not be released. He was also told that even though
he had stopped caring for himself, the examiner still cared about him and
that the examiner had professional responsibilities regarding Casper’s care
and his safety.
When the examiner asked Casper to tell him his three wishes, he rejected
the request; he said he never wished for anything. The examiner pressed on
this issue, Casper said he wished he could wish for everything he wanted.
The examiner rejected that wish and told him that he expected him to con
tinue in the task of creating three wishes. Casper then said that his first wish
was to go home. The examiner prompted him, “And the second?” He an
swered, “To finish high school.” The examiner was pleased with his second
wish. The examiner prompted him again, “And the third? He said, “To go to
college.” The examiner was also supportive of his third wish. After hearing this,
the examiner told Casper, “If I were you, I would have the following wishes:
the first, I wish I would feel better about myself; my second wish would be to
feel confident around people, and my third one would be to not feel de
pressed and anxious to the point that I want to kill myself.” The examiner asked
Casper, “What do you think of my wishes? He hesitatingly conveyed to the
examiner in a nonverbal manner that he liked them.
The examiner confronted the child’s suicidal behavior denials and his sense
of hopelessness. The examiner used the three wishes technique to confront
his hopelessness and to engage him; he also supported the child’s adaptive
and motivating wishes. Furthermore, the examiner used the three wishes to
open areas of exploration that the patient had been reluctant to discuss.
The following day, Casper was a bit more open with the examiner; when
the examiner asked him what he had been thinking, he said that he had been
thinking about the examiner’s wishes from the previous day; Casper told the
examiner that he was going to work on trying to feel better about himself,
and he apologized for having given the examiner such a hard time the day
before.
It is clear that in spite of the therapist’s firm and confronting stance toward
Casper’s dramatic suicidal behavior, hopelessness, and massive denials, the
therapeutic alliance was maintained.
The confrontations were successful in breaking some of “the ice” and the
denials and in prompting Casper to be more reflective and less defensive.
Chapter 15 (“Diagnostic Obstacles [Resistances]”) has many vignettes that il
lustrate the use of confrontation to overcome resistances during the evalua
tion process.
The Good and the Bad

If a sensitive confrontation does not break down defensiveness and denials,
the authors recommend the following intervention: the examiner asks the pa
tient to list what is good about the behavior in question (e.g., suicidal behav
ior, self-abusive behavior, anorexic/bulimic behavior, aggressive behavior).
The examiner assists the child in seeking reasons why he or she would want
to perpetuate this behavior. If the issues at hand were persistent suicidal be
havior, for instance, the examiner will encourage the child to find reasons to
continue acting self-destructively. Common reasons that are proposed are:
“This is my body and I can do with my body whatever I want,” “It makes me
feel better,” “I feel relieved; I get rid of my problems,” “I feel I have control over
myself,” “I stop feeling depressed,” “I get rid of my anger without hurting any
one,” “I will make my family or my girl friend suffer,” and so forth. The exam
iner strives to be exhaustive in this subject: “Are there any other reasons for
you to hurt or kill yourself?” There may be some factors that have been missed
and are worth noting.
After this, the examiner asks the patient to list all that is bad about killing
himself or herself (or the like), and strives again to be exhaustive in discussing
the bad things that could happen as a result of the patient taking his or her
own life, or the consequences of the patient’s persistence in his or her mal
adaptive behaviors. Thus the discussion could address how the parents and
sibling will suffer as a result of his death, how he or she will not be able to
reach his goals in life, how people will be shocked and in disbelief upon learn
ing of the patient’s actions, how he or she will be missed by friends and rela
tives, and how people will keep wondering what happened. What will people
think of his actions? Pertinent issues to ponder may be brought into the dis
cussion: impact on a romantic or broken relationship, feelings about after life
or God, and so forth. Equally, the examiner will attempt to be exhaustive in
this area. The contrasting of the ambivalent feelings about a particular behav
ior may open avenues to dissociative feelings or memories that may set the
child’s mind into alternative behavior and different ways of feeling and being.
Interviewing in Displacement
When interviewing preschoolers and early latency-age children, the exam
iner frequently encounters difficulties in exploring issues directly. When the
examiner senses that the child is too self-conscious or too guarded, he or she
may interview the child in displacement by addressing a fantasy character’s
issues rather than the patient’s issues. The following case illustrates this
point.
Case Example 4
Roland, a 9-year-old Caucasian male born with paralysis of the left side, was
evaluated for aggressive behavior at home and at school. He initially refused
to answer any questions regarding why he had been brought for a psychiatric
examination. Roland’s residual neurological sequelae were obvious: besides
the paralysis, he displayed conjugated gazing to the left and nystagmus with
rapid eye movements to the right. His voice was infantile and had an imma
ture and unmelodious quality.
Roland was disgruntled and unhappy, and during the individual assess
ment he asked for his mother. The examiner empathized with Roland’s distress
over being away from his mother. Because Roland refused to indicate why his
mother had brought him for the evaluation, and having announced that he
wanted to talk about dinosaurs, the examiner went along with that idea.
Roland started by saying, “The baby dinosaur is angry.” The examiner re
plied, “The baby dinosaur is angry at his mother.” Roland agreed and contin
ued, “The baby dinosaur is really mad and felt like hitting people.” The
examiner responded, “If the baby dinosaur loses control and hits people, he
is going to get in trouble.” The examiner added, “The baby dinosaur is angry,
in part, because he is not with his mother,” and she asked, “Are there other
reasons why the baby dinosaur is so angry? While this interaction continued,
Roland kept attempting to stretch the fingers of his paralyzed left hand with
his right hand. Roland was angry as he attempted to move his limp hand. The
examiner said, “It seemed that the baby dinosaur is angry at his mother be
cause he has problems with his left arm and left leg.” Roland responded, “I’m
very angry at my mother.” The child then began to bite himself, saying “It’s
better to bite myself than to bite my mother.”
The examiner addressed issues of Roland’s defective self-concept and his
feeling of rejection; he also suggested that Roland blamed his mother for the
problems he had with his left side. Roland acknowledged that he had problems
controlling his anger and that this was one of the reasons that he had been
brought for the psychiatric examination.
In the preceding case example, the child was resistant to discussing the
nature of his problems. Once the examiner followed the child’s lead and ap
proached his emotional problems in an indirect manner, using the mecha
nism of displacement, the examiner was able to move into a direct explora
tion of the patient’s painful subjective difficulties. In the next case example,
the child was very uncommunicative and resistant at first but became more
open after the displacement mechanisms were respected and utilized.
Case Example 5
Saul, a 7-year-old African American male, had been referred for a psychiatric
evaluation because of aggressive and unruly behaviors. There was also a ques
tion regarding the presence of psychotic behaviors because he displayed a se
ries of atypical behaviors at home and at school. He lived with his mother; a
sister, who was a couple of years his senior; and his maternal grandmother.
Saul had threatened to kill his sister, mother, and grandmother with a knife.
Saul’s parents had been divorced for over a year, and his father had broken off
all contact with the children. Saul and his sister missed their father a lot and
were very angry that their father did not seem to care about them anymore.
Saul reported seeing his grandfather, who had died 18 months earlier.
Also, the family had overheard Saul talking to himself (as though he were
talking to other people) when he was alone. Apparently he believed that peo
ple talked about him and that God was telling him to be good.
During the psychiatric examination, Saul was very unhappy. He appeared
downcast and was overtly angry and defiant. He displayed poor eye contact
and was uncooperative with the examiner. When the examiner asked him
questions, he refused to answer them. He demonstrated unhappiness after
each question, no matter how empathic the examiner tried to be. For instance,
the examiner commented on how sad it must be for Saul that his father didn’t
show any interest in calling him. Instead of being more forthcoming with his
communications, Saul became more defensive and less verbal.
Saul brought to the second diagnostic interview his school project on cat
erpillars. He began to talk about his project. The examiner picked up Saul’s
lead and followed the content and process of his narrative. Saul continued
discussing his project and demonstrated an interest in the caterpillar’s life.
The examiner asked Saul what the caterpillar’s family life was like. Saul ex
plained that the caterpillar lived with his mother and sister alone. The exam
iner asked what happened to the caterpillar’s father. Saul became sad and said
that the father had gone away and had not come back. The examiner com
mented that the caterpillar must be very sad because it could not see its fa
ther anymore. Saul began to cry. At this point, the examiner said, “It is very
hard for you not to see your father. You miss him a lot and you are very angry
that you can’t see him.” This interpretation brought the child’s concerns from
the displacement to the reality of his life.
In these and similar cases, the examiner’s comments and interpretations

through displacement build a bridge to the child’s emotional difficulties in
real life and to the feelings the child has in diverse areas of his life. Issues that
the child has refused to acknowledge directly are accepted via the comments
and interpretations made through displacement. Interviewing through dis
placement is developmentally appropriate for preadolescents because this
mechanism is prevalent among children in this age group.
Use of Role Reversal During a Child or

Adolescent Interview
Role reversal, by which the therapist becomes the person with problems, is
a useful diagnostic technique. First, the technique externalizes or displaces
the child’s problems onto the examiner. Second, the technique counterbal
ances the child’s sense of helplessness and makes him or her an expert. Third,
the technique explores the patient’s capacity for empathy and his or her prob
lem-solving skills, among others. The following case example illustrates the
effectiveness of reversing roles with the patient.
Case Example 6
Damian, a 16-year-old African American male, was brought by his mother
for a psychiatric evaluation because she felt she could no longer control him
and was concerned that he was getting into progressive trouble. Damian’s
parents had divorced 6 years earlier. The father kept custody of Damian and
his younger brother after the divorce, but the children regularly spent sum
mers with their mother. Both parents had remarried.
Damian’s father had sent him to live with his mother 4 months earlier.
Damian had very serious difficulties with his father, including physical fights
on four occasions. The father had called the police and placed both children
in shelter homes for a couple of weeks. Damian also had difficulties at school:
he was found with illegal substances on school grounds and was on probation.
The father was so angry and frustrated with Damian that he did not want any
thing to do with him.
Since being with his mother, Damian had displayed problems at home and
at school. He flunked the previous school year because of poor attendance
and had been truant from school on a regular basis. At home he was unruly,
defiant, and confrontational, and he sought isolation. Damian left home without
permission whenever he felt like doing so. He frequently sneaked out at night
and had stayed out all night a number of times. His mother had found spray
cans in his room and suspected that he was using other drugs. Damian ada
mantly denied that he was abusing illegal substances. He had obtained a very
well-paid summer job, but he was fired for unexplained absences.
The mental status examination revealed a very defensive and uncooper
ative adolescent who looked older than his stated age. He remained distant
and uninvolved for most of the examination. He said at the outset, “I am not
crazy. I am not hearing voices or seeing things.” He added, “I don’t need any
help. I want to go home.” He also said, “I want to go to Arizona,” where his
father lived. When the examiner asked Damian how he had felt when his fa
ther sent him to live with his mother, he became tearful. He said he had been
surprised, adding, “I couldn’t believe it.” Damian mentioned several times
that he missed his friends and indicated how unhappy he was living with his
mother. The examiner asked Damian about his parents’ divorce. He re
sponded, “My life has been wrecked ever since the divorce.” He felt that he
could be mean to his parents because of the pain and misery they had put
him through. Damian became even more tearful as he talked about how his
parents’ divorce had affected him.
When the examiner began to talk about options to handle Damian’s prob
lems, Damian became defensive again and asserted that he had no problems
and that he wanted to go home. Because he did not seem amenable to any
recommendations, the examiner opted to ask Damian for help. The exam
iner asked Damian to switch chairs with the examiner. After the chairs were
exchanged, the examiner said to Damian, “Now you are the doctor. What
would you do to help a child who is getting in trouble all the time? How would
you help a youngster who cannot get along with either parent and flunked the
previous year? How can you help a child who doesn’t like school?” Damian be
came reflective and then suggested that the child has to learn to get along
with his mother, has to stay at home, has to ask permission to leave, and so
on.
Although Damian had been negative about receiving any psychiatric ser
vices, he now agreed to come back for an extended evaluation.
Psychiatrist’s Role Enactment During the

Psychiatric Examination
Equally helpful is role enactment, in which the examiner impersonates an im
portant person in the child’s life, as illustrated in the following vignette.
Case Example 7
Richie, a 15-year-old Caucasian male, had undergone a heart transplant 1 year
prior to the psychiatric evaluation. Richie got into a conflict with his mother
because he broke a house rule, a curfew, and was given consequences; to re
taliate he told mother that he was going to stop the anti-rejecting medica
tions; actually he had stopped his medications all together for a number of
days before. He persisted in this medication refusal no matter how much his
mother and his immediate and extended family begged and pleaded with him
to start his medications again. When the transplant team heard of this devel
opment, they initiated a referral for a prompt psychiatric evaluation. Surgeons
and transplant team physicians made it very clear to the evaluating psychia
trist that if Richie did not start taking the anti-rejecting medications right away
he was going to die. Since the patient’s life on the line, he was hospitalized.
The psychiatrist attempted to understand the patient’s aggressive and
self-destructive behaviors without success; it appeared that any attempt to
bring up the issue of the medications intake gave Richie a renewed stimulus
to persist in his refusal. The psychiatrist opted for exploring who persons in
Richie’s life he did care about, and asked him, who was the most important
person in your life? Without hesitation Richie responded, “My youngest
brother!” The psychiatrist took advantage of that disclosure and pulled a
chair in front of Richie and told him that the psychiatrist was going to play
the role of his youngest brother. The psychiatrist sat close and in front of
Richie and in a pleading tone asked Richie, “Brother, why do you want to kill
yourself?” Richie’s response was dramatic. He was perplexed and bewildered.
He said he was going to start taking his medications. He went to the nurse to
request his medications, took them, and continued taking them during the
few days he remained in the hospital.
The point in this example is that the psychiatrist, respecting the patient’s au
tonomy, and without using patronizing or power manipulations, was able to
find a way to influence the patient to revert his lethal refusal course. The psy
chiatrist was able to find a meaningful point of leverage to influence the pa
tient’s refusal by mobilizing an area of emotional investment that had a
significant impact or connection with the symptom.
That the younger brother was extremely meaningful to Richie was indicated
by the fact this sibling was present in his immediate awareness but had been
dissociated from his self-destructive ideation; a positive connecting bond
was reestablished when the brother was represented to Richie’s awareness,
thus breaking down the dissociation. The technique reactivated a support
ive bonding (a positive introject) that had been dissociated or split off from
Richie’s awareness. To a certain extent, the technique produced a narcissis
tic repair.
Double Chair Technique

The double chair technique is used to externalize and confront the patient’s
presenting problems, to assess the patient’s internal conflict, and to determine
the degree of ambivalence the patient has about his or her symptoms. In the
example below, psychodramatic techniques are used to explore nonverbalized
feelings between the patient and his parents.
Case Example 8
Chen, a 17-year-old mixed-race Korean American male, was evaluated for
suicidal ideation with a plan to shoot himself or to run his car against a wall.
He had a long history of depression and had been thinking about suicide for
over a year. His academic performance had deteriorated, and he had become
progressively irritable, aggressive, and destructive; he had lost over 40 lbs.
during the previous 6 months. He was also unable to sleep or to stay asleep.
When Chen was asked what sort of thing he worried about, he said that he
worried about his parents’ health: his father had gotten a liver transplant,
and he did not know how many more years his father had to live, and his
mother had a bad case of rheumatoid arthritis.
The examiner started the examination with Chen by himself. The parents
were in their way to the examiner’s office. The examiner was in an advanced
stage of the individual interview with Chen when his parents arrived. When
the parents joined the examiner and their child, the examiner addressed fa
ther by saying: “I heard that you had a liver transplant.” He said he had non
alcohol cirrhosis of the liver and that he was also diabetic. Father, a 53-year
old Caucasian ex-military, said that the liver was doing fine; he had received
the liver about 18 months before the evaluation and that he felt very well.
The examiner addressed the Korean native mother by saying that he had
heard she had a bad case of arthritis. Mother, who had limited English skills,
was aided by her husband a great deal both in understanding what was being
communicated and in expressing herself. She spoke in broken English, say

ing that she had a problem with her joints and that she also had significant
pain.
The examiner placed a chair in front of Chen and asked father to sit there.
Then, he asked Chen to tell father how worried he was about his health. Chen
did so. Father said that he was feeling OK and that the transplant was doing
well. Father told his son not to worry. After this, the examiner asked mother
to switch chairs with father and told Chen to tell mother how worried he was
about her health. Chen did so. When mom was struggling to articulate in
English how she was doing, the examiner overheard Chen talking in a low
voice in what appeared to the examiner to be an Asian language. The exam
iner wondered if Chen was speaking Korean; Chen assented but clarified
that he was not fluent in it. Knowing that Chen could understand mother, he
told mother to speak to his son in Korean. She did so. While mother was
speaking in her native tongue, Chen demonstrated a great deal of deference
and respectful listening. Father and Chen stated that mother asked Chen not
to worry.
Father was asked to switch chairs again and to tell Chen what things he
worried about in regard to his son. Father became emotional and told Chen
that he worried about his depression, his poor performance at school, and
his progressive anger. Mother was asked to go back to the chair and to address
her worries. She stated that she expected him to grow to be a strong man to
marry and to have a family. Since the parents had not addressed the suicidal
behavior, the examiner put the father back on the chair and asked him to tell
Chen how he would feel if Chen were to kill himself. The father was over
come by emotion and asked to have the tissue box that was nearby the exam
iner. He said that if Chen were to kill himself, life would cease having any
meaning for him and that there would be no incentive for him to keep living.
Then, the examiner asked mother to take the chair. At this point, Chen objected
and said he did not want his mother to be subjected to more pain. Father told
Chen to let her speak, and after she sat down, the examiner encouraged her
to speak in Korean. Apparently the mother said that if Chen were to kill him
self, she would feel death inside and that she would go through a great deal
of pain. She also hinted that she might kill herself. She was visibly moved and
tearful. After this, the examiner asked Chen to respond to the parents’ worries.
He appreciated his parents’ love and concerns and felt sorry that he was caus
ing them pain. When the examiner wondered why he wanted to kill himself,
he stated that he wanted to kill himself “because I feel that nothing I do is
right and that everything I try turns out to be wrong.” Father became support
ive, telling Chen “that everybody makes mistakes and that we need to learn to
overcome obstacles and to learn from our mistakes.” The examiner told the
parents that it was possible that Chen had stopped sharing his worries with
them because of their serious health issues. Father understood and agreed
with that proposition and passed it on to mother.
Following that, the examiner asked Chen put his chair close to his parents.
He chose to put his chair in between his parents, and immediately mother and
son embraced for a long time, displaying affection and mutual concern. After
this emotional reunion, the examiner left.
This technique was successful because it reopened the channels of com

munications between parents and the adolescent. The child was able to voice
his worries, and the parents were able to express theirs. The examiner broke
the silence regarding Chen’s suicidal behavior and allowed mother to air her
feelings in her own language [a culturally sensitive intervention]; she was able
to voice her anxieties and worries about her son. The technique succeeded
in airing the child and the parents’ mutual concerns and ended in a positive
empathic and emotional “family reunion.”
In the following family session (3 days later), when the father was asked
what was his view of the previous session, he said that it had been very help
ful, that it put the family back together, and that there was a better understand
ing about what the family members were going through. The examiner picked
up on mother’s difficulties in expressing herself and in her probable sense of
isolation and loneliness. As it turned out, she did not have any friends and had
limited contacts with the local Korean community. In this session the exam
iner explored the family’s anxieties about Chen leaving home and going to
college. Father stated that he had been telling his wife, “You are holding on to
Chen too tightly and that it is time for her to let go.” The session further ex
plored what parents needed to do for Chen not to worry about them, and the
things Chen needed to do to avoid parents worrying about him.
Case Example 9
Natalie, a blond, blue-eyed 16½-year-old Mexican American female, was
brought for a psychiatric evaluation for persistent suicidal behavior, self
abusive behavior, and mood instability. Natalie had no prior psychiatric his
tory and had been in CPS custody for 7 years; she was removed from her
mother’s custody after it was found that her mother’s husband, the child’s
stepfather, had raped Natalie. She had a history of promiscuity since age 12,
including 6 months of prostitution, and an extensive history of polysub
stance abuse, including cocaine, speed (her favorite drug), crack, acid, meth,
and others. She had refused to attend school and was academically behind
3 years. Natalie had been arrested a couple of times for drug possession and
shoplifting.
Natalie was an attractive Anglo-looking adolescent who displayed con
spicuous inappropriate smiling. She stated that she smiled even when cut
ting and hurting herself; she pretended she was happy all the time. In spite
of this affective display she declared that she was suicidal and that she was
determined to kill herself. She said that life was pointless and that she would
kill herself any time and any way she could. She smiled when she said that.
Natalie revealed that she had flashbacks about the rape and that she thought
about the rape on a daily basis; she also had recurrent dreams about the rape.
She had strong homicidal ideation toward the stepfather. The examiner told
Natalie that her surname did not match her Caucasian features; to this Nat
alie replied that her mother was an American blond.
When the examiner asked details about the rape, Natalie became silent;
she said she could not say. The examiner wondered how many times it had
happened, and Natalie revealed that the stepfather had raped her from ages
5 to 10. The examiner wondered where her mother had been during all these
years; she said, “She was working.” The examiner attempted to extract more in
formation about the rape or about her mother response’s to the rape, but both
attempts were met with defensiveness and silence.
The examiner attempted to explore how mother responded to the raping;
Natalie said that both mother and maternal grandmother told her that she
was lying. She added she did not want to talk about it. When the examiner
asked Natalie who the most important person in her life was, she said, “My
younger sister.” The examiner proceeded, “And after your sister?” Natalie re
sponded, “My brother.” Examiner asked once more, “After your brother?”
“My mom,” she said.
Since Natalie was very ambivalent about her mother and the way she had
responded to the disclosure of the ongoing rape, the examiner used the dou
ble chair technique. The examiner placed “mother” in the empty chair and
told Natalie to tell mother that her stepfather had raped her for many years.
When Natalie took her mother’s place and attempted to articulate her mother’s
words, with hesitation she said, “I don’t believe you.” Natalie got upset. She
was asked to go back to her chair and to talk back to her mother. Natalie be
came downcast and struggled to proceed, but said she couldn’t do it. She was
given emotional support and was told, “It must have been very hard for you to
hear that neither your mom nor your grandma believed you.” Natalie was vis
ibly sad and upset; she became silent.
Since Natalie had felt unsupported by her own mother, Natalie was given
support regarding the abandonment, neglect, and rejection she experienced
from her real mom. Natalie was prompt to excuse and to forgive her mother
and was eagerly expecting to become 18 to have the freedom to reunite with
her. Natalie had unrealistic and idealized views of how thing were going to be
like when she had the chance to be with her mother again. Those unrealistic
fantasies were challenged systematically.
Nonverbal Techniques When Interviewing

Children and Adolescents
The child must be encouraged to express problems in his or her own words—
to verbalize psychological, family, and social problems in her own personal
way. According to Warren et al. (1996), “Understanding the child’s experience
is important for a comprehensive diagnosis and for designing treatment pro
grams” (p. 1331).
As an alternative to verbal exploration, the examiner occasionally needs
to use nonverbal techniques to access the child’s psychological world. The
value of nonverbal diagnostic techniques varies in relation to the effective
ness of each technique in drawing out relevant information from the child’s
internal world. Nonverbal techniques may enhance trust and communica
tion between the child and the examiner. The specific techniques used depend
on the interviewer’s style and the child’s developmental level. For example,
some interviewers prefer diagnostic activities in the microsphere (the circum
scribed therapeutic playing space of the office), whereas others prefer the
larger field of the macrosphere (including space outside the office, e.g., in the
playground). Some examiners select artistic media, whereas others prefer
sports-oriented activities. The best choice seems to be one that best stimu
lates the child’s skills or talents, that is most appealing to the child, that is
closest to the child’s favorite activities, or that is most appropriate to the child’s
developmental state. A developmental fit will be the most motivating to the
child.
Nonverbal techniques are productive when 1) new material is revealed,
2) the nonverbal productions complement prior verbalizations, or 3) the non
verbal productions add depth or new dimensions to the evaluation. Non
verbal techniques are particularly helpful when the child’s capacity to speak
is markedly inhibited (e.g., in elective mutism) or when the child is very anx
ious or very resistant to disclosing private feelings or a secret such as abuse;
in these circumstances pressing for verbal communication may be counter
productive.
Although verbal engagement is the most desirable technique, nonverbal
engagement becomes a stepping-stone in the process of building trust to de
velop a diagnostic and therapeutic alliance. The following case example il
lustrates this point.
Case Example 10
Pedro, a 5-year-old Hispanic male, was referred for a psychiatric evaluation
for aggressive behavior. He was also unruly and oppositional. He had been in
the care of his maternal grandmother since he was 2 years old. Pedro’s mother
was conspicuously neglectful and abusive; she would leave her children un
attended for prolonged periods of time. Pedro’s grandmother and other rel
atives would find the children unkempt, soiled, and malnourished on a
regular basis. A number of times, his grandmother picked up the children
from the streets, where Pedro’s mother had left them.
The examiner learned that during the first 2 years of Pedro’s life, he had
endured frequent maltreatment and neglect. A 7-year-old sister had decided
not to stay with the mother any longer because “I got tired of acting like a
mom.” The mother frequently put her daughter in charge of her two younger
siblings. The grandmother was the legal custodian of the two older children
and also had cared for the two younger ones. Although tired and emotionally
exhausted, she could not bear the thought of leaving the younger ones in the
care of Pedro’s mother.
Pedro was small for his age. He looked a bit scraggly and was very inhib
ited and submissive. During the individual interview, he was completely si
lent and remained distant, apprehensive, and reserved. Because he did not
respond to simple questions such as “What is your name?” and “How old are
you?” the examiner made an effort to engage him in play. Pedro was offered
a set of animals, a group of dinosaurs, and a number of dolls. He did not show
any interest in the toys. In an attempt to engage Pedro, the examiner began
to place the animals in a circle, hoping Pedro would join him in the play; that
did not happen. After a while, the examiner left the animals alone and began
to play with the dolls; Pedro did not join in this play either. The examiner
then attempted to engage Pedro in the squiggle technique: he picked up a
sheet of paper; put a pencil on the table, closer to Pedro; and invited Pedro
to draw something with him; Pedro refused. After Pedro refused a number
of invitations to engage in an interactive nonverbal communication, the ex
aminer collected all the items from the table.
The examiner had a tennis ball on top of the desk. He picked it up and
rolled it to Pedro. Pedro picked up the ball and rolled it back to the examiner.
The examiner rolled the ball again, and Pedro rolled it back in return. The
ball was rolled back and forth many times. At one point, the distant, unani
mated child began to smile. Shortly thereafter, he began to throw the ball
progressively more forcefully and somewhat aggressively: on two occasions
he hit the examiner in the chest and began to get more emotionally involved,
if not excited, in the rolling and catching the ball game. After throwing the
ball back and forth a number of times, the interview was concluded. Pedro
was told, “Next time we will play some more.”
This engagement attempt lasted for about 45 minutes; at no point during
the interview did Pedro utter a word. Significant anxiety, language disorders,
and cognitive limitations may have contributed to the child’s elective mutism.
The preceding case example illustrates nonverbal engagement after unsuc

cessful attempts to involve the child in verbal interactions. Recognizing the
child’s mistrust, the examiner made plans to take the child to the courtyard
for the next diagnostic appointment to play in the playground, and told so to
Pedro. The novelty and intimacy of the office and the private nature of the ex
amination (i.e., having to stay alone with the examiner behind closed doors)
may have been too threatening for the child. A history of anxiety disorders,
abuse, developmental language disorders, or cognitive limitations is com
mon in children like Pedro and may contribute to difficulty responding ver
bally during an interview.
Drawing Techniques
If verbalization is gold, drawings are silver. Drawings, complemented with a
sensitive exploration of their content, can illuminate the child’s major issues
or concerns. Drawings also give a good indication of the child’s level of in
telligence and creative and artistic talents and may indicate whether neuro
psychological deficits are present. In addition, drawings aid in identifying
body image difficulties and a variety of psychological conflicts or psychoso
cial stressors.
An added advantage of drawings is that they may serve as visible and con
crete evidence that may be presented to parents who do not want to believe that
anything is wrong with their child. A drawing may be used as a springboard
for a discussion about sexual abuse or violence within the family when the
drawing clearly represents or suggests these themes. When the examiner an
alyzes drawings, he or she needs to keep in mind that “drawings by young
children are representations and not reproductions, that they express an inner
and not a visual realism. The drawings make a statement about the child him
self and less about the object drawn. The image is imbued with affective as well
as cognitive elements” (Di Leo 1973, p. 9). Table 3–1 lists the types of drawings
used in a diagnostic interview, in the order in which they are solicited.
Male children regularly draw male figures when they are asked to draw a
person; if a boy draws a female figure, sexual identity conflicts should be ex
plored. This is not the case for girls. The family drawing, called the kinetic
family drawing, offers the examiner insight into family dynamics and partic
ularly into the child’s perceived role within the family. Whereas the person
drawings may indicate the child’s cognitive development, the family drawing
elicits “mobilization of feelings that, while rendering the family drawing less
valuable as an indicator of intelligence, confers upon it significance as an ex
pression of the child’s emotional life. The family drawing, then, can be viewed
as an unstructured projective technique that may reveal the child’s feelings
in relation to those whom he regards as most important and whose forma
tive influence is most powerful” (Di Leo 1973, p. 100).
In the following case example, the use of drawing was instrumental in
breaking through a mother’s denial about her child’s problems.
Case Example 11
Tom, a 9-year-old African American male, was referred for evaluation be
cause he was becoming progressively aggressive at school, both with teach
ers and with peers. Tom had been suspended many times because of this
behavior and was frequently sent home, creating significant disruption for
his mother, who was on active duty with the military. Tom’s mother could
not understand the school’s concerns; she declared categorically that her son
did not have any problems at home. Tom had been given the diagnosis of at
tention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder before and had taken medication for a
short time without any benefit.
Tom’s parents had divorced a year before the evaluation, and Tom missed
his father a great deal. Tom’s mother described the child’s father as very de
pendent and unreliable.
During the family interview, many aspects of the child’s overall function
ing were explored systematically. When asked how Tom was doing at home,
his mother responded in a protective and defensive manner. To his mother’s
surprise, Tom reported, without prompting, that on one occasion he had
pulled a knife on his brother when the latter found him attempting to harm
himself with the knife. Tom added that he had thought about killing himself
many times. He then revealed that he frequently abused himself by punching
himself in the face or by throwing himself to the ground. This information
alarmed his mother. Throughout this portion of the assessment, Tom remained
Table 3–1. Sequence of requested diagnostic drawings

1. Free drawing
2. Draw a person
3. Draw a person from the opposite sex from the previous one
4. Draw the family doing something together (kinetic family drawing)
5. Draw a tree
6. Optional drawing: draw a house, a car, the last dream you had
very quiet and calm. He looked affectively frozen, if not emotionally blunted.
Tom did not show any evidence of hyperactivity nor of overt distractibility
during the examination.
When the examiner asked Tom about the things that he enjoyed doing,
he said that he liked drawing a lot. The examiner pursued this interest by giv
ing Tom some white paper and pencils and asking him first to draw whatever
he wanted. He was then prompted for additional drawings.
Tom’s first drawing was of a big, female figure with an open mouth and
pointed teeth; this figure was holding a child’s head in her right hand. The
female figure had beheaded the child, whose head was dripping blood. One
of the child’s eyes had popped out, and the female figure was eating the other
eye. Tom narrated all of this without emotion.
Tom’s second drawing, in response to the examiner’s request that he draws
a person, was of a male person in profile who was using a machine gun to
shoot at a smaller figure. The smaller figure appeared to be scared. The ex
aminer asked Tom, “Why is that big guy shooting the smaller one?” Tom re
plied, “The small one ‘crossed’ the other guy.”
Tom’s third drawing, in response to the examiner’s request that he draw
a female or a girl, was, again, of a big, female figure, this time strangling a
child. The female figure was smiling, and the child was faceless.
Tom’s fourth drawing, a family kinetic drawing, showed Tom’s five family
members, all holding weapons in both hands. Each family member had a dif
ferent pair of weapons: knives, axes, pitchforks, small saws, and big saws. The
family had killed someone, whose body lay in front of the group, and was pos
ing in front of an automatic camera that was set to take a picture of the whole
scene.
Tom displayed no emotion as he explained his drawings. The morbid con

tent and preoccupation with violence reflected in Tom’s drawings were alarm
ing. After Tom’s mother saw her son’s drawings, it was not difficult to persuade
her that Tom was a very disturbed child. She was shocked after seeing the
drawings and hearing Tom’s descriptions of them. Tom’s drawings broke
through his mother’s denial, and she became receptive to therapeutic recom
mendations.
The following case example demonstrates the effectiveness of using draw

ings to evaluate an electively mute preadolescent girl.
Case Example 12
Tina, an 8-year-old Caucasian female, had been referred by a counselor from
the nearby mental health mental center because of concerns about her re
gressive behavior. The counselor noted that Tina rarely, if ever, spoke. Three
months before the evaluation, it was brought to Tina’s mother’s attention that
Tina’s 12-year-old sister had been sexually molested by the mother’s fiancé.
After this disclosure, the mother broke off her engagement. Tina’s mother
also learned that her former boyfriend had fondled Tina. At the time of the
evaluation, charges had been filed against the former fiancé in connection
with the sexual abuse he perpetrated against Tina’s sister.
Since the time of the disclosure, Tina had exhibited significant regressive
behavior: she had become very clingy, shadowed her mother everywhere,
and refused to sleep in her own bed. There was no evidence of other regres
sive behavior such as enuresis or encopresis. At school, Tina was known as a
quiet child who seldom spoke, which had been a concern to her teachers. Tina
was a very good student and had kept up her grades, even during the time of
the observed regressive behaviors.
Tina’s father had been physically abusive toward her mother in front of
the children; he also had problems with alcohol. Although contact between
Tina and her father was irregular, she seemed to enjoy his sporadic visits.
Tina was a very pretty girl with freckles and big inquisitive eyes. Her eye
contact was intermittent. She clung to her mother, clutching her mother’s
hands throughout the interview. The examiner attempted to engage Tina in
a verbal exchange, but whenever she was addressed, she would signal her
mother to answer for her. She never spoke spontaneously. Although Tina didn’t
respond verbally, she gestured to the examiner when she was asked a number
of questions during the mental status examination. She denied that she had
ever thought of suicide or that she ever had any hallucinatory experiences.
Tina’s mother reported that Tina also had problems talking to her coun
selor. When her mother said that Tina spent a great deal of time drawing, the
examiner asked Tina if she would like to draw. She showed interest immedi
ately. Tina’s drawings helped the examiner to understand the reasons for her
regressive behaviors and the effect of the recent fondling.
For the first drawing, Tina was asked to draw whatever she wanted. She
drew a big house with two curtained windows (Figure 3–1). Tina drew a girl
at the right side of the house, holding a flower in one hand and a lollipop in
the other. The girl in the drawing seemed to be smiling. The sky was sunny
(actually, the sun was smiling), three birds were flying around, and there
were a few clouds. At the other side of the house was a tree with fruit on it,
and hanging from the tree was a bird feeder with three birds feeding. This
was an altogether happy and positive drawing.
For the second drawing, Tina was asked to draw a person. She drew a
good-sized girl who was smiling. On the girl’s abdomen she drew a large black
dot that she identified as the girl’s bellybutton (Figure 3–2).
Figure 3–1. Tina’s first drawing; she was asked to draw what
ever she wanted.
Source. Reprinted from Cepeda C: “Nonverbal Techniques for Interviewing Children and Ad
olescents,” in Concise Guide to the Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents. Washing
ton, DC, American Psychiatric Press, 2000, p. 75. Copyright 2000, American Psychiatric Press.
Used with permission.
For the third drawing, Tina was asked to draw a boy. She had problems
drawing the figure; she erased the head a couple of times. The boy was clearly
smaller than the girl in the previous drawing. She didn’t draw a bellybutton
on the boy, and he had a rather pleasant smile (Figure 3–3).
For the fourth drawing, Tina was asked to draw her family doing some
thing together. The examiner also asked the mother to draw, in parallel, the
same drawing. Tina’s drawing was full of movement: the family members
were holding hands while watching TV (Figure 3–4). In an interesting paral
lel, the mother drew herself and her children watching a movie at the theater
(drawing not shown here).
Figure 3–2. Tina’s second drawing; she was asked to draw a

person.
The examiner went back to the second drawing and asked Tina why the
bellybutton was visible. Because Tina remained mute, the examiner ventured
to say that the little girl felt pretty bad about what had happened to her when
her mother’s boyfriend touched her on her private parts and that she feared
that everybody knew or was going to know about it. The mother answered
for Tina, saying that her daughter had told her how ashamed she felt about
what happened. Because Tina didn’t verbalize how she felt about the abusive
incident, the examiner asked her to draw the way she was feeling about what
had happened. Tina’s mother was asked again to draw in parallel to Tina.
Tina drew a girl crying, tears running down both of the girl’s cheeks (Figure
3–5). The mother again drew a picture similar to Tina’s: a woman crying and
looking quite sad (Figure 3–6).
The drawings were useful in getting information about Tina’s sense of
herself and in exploring the feelings she could not put into words. The draw
ings also showed that the girl was intelligent and creative. The first drawing
demonstrated a positive self-image and the fourth demonstrated a good fam
ily relationship. The examiner felt that the regression was limited and that
with ongoing counseling and maternal support, the impact of the fondling
could be minimized. The examiner took into account that the elective mutism
had preceded the abuse. Furthermore, Tina was demonstrating good evi
dence of resilience: she liked school and was doing well in her classes. Fea
Figure 3–3. Tina’s third drawing; she was asked to draw a boy.
Figure 3–4. Tina’s fourth drawing; she was asked to draw her
family doing something together.
Figure 3–5. Tina’s fifth drawing; she was asked to draw the
way she was feeling about the abusive incident.
tures of separation anxiety disorder were present, but features of a mood

disorder were not. Tina was mandated back to her individual counselor, who
was told that Tina could be reevaluated if her regressive behaviors worsened
or if other signs of emotional or behavioral deterioration appeared.
In the preceding case example, the parallel content of the mother’s and
daughter’s drawings was remarkable. It was also interesting that the examiner
involved the mother and the daughter in the process of drawing; the conver
gence of themes and feelings helped the examiner determine that the child
was receiving good maternal care and that the mother was attuned to the
child’s needs.
In the following case example, drawing helps the examiner to discriminate
diagnostic issues in a late adolescent girl with complex symptomatology.
Figure 3–6. Tina’s mother’s drawing in response to being

asked to draw in parallel to Tina’s fifth drawing.
Case Example 13
Serena, a 17-year-old Caucasian female, was evaluated because she was, in her
parents’ view, “a very picky eater” and they were concerned about the long
term repercussions of her eating habits. Mother stated that Serena had a very
long history of being a picky eater since she was started on solids. Mother
stated that her concerns were increasing because she would be graduating
from high school in a year, and the family was wondering if she would be able
to adapt to the larger world. Serena had a long history of nail biting, twirling
her hair and massaging herself when she felt stressed. She used to even chew
her toenails, and when she was tried in summer camps she cried every night.
At the time of the psychiatric interview, she was not dating and had never been
sexually active. Although, she was a social butterfly in middle school, she had
become progressively more reserved; however, Serena said she had a number
of good friends.
Mother reported that Serena was a full-term baby and that the pregnancy
and delivery had been uneventful. There was no history of developmental de
lays. She had always been a very good student and was planning on going
into genetics and psychology. Mother stated she had a good marriage. Ser
ena’s mother came from a physician’s family; mother came across as a strong
parent who had very high expectations for her daughter. Serena had a 15-year
old brother who was in 10th grade and doing well. Serena’s father was in an
import business and had an autoimmune disease. No history of mood or anx
iety disorders on either side of the family was reported. Nor was there a his
tory of mental illness in either side of the family.
During the interview, this petite and attractive adolescent kept on biting
her nails and displayed multiple anxious features. Serena informed the ex
aminer that she frequently felt sad and down whenever she felt she was not
angry. She stated she felt irritable and angry most of the time and that this
had been going on for a very long time. “I get easily pissed off.” Serena disclosed
that she had been cutting herself for the last year. She added that she procras
tinated a lot and that she had a low energy level. She stated that she was un
able to feel pleasure and that she felt very lonely. Furthermore, she had a poor
image of herself: she thought that people thought that she was worthless and
felt that nobody liked her. She thought that she was fat and had issues with
her stomach, thighs, hips, and her sides. She also thought that people thought
that she was a “bitch,” that she “had no heart, and that she was ugly.” She also
felt watched and was afraid of what was under her bed. When the examiner told
Serena that it seemed that her mother put more pressure on her than her fa
ther, she said, “That’s the understatement of the day!” She affirmed that there
was nothing wrong with her eating habits. When the examiner asked Serena
what was her attitude toward sex, she responded with vehemence, “I would
not dare to show my ugly body to a man. No! No!”
The examiner asked Serena to draw some pictures (Figures 3–7, 3–8, and
3–9), corresponding to a person, a boy, and a tree, respectively.
The drawings show major problems with self-esteem and a deep sense of
shame, hesitation, and self-doubt. The examiner concluded that mood and
anxiety/panic issues of her case were more destabilizing for her than the con
cerns about the picking of her food. The drawing spoke louder than her
words about her major issues with self-esteem and self-concept and self
Figure 3–7. Serena’s first drawing: a person.
doubt. Serena’s presentation fulfilled criteria for a mood disorder, a number

of anxiety disorders, and of an eating disorder, unspecified.
The following illustration has forensic implications.
Case Example 14
Lucero, a 7-year-old Hispanic female, was evaluated 2 months after she made
an outcry to her therapist that her father had sexually abused her; the child
had been with biological father for the last 3 years. Parents had had joint cus
tody until 2012, when Lucero’s oldest sisters, 18 and 16 years old, got upset
with their mother and went to live with her father, the alleged abuser. Father
became the sole custodian of Lucero then. CPS gave mother a temporary
custody over Lucero, since the outcry, till the agency completed the investi
gation. Mother informed the examiner that at the time of the forensic evalu
ation of the alleged sexual abuse Lucero recanted.
Mother said that since Lucero had come back home, she had been aggres
sive toward her brother and to other students at school, and that she had
been disrespectful toward her mom and grandparents. She also displayed
oppositional and defiant behaviors. Furthermore, Lucero had told another
student that she was going to stab other students and had also stated the she
wanted to kill her brother. Lucero had problems with anger control, and
when she got upset, she threw things around, slammed the doors, and banged
the table. Mother stated that her daughter did not seem to show remorse af
ter her aggressive and inappropriate behaviors.
Figure 3–8. Serena’s second drawing: a boy.
Mother confided that, every night, Lucero would ask mother to put A&D
ointment on her vaginal area, something mother used to do when Lucero
complained of a “vaginal” rash when she was far younger. Mother had found
that behavior “odd” and had given the ointment to Lucero for her to apply it
herself. Mother was also concerned that Lucero would always kiss her on the
lips and that she was preoccupied/infatuated with breasts to the point that
she would put paper towel under her shirt to pretend she had breasts.
Parents had broken up their relationship some years before; mother claims
father had been physically abusive to her son before they separated. Father
had been reported to CPS for paddling his son so hard he left bruises on him.
Mom also reported that during the time that mother and father were together,
father used to degrade her in front of the children. Mother asserted that fa
ther had problems with anger control and that he believed he was always right;
she said that father was very controlling. Mother believed that father had
alienated her daughters from her.
Mother asserted that after Lucero made her outcry, she asked her sec
ond youngest daughter if she was aware of any inappropriate behavior be
tween her father and Lucero; she answered that she had not seen anything
but she revealed that father had had a sexual relationship with her for about
5 years.
As the mother was revealing the most recent events and the investigation
of sexual abuse by CPS, the examiner asked Lucero what father did to her.
Since she hesitated the examiner asked Lucero to draw what happened.
Figure 3–9. Serena’s third drawing: a tree.
Lucero said that father had done things with her two times. On the top of
her first drawing (Figure 3–10) she wrote: “When I got to the Hous he told
me to tack my clos off But then in 2 days it Stop the and...,”with the writing
continuing on the top of the second page (Figure 3–11), “He tole me to get in
the Bed with Hm…He tole Me to tust Hes Penis.”
On the next drawing (Figure 3–12), at the very top of the page, there is a
series of numbers that seem to correspond to a local phone number. Under
neath and on the left side of the page, she drew a home and wrote “2 tam”
[second time], and in the upper right side of the page she wrote, “Becaze tath
is How you tuch hes Hes Penis Do we they and tayts it,” with the wording con
tinuing on the next page (Figure 3–13): “Wey she ast me to tack my pans off
so she kan like My Butt.”
Inside of the house she drew a very crowded picture of her father and her.
Since, it was difficult to make sense of the drawing, the examiner asked Lu
cero if she knew what a magnifier was, and she said she knew. The examiner
then, traced a rectangle over the part of the drawing that needed clarity (as
seen in Figure 3–12) and asked Lucero to draw that part of the drawing, keep
ing the magnifier in mind. She then made another drawing (Figure 3–14),
with explicit sexual content.
The mother was stunned by seeing the drawings with explicit content and
what Lucero had written. It’s hard to accuse the examiner of leading the wit
ness. The evidence thus gathered could bear scrutiny in court and could
stand counter-examination.
Figure 3–10. Lucero’s first drawing: first page.
Figure 3–11. Lucero’s first drawing: second page.

Figure 3–12. Lucero’s second drawing: first page.
Figure 3–13. Lucero’s second drawing: second page.

Figure 3–14. Lucero’s drawing of a portion of her second

drawing (when asked by the examiner to “magnify” the con
tent in the portion of the drawing that the examiner enclosed
in a rectangle).
Play Techniques
Play offers the examiner a unique insight into the psychological conflicts ex
perienced by preschoolers and young preadolescents. Although a diagnosis
can be derived by interviewing the child, the data obtained lack information
regarding the ongoing psychological conflicts that contribute to the child’s over
all destabilization. Why is play a window to the child’s subjective world? Ta
ble 3–2 summarizes aspects of the child’s internal world that can be inferred
during diagnostic play.
Russ (2008, pp. 179–180) describes four broad functions of play: a) play
is a natural form of expression in children, “the language of play”; b) children
use language to play, to communicate with the therapist; c) play is a vehicle
for working through and insight; and d) play helps to regulate emotions. In
addition, play gives the child multiple opportunities to practice a variety of
ideas, feelings, behaviors, interpersonal behaviors, and verbal expressions.
Children enact their underlying anxieties and ongoing conflicts in play.
Conflicts could be secondary to developmental delays, internalized conflicts,
or difficulties with the child-rearing environment. Frequently it is easier for
the child to express, through the medium of play, psychological difficulties
he or she is unable to communicate otherwise. Often the difficulty is not a
matter of revealing something that the child knows; children may be totally
unaware or unconscious of the factors influencing their psychological and
behavioral problems.
Table 3–2. Elements of the child’s subjective world

Conflicts, problems, and fears
Wishes and fantasies
Prior life experiences
Traumatic experiences
Ongoing experiences
a. Home
b. School
c. Friends
d. Boyfriends/girlfriends
e. Looks, health and other body concerns
Problem-solving strategies
Creativity
Verbal capacity
Level of intelligence
Capacity for engagement and object relations
Concerns about the future
According to Ablon (1996), “Play in itself allows the child to bring forward
and explore feelings that are most troublesome and important” (p. 545). He
also emphasizes the importance and salience of play in children’s lives: “Play
is a vehicle for symbolism and metaphor which the mind in turn utilizes to
provide scaffolding for structuralization, integration, and organization of af
fectively charged experience” (p. 545). Summarizing the overall functional
importance of play, Ablon notes, “The innate capacity of play for organiza
tion, synthesis, and promoting self-regulatory process provides a powerful
therapeutic element” (p. 546). In the next three case examples, play sheds light
on the child’s underlying problems:
Case Example 15
Joel, a 5-year-old Caucasian male, was reassessed after he was released from
an inpatient acute psychiatric preadolescent program. He had been admitted
to the program after he became unmanageable at the day care center and at
home. At the day care center he was hyperactive and impulsive and fre
quently was aggressive and abusive to his peers. At home he was restless and
defiant, talked back to mother, and displayed ongoing jealousy and aggres
sive behavior toward his 8-month-old sister. Joel’s mother also reported that
her son often displayed unusual behaviors such as precocious sexual behav
ior and strange verbalizations, including statements that there was a bad Joel
inside of him. At times Joel appeared to be self-absorbed; at other times he
seemed to be in a frenzy and unable to sleep. His mother reported that Joel
experienced fluctuating moods; at times he looked miserable, cried easily, and
said that he was a bad child.
These problems had been reactivated by the time the reassessment was
conducted. When Joel’s mother was asked about a possible history of physi
cal or sexual abuse, she became indignant. What was striking to the exam
iner was the emotional distance between the child and the mother. She was
eager to attribute the child’s dysfunction to a biological problem and proposed
that the child probably had a chemical imbalance; she disregarded other pos
sibilities. The examiner’s efforts to gather information about the child-rearing
environment were met with noncontributory, vague, and evasive responses.
Joel’s mother had recently separated from the child’s father. She gave no
importance to this event, even after reporting that Joel and his father seemed
to have a good time together. She reported that when Joel spent time with his
father, he did not seem to display any of the troublesome behaviors she com
plained about. She had begun dating a man whom she believed was getting
along well with Joel, and she hoped Joel would look up to him as a father, stat
ing explicitly, “I wish Joel would forget about his real dad.”
During the family interview, Joel made no contact with his mother. He
displayed familiarity with the examiner, and at times he sought affection
from him. When Joel’s mother talked about Joel, she displayed no concern or
sense of empathy for what he might be experiencing.
When Joel was evaluated alone, he asked to play with toys. He was offered
a set of small animals, including a polar bear and a panda bear. Joel picked
the polar bear and assigned the panda bear to the examiner; the polar bear
was the mother, and the panda was the child. Joel told the examiner to make
the panda bear call for its mommy. The examiner said, “Mommy! Mommy!”
repeatedly, but the polar bear appeared to be completely indifferent to the
panda’s distress. When the examiner, in the role of the panda bear child, asked
Joel, as the polar bear mother, why the mother didn’t come to see him, Joel
shouted, “Shut up,” and added, “The mother is dead.” He ordered the panda
bear to continue crying and calling for its mommy.
This was a puzzling enactment (see Chapter 2, “General Principles of In
terviewing,” for more on the interpretation of enactments). When the exam
iner met again with the mother, he asked her to help him understand Joel’s
enactment. When she was told the content of the child’s play, she confessed
with great hesitation that she had been separated from Joel from the time he
was 4 months old until he was 13 months old. She had been in prison for drug
related problems, and her mother had taken care of Joel. When she returned,
Joel didn’t recognize her, so she had attempted to gain the child’s love, but for
a long time she had felt that Joel didn’t love her.
In the preceding case study, the revelation resulting from the child’s play
helped to explain the child’s distance, the mother’s emotional blandness, and
the mother’s parental inconsistency. The child’s bonding with his mother
was called into question. This developmental disturbance needed is much

attention as the other disorders with which the child had been diagnosed
(i.e., attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, oppositional defiant disorder,
and probable bipolar disorder).
In the next case study, the child represents in play his concerns about
body function and conflicts about elimination besides obvious problems with
anger.
Case Example 16
Chad, a 5-year-old Caucasian male, was brought by his mother for evalua
tion. They had been staying at a shelter for battered women, where his mother
had sought refuge with her two children from her husband’s abusive treat
ment. Chad had attracted the attention of the shelter’s administrators because
of his hyperactive, disruptive, and aggressive behaviors toward his brother
and even toward his mother. When it became clear that Chad was unrespon
sive to limits and discipline, his mother was advised to seek psychiatric con
sultation.
Chad’s mother reported that his mood was very changeable. He had threat
ened to kill her, had voiced a desire to die, and had also made veiled state
ments that he would kill himself. Chad had become progressively with
drawn, had lost weight, and repeatedly expressed wishes to see his father.
Chad seemed to be preoccupied with defecation. His mother had overheard
him singing gleefully, using words such as “ca-ca” and “butt hole.” Chad had
problems sleeping and at times appeared sad and withdrawn; at other times
he seemed happy and hyperactive. His mother denied that Chad had been
physically or sexually abused; however, Chad had witnessed his father abus
ing his mother many times.
During the session with the mother, Chad showed a significant degree of
behavioral organization (see Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing Symp
toms”). He asked permission to use a number of toys and explored playing
materials appropriately. Chad’s mother was amazed to see him behaving so
adaptively. She was equally amazed that after Chad finished playing, he picked
up the toys and put them back where he had found them. At some point dur
ing the interview, Chad began to sing, using words such as “ca-ca,” “butt,” and
“butt hole,” as his mother had disclosed earlier. He seemed to be singing those
words with a sense of joy.
Chad was a handsome boy. His speech was fairly well articulated; how
ever, on occasion he exhibited speech difficulties. Although he appeared eu
thymic, he displayed some constriction in the affective sphere. Except when he
was singing the scatological words, his affect was mostly appropriate. At times,
the examiner sensed that Chad exhibited short-lived clang associations.2 No
psychotic symptoms were demonstrated, and no further evidence of thought
disorder was observed. Chad moved around the office with a sense of famil
2
Clang associations refer to the expression of words that rhyme (e.g., dog, fog, log). It is usually
a serious symptom of thought disorder.
iarity and explored many toy boxes and other items without any hesitation.
Mother attempted to guide and control him by telling him to ask permission
before touching things. She was far more anxious than Chad was. Although
Chad made contact with many play objects, he didn’t concentrate on any item
or use the toys to enact any elaborated themes.
During the individual assessment, Chad first played with animal toys.
Sometimes his playing behavior was calm and sometimes it was playfully ag
gressive. He often paired off the toys for play. When he turned to the dino
saurs, he picked up the Tyrannosaurus rex first. This dinosaur attacked the
other dinosaurs. From time to time, Chad would find delight in sticking an
other dinosaur’s tail or one of its limbs into the T. rex’s mouth. After he en
acted some aggressive scenes, Chad (still holding the T. rex) turned to the
examiner and asked, “Where does the food the dinosaur eats go?” He asked
if it went to the legs or to the bones. He seemed puzzled and intrigued. He
repeated these questions a number of times, each time making direct eye
contact with the examiner.
During the interpretive phase of the interview, Chad’s mother added infor
mation of particular interest. She revealed that Chad had a history of chronic
constipation. He would “hold on,” not moving his bowels for long periods of
time. He would indicate a need to defecate by holding his legs together
tightly and showing facial discomfort, but even then he would not go to the
toilet. Finally, when Chad did go, his mother would help him in the act of re
leasing the hardened feces. She would hold and separate his legs (while he was
sitting on the toilet) until he would painfully relieve himself. Chad had been
encopretic from time to time.
In the preceding case example, the short play session shed light on the child’s
struggles in understanding the transformation of food, his corresponding
difficulties with elimination, and his preoccupation with body functioning.
What was the importance of this symptom in the overall psychopathologic
picture? What was the connection between the constipation, encopresis, and
the other symptoms? The potty-training battle and other conflicts over con
trol still seemed very active. How were the diagnoses of oppositional defiant
disorder, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, and a probable affective
disorder related to Chad’s encopretic behavior? Certainly the forceful child
mother transactions at the toilet and the child’s own preoccupations with
food intake and elimination provided a good starting point in understanding
the strong power struggle between the child and his mother.
The next case example shows how descriptive psychiatric observations,
regular exploratory questions, and psychodynamic inferences from play ob
servations are accomplished concomitantly and complementarily.
Case Example 17
Suzy, an adopted 8-year-old Hispanic female, was referred for psychiatric
evaluation for severe aggressive behavior. She had bitten a teacher’s breast
and had scratched some of her peers’ faces to the point of bleeding. She had
also been very obstinate and disruptive in the classroom.
Her adoptive parents were divorced. Suzy lived with her adoptive mother
and other foster children (Suzy’s mother had served as a foster mother to
many children). Suzy was reported to be hyperactive, impulsive, and defiant.
She had been adopted at age 5 years by the family that had cared for her since
early infancy. She had not been expected to live because of severe respiratory
difficulties shortly after birth. Her adoptive parents had been described as very
inconsistent in limit setting and discipline. Suzy had been given a number of
psychotropic medications, including stimulants, but none of them effectively
controlled her behavior.
During the play session, Suzy selected a playhouse, a number of small dolls
(a mother, a father, a son, and a daughter), and miniature furniture. As she
opened the house and began to explore its contents, she would start to say some
thing but never finish. This happened several times. When the examiner asked
Suzy about this behavior, she appeared preoccupied, as if she were experienc
ing internal perceptions. Suzy did not respond to the examiner’s comments.
The examiner said, “I wonder if you are hearing something.” When Suzy con
tinued to be unresponsive, the examiner said, “It seems that you are hearing
voices. Can you tell me what the voices are telling you?” She acknowledged
that she was hearing voices but did not reveal anything about their content.
Suzy also became distracted several times by noises that were coming from
outside the office. She would ask the examiner where each noise came from
and what was happening outside the office. Suzy asked if her mother was
coming.
After Suzy explored some other elements of the playhouse (she particu
larly enjoyed turning on and off the working house light), she began to play
with the dolls. She picked up the daughter doll and said it was her. She gave
the father doll to the examiner and the mother doll to the female resident who
was observing.
Suzy brought her doll to the examiner’s father doll and made her doll
“kiss” the father doll and whisper something in its ear. The examiner asked
Suzy what her doll was saying to the father doll, but she refused to tell. Suzy
then took her doll to the mother doll, which the resident had placed on the
house patio, and made her doll “kiss” the mother doll. Suzy’s doll whispered
something in the mother doll’s ear and again refused to tell the examiner what
the whispering was about. Suzy used her voice in an endearing manner and
showed significant excitement during these dramatizations.
Suzy’s doll then wanted to get into the pool on the patio, but she said the
water was too cold. She stated a number of times that she wanted to get into
the pool and each time she would touch the water and say that it was cold.
Suzy took the father doll from the examiner and put it in a reclining chair on
the patio. She sat the mother in another chair. Suzy then placed her doll up
stairs in the playhouse and turned the light off, saying that it was night. She
said, “It was scary,” more than once, but she would not tell the examiner what
was scary in that room. She put her doll into bed and soon after brought the
son doll (representing her brother) to sleep in the same bed. The examiner
commented on the boy and the girl sleeping in the same bed, but Suzy did
not respond.
Suzy then said it was morning time and she brought her doll back down
stairs, where she began playing with the mother doll. Suzy had the mother
doll ask the daughter doll to go upstairs to fix the bedroom because she had
“made a mess.” The daughter doll refused to go, and with a commanding
voice, Suzy made the mother doll go upstairs and fix the mess herself. The
examiner asked Suzy what was going on. Suzy made the daughter doll begin
to whine and fret and laid the doll down on the floor. The examiner asked
Suzy if the daughter doll was having a temper tantrum, and she agreed read
ily. The doll continued to lie on the floor, fussing and whining. The examiner
restated that the doll was having a temper tantrum, and again Suzy agreed.
After this, Suzy made the daughter doll go to the mother doll and kiss her.
The daughter doll said she wanted to go to McDonald’s. She displayed an
other temper tantrum when the mother doll said no. At this point, the exam
iner noticed a number of scabs and scars on Suzy’s arms and asked her what
had happened. She said that she had scratched herself. The examiner said,
“It seems that you scratch yourself when you have temper tantrums.” She
agreed.
Suzy’s next play scenario related to going to school. Her doll exited the
house by the front door, was picked up by the school bus, and then came
back home. Her doll kissed the mother and father dolls again. After 30 min
utes of playing, the examiner said, “We are going to stop playing.” Suzy con
tinued to play as though the examiner hadn’t said a word. The examiner said,
“We have to stop. We need to pick up now.” Again, Suzy didn’t seem to listen.
In a firmer manner, the examiner said, “We are not playing anymore. We
need to pick up.” Suzy protested and asked, “Why?” The examiner began to
help her to put away the house and other toys. Only then did she acknowl
edge that the playing was over.
In the preceding case example, the enactment of this child’s strong oppo
sitional traits was apparent throughout the session. In particular, observations
during this session hinted to the presence of psychotic features. The child’s
play also hinted at the child’s fears (e.g., possible sexual abuse), her affection
ate manipulations, and her difficulties with mood dysregulation and anger
dyscontrol.
Prospective Interviewing
Patients sometimes refuse to talk about the past. Children who have been
heavily traumatized are very apprehensive about, if not resistant to, “open
ing up old wounds.” In these situations, the examiner may attempt to carry
out a prospective interview, in which the questions are addressed towards
the patient’s future. Even though the patient refuses to reveal anything about
the past, as the patient begins to talk about the future, he or she will provide
informative clues about his or her problems and personality organization.
Consider the following case example.
Case Example 18
Harold, an African American male, was 2 months shy of 18 years of age at the
time of the psychiatric evaluation. He had a horrible childhood history, in
cluding gross neglect and frequent physical abuse by his alcoholic and drug
abusing mother. His father had been in and out of jail for theft and other
crimes. Harold had received serious and extensive burns on one occasion
when his mother threw scalding water on him because he wet his bed. Har
old had moved frequently between his mother’s house and his maternal
grandmother’s house. He yearned for his mother’s love and couldn’t under
stand why she didn’t show any affection for him. His poverty and problems
with enuresis led to frequent teasing by his peers; the enuresis also led to fre
quent whippings by his mother.
From a very young age, Harold felt different, “sort of unique,” among his
peers. Peers remarked that he didn’t “speak like blacks.” He remembered feel
ing depressed all his life. He was 14 years old when he started thinking about
suicide. He had a number of psychiatric hospitalizations after suicidal at
tempts. His middle adolescence had been quite stormy: he had frequently been
depressed and suicidal and had begun drinking, taking drugs, and stealing. He
continued to crave for his mother’s love.
At the time of the evaluation, Harold was living with a maternal aunt but still
hoped to live with his mother. He described himself as a deep thinker and was
actively involved with music, writing, and poetry. He had begun to understand
that the lack of his mother’s responsiveness probably was not his fault.
Harold was able to develop rapport with the examiner and was able to
display some degree of relatedness during the interview. His eye contact was
intermittent, but he didn’t use body language when he spoke. Harold had a
British-like accent that was somewhat unusual given his background. His
mood was euthymic (Harold was taking venlafaxine and had a very positive
response to the medication). His affect was markedly constricted in both
range and intensity. He was not suicidal and did not exhibit signs of psycho
sis. He was articulate and seemed thoughtful in his responses. Sensorium
was intact, and intelligence was judged as average if not better.
Although Harold would talk about any topic proposed for discussion, the
examiner felt that a prospective interview would provide significant infor
mation about his ego strengths, resilience, and ideals. The examiner asked
Harold to discuss his future plans. He said that he wanted to finish regular
high school instead of opting for a GED. He wondered if he could become a
social worker or a counselor to help other kids. He also discussed his inter
ests in music and in writing. He didn’t have any close friends but had begun
to appreciate that different people have different things to offer. Efforts to
gain his mother’s love were still a high priority, even though he realized that
his mother was a very troubled person and that he was not the reason why
his mother had failed to love him. When asked to express his feeling about
having a family, Harold said he would like to have a family of his own. Then,
he became more thoughtful and added that he worried about having a son
because he didn’t know what kind of father he would be. He said he was
scared of becoming angry and losing control. In the past, when he felt very
angry, he had felt like killing someone.
Harold verbalized his inner preoccupations in a matter-of-fact way, ex

hibiting prominent isolation of affect and a lack of affective modulation in
his speech. He credited the antidepressant for improving his mood. The adap
tive pragmatics of communication (he had to learn to appear normal, although
deep inside, he was depressed) at the beginning of the interview began to
fade, and as the interview proceeded he became progressively apathetic and
downcast. Harold appeared to be making good strides; however, he was at
high risk for psychiatric relapse and future maladaptation. He required close
psychiatric follow-up.
It is impossible to talk about the future without disclosing problems in the

present and difficulties from the past. With the prospective interview strategy,
the patient’s defensiveness or resistance may be bypassed (see Chapter 10,
“Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms”).
Key Points
• The examiner needs to have in the diagnostic “tool box” a
number of strategies or logistic plans to meet the needs of
children of different developmental levels, with a variety of
clinical presentations.
• The different techniques described in this chapter represent
different modalities of diagnostic engagement.
• Alternative diagnostic approaches are necessary when stan
dard diagnostic approaches are unsuccessful.
• Interviewing in displacement, playing, and nonverbal tech
niques are more suitable with preschoolers or early-latency
children.
CHAPTER 4
Family Assessment
A guiding principle for family assessment is that behavior problems by a

child or young adult can never be understood devoid of their relational con
text of the family. From a systems point of view, any family member’s problems
are best understood as manifestations of dysfunctions within the broader
family unit (McHale and Sullivan 2008).
The following are essential family system tenets (McHale and Sullivan
2008):
1. Systems are organized wholes, and their constituting elements or sub

systems are interdependent.
2. Interconnected subsystems have their own integrity, are organized hier
archically, and are separated by boundaries.
3. Patterns in a system are circular, not linear.
4. Stable patterns are maintained over time through homeostatic processes.
5. Open systems do adapt, change, reorganize, and develop.
Most schools of family therapy agree that families function best when they
are cohesive—that is, when they freely, openly, and directly exchange infor
mation and attend to the members’ developmental needs at changing points
of the life cycle. In addition, most school therapy perspectives view families
as adaptive when they show flexibility, adapt to shifting circumstances, solve
problems effectively, maintain a hierarchical structure, and support individ
ual autonomy and growth of all members (McHale and Sullivan 2008). How
ever, given the vast array of different family approaches and the different
emphases represented by the different schools of thought, no standard or
93
universally agreed on set of assessment practices or techniques for evaluat

ing families has been developed (McHale and Sullivan 2008).
What has been said regarding the assessment of the child is equally appli
cable to the assessment of the family—that is, the examination of the family
begins at the examiner’s first contact with the family. The examiner may first
connect with family members via the telephone, correspondence, e-mail, or
some other way. Through these preliminary contacts, the examiner makes in
cipient hypotheses regarding the matter of concern, the degree of the family
understanding of the presenting problem, and the degree of the family com
mitment to deal with it.
Parents’ reports typically play a critical role in the diagnostic process, be
cause the symptoms of a child’s disorder wax and wane, preventing the clini
cian from directly observing the child displaying the cardinal signs of the
disorder, and because many children, especially younger children, may lack
the insight or cognitive skills to report symptoms (Vitiello 2008). In addition
to emphasizing the explicit seeking of information and clarity about certain
critical life events, such as domestic violence, sexual abuse, extramarital af
fairs, and drug and alcohol abuse, most family systems approaches give spe
cial credence to the behavioral sequences and interactions that are revealed
during early contacts with the family (McHale and Sullivan 2008).
Presenting Problem
The examiner seeks to understand how family members view the identified
problem(s), what causes they attribute to the problems, what measures or in
terventions have been attempted, or what they plan to do about the problem
atic issues. The examiner notices how rigidly the family conceptualizes the
problem or how open their system is to alternative explanations. Of equal im
portance is determining the degree of scapegoating or the flexibility to con
sider that other family members may be playing a role in the ongoing family
functioning (dysfunction), or that other members might be in as much need
of help as the identified member.
The examiner should approach the theory of illness from all the family mem
bers. The examiner gives each family member an opportunity to express his
or her view regarding the nature of the problem and its possible causes. The
examiner notices any convergences or differences of views in the explana
tions of the nature of the presenting problem and its presumed origins. The
examiner also notes if various family members identify different members
as being in need of psychiatric help and attempts to understand the reasons
they feel this way. Along the way, the examiner observes the presence or ab
sence of parental alliance, as well as the presence of coalitions that under
mine the parental alliance. The examiner attempts to determine where the
Family Assessment 95
family is in the family life cycle and how the family copes with transitions in
the life cycle and with current life tasks or demands.
In certain cultural milieus, families might seek traditional religious assis
tance (e.g., from a rabbi, priest, pastor) or nontraditional indigenous prac
tices (e.g., voodoo, barrida, or other forms of supernatural influence). The
examiner will strive to understand the system of beliefs underlying these
practices.
Marital Subsystem
The examiner determines the strength of the marriage and the degree of
family cohesiveness. Basically, the examiner observes for evidence of love and
respect, understanding and caring, compassion, and empathy between the
parents. The examiner attends to their marital and parental roles, as well as
their sharing of efforts in caring for the children and maintaining the home
environment. In the same vein, the examiner notes how the family resources
are used and how equitable decision making is.
When exploring a presenting problem, an examiner often detects parental
tension, lack of parental agreement regarding the nature or severity of the
problem, or disagreement about the need for psychiatric help. The examiner
strives to elucidate the source of the disagreements and, when necessary, to
refocus the parents’ digression about their own problems back to the child’s
present concerns.
Intergenerational Boundaries
Establishing the degree of harmony or conflict between the parents’ genera
tion and the previous and future one(s) is clinically important. The examiner
observes or makes inferences about how each parent relates to his or her own
parents and in-laws. The examiner must be attentive to trans-generational
boundary transgressions. Prior generations (i.e., a child’s grandparents) may
have a great deal to say about the kind of life their children have or the man
ner in which the parents should raise the new generation, among other things.
Some grandparents make misalliances with the grandchildren and undermine
parental discipline and home rules, either overtly (by openly criticizing par
ents) or covertly (by condoning the violation of rules). A number of grand
parents are averse to psychiatric interventions or the use of psychotropic
medications. The examiner needs to identify these covert barriers and at
tempt to understand and overcome them. The examiner also needs to note
how much the parents depend on grandparents for emotional or financial
support and determine whether the parents have ever been able to achieve in
dependent functioning on their own.
When the family is estranged or cut off from a previous generation, the ex
aminer can help by exploring the source for such alienation and will attempt
to build bridges or to repair broken relationships. The same is applicable to
other important relationships in the past.
Family Organigram
The family organigram is a visual diagram that shows the members of the
nuclear family and their extended families; the organigram displays the lin
eage of the family and marks or highlights the members affected by psychi
atric illnesses (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter).
The time spent in the creation of a family organigram will pay a variety of
clinical dividends. The visual scheme of the family is a resource the clinician
goes back to when there are events within the nuclear or extended family or
when there are conflicts either within the nuclear family or between and/or
among other generations. The examiner needs to start the exploration within
the nuclear family and will ask directly each parent if they have history of emo
tional or psychiatric illnesses. For instance, the examiner may ask the mother,
“Have you ever had issues with anxiety? depression? psychosis?” “Is there any
history of suicide in the family?” “Have you ever had psychiatric treatment?
What kind?” The examiner may probe deeper depending on the responses
to the preliminary inquiry. After this, the examiner addresses similar ques
tions to the other spouse or significant other. Then, the examiner asks history
of psychiatric illnesses in the siblings of each parent followed by an inquiry
into the parents’ background in both sides of the couple; frequently, the explo
ration goes as far as probing into the great-grandparents of the identified child
or adolescent, again, in both sides of the spouses’ families. If the parents do
not have knowledge of their parents’ background, this becomes a task that
each parent needs to complete before the next diagnostic appointment.
Completing the organigram provides the examiner with important infor
mation regarding family connections and family cut-offs. In the latter case,
the examiner will attempt to ascertain the cause of the family’s cut-off. Be
sides mood, anxiety, and psychotic disorders, it is important to extend the in
quiry into areas of alcohol, drug abuse, suicides, and incarcerations.
Organigrams for two identified patients and their families are shown be
low. In the first (Figure 4–1), the identified patient, Al, was 15 years old when
he was evaluated for depression and suicidal thinking. Al’s father, Bob, had
a history of depression. Bob’s mother had history of depression. A maternal
grandmother’s sister had suffered from depression and had a nephew with his
tory of depression.
In the second organigram (Figure 4–2), the identified patient, Tim, was
15 years old when he was evaluated for depression, suicidal ideation, and ex
Legal marriage
Unmarried relationship
Male
Female
Males and females affected with depression
Family Assessment
Pete 82 Denise 81 Jeff 75 Eve 62
60 56 42
Tom 51
Sue 50 Bob 43
Al 15 Rose 12 Jim 32
Figure 4–1. Family organigram/genogram for identified patient Al.

97
treme anxiety. Tim’s mother had two children with Gus in and out of wedlock
relationship: Tess (18 years old) and Tim. Gus had problems with drugs and
alcohol. Ron was Tim’s stepfather. Eighteen months prior to the evaluation,
Ron, a 37-year-old impaired veteran, shot his wife Liz in the face and then
turned the gun on himself and killed himself. Liz survived and was left with no
disfigurement or physical incapacities. Ron suffered from PTSD and prob
lems with alcohol and drugs, and had a violent temper, prior to his suicide.
He had been physically abusive to Tim and had been very abusive to his wife,
Liz. Ron Sr., Ron’s father, had overdosed with heroin.
Deaths in the Family

History of deaths in the immediate family is common in psychiatric patients.
Death destabilizes the family hierarchy and support systems. If the lost one
is a parent, the psychosocial impact is more direct and detrimental. The child
experiences an immediate loss of care, nurturance, and support, and if the dead
parent is the main breadwinner, the survivors may experience devastating fi
nancial and social status consequences.
Serious psychological sequelae endure when the death is not the result of
natural causes but rather the consequence, for instance, of a car accident
that occurred while the parent was under the influence of alcohol or drugs, or
worse, if the death is caused by suicide. Depression, persistent anger, guilt, and
blame are common complications for children following parental suicide.
Children feel responsible for the parent’s suicide or may feel they are to blame
for the parent’s demise. Suicide of a sibling is equally devastating. Experiences
with suicide have negative and long-lasting consequences.
Deaths of a significant family friend may have as great an impact as a
death within one’s own family. The suicide of a child’s friend has a major neg
ative impact on the child’s psychological life. Guilt and self-blame are perva
sive responses. When a child’s friend has died by suicide, the examiner needs
to explore the possibility of a suicide pact or of the presence of suicidal in
tentions based on the need to atone for the perceived blame (see the section
“Evaluation of Suicidal Behaviors” in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms.”)
The loss of a friend could be more destabilizing for an adolescent than the
death of a family member. Research indicates that “losing a close friend and
having family with a drug or alcohol problem were the only specific proxi
mal risks significantly associated with adolescents’ current total difficulties.
Adolescents who reported that someone in their families had died in the past
month appeared to score lower on the total difficulties than those without
this experience, which appears counterintuitive” (Flouri and Kallis 2007, pp.
1651–1659).
Legal marriage Male Males and females affected with depression
Gus Sr. 64 Bess 61 Unmarried relationship Female Males and females who committed suicide
Family Assessment
Ron Sr. 62 July 61 Mark 65 Dee 57 Hal 61

(drugs) (drugs)
45 43 42
Gus 46
Ron 37 Liz 45 41 39
Jill 21 Tess 18 Jeff 17 Tim 15 Carl 9 Hank 7
Ron and Ron Sr. both killed themselves. Ron Sr. overdosed on heroin. Ron shot Liz in the face, before turning the
gun on himself. Ron died. Liz survived. Ron was a Vietnam veteran who suffered from PTSD and alcoholism.
Tess was 16 and Tim was 13 when Ron shot Liz and killed himself. Gus, Tess and Tim’s father, was a drug abuser.
Tim was the identified patient. He had a major depressive disorder and a very severe social anxiety disorder.
Figure 4–2. Family organigram/genogram for identified patient Tim.

99
Maternal Depression
For new mothers and for mothers who become pregnant again, maternal
screening for psychiatric illnesses is now recommended. Detrimental effects
of psychiatric illness, and of depression in particular, are becoming a major
focus in infant and in child psychiatry, and in public health in general. The
U.S. Preventive Services Task Force issued the recommendation to institute,
at the beginning of 2016, screening mothers for mental illnesses, during preg
nancy and after childbirth. The task force recognized that depressed pregnant
women take poor prenatal care of themselves and that depression causes ill
effects in infants and children. This recommendation was extended to 1 year
after delivery. This screening is covered under the Affordable Care Act. De
pression, anxiety, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and psychosis are
disorders that need to be identified. The group recommended the Edinburgh
Postnatal Depression Scale for screening purposes. This scale has 10 questions
(Belluck 2016, p. A1, 13) (see Note 2 at the end of this chapter). Most women do
not harm their babies, but mothers’ level of stress can undermine their ability
to care and can affect children’ emotional well-being, social behavior, and cog
nitive skills. In as many as half of postpartum cases, depression starts during
pregnancy and symptoms may start any time within a year after the baby is
born. Some women experience depression after their first child, some with
subsequent births, and some with every pregnancy. Studies suggest that 1 in
12 women, and as many as 1 in 5 women, develop depression, anxiety, bipo
lar disorder, OCD, or a combination, during pregnancy or after childbirth
(Belluck 2016, A13).
Illnesses in the Family

Chronic parental illness results in serious developmental disturbances in the
offspring. Chronic parental illnesses (medical or psychiatric) impact the or
ganization and support system within the family. In the case of parental ill
ness, a reversal of roles may occur: the child becomes parental and attends to
the parent’s needs instead of his or her own. In these circumstances, the child
experiences neglect and emotional deprivation.
A negative impact also results when the family has to contend with a child’s
chronic medical or psychiatric illness. The other children in the family may
resent the attention the ill child receives. A variety of negative impacts on
the family and on the other siblings are common consequences.
Similar negative consequences occur when a parent or parents are deemed
incompetent to take care of the offspring because of neglect or poor parental
supervision, or when children are placed in the care of the extended family
(grandparents or other relatives) or outside of the family. Children cannot
understand the rationale of a social agency’s decisions; commonly, children
ally with the parental figures against the external agents (e.g., Child Protec
tive Services, judiciary, school) that threaten the family integrity.
When failures occur in the executive system of the family—that is, when the
parental figures are incapable of providing care, safety, and supervision for
their children—the sibling subsystem develops compensatory organizations;
in general, the oldest child takes a parental role. The elevation of the oldest
child to a parental role is resented by the younger siblings and becomes a
source of power conflict between the impaired parent and the parental child.
Commonly, a child stuck in a parental role abrogates to herself or himself the
right to set her or his own rules and to challenge or disregard the parental
ones.
The following case is an example of a child’s problems resulting from se
vere illness in a parent.
Case Example 1
Shon, a 12-year-old Asian American male, was evaluated for disruptive be
havior at school and aggressive behavior at home. He had not had previous
psychiatric treatment. Shon had been aggressive toward his sisters and also
had been destructive at home. He had become increasingly rebellious, and
his father complained that Shon took things from his sisters and from him.
Some minor shoplifting had been reported, and he had a history of ongoing
enuresis and episodic encopresis. The school had not complained of aggres
sive behavior.
Shon’s father was Asian American and his mother was of Portuguese de
scent. As the mother entered the room, the psychiatrist noticed her wide base
and labored walking. The examiner asked her what was the matter. She started
by saying that she was recovering from a very serious ankle fracture in her right
leg 2 years before; as she continued, she mentioned that she had a bad case of
diabetes and advanced retinal disease, and a history of a right-side stroke 5 years
before. She suffered from left-side hemiparesis and had a residual aphasia.
She was disabled because of her multiple medical conditions.
The father reported that Shon talked back to his mother and that he had
been progressively verbally abusive to her. The father was fearful that Shon
might become physically aggressive with his mother. Shon’s problems had
become progressively worse over the previous 2 years, a period of time that
coincided with his mother’s surgery. The child acknowledged being sad
for the previous 5 years.
The mental status examination of Shon revealed an overweight male
child who appeared his chronological age. He was shy and nonspontaneous
and talked with a low tone of voice; some degree of “baby talking” was dis
cerned. Shon had difficulties warming up to the interviewer. He denied sui
cidal or homicidal ideation. He endorsed hearing voices telling him to do bad
things. Shon frequently would ask his mother whether she heard what he did.
He would also tell his mother that somebody was trying to get into the home
and felt that people said bad things about him. He endorsed a history of self
abusive behavior in the past: he had scratched himself two times before.
The family was unaware of the impact that the mother’s extended illness
had had on Shon’s emotional life. His mother recollected that when she was
in the hospital, Shon was 7 years old; then, he pleaded insistently for her to re
turn home, saying, “Mom I need you.” When the examiner explored the im
pact of the mother’s illness in the family, Shon began to cry.
The family had not been able to appreciate that Shon’s deteriorating aca
demic and behavioral course ran a parallel course to his mother’s deteriorating
medical condition. Shon’s behavioral adaptation suffered markedly after his
mother had a stroke 5 years before. His mother’s illnesses were a severe threat
to Shon’s strong dependency needs. Shon felt helpless without his mother
around. Furthermore, his mother’s medical condition had changed the dy
namics between her and the child in such a way that she needed care and was
incapacitated to provide the nurturing for which Shon was so hungry.
Financial Stressors
Financial stressors can affect families in a variety of ways. Some parents attempt
to work longer hours or obtain multiple jobs to produce additional income,
especially when the provision of basic necessities is at stake. Additional work
means more parental time away from the family, with a negative impact on
the family’s emotional atmosphere. Often, consistency of enforcement of
family rules suffers. When both parents work, children may be left unsuper
vised for hours and experience more keenly parental deprivation. Financial
stressors create tensions between parents and cause the children to have a
sense of material and emotional deprivation, particularly if parents cannot
meet the children’s basic needs
Family Conflicts With Other Systems

As an open system, the family is always transacting with other systems: schools,
health organizations, religious groups, social agencies, and others. The trans
actions of the family with other systems evolve from the natural or intrinsic
relationship of the family with those systems. The family is embedded in and
regulated by large social systems; that is, the family is influenced by other
systems at all times. The family is expected to transact with other social agen
cies along the evolution of the family life cycle.
A functional family system carries out the basic responsibilities of caring
for, protecting, and supervising the offspring successfully while transacting
with other systems. A family system gains autonomy from the influence of
other systems on the basis of its success in fulfilling these basic tasks. Simply,
a functioning family unit transacts with other systems without undue conflict
and is open to the positive influences of the larger systems. On the other hand,
a dysfunctional family is pressed by other systems to do a better job in fulfilling
the basic family tasks. The more the family deviates from the expectations and
influences of the larger systems, the greater the resulting conflict will be be
tween the family and the parallel or superordinate systems.
Ultimately, adolescent outcome appears to depend on the contextual cu
mulative risk rather than on specific risks, and the relationship between
proximal contextual adversity and psychopathology is monotonic (Flouri
and Kallis 2007). An alternative or complementary explanation derives from
the concept of allostatic load (see Chapter 14, “Symptom Formation and Co
morbidity” for details). As Flouri and Kallis (2007) note, “This suggests that
increments in the number of proximal adverse life e vents experienced in
crease psychopathology scores, which highlights the importance of protecting
those at risk from further risk exposure. Finally...reasoning ability moder
ates the association of proximal cumulative adversity and psychopathology”
(p. 1657).
Observations of Family Behavior

During the Family Interview
The examination of the family begins when the examiner meets the family
in the waiting room, or even before if there had been any communications
between the examiner and any members of the family. The examiner should
invite into the office any family members who have come to the appointment
and extend an invitation to any significant others the family has brought
along; the family has the choice to select who attends the meeting. Once in
the office and after the family members and significant others have been ac
commodated, the examiner introduces himself to every member of the family.
The examiner will pay notice to who is the family’s spokesperson and what
are the family’s hierarchical rules of power and control. In general, the family
spokesperson is the gatekeeper of the family—that is, the person with power
and through whom all major family decisions are made. This is the member
the examiner needs to “win over” for diagnostic and therapeutic success. The
examiner needs to be sensitive to family cultural issues in family social de
portment. For example, in dealing with Latino and Asian families, addressing
the father first and then the mother is the accepted practice. In Latino families,
fathers and husbands “are supposed to be in charge,” and unlike in most Eu
ropean and African American families, sleeping with and hand feeding of
children well through the preschool years are normative behaviors in many
Asian families (McHale and Sullivan 2008).
The examiner pays attention to the seating arrangements and to the verbal
and nonverbal communication of the family members. The examiner should
pay special attention to nonverbal behavior, including nonverbal communica
tion and body contact between and among the members. Frequently, what
the parents are expressing in words is contradicted by their nonverbal be
havior. For instance, a parent may express disgust with a child’s behavior, but
at the same time the same parent or the other parental figure makes affection
ate contact with the child, thus cancelling the verbal disapproval. Also, a com
mon observation is that when a parent asserts himself or herself in enforcing
a rule or establishing a new rule, the child may attempt to make body contact
with that parent to weaken the parent’s resolve or to convey to the parent, “You
do not really mean to do what you’re saying, do you?”
The examiner observes the affection and respect among the family mem
bers and notes if a child respects parental authority. Of equal importance is
observing the level of hostility among the members (e.g., between the parents,
between the parents and children, among the children). From the very begin
ning of the interview, the examiner can observe evidence of separation anxiety
in a child (e.g., close proximity to a parent, lack of spontaneity, frozen expres
sion, timidity, anxious pragmatics of communication), open defiance and re
belliousness against parental authority, or other intergenerational conflicts. In
the same vein, the examiner may observe evidence of depression, mania, de
velopmental abnormalities, or oddities or unusual behaviors in the identified
child or any other member of the family. An alert examiner attends to clues of
alcohol or substance abuse in the parents or other family members.
Family assessments differ depending on the child’s developmental stage,
as demonstrated in the following two subsections.
Observations of the Family When the Identified

Member Is an Adolescent
During adolescence, psychiatric problems are complicated by conflicting
family and adolescent issues related to autonomy and control. The adoles
cent’s unfolding needs for individuation and for exercising autonomy and
developing a supportive nexus outside of the nuclear family (including ro
mantic attachments and sexual exploration) collide with the family’s need to
exercise protection, vigilance, and supervision of the child.
In addition to the parents’ concern regarding the presenting psychiatric
problem(s), the psychiatrist needs to observe the parents’ empathy for the
child’s developmental needs. Are the parents’ rules too restrictive? Are the rules
too liberal and inconsistent? Is discipline disproportionate, even abusive?
Are parents attentive to the child’s growing sexuality? Are they negligent about
this developmental imperative or, on the contrary, too preoccupied with this
issue? How sound is the parents’ supervision over the child’s social life? Are
they vigilant about the child’s sexual or substance abuse behaviors? The ex
aminer needs to explore the family’s attitudes toward sex, birth control, use of
alcohol and mind-altering substances, and so on. The examiner needs to un
derstand the family’s rules regarding curfews, dating, driving, and other is
sues. The examiner should ask questions such as the following: “Has there
been any violence in your home?” “Have the police ever come to your home?”
“Has the family had any legal issues?” “Do any family members have alcohol
or substance abuse problems?” “Has a Child Protective Services agency been
involved?”
At all times, the examiner needs to be respectful of the families’ religious
leanings and philosophy of life. For certain religious groups, mores of con
temporary American life, particularly regarding adolescents’ privileges, are
considered totally unacceptable. The following is an example of observa
tions of a family with a suicidal adolescent.
Case Example 2
Mark, a Caucasian male a few months short of his 18th birthday, was evalu
ated for planning to kill himself. He had made a suicide pact with his girlfriend,
had gotten hold of a couple of his father’s handguns, and had driven toward
a coastal city 200 miles from his hometown, with the clear intent of killing
himself. Fortunately, he had difficulties finding ammunition and loading the
guns.
Mark had a long history of depression and had been entertaining thoughts
of killing himself for over 2 years. He felt estranged from his family and felt
totally alienated from society as a whole. He felt that he did not fit anywhere
and felt utterly hopeless about his family and his future.
At the time of this crisis, Mark’s girlfriend had gone through a parallel
emotional and existential crisis: she had recently attempted suicide and had
been in an acute psychiatric program. The girlfriend had also been estranged
from her family for a long time.
According to Mark’s parents, Mark had been a very bright student and was
multitalented; however, his academic interest had faltered, and Mark was
struggling to finish high school in a magnet school. In the past, he had ex
celled in athletics and had been in the gifted and talented program. At the
time of this evaluation, he had no career plans and going to college was the
farthest thing from his mind.
Mark’s family reported no prior psychiatric treatment. However, the fam
ily had previously participated in family therapy for a few months, and that
experience, in the parents’ view, had “left Mark with a negative perception of
psychiatrists and therapists.”
Mark was a white-haired adolescent with a rather quiet demeanor. He was
articulate and used words with precision but sparingly. He was ostensibly de
pressed and somewhat downcast and kept limited eye contact. He endorsed
the already described plan to commit suicide and acknowledged the plot to
shoot himself. Mark admitted that he had ingested mushrooms prior to acti
vating the suicide pact. He had also abused marijuana in the past. The rest of
the mental status examination was irrelevant to the present discussion.
Issues with hopelessness were explored. He verbalized a sense of futility
about life and about going to school in particular. He felt that it made no
sense for him to go through life’s daily requirements and to settle into a pro
fessional career. He wanted to travel, to see the world, and to meet new people.
Obviously, he wanted to move from under his parents’ control and to make his
own life.
The mother’s side of the family had a three-generation history of mood
disorders. Mark’s mother had a history of chronic depression and was taking
duloxetine at the time of the evaluation. His mother was keenly sensitive to
the presence of a mood disorder in her son. After graduating from college,
she had opted for a position as a flight attendant with one of the major air
lines, and she was very happy with her job. Mark’s father was a musician and
made his living from an assortment of manual jobs. His father was inclined
to attribute his son’s recent crisis to the mushroom abuse and minimized the
role of depression in his son’s ongoing difficulties. The couple disagreed
about their son’s need for psychiatric treatment or psychotropic medication.
Mark’s mother was mildly depressed but easily engaged; she kept a very
active role during the diagnostic interview and became the spokesperson for
the family. The father was warm but not very talkative; he listened attentively
to the ongoing discourse and became verbally engaged at appropriate times.
In a conjoint meeting with Mark and his parents, held the same day as the
initial evaluation, Mark expressed that he felt his parents had lots of expec
tations for him and specific plans for his future. He felt very constrained. Mark
felt his parents wanted him to go into some professional career, but he empha
sized that what he really wanted to do was to travel. His parents were prompt
to respond to the represented expectations. His mother said that she did not
have any specific plans for him. She was concerned that Mark was depressed
and wanted him to be happy. His father asserted that what he wanted for his
son was for him to be able to use his talents and potentials and for him to give
himself options for his future. He particularly wanted him to be happy.
Mark was surprised by his parents’ views and felt moved by his parents’
concerns regarding the ongoing crisis and his apparent lack of motivation.
Mark acknowledged that he had created some grief for his parents and felt
bad that he had not given enough recognition to their concerns and efforts.
Mark was visibly moved by his parents’ affectionate expressions, voicing that
he had felt distant and unable to communicate with them for a long time, in
part because he believed they had a pre-established plan for him. As he ar
ticulated these thoughts, his demeanor softened, his affect expanded, and he
became tearful, expressing the wish to have a closer relationship with both
parents. The whole family was emotionally touched. This was an “emotional
reunion” for Mark and his parents.
During the family meeting, Mark and his parents became emotionally en
gaged (reengaged), given the perception that some ice had been melted and
that some walls had come down. In fact, when Mark was interviewed at the fol
lowing session, he said that he was feeling better—that he was feeling more
connected to his family—and he no longer saw the future to be as threatening
or bleak as he used to. He also felt that his self-esteem had improved. When
reflecting about his girlfriend, Mark stated that he did not know what was go
ing to happen with that relationship. Mark did not know whether his girlfriend
was interested in feeling better or was still considering suicide. He recognized
that he had been dealing with his girlfriend’s depression and suicidality for a
long time and that this had been emotionally draining for him. He stated, “I am
not going to allow her to pull me down.”
Through the diagnostic interview, the examiner helped the identified and
alienated family member to feel supported and understood and to reconnect
with his family. By clarifying the adolescent’s misperception and facilitating
the family engagement (reengagement), the diagnostic interview helped to
tear down Mark’s emotional distancing from his parents and rekindle a caring
and loving relationship between him and his parents. Mark’s reengagement
with his parents during the family meeting became a breakthrough, a turning
point in his pervasive sense of hopelessness, alienation, and interpersonal
isolation.
The following is another example of observations of a family during the
interview involving an adolescent threatening suicide.
Case Example 3
Wanda, a 17-year-old Caucasian female, was evaluated after she barricaded
herself in the bathroom following an altercation with her mother. Wanda’s sis
ter, 3 years her junior, broke down the door and found Wanda with a loaded
gun aimed at her temple. Wanda was admitted to an acute inpatient adoles
cent program.
Wanda was concerned that she was pregnant and had taken some money
from her mother’s purse to buy a pregnancy kit. Her mother was upset when
she found that Wanda had taken money from her. This initiated the argument
that preceded the suicide attempt. Wanda had a problematic history of chronic
depression and mood instability and had tried to kill herself a number of times
before. She stated that she felt unattractive and ugly. She also had used drugs,
and her academic performance had deteriorated. Because of Wanda’s acting
out and her persistent unruly behaviors, she had been placed in a residential
treatment program for close to a year and had returned from that program
about 6 weeks prior to the present crisis. Apparently, Wanda had confided to
her younger sister that she was sexually active but swore to her mother that she
was not, even though Wanda’s boyfriend confessed to the contrary. The mother
had an anxious relationship with Wanda; she felt that her daughter could not
do anything without her help and that Wanda was markedly impulsive and un
stable. Mother and daughter engaged in frequent power struggles, and accord
ing to the mother, Wanda wanted to get her way all the time and badgered her
mother to no end in her effort to make her mother change her mind.
Wanda stated that she felt like killing herself when her mother discovered
that Wanda had taken money (less than $20) from her purse. She felt that her
mother was going to send her away to another treatment facility, because
“that is the way of fixing problems with me, to send me away.” Wanda repre
sented her mother as controlling and uncompromising.
Thirty-six hours after the hospital admission, staff members were in
formed that the mother was coming to discharge the patient. Apparently, her
mother was upset that Wanda had been allowed to call home without her con
sent and that Wanda had been allowed to leave the unit to go to the cafeteria
without notifying her. Wanda did not feel ready to leave the hospital yet. Her
mother was so upset at the hospital that she refused to consider talking to the
psychiatrist. Once in the hospital, however, the mother agreed to talk to the at
tending psychiatrist. She stated that the psychiatrist had not seen her daugh
ter; actually, the psychiatrist had already had two extensive interviews and a
third short one with Wanda. The mother demanded discharge, basing her de
cision on the advice of the child’s previous therapist and the staff of the pre
vious residential treatment program. The psychiatrist was unsatisfied with
the mother’s safety plan and with the lack of qualified mental health providers
following Wanda’s discharge. The mother became upset with the psychiatrist
and complained about the examiner’s tone of voice. The examiner explained
that the hospital needed to organize a solid outpatient team of mental health
providers before Wanda could be discharged. The mother was asked to come
the following day and to bring her husband and younger daughter. Before the
mother left, she recognized some of her misunderstanding and felt comfort
able about leaving her daughter in the hospital for another day. When the psy
chiatrist shook the mother’s hand, she shook the examiner’s hand with both
hands and demonstrated a positive rapport.
The next day, Wanda’s parents and younger sister came to the hospital. The
whole family was present. The sisters sat close together, and the younger sister
held Wanda’s hand. The examiner, desiring a change in the sitting arrange
ment, asked Wanda’s sister to move to the right side of the father; the mother
then took the place previously occupied by the sister.
When the examiner asked Wanda’s sister how she had felt when she found
her older sister with a gun to her head, she became so emotional and moved
that she could not talk; she gestured that she was unable to talk about the scene,
while at the same time she displayed a spring of emotion and a stream of tears.
Wanda was unmoved.
Following the silence related to the sister’s emoting, Wanda’s father said
that Wanda had certainly crossed the line. He discussed with a well of emotion
that “all my blood went to my legs” when he received the call from his wife. He
could barely stand up and walk. Wanda’s father said that he sped home, al
most getting hit by an 18 wheeler, and kept wondering along the way what he
was going to find as he entered his home: Was he going to find his wife shot?
Was his younger daughter dead? Did Wanda commit suicide? He asserted that
these moments were the worst of his life. Wanda did not show any emotional
response to her father’s revelation.
The mother, who could barely hide her resentment, said that from now
on things were going to change. Wanda would be in total lockdown after dis
charge and would not be allowed to talk to her boyfriend. Wanda’s persistent
concern was for the family not to send her to another placement center, and
she attempted to negotiate the lockdown and restrictions from her boyfriend
in exchange for not being sent away. The father did not make any deals. Both
parents were surprised at how soon the recent crisis occurred after the ex
tended residential treatment placement, and reiterated how little Wanda
could be trusted.
Throughout the session, Wanda showed no change of affect and ex
pressed no apologies or regrets. She deflected any invitation to respond to
her sister’s reactions, to her father’s revelations, or to her mother’s visible
disappointment in her. Wanda displayed a bland demeanor and was unable
to empathize with the family’s grief and resentment.
She only voiced that although the lockdown was going to be hard, she felt
she was going to make a big effort to make it through. Once the aftercare
plan was discussed and the parents were satisfied with the aftercare contin
gencies, Wanda was discharged.
In this vignette, Wanda dissociated the emotional impact of a dramatic

suicide attempt. Wanda was unable to recognize the emotional impact that
her actions had on her family. She was very narcissistic and manipulative
and had no regard for the impact of her behavior on her family. Even though
she had claimed that her younger sister was the most important person in
her life, she was incapable of expressing any regret or sympathy for her.
Observations of the Family When the Identified

Child Is a Preschooler
When assessing a preschool child, the examiner needs to focus on different
areas of family and parental functioning and different developmental acquisi
tions than when assessing an adolescent. The examiner attempts to determine
the quality of the child’s attachment to the parental figure and to ascertain
the degree of the parental figure’s emotional investment in the child. Does the
examiner see evidence of the child’s exploratory behavior in an unfamiliar
environment? Does the child show evidence of separation anxiety? Does
the child show behavioral organization? Does the examiner observe the
parent demonstrating a positive regard toward the child? Is the parent attuned
to the child’s biological, emotional, and security needs? Does the parent at
tend to the child’s safety and impulsivity? Does the parent display a capacity
for sensitive and effective limit setting? Does the parent allow the child to do
whatever he or she wants? Does the parent support the child’s efforts at
self-soothing, behavioral organization, or self-regulation?
Issues regarding the continuity of the child’s upbringing need to be ex
plored. The examiner should ask questions such as “Have you taken care of
your child all the time?” “Who else has been involved in the rearing of your
child?” “Have you ever been separated from your child?” “What were the cir
cumstances?” “Who took care of the child while you were away?” “Has the child
ever been placed outside of the family?” The examiner needs to inquire about
whether Child Protective Services has ever been involved in the family and,
if so, for what reason.
The case of Rudd was discussed in Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Tech
niques” (Case Example 2), as an example of physical holding and limit set
ting during the diagnostic assessment of a preschooler. The following is
another example of a preschooler evaluation.
Case Example 4
Daphne, a 3-year-old girl, was referred by a local military hospital after an
extensive comprehensive pediatric evaluation—involving developmental
pediatricians, a pediatric neurologist, and consultant child psychiatrists—
determined that no objective reason accounted for her perplexing symp
toms. A week before, the girl had been taken to the emergency room in an
intense and protracted tantrum; she had screamed for hours without stop
ping, had refused to eat or talk, and would not open her fists. At the military
hospital, Daphne displayed persistent mutism and would not release the
clenching of both hands. She also displayed a number of regressive behav
iors. To the hospital observers, the mother was very anxious and unduly so
licitous of the child’s attention.
Daphne had a history of a willful temperament and threw tantrums when
she did not get her way. She had a previous history of hunger strikes and had
once gone a whole week accepting only fluids.
Daphne reportedly got along well with other children and was able to play
pretend games, but she needed assistance with dressing and bathing. She also
wanted to be fed. Daphne had been sleeping a lot throughout the day and night
and had become very clingy. She had always been a difficult child and report
edly had difficulties with transitions. Her regressive behavior had begun
shortly after Daphne and her mother had returned from visiting the child’s
biological father in another state; the child had not known her father before.
Apparently, the child idealized her father and carried her father’s picture every
where. She had been toilet trained, but after a visitation with her father, she had
some accidents. Because of Daphne’s dramatic change in behavior, some cli
nicians wondered if the child had been abused during the visit with her bio
logical father and contacted Child Protective Services.
Daphne had been breastfed until age 2½. Her mother slept with Daphne,
rationalizing that a stranger could break into the house at night. Also, when
the mother showered, she would take the child into the bathroom. The child
had difficulties separating from her mother.
During the time Daphne was in the pediatric hospital, she made repeated
references to not letting the germs in and had focused on hand washing for
the previous 3 months. During the hospital stay, she would not go to the
bathroom by herself; her mother had to take her, sit her at the toilet, and wipe
her. During her multiple screaming episodes, Daphne would yell that she
wanted her mommy, and when her mother attempted to comfort her, Daphne
would scream to her, “Go away!” She was uncooperative and combative with
the hospital staff.
During the psychiatric assessment, Daphne’s mother excused herself to
go to the bathroom, but she did not go without taking her child. The exam
iner learned that the mother had severe anxiety, some phobias, and paranoia
and that her side of the family had a history of depression, anxiety, and bipo
lar disorder. The mother reported that she had always been anxious and that
she would vomit when especially anxious. She disclosed that her anxiety got
so severe that she was unable to calm herself. The mother was afraid to drive
and wondered if the child had inherited her anxiety. When the mother was a
child, she had witnessed violence between her parents. Daphne’s mother re
ported that she and her child were very close. The mother had not received
any psychiatric treatment.
In this clinical case, the examiner determined that developmental inter

ferences had promoted and maintained the child’s regressive behaviors. The
mother obviously had a severe anxiety disorder that needed identification
and treatment. At the time the child was discharged from the diagnostic psy
chiatric hospital, the child’s regressive episode had resolved. The Child Pro
tective Services agency was informed of the findings and discharge planning.
The agency was to monitor parental behavior and assist the mother in procur
ing treatment for her own anxiety disorders. The mother was referred for a
psychiatric evaluation and received treatment with fluoxetine. A follow-up of
the child indicated that the elective mutism and regressive behaviors had re
solved and that the hand movements had normalized.
Sometimes during a psychiatric assessment, the examiner needs to inter
vene to ensure the safety of the child, the examiner, or the persons attending
the evaluation, or to preserve the integrity of the evaluation environment. In
Rudd’s case (described in Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques” [Case
Example 2]), the examiner gave hints to (“coached”) an insecure and ineffec
tual mother about how to stop reinforcing a tantrum (by asking her to leave
the situation and proceed to the office), modeled effective parental behaviors
by putting the child under control, suggested affectionate support once the
child regained self-control, and accepted reparation (affectionate contact) at
the time of departure. Thus, the examiner challenged the mother’s beliefs
that limit setting did not work.
Areas of Family Assessment That Need

Specific Inquiry
Almost any topic can be explored within a family meeting, but some issues
should be approached more privately. At all times, the examiner should re
spect the parental choice regarding what issues need to be addressed, who
may be privy to such discussion, or what will be the most appropriate ther
apeutic venue for such exploration. At all times, the examiner will attempt to
understand the parental decision-making process. In principle, marital issues
should not be discussed in front of the children or in front of prior-generation
members.
In general, when a major psychiatric disorder is identified in a child, the fam
ily undergoes a great deal of soul and generational searching for the origins
of the disorder. Frequently, families become revealing and share family se
crets or information about the family they have not previously discussed with
others, or they begin to question older relatives about histories of relatives
who may have had related psychiatric issues.
The examiner should begin the inquiry by asking each parent specifically
about his or her history of mood or anxiety disorders, alcohol or substance
abuse, relevant legal history, or any condition related to the presenting prob
lem. If the responses are positive, the examiner further explores response to
treatment, complications, relapses, and so forth (see section “Family Organi
gram” earlier in this chapter).
Key Points
• The family is the essential system for optimal upbringing.
• The examiner needs to engage all the family participants
and win over the support of the “gatekeeper.”
• The examiner needs to assess how the family provides love,
care, support, and discipline. This is the preeminent function
of the family.
Notes
1. The authors understand that the electronic medical record makes it dif
ficult to construct a family diagram. In many cases; a narrative descrip
tion is the second best substitute. In cases in which the family is “loaded”
with psychopathology—that is, when there are many members afflicted—
a manual diagram will be the most helpful alternative.
2. The Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (Cox et al. 1987) has 10 ques
tions that explore happiness, capacity for humor, capacity for enjoyment,
guilt, anxiety, inability to cope, difficulty sleeping related to unhappiness,
feelings of sadness, crying, and suicidal ideation; items are rated from 0
to 3. The cut-off score ranges from 9 to 13. A score of 13 or more is consid
ered to be an indicator of serious depression. Women with scores of 9 or
above should be referred for further assessment and treatment if the score
on suicidal ideation is 1 or more (Belluck 2016, A13).
CHAPTER 5
Providing
Post-evaluation
Feedback to Families
A Word of Caution
Providing post-evaluation feedback is a critical part of the psychiatric inter
view. A number of principles guide the examiner’s professional deportment
during this important phase of the interviewing process. The examiner needs
to demonstrate expertise, empathy, and sensitivity and to show his or her ed
ucational abilities and skills. The examiner needs to keep an open and ex
ploratory mind, even at this late phase of the interview, and be sensitive to the
nature of the feedback, to anticipate the parents’ or the child’s reactions to
it, and be prepared to deal with its repercussions.
A good way to start the post-evaluation phase of the interview is for the
evaluator to ask the child and family if they have any topics that have not been
discussed that would be helpful for understanding the presenting problem.
Someone may bring up a new issue about the child or the family; this may shed
additional light on the presenting problem.
Legal/Custody Concerns
If the parents are divorced, the physician needs to clarify who is the custodian
and who has the medical decision rights over the child. In the case of divorced
or separated parents, the psychiatrist must make efforts to involve the non
custodial parent. If the custodial parent has reasons to believe that the non
113
custodial parent would refuse consent to non-urgent psychiatric treatment,

providing treatment over that parent’s objections is legally questionable and
clinically unwise. Both parents’ input is valuable for a variety of reasons: in
volving both parents 1) provides greater opportunity for more information
concerning behaviors in a variety of contexts and perspectives; 2) helps ensure
that less bias and less one-sided information will be presented; 3) increases the
chances for treatment planning and implementation; and 4) likely results in
better medication management and more effective therapy (Mossman and
Weston 2008, pp. 64, 66). Briefly, listening to both parents’ sides increases
the likelihood of compliance with the treatment plan.
Confidentiality
The psychiatrist needs to clarify the nature of confidentiality and inform the
child and family about which communications are bound by confidentiality
rules and which ones are not. The family needs to know that the examiner is
not bound to confidentiality rules when circumstances of neglect, physical
abuse, or sexual abuse are evident, or when the patient is at imminent risk of
harming someone.
Opportunities to Educate the

Patient and Family
During the post-evaluation feedback phase, the psychiatrist educates the
family about the current standards of care for a particular disorder. What
Vitiello (2008) wrote about bipolar disorder is equally applicable to the diag
nosis and treatment of most child and adolescent psychiatric disorders:
Parents should be informed of the current state-of-the-science of [diagnosis

and] treatment for bipolar disorder [or the disorder in question] and made
aware that, though there is expert consensus that children with bipolar disor
der [or other psychiatric disorders] should receive pharmacological treatment
[or other interventions] to stabilize mood, the effectiveness of treatment in
preventing recurrences and improving ultimate prognosis remains to be
documented [demonstrated]. Because response to treatment is highly vari
able across individuals, finding an effective treatment regimen for a patient
is still very much a process of trial and error. It is important for patients and
parents to be aware of these limitations. (p. 393)
Consideration Regarding Health Resources/

Finances and Other Family Issues
In making therapeutic recommendations, the psychiatrist needs to be cog
nizant of the family’s mental health and financial resources, as well as the local
Providing Post-evaluation Feedback to Families 115
mental health resources, so he or she can present options that are affordable
and available to the family. Also, good therapeutic recommendations take into
account the religious, cultural, and other ecological aspects of the family. No
recommendations are likely to be implemented by a family if they contravene
the family’s religious or cultural norms. In a similar manner, the therapeutic
recommendations are more likely to be implemented if they agree with the
family’s theory of illness.
In determining a diagnosis and establishing a therapeutic plan, the psychi
atrist should strive to involve the child in the process, especially if the subject
is an adolescent. At the same time, the psychiatrist should make an effort to
promote an understanding of the child’s pathology.
Avoiding Premature Diagnostic Closures

The examiner should avoid making premature closures and should be tenta
tive when presenting professional diagnostic opinions. As Nurcombe (2008a)
noted, “Given the fuzzy nature of clinical data, medical decisions have to be
probabilistic” (p. 2). (For Nurcombe’s strategies of diagnostic reasoning, see
Note 1 at the end of this chapter.) Before giving a serious diagnosis, such as
a severe psychotic disorder, the examiner may suggest to the family that the
preliminary impressions indicate the possibility of a serious diagnosis but
that a number of steps are needed before committing to a definitive diagno
sis: 1) conducting further diagnostic interviewing; 2) completing a number
of diagnostic procedures and consultations to further elucidate the case (lab
studies, drug abuse testing, psychological testing, speech and language as
sessment, neurological and other medical consultations); 3) observing the
response to sensible treatment trials targeting major psychopathological
dimensions; and 4) giving opportunity for a period of longitudinal observa
tion. The examiner needs to avoid making either overoptimistic pronounce
ments or negative and pessimistic prognostications.
Except when a patient demonstrates clear manifestations of an indisputable
psychiatric syndrome and a categorical diagnosis is imperative, the exam
iner may consider prioritizing the most salient psychopathological dimen
sions of behavior that are currently interfering with successful adaptation. A
categorical diagnosis tends to remove the parents from the circular causality
of the psychopathology and from other issues that need to be considered in
the understanding of precipitating or maintaining factors.
A Balanced Stand Regarding Nature

and Nurture
Despite the growing consensus that a number of psychiatric disorders have
clear biological underpinnings, the importance of family stability and a warm
parental ambiance cannot be overemphasized. For instance, Tillman and

Geller (2008) reported that the likelihood of relapse in children diagnosed
with bipolar disorder depends on maternal warmth; those children whose
mothers were warm had less incidence of relapse than the ones whose moth
ers were not.
Parents often project onto the other spouse responsibility for whatever is
wrong with the child, particularly when the psychiatric condition is severe.
The psychiatrist needs to be attentive to the emergence of such conflict and
attempt to help the parents understand the irrationality of their projected
blame and guilt. The psychiatrist needs to educate the patient and family about
the nature of the disorder(s) in question.
During post-evaluation feedback, the examiner should monitor any re
action of the child and family indicating ambivalence and covert or overt
disagreements with the treatment recommendations. The examiner should
attempt to deal with the reservations or ambivalence over the diagnosis or
treatment plan.
Safety Issues
When issues regarding safety are apparent, these concerns need to take prior
ity over everything else. The examiner needs to convey to the family that any
indication or hint of suicide needs to be taken seriously. If suicide is consid
ered a risk, the examiner needs to implement a safety plan with the family. De
pending on the immediacy of the risk, the plan may include the consider
ation of an acute hospitalization. Basically, hospitalization is indicated when
the patient expresses in words or behavior that he or she is determined, if not
driven, to end his or her life. If the examiner believes that the child’s life is at
stake, it is imperative that he or she make every possible effort to persuade the
family to seek hospitalization for the child. If the family is not supportive of
this therapeutic recommendation, the psychiatrist should take steps to ensure
that the child is taken to a nearby psychiatric unit by facilitating an order of
protected custody or by issuing a medical certificate for involuntary commit
ment. Furthermore, if the psychiatrist feels that the child is in serious danger
of hurting himself or herself, and the family opposes the psychiatrist’s safety
plan, the psychiatrist needs to contact Child Protective Services (CPS) to re
port the family for medical neglect.
The physician needs to be clear and convincing regarding the nonavailabil
ity of arms (knives and particularly guns) around the house. About half of the
total number of suicides in the United States—21,000 in 2014 for example—
were caused by fire arms. According to Ash (2008), only a quarter of families
follow the recommendation that guns be removed from the home. That being
the case, the psychiatrists need to monitor this risk is paramount.
Similar considerations apply when the child poses a risk to others. Homi
cidal behavior requires emergency psychiatry intervention. Nowadays, because
schools’ zero tolerance for violence, schools demand a psychiatric evalua
tion every time a student makes overt or veiled threats to hurt somebody or
to carry out a terroristic threat. The psychiatrist needs to assert the imple
mentation of a safety plan and take steps similar to those discussed above re
garding suicidal crises. The psychiatrist must also remember the obligation
to warn potential victims, as established by the 1976 Tarasoff vs. Regents of the
University of California precedent. Too many school tragedies have occurred
in which students and teachers have lost their lives at the hands of mentally ill
students. Many of these tragedies resulted from multi-systemic failures of the
duty to protect; the mental health system and psychiatrists, schools, peers,
parents, and others failed to take assertive steps to deal with the psychopathol
ogy that was detected or suspected. In the case of suicide, the non-availability
of arms should be made a serious goal. The patient’s access to potentially sui
cidal weapons needs to be monitored on an ongoing basis.
Dealing With Abuse Issues

One of the most difficult issues for the psychiatrist to handle during the feed
back phase concerns physical or sexual abuse. The psychiatrist needs to be
straightforward and determined when addressing issues of potential physical
and sexual abuse. The examiner is obligated to report to CPS any circumstance
of suspected abuse in any form. When the family takes responsibility for a
child’s claims of physical abuse, the psychiatrist may guide the family to call
CPS to open a case, with the goal of ensuring the safety of the child (or other
children) and of establishing a therapeutic program for effective discipline
without the use of abusive punishment. That initial call to CPS can be made at
the physician or mental health professional office.
Families are less open to accepting responsibility for claims of sexual abuse
(see Note 2 at the end of this chapter). Mothers often disregard or disbelieve
their children’s claims, in part because such an acceptance would mean the
end of the marriage or a relationship; the mothers may be financially depen
dent on the perpetrators and cannot risk breaking off the dependent rela
tionship. For some mothers, the awareness that they failed in protecting and
caring for their children is very painful and unacceptable. The psychiatrist
needs to anticipate the complications surrounding the disclosure and assist
the child and whatever is left of the family in dealing with the complex conse
quences of sexual abuse.
Because the disclosure of sexual abuse has multiple implications and legal
ramifications, the psychiatrist must contact CPS. This governmental agency
is in charge of implementing a safety plan to spare the child from further

traumatization and to protect the child from retaliation for the disclosure of
abuse.
If the psychiatrist makes an assessment requested by a third party, he or she
needs to make it clear to the parents that feedback or information will be shared
with the interested parties (CPS, judicial system, noncustodial parent, and
maybe others). The examiner should similarly handle the detection of pa
rental neglect or related circumstances that imperil children’s physical and
mental well-being.
Psychiatrist Interface With School and

Other Systems
Regarding issues related to special education and other ancillary services, in
cluding psychological testing, speech therapy, occupational therapy, and so
on, the psychiatrist should advise the family to pursue a deliberate advo
cacy. Increased roadblocks have been placed to children with special educa
tion needs. At times, not even expert assessment and recommendations
have any sway (see Cepeda 2007). Frankly stated, schools neglect the timely
identification of speech and learning disorders and delay implementation of
necessary services. Parents unhappily learn that the decisions and recommen
dations of the ARD (admission, review, and dismissal) committees are hol
low promises.
Issues With Alcohol and Illegal Drugs

Most families are very concerned when they learn that their children are in
volved with drugs or alcohol. Parents might want to know details about their
child’s abuse or addiction, but if the child does not want to share this infor
mation with parents, the psychiatrist has to oblige. The psychiatrist should in
form the family that federal law (Confidentiality of Alcohol and Drug Abuse
Patient Records 2005) stipulates that issues related to substance abuse are
confidential, regardless of the child’s age (see Note 3 at the end of this chap
ter). The examiner might explain the situation as follows: “One important
recommendation I have for your daughter is that she attend a chemical de
pendency program; unfortunately, your daughter has not authorized me to
share the nature or extent of her problem with you. You may find this strange
and inadmissible, but the law prevents me from discussing a child’s alcohol or
drug abuse with parents. I advise you to talk with your daughter about these
issues.”
Families’ Reaction to Diagnostic Feedback

Families are often ready to seek affirmation for an affective disorder, such as
bipolar disorder, which is frequently discussed in the media. On the other
hand, families are typically apprehensive about certain psychiatric diagno
ses, including psychotic disorders. Many families have difficulty believing
that children could experience hallucinations or harbor paranoid thinking.
The examiner can take several actions to decrease the family’s reservations
about some of these disorders: the examiner can carry out the child’s mental
status examination in the parents’ presence or, as suggested in Chapter 2,
“General Principles of Interviewing,” the examiner may allow the parents to
take an active role in the exploration of these controversial symptoms.
The Option of Doing Nothing

In discussing therapeutic recommendations, the psychiatrist needs to pres
ent the option and consequences of doing nothing. If the parents choose this
alternative, the psychiatrist, always respectful of the parents’ choice, should
request that the family notify him if the child’s symptoms change. The psy
chiatrist should emphasize that he or she would like to know if the child gets
better or worse. If the child’s symptoms worsen, the psychiatrist needs to re
conceptualize the case and to consider therapeutic options anew.
The Need for Combination of Treatments

The psychiatrist should stress the importance of combined treatments. Accu
mulated expertise indicates that combined treatments have a larger therapeu
tic impact than isolated treatments. Even though the effect size for a number
of psychiatric disorders in children and adolescents favors psychotropic med
ications, the importance of psychosocial interventions for those disorders
should not be underestimated. For a number of psychiatric disorders, such
as posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety disorders, and mood disorders, psy
chosocial interventions are fundamental.
Some parents are apprehensive about psychopharmacological recommen
dations. They are wary of potential side effects, including a medication’s
impact on level of alertness, cognitive dulling, drug dependency, impact on
growth (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter), puberty and reproductive life,
and so forth. These parents prefer to defer psychotropic intervention and
advocate for psychosocial interventions first. After educating the parents
about the benefits and risks of an intended medication and presenting the
benefit/risk ratio of the recommended medications, the psychiatrist needs
to respect the parents’ decisions on this matter. The psychiatrist also can
consider recommending that the family seek a second opinion to buttress
his or her case on the importance of interventions about which the family is
apprehensive.
When discussing psychotropic medications, the psychiatrist needs to clearly
state the target symptoms and the medication’s side effects, present the ben
efit/risk ratio, and give the parents and child ample opportunity to ask ques
tions and clarify issues. Asking the parents to repeat what they heard gives
the psychiatrist the opportunity to correct misunderstandings and to stress
issues that seem ambiguous.
The psychiatrist must stress the need for parents to monitor medication
compliance and attend to potential side effects, emphasizing the possibility
of serious untoward side effects for each particular medication. The psychia
trist is obligated to discuss, for example, the increased risk of suicidal ide
ation with antidepressant medications, antiepileptic medications, atomoxetine,
and many others; cardiological side effects with stimulants and ziprasidone;
serious dermatological reactions with carbamazepine and lamotrigine; and
severe metabolic side effects with atypical antipsychotics. For patients with
a history of substance abuse, the parents need to be extra cautious about
storing and administering medications (particularly, painkillers like opiates
and the like) and be vigilant about strict compliance.
When recommending psychotropic medications to adolescent females,
the psychiatrist must make the patient and family aware of hormonal risks
(menstrual irregularities), polycystic ovarian disease, and teratogenic risks.
In the same vein, the psychiatrist needs to alert the patient that some psycho
tropic medications, such as carbamazepine, may interfere with the effective
ness of oral birth control, increasing the risk of unwanted pregnancies. It is
desirable that all sexually active adolescents receive birth control protection.
Basic Care Issues

The psychiatrist needs to take the opportunity to advocate for recommended
health care (regular pediatric and odontological care), dietary changes, and
gynecological consultations and to promote necessary levels of exercise and
hygienic sleep, as well as cultural and spiritual activities. These basic aspects
of health promotion should be a common generic recommendation for every
child and family. The same is true regarding an open discussion of sexual be
havior and contraception, as well the parental need to monitor alcohol and
drug abuse.
Last but not least, the examiner needs to advise the family that having a
child with behavioral or emotional problems is a source of stress for the mar
riage. Although the child’s emotional needs must take a higher priority, im
proving and nurturing the marriage need to be considered important prior

ities for optimal family functioning.
Key Points
• The examiner needs to take multiple factors into account
when giving feedback about the diagnostic assessment.
• The examiner needs to be tactful, sensitive, deliberate, and
forthright when giving feedback to the child and family.
• The examiner needs to anticipate complications during the
feedback phase and should be prepared to deal with them.
• Safety of the child and family is a paramount concern when
providing feedback.
Notes
1. Nurcombe (2008a, p. 6) recommended the following strategies of diag
nostic reasoning:
• Tolerate uncertainty; avoid premature closures and consider alternatives.
• Separate cues from inferences. Refer inferences to salient cues.
• Be aware of personal reactions to the patient (countertransference).
• Be alert to fresh evidence that may demand a revision or deletion of a
hypothesis or diagnosis.
• Value negative evidence above positive evidence.
• Be prepared to commit to a diagnosis when enough evidence has been
gathered.
2. Generally, a disclosure of sexual abuse within the family has devastating
consequences for the family and the parental relationship. If a parent is
involved, the parents’ relationship is unlikely to survive the consequences
of such a transgression. Furthermore, the consequences of the disclosure
add further trauma for the abused child: the family is fragmented and a
family rift may occur, and depending on the mother’s response, the child
could lose both parents and the family as a whole when the child is separated
from his or her siblings and home; unfortunately, this may occur at a time
when the child needs the most support. In addition, some family members
may become accusatory toward the child; under these conditions of im
mense pressure, the child may begin to think that the disclosure was wrong
and that he or she is being punished for a wrong deed. Under these circum
stances it is not surprising that many children recant.
A mother’s response may be strongly emotional when the disclosure is

new. We have witnessed serious and dramatic reactions when mothers first
learn about the abuse by their husbands. Mothers have exhibited a vari
ety of reactions, including acute psychosomatic responses (e.g., sudden
and intense vomiting), panic attacks, sudden depressive reactions, and
intense rage accompanied by homicidal urges toward the spouse.
3. If a minor is acting alone, only he or she can provide written authorization
to disclose medical records, including disclosure to the parents. Individ
ual states have their own laws concerning minors seeking treatment. The
Texas Commission on Alcohol and Drug Abuse Web site compares the
Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA),
42 CFR 2.14 (Confidentiality of Alcohol and Drug Abuse Patient Records
2005), and state regulations. Texas state law does not require parental
consent for drug abuse treatment, and written authorization is required
for disclosure of confidential information to parents. Under the same
provisions, if a minor signs himself or herself into treatment, he or she
may consent to examination and treatment for chemical dependency or
any condition associated with chemical use.
4. Intake of conventional stimulants (methylphenidate or dextroamphet
amine derivatives) is associated with a small but statistically significant
reduction of height and weight gain rates in children over many years.
The magnitude of the impact is dose related, and height and weight rates
increase when the stimulants are discontinued. Studies show that after
2–3.5 years of stimulant intake by children, they have a decrement in height
of 1–2.5 cm and a decrement in weight of 0–5 kg (0–10 lb) compared with
prestimulant treatment predictions (Towbin 2008, p. 977). The Pediatric
Advisory Committee recommends strong warnings regarding the use of
stimulant medications in patients with underlying structural cardiovas
cular defects or cardiomyopathies (Towbin 2008). The guidelines are not
clear regarding whether an electrocardiogram baseline should be re
quested prior to initiation of stimulants. A small subgroup of children with
cardiac disorders carry an elevated risk for pediatric sudden cardiac death,
regardless of whether they receive stimulants or not. The American Heart
Association notes that most cardiovascular disorders or congenital heart
diseases are not absolute contraindications to stimulant use (Towbin 2008,
p. 979).
CHAPTER 6
Evaluation of
Special Populations
In this chapter, we discuss some brief general principles about evaluating

children who have certain medical conditions or who live in specific socio
economic circumstances. In general, children who grow up in adverse cir
cumstances or endure traumatic incidents (e.g., natural catastrophes, burns)
experience clear developmental interferences (see Chapter 13, “Comprehen
sive Psychiatric Formulation”). The psychiatrist needs to recognize the nature
of the developmental interferences and attempt to correct or ameliorate the
developmental environment.
Children With Serious Acute or

Chronic Medical Illness
A chronic medical illness constitutes a true developmental interference.
Children with severe acute medical illnesses may not understand the serious
ness of their predicament. They might feel sick and be aware that something
is wrong, but they rarely consider the possibility of death or the implication
of the disease as the parents do. Parents of children who face a sudden or ful
minating illness go through an acute stress reaction, if not a state of shock,
and may have to contend with the possibility of the child’s death. This ex
perience is very traumatic. Parents need a great deal of emotional support and
ongoing sensitive feedback about how the medical condition is unfolding:
123
“Parents should receive a full explanation of the cause, nature, treatment, and
prognosis of the disease. They may have a false, unhelpful sense of responsi
bility for the illness, particularly if they are carriers of what proves to be a ge
netic disease” (Nurcombe 2008b, p. 677).
In cases of a child’s impending death, parents need assistance with the forth
coming loss and guidance as to how to communicate with the child. As Nur
combe (2008b) notes, “Regression is a normal reaction to acute physical
illness. Physically ill children become more dependent, clinging, and demand
ing. Younger children may revert to bedwetting and immature speech. Pre
school children may interpret the illness as a punishment for something they
have done” (p. 675). Parents with a prior psychiatric history are particularly
vulnerable to responding to the child’s health crisis by reverting to previous
psychopathological conditions (e.g., depression, anxiety) or by relapsing into
alcohol or drug abuse. “Some parents react initially with denial. Others react
by becoming overprotective, by having unrealistic expectations for improve
ment, by withdrawing, or by rejecting or abandoning the child. Latent ten
sions between parents can be aggravated and, at times, separation or divorce
[is] precipitated” (Nurcombe 2008b, p. 677). The psychiatrist should be atten
tive to these parental reactions and attempt to deal with them in a timely and
pertinent manner.
Children With Burn Trauma

Of all people who experience burns in the United States, 34% are children
(Stoddard et al. 2006). Fire-related injuries are the third leading cause of un
intentional injury. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a frequent result
of burn injuries in children. Burns are also associated with a number of other
psychiatric conditions, including overanxious disorder, phobias, and enuresis
(Saxe et al. 2005). Saxe et al. (2005) found two pathways to PTSD following
burns: from acute separation anxiety and from dissociation. The magnitude
of the trauma, or the size of the burn, was not related to PTSD directly but ex
erted influence through both pathways. The pathway mediated by separation
anxiety was influenced by the acute pain response and the burn size and was
inversely related to the child’s age. The pathway of dissociation was influenced
only by the size of the burn. The independence of the anxiety and dissociation
pathways suggests that different biobehavioral systems contribute to PTSD
(Saxe et al. 2005). Two biological theories explain children’s response to
trauma: the fight or flight response (a response involving the sympathetic ner
vous system and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis) and the freeze/
immobilization response (controlled by the parasympathetic system) (Saxe
et al. 2005).
Evaluation of Special Populations 125
The nature of the burn and the prolonged recovery process impose stress
ful separations between the child and the parents when the child has a great
need for help and comfort. Children who experience the greatest anxiety on
separations are the most likely to develop PTSD. The implication is that burn
trauma, like all trauma, has a very important interpersonal component (Saxe
et al. 2005). The degree of dissociation shortly after the burn is a predictor of
PTSD (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter). The implications of the cited study
are that in the treatment of burn children, the parents should be encouraged
to be around their children for comfort and reassurance, and optimal treat
ment of pain with opiates could forestall the development of PTSD (Saxe et
al. 2005).
In a study of 52 children younger than 48 months, Stoddard et al. (2006)
found that the rate of acute stress disorder was 29%: 80% of the children had
symptoms that met the criteria for re-experiencing, 62% had symptoms that
met the criteria for avoidance, and 39% had symptoms that met the criteria
for arousal. The authors found two direct pathways to acute stress symp
toms: from pulse rate (=0.43) and from parents’ symptoms (=0.47). Pulse
rate was a mediator between total burn surface area and acute stress symp
toms, and parents’ symptoms were a mediator between pain and acute stress
disorder. Pulse rate, which increased as a result of a hyperadrenergic state at
the time of trauma, has been shown to be predictive of PTSD. The hyperadren
ergic state may be involved in the consolidation of traumatic memory man
ifested in memory intrusion and reexperiencing. Recall leads to a re-release
of catecholamines and stress hormones, resulting in an enhancement of the
traumatic memory (Stoddard et al. 2006). Level of pain has repeatedly been
associated with PTSD in children with burns and nonburn injuries. Pain seems
to exert its influence via the parents’ acute stress symptoms. If the caregivers
become symptomatic themselves and are less able to provide soothing and
reassurance because they are overwhelmed, or if the parents use avoidance or
other mechanisms, they may have a deleterious influence on the child (Stod
dard et al. 2006).
The child psychiatrist needs to assess how the child and parents are deal
ing with the burn injury and how they are participating in and coping with
medical care. The psychiatrist needs to be sensitive to the child’s pain and
separation anxieties, as well as other forms of distress, such as eating or sleep
ing problems and emotional withdrawal. Furthermore, the psychiatrist needs
to be attentive to the parents’ emotional state and to their availability to the
child’s needs of succor, comfort, and reassurance. Equally important for the
child psychiatrist is his or her role as liaison with the burn treatment team to
maximize optimal comprehensive healing so as to minimize physical and emo
tional scarring.
Children With Neurodevelopmental

Disorders
Neurodevelopmental disorders, which are typically diagnosed during child
hood, cause lifelong and characteristic impairment of socialization, com
munication, intellectual abilities, and behavior (Posey and McDougle 2008).
Because optimal functionality is a desirable outcome, some comments about
functional assessment are included; this assessment is necessary for a com
prehensive rehabilitation program for children with neurodevelopmental
disorders. Brief descriptions are provided of intellectual disability, cerebral
palsy, and a number of neurogenetic disorders.
Categorization of developmental disabilities has been narrow and has left
out significant dimensions of the persons with these conditions. These “classifi
cation procedures and standards fail to regard the whole person; they pro
duce only a limited picture of the person and thus also fail to identify the ways
in which the person can function and participate in various activities with and
without reasonable accommodations or individual and appropriate services”
(Turnbull et al. 2007, p. 24). Persons with disabilities have the right to empow
erment and participatory decision making, service coordination and collab
oration, liberty, protection from harm, autonomy, privacy and confidentiality,
integration, productivity, contribution, family integrity and unity, family
centered services, culturally responsive services, accountability, personal, pro
fessional and system capacity development, and prevention (Turnbull et al.
2007). In assessing an individual with a neurodevelopmental disorder, the
examiner has two equally important goals: 1) to identify the individual’s def
icits and limitations and 2) to determine his or her functional capacities.
In working with children with neurodevelopmental disorders, the child
psychiatrist attempts to identify the nature and extent of the deficits and the
psychological and compensatory reactions to them. The child psychiatrist
attempts to elucidate how the child and family cope with the deficits and
what evidence of resilience they demonstrate in dealing with the impacts of
their limitations. The psychiatrist also monitors the child’s and family’s
compliance with therapeutic and medical recommendations and identifies
any barriers to compliance with the rehabilitation program.
Children With Intellectual Disability

Intellectual disability (intellectual developmental disorder) (ID/IDD) is clas
sified in DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013) as a neurodevelop
mental disorder that is characterized by deficits in intellectual and adaptive
functioning in terms of conceptual, social, and practical domains originating
in the developmental period (Munir 2016, p. 95).
Sundheim et al. (2006) warned about two frequent pitfalls in the diagnos
tic process of individuals with intellectual disability: 1) diagnostic overshad
owing, which refers to using the diagnosis of ID/IDD as the explanation for
whatever is wrong with the patient instead of using standardized diagnostic
criteria, and 2) diagnostic presumption, which refers to the assumption of a
psychiatric diagnosis based exclusively on the association with ID/IDD.
Psychiatric disorders are more easily diagnosed in patients with mild to mod
erate ID/IDD than in those with severe ID/IDD. In the group with co-occur
rence of disorders there are more subjects with three or more disorders than
one would expect if the disorders were independently distributed (Munir 2016,
p. 96). Multiple disabilities and disorders are more common among children
with severe ID/IDD (Munir 2016, p. 97). Early studies showed high comorbid
ity of ID/IDD with autism spectrum disorder, childhood psychosis, attention
deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and stereotyped disorders among
study participants with moderate ID/IDD with an IQ of 50 or lower; the rates
more than double in persons with brain damage or epilepsy (Munir 2016). The
prevalence of autism is 5%–10% in individuals with mild ID but 30% in those
with moderate ID. The prevalence of ADHD in persons with ID is about 8.7%–
16%, compared with 5% in the general population. The rates of major depres
sive disorder in ID subjects are 1.5- to 2-fold higher than in the general pop
ulation, and it is estimated that the rates of bipolar disorder and schizophrenia
are twice the rates in the general population (Aggarwal et al. 2013, p. 10). The
diagnostic difficulties stem from the atypical presentations and assessment
difficulties due to communication barriers and lack of diagnostic tools appro
priate for this population. The accuracy of the diagnosis is affected by lan
guage skills and the severity of ID/IDD (Aggarwal et al. 2013, p. 11). Collat
eral information in the evaluation of individuals with ID/IDD is invaluable. It
is important to screen for physical causes of anomalous behavior such as un
recognized pain (reflux, otitis, urinary tract infections, dental pain, fractures,
constipation, and others), endocrine causes, seizures, and adverse reaction to
medications (Aggarwal et al. 2013, p. 12).
According to Sundheim et al. (2006), patients with ID have trouble verbal
izing their difficulties. They might express their reaction to some illnesses that
cause pain with irritability, aggression, and self-abusive behaviors; these ail
ments demand timely identification and treatment. Sundheim et al. stressed that
optimally, the neuropsychiatric assessment for persons with intellectual dis
ability should be carried out in the context of a diagnostic team: pediatricians
and other physician specialists, educators, and behavioral specialists. Al
though most people with developmental disabilities can communicate with
words, when working with patients with ID, the examiner may need to modify
the interview to work around the linguistic limitations. Nonverbal patients de
velop ways of expressing themselves, and the strategies they use may be trou
blesome enough to be the reason for the referral. Collateral information is

necessary. However, systematic observation of the patient is fundamental for
understanding the behaviors in question and for developing an effective com
munication and a correct diagnosis. This means that even for patients with
communication difficulties, the mental status examination remains indis
pensable. In lieu of verbalization, the individual with ID may be able to use sign
language, respond to yes-no questions, answer structured questions, or use a
picture book or other media to facilitate the interview. Subjective experiences
may be cautiously inferred from facial expressions and body language (Sund
heim et al. 2006).
Children With Cerebral Palsy

Cerebral palsy is a permanent, nonprogressive disorder of movement and
posture that is due to a neurological insult that occurs during fetal or infant
development. Associated features include abnormal cognition and commu
nication, epilepsy, and musculoskeletal problems. The causes of cerebral palsy
include injury to the developing brain (stroke, hypoxia/ischemia, malfor
mations, early traumatic brain injury), infection, and prematurity (Nickels
2015, p. 679). Cerebral palsy is characterized by changes in muscle tone (mostly
spasticity or rigidity), muscle weakness, involuntary movements, ataxia, or
a combination of these abnormalities.
Cerebral palsy is neither episodic nor progressive; the full extent of the mo
tor disabilities is evident by age 3–4 years. Intellectual, sensory, and behav
ioral difficulties may accompany cerebral palsy but are not included in the
diagnostic criteria. Of children with cerebral palsy, 52% have intellectual dis
ability, 45% have epilepsy, 38% have speech and language disorder, 28% have
ophthalmological defects, and 12% have hearing impairment. Preterm infants
constitute 50%–60% of all infants with cerebral palsy (Swaiman and Wu
2006). Prevalence of psychiatric disorders in individuals with cerebral palsy
is three to five times higher than in control subjects, but no one psychiatric
disorder is typical (Nurcombe 2008b). Cerebral palsy needs to be differenti
ated from developmental delays and developmental plateau. If there is a clear
failure to acquire a milestone even slowly, or if there is a loss of a previously
acquired milestone, this is not cerebral palsy, a static encephalopathy; develop
mental plateau or regression is suggestive of progressive neurological disease
due to metabolic, infectious, autoimmune, or genetic causes (Nickles 2015,
p. 680).
The child psychiatrist is commonly involved in the evaluation and treatment
of the emotional and behavioral problems of children with cerebral palsy.
The psychiatrist plays a major role in the comprehensive assessment of the
multiple deficits of these children and in the coordination of care, including
physical therapy, occupational therapy, speech therapy, neurological follow

ups, specialized education, and pertinent diagnostic and psychiatric care
(including individual and family psychotherapy and psychotropic medica
tion monitoring).
Major issues for the child with cerebral palsy are problems with self-image
and sense of competence, and issues and problems with socialization. The psy
chiatrist needs to explore broad issues of family functioning, paying special
attention to how the family copes with the child’s multiple needs and how
the family complies with treatment plans and the implementation of multiple
interventions. The psychiatrist also needs to monitor how the family handles
the ambivalence of dealing with a child with special needs and multiple hand
icaps and how the family manages emotional and financial resources in dealing
with the nonhandicapped children.
Children With Neurogenetic Disorders

Behavioral neurogeneticists look for etiologically defined and relatively ho
mogeneous genetic syndromes, including fragile X syndrome, Prader-Willi
syndrome, Turner syndrome, Williams syndrome, and Rett syndrome. The neu
ral mechanisms underlying the maladaptive cognition, psychiatric symptoms,
and abnormal behaviors of these syndromes can be systematically investi
gated (Gothelf 2007). The child psychiatrist assists in a prompt identification
of these syndromes and in fostering a timely and coordinated treatment of the
identified disorder.
A number of behavioral phenotypes have been identified as originating
from specific gene deletions or mutation syndromes that result in genetic
neurodevelopmental disorders. These disorders represent distinctive patterns
of cognitive and behavioral features and congenital medical sequelae (Fein
stein and Singh 2007). Endophenotypes refer to measurable traits associated
with underlying susceptibility genes. The traits are associated with illness,
are heritable, are state independent (i.e., they are present even when the illness
is not active), and cosegregate within families of probands (Feinstein and
Singh 2007).
Fragile X Syndrome
Fragile X mental retardation 1 gene (FMR1) mutations are associated with
autism or autism spectrum disorders. The full mutation typically causes meth
ylation of the promoter region of FMR1. The mutated gene causes transcrip
tion disruption, translation, and FMR1 protein production (FMRP) impair
ment. It is the lack or deficiency of FMRP that leads to fragile X syndrome.
The range of overall intellectual abilities is correlated with the levels of FMRP:
individuals with a mild deficiency present with normal or borderline IQ, learn
ing disabilities, social deficits, and anxiety; this group represents about 15%
of males and 70% of females with fragile X syndrome. Individuals with very
low levels or no production of FMRP experience moderate to severe intellec
tual disabilities, and autism at the lower IQ level. Approximately 30% of sub
jects with fragile X syndrome have autism and another 20%–30% have autism
spectrum disorders. The remainder of fragile X syndrome subjects do not
have presentations that fulfill criteria for autism spectrum disorder but ex
hibit autism-like features, including, hand flapping, hand biting, and poor eye
contact (Hagerman et al. 2011, p. 801).
Fragile X syndrome is the most common inherited cause of ID and devel
opmental delays. It is present in 1 in every 4,000 boys and 1 in every 6,000–
8,000 girls and is caused by an expansion mutation of FMR1 at the X chromo
some. Symptoms are more severe in boys than in girls. The social phenotype
in boys consists of social withdrawal, anxiety, high emotionality, poor eye con
tact, atypical speech, and theory of mind impairment. A substantial propor
tion of boys with fragile X syndrome (25%–47%) have a presentation that meets
the criteria for autism (Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Down Syndrome
Down syndrome was first described by Jean-Etienne Esquirol in 1838, and pro
mulgated by John Langdon Down in 1866 as a condition with a recognizable
phenotype and limited intellectual endowment due to extra 21 chromosome
material. The long arm of chromosome 21 contains more than 400 genes, and
it is a subset of those genes that have been implicated in Down syndrome; this
area has been designated as the “Down syndrome critical region” located at
21q22 to qter. Nondisjunction of chromosome 21 is responsible for the major
ity of Down syndrome cases (about 95% of trisomic Down syndrome with ap
proximately 90% of maternal meiotic origin; this form is not inherited). In
about 4%–5% of cases, the Down syndrome is caused by translocation, with
attachment of the long arm of chromosome 21 to the long arm of chromo
some 14, 21, or 22 being the most common translocations. The translocation
may have a 10% chance of occurring again in a future pregnancy (Nehring 2010,
p. 447).
Down syndrome is the most common chromosomal cause of ID and occurs
in 1.3 in 1,000 live births. Approximately 4,000 children with Down syn
drome are born every year (Nehring 2010). The incidence of Down syndrome
increases with maternal age at the time of pregnancy. Risk for a woman in the
twenties is about 1 in 1,667 births; by age 35, the risk is about 1 in 30 live
births. Parental age increases the prevalence too (Nehring 2010, pp. 447–448).
Down syndrome is associated with distinctive facial features, congenital
heart disease, duodenal stenosis, congenital megacolon, tracheo-esophageal
fistula, and ID. Children with Down syndrome tend to be affectionate and en
gaging. Adults with Down syndrome, compared with age- and IQ-matched
adults with learning disabilities, have a lower prevalence of aggression, anti
social behaviors, property destruction, night disturbances, attention seeking,
untruthfulness, hyperactivity, and excessive noise. Despite having language
impairment, adults with Down syndrome have social communication and
relationships that are comparable to those of adults with learning disabili
ties. Of children with Down syndrome, 7%–10% have symptoms that meet
the criteria for autism (Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Prader-Willi Syndrome and Angelman Syndrome

Loss of function of maternal or paternal genes in the imprinted chromosomal
region 15q11–q13 causes Prader Willi syndrome and Angelman syndrome.
Prader Willi syndrome is a multigenic syndrome involving 10 imprinted
genes. In Angelman syndrome, 70% of the patients carry a large maternal
deletion of the 15q11–q13 region and display a severe phenotype; however,
mutations of a single gene, UBE3A, are sufficient to cause major clinical man
ifestations of the syndrome. UBE3A encodes for E6-AP, an enzyme that has
ubiquitin ligase and transcriptional coactivator activities (Hsiao et al. 2011,
p. 944).
Prader-Willi syndrome is a genetic disorder that usually involves a deletion
or uniparental disomy in chromosome 15. It has a prevalence of 1 in 10,000–
15,000 births and is characterized by hyperphagia, hypotonia, hypogonad
ism, ID, short stature, small hands and feet, developmental delays, and distinct
facial features. Behavioral traits described in Prader-Willi syndrome include
stubbornness, tantrums, aggressive behaviors, disobedience, talkativeness,
and antisociality. Compulsive behaviors not related to food have been identi
fied, as have asociality, argumentativeness, and verbal and physical aggression
(Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Children with Prader-Willi syndrome frequently display excessive daytime
sleepiness, and sleep studies indicate a more than 50% incidence of obstruc
tive sleep apnea. Individuals with Prader-Willi syndrome also display rapid
eye movement abnormalities (severely shortened rapid-eye movement la
tency). Prader-Willi syndrome has been associated with narcolepsy (Cvejic
2015, p. 822).
Persons with Angelman syndrome, otherwise known as the “happy pup
pet syndrome” (due to frequent paroxysms of unprovoked laughter), have
problems with sleep maintenance and nocturnal seizures. Individuals with
Angelman syndrome suffer from balance problems, wide-based gait, puppet
like movements, and a cheery disposition (Cvejic 2015, p. 822). Angelman
syndrome has an incidence of less than 1 in 10,000. There is a disproportionate
lack of speech that is not commensurable with the ID. Seizures are common
(Menkes and Falk 2006, p. 241).
Smith-Magenis Syndrome
Smith-Magenis syndrome is a genetic disorder associated with a deletion of
band 17p11.2 in the gene RAI1. The typical phenotype includes brachyceph
aly, midface hypoplasia, prognathism, hoarse voice, speech delay, psycho
motor and growth retardation, and behavior problems. The syndrome is
estimated to occur in 1 in 25,000 births. Maladaptive behaviors include emo
tional lability, argumentativeness, destructiveness, attention seeking, and
physical aggression (Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Subjects with Smith-Magenis syndrome have a severe disrupted sleep-wake
pattern caused by an inverted pattern of melatonin secretion. Facial fea
tures are distinctive, with multiple dysmorphisms such as brachycephaly, a
flat midface, and a down-turned mouth. In early infancy, children may be very
friendly and easygoing and often display excellent sleep. By the first or sec
ond year parents begin to complain of frequent awakenings and daytime naps
indicating a short sleep cycle. By childhood, children start displaying temper
tantrums that may progress to severe self-injurious behaviors (Cvejic 2015,
pp. 821–822).
Turner Syndrome
Turner syndrome is a genetic disorder associated with partial or complete
absence of one of the two X chromosomes in a phenotypic girl. The pheno
type includes short stature, webbed neck, renal dysgenesis, and heart malfor
mations. Females with Turner syndrome have difficulties in social maturity,
social cognition, social relationships, and self-esteem (Feinstein and Singh
2007). Other physical characteristics include high arched palate, wide spaced
nipples, hypertension, and kidney abnormalities. The Turner syndrome phe
notype is variable and may be subtle in girls with mosaicism. Turner syndrome
may be diagnosed in infant girls at birth: they are small and may exhibit
lymphedema. Females with Turner syndrome have an increased risk of aor
tic coarctation (11%) and bicuspid aortic valve defects (16%). Emotional dis
orders are common. Affected women are prone to autoimmune disease. These
women have hypogonadism: primary amenorrhea, in 80%, or early ovarian
failure, in 20% (Fitzgerald 2015, p. 1178).
Williams Syndrome/Williams-Beuren Syndrome

Williams syndrome, also know as Williams-Beuren syndrome, is a rare ge
netic disorder caused by a microdeletion on chromosome 7q11.23. The in
cidence has been estimated to be as high as 1 in 7,500 or as low as 1 in 20,000
live births. Clinical features include atypical craniofacial morphology (pout

ing lips, wide mouth, spaced teeth, broad brow, full cheeks, short upturned
nose, flat nasal bridge, full nasal tip), growth retardation, and cardiovascular
abnormalities (supravalvular aortic stenosis and a narrowing of the aorta)
(Santos and Meyer-Lindenberg 2011, p. 537). It is also characterized by hy
percalcemia, hyperacusis, and abnormalities of muscle and kidneys, and, in
addition, mild to moderate ID (Feinstein and Singh 2007). Hypersociability
is a hallmark of the Williams syndrome social phenotype. Individuals with
Williams syndrome are also socially anxious and by adult age have failed to
develop and maintain friendships and suffer from unsatisfying peer relation
ships (Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Chromosome 22q11.2 Deletion Syndrome/

Velocardiofacial Syndrome
Chromosome 22q11.2 deletion syndrome is the most common microdeletion,
affecting one in 2,000–4,000 live births, and involves a haploinsufficiency of
about 50 genes causing a multisystem disorder. Individual with this deletion
are at increased risk of developing several psychiatric disorders, such as anxiety
disorders, ADHD, and autism (Swillen 2016, p. 313). Schizophrenia spec
trum disorder is diagnosed in up to 25%–30% of adults with this deletion
(Swillen 2016, p. 134). Most cases are de novo mutations. Symptoms include
cleft palate, velopharyngeal insufficiency, cardiac defects, distinctive facial
features, reduced intelligence, and a dramatic delay in early language develop
ment. Individuals with velocardiofacial syndrome have receptive and higher
order language deficits, as well as abstract reasoning and visual-spatial def
icits. Younger children display mood lability, social withdrawal, awkward
ness, shyness, ADHD, anxiety, and disinhibited behavior. Approximately 30%
of individuals with velocardiofacial syndrome develop psychosis (schizophre
nia, schizoaffective disorder) by adolescence or young adulthood, account
ing for about 2% of the schizophrenia cases (Feinstein and Singh 2007).
Recent longitudinal studies on the cognitive development of children and
adolescents with 22q11.2 deletion syndrome reveal substantial diversity in
cognitive trajectories through childhood and adolescence: a relative stable
IQ trajectory over time (trajectory of delay), a “growing into deficit” trajec
tory, and a trajectory of absolute decline in IQ (Verbal IQ in particular). The
latter trajectory precedes psychosis (Swillen 2016, p. 136).
Rett Syndrome
First reported by Andreas Rett, an Australian pediatrician, in the 1960s, Rett
syndrome has been shown to be caused by mutations in the gene encoding
methyl-CpG-binding protein 2. Rett syndrome is a rare condition affecting

1.09 per 10,000 females by age 12 years. There has been an increased interest
in this disorder because clinical features found in Rett syndrome are also seen
in a number of other neurodevelopmental disorders as well as in adult neuro
logical and psychiatric conditions, including autism, Angelman syndrome–like
features, intellectual disabilities in boys with associated neuropsychiatric fea
tures, and neuropsychiatric features such as anxiety and depression in women
(Neul 2011, p. 776).
Rett syndrome is a severe X-linked dominant neurodevelopmental disor
der affecting postnatal brain growth. It is the second most common cause of
genetic intellectual disability in girls and the first pervasive developmental
disorder with a known genetic basis. Usually, mothers of girls with Rett syn
drome have an uneventful pregnancy and delivery, and the daughters develop
normally until about age 6 months. A deceleration of head growth from around
age 4 months onward usually results in microcephaly. This period is followed
by a developmental regression that includes social withdrawal, loss of pur
poseful hand usage coinciding with the appearance of stereotypic hand move
ments, and loss of acquired speech and language abilities. Gait apraxia and
ataxia are common (Ben Zeev Ghidoni 2007). The main diagnostic criteria for
Rett syndrome are as follows:
1. Partial or complete loss of acquired purposeful hand skills

2. Partial or complete loss of acquired spoken language
3. Gait abnormalities: impaired (dyspraxic) or absence of ability
4. Stereotyped hand movements such as hand wringing/squeezing, clap
ping/tapping, mouthing, washing/rubbing automatisms
Supportive criteria include the following:
1. Breathing disturbances when awake

2. Bruxism when awake
3. Impaired sleep pattern
4. Abnormal muscle tone
5. Peripheral vasomotor disturbances
6. Scoliosis/kyphosis
7. Growth retardation
8. Small cold hands and feet
9. Inappropriate laughing/screaming spells
10. Diminished response to pain
11. Intense eye communication–eye pointing
In spite of the identifiable genetics, the diagnosis is made on the basis of

clinical findings (Neul 2011, p. 777). Acquired microcephaly is a preamble and
should raise suspicion for the diagnosis. Epilepsy is reported in 90% of girls
with Rett syndrome.
Linkage to the Xq28 region has been demonstrated, and MECP2 has been
identified as the gene responsible for Rett syndrome. Mutation of this gene
has been observed in up to 95% of classical cases (Ben Zeev Ghidoni 2007).
Children Living in Poverty

Children who live in families at the poverty level experience a multiplicity of
adversities that become major developmental interferences, such as inade
quate nutrition, poor pediatric care, low-quality schooling, family stress, and
abusive discipline. The core interference for children with poverty is depri
vation in a variety of forms. Poverty is associated with atypical development
of a number of brain areas (see Chapter 12, “Neuropsychiatric Interview and
Examination”).
For economically disadvantaged youths, the psychiatrist may become their
primary physician. As a result, he or she needs to be attentive to these chil
dren’s basic health needs and help their families navigate the complex health
care system. Recognition of and assistance in overcoming barriers to access
of care are essential in the implementation of an effective treatment plan for
these children. Basic nutrition and hygienic habits should not be assumed. The
psychiatrist cannot take for granted that these children receive basic pediatric
or odontological care. The psychiatrist needs to make efforts to help these
families procure such services. In the same light, the psychiatrist needs to know
that poor families depend on public and arranged transportation services
and often need to provide a flexible schedule of appointments to meet their
needs.
Another hurdle that poor families must surmount involves special educa
tion services for their children. Educational systems often delay the provision
of specialized services or deprive poor children of needed services they re
quire. The psychiatrist must begin with a psychoeducational role regarding
the options and rights to special education services and may need to take an
active advocacy role to secure the special services that these children need.
Children From Minority Populations

A major developmental interference for children of minority populations is
centered on overcoming scapegoatism and stereotyping. These children
struggle against powerful social barriers and are under an ongoing need to
prove themselves and to fight discrimination. Middle Eastern children have
the added burden of being perceived as being associated with terrorism.
Minority status is often associated with socioeconomic disadvantages, such

as poverty, mediocre schools, and lack of access to medical care. Therefore,
the child psychiatrist needs to be attentive to this population’s satisfaction of
basic needs, such as food and shelter, medical care, and quality of education.
The psychiatrist also needs to be diligent about detecting neglect or physical
or sexual abuse while maintaining respect for the mores or culture of each
particular family. The child and adolescent psychiatrist needs to be vigilant
about cultural developmental practices that are not condoned or are even
proscribed in the United States.
The minority child is frequently ostracized by peers and has particular
difficulties in building friendship bridges with members of the dominating
majority group. The psychiatrist needs to systematically explore with a child
any issues of identity, problems with self-esteem, issues with self-doubt, and
concerns with belonging and lovability.
Adaptation and acculturation to a new society can be especially complicated
for families from non-Western cultures. The child psychiatrist needs to be
sensitive to the process of acculturation and, in dealing with children and their
families, must attempt to implement culturally sensitive interventions. Im
plementing specific culturally sensitive treatments is difficult in working
with patients from different cultures. Some studies have found that tailoring
interventions for specific populations can increase their effectiveness, but other
studies have found that cultural adaptations of interventions dilute the effec
tiveness of the original treatments, even though retention is improved (Ngo
et al. 2008). Important cultural issues that need to be integrated into any
treatment include help-seeking preferences, expressions of distress, commu
nication styles, migration experiences, family values, and sociopolitical his
tory. These concepts are central to understanding the experience of specific
populations (Ngo et al. 2008).
Children in Out-of-Home Placement

A fundamental need for every child is to grow in a family environment sur
rounded by loving parental figures. This is the sine qua non prerequisite of
the indispensable process of attachment, without which working models of
adaptive behavior are unlikely. In the soul of most children living away from
home is the unending longing to return to the family of origin. This craving
for the family is expressed in daydreaming, in fantasy life, and above all in
the relationship with the parental substitutes. Many of these children develop
tenacious attachments to the original parents, no matter how negative their
life experiences were with them. Children with tenacious attachments to the
original parents keep a strong loyalty to them and refuse emotional invest
ments in parental substitutes.
The number of children living in foster care has declined substantially over
the last decade, from 800,000 in 2005 to about 650,000 in 2014. This trend has
been true across most racial and ethnic groups, but the rate has increased
among mixed-race children (Scheid 2016, p. 16).
A distinction could be made between children living outside of their home
environments temporarily and those permanently living away from the fam
ily of origin. For those living away from home for only a limited time, the
separation from the family may cause only a temporary emotional pain (but
may leave enduring negative consequences). These children hope and expect
that they will return home. The situation is different for children separated
from their families permanently—that is, those whose parents’ rights have been
terminated. Some of these children dream of turning age 18 to exercise the
freedom to reunite with their progenitors. The examiner needs to keep the
strength of this bond in mind. Only by understanding the nature of such an
attachment can the examiner decipher the problem the child displays with
substitute parents and living in alternative home environments. A related
dynamic is commonly present in many failed late adoptions.
The factors that motivated the removal from the family of origin influ
ence the children’s psychological organization and rationalization of the
events. Many children defend their parents’ abusive or neglectful behaviors
by minimizing or rationalizing the behaviors or by denying parental miscon
duct all together. Children removed for sexual abuse are left with a number of
psychological scars: the guilt that they caused the family breakup, and the sense
that they were violated and that their abuse is not aggrieved. The impact of
the abuse is worse when girls disclose the abuse and their mothers do not
support them or do not believe their claims (these events, unfortunately, are
not uncommon). These children feel betrayed, violated, and utterly alone,
firmly believing they cannot trust anybody. For these children, exploration of
abusive issues is strongly opposed by the child.
Many boys who were physically abused by their fathers or surrogate fig
ures become violent and harbor persistent feelings of vengeance. These sen
timents are intensified if the children, in addition to their own victimization,
have witnessed parental abuse against their mothers or siblings.
Reactivation of memories of abuse brings strong feelings of anger, for which
these children have limited control. In working with both physically and sex
ually abused children, examiners need to respect children’s reservations or
fears of verbalizing these events, and they need to be cognizant of the risks
of opening the gates of bad memories. Not being sensitive to these fears may
destabilize a child, unleashing aggression and other acting-out behaviors.
Furthermore, the reactivation of traumatic memories may stimulate the emer
gence of a severe regression, which complicates and extends emotional suf
fering and maladaptation. The examiner should make efforts to strengthen the
child’s adaptive behaviors and to deal with the traumatic past as it surfaces
rather than dealing with the abusive past head on.
Most children in the custody of Child Protective Services agencies harbor
deep resentments against the system or systems that promoted the family
breakup. Most of these children blame Child Protective Services and the judges
for the separation from their families. Despite clear prohibitions against con
tacts with the abusive parental figures, many children find ways of secretively
talking or having in-person contact with their parents.
The psychiatrist needs to be attuned to the child’s longing to be reunited
with the original family and wish to recover his or her lost family. The psychi
atrist should also be cognizant of the child’s tenacious attachment to the orig
inal parents and realize that the child’s ongoing difficulties with substitute
parents may indicate a sign of loyalty to the biological parents.
Migrant Children
Migrant children spend a few weeks or months in one place and the next some
where else. These children do not have a stable rearing or learning environ
ment; those children who attend school must repeatedly readapt to various
school environments. Also, these children have difficulty establishing long
lasting bonds to peers and to the local schools because they are on the move.
Migrant families form strong, close nexuses among themselves, and for
many of them, the opportunities for socialization become endogamic. Many
migrant children have academic retardation and difficulties with English
proficiency; others have a number of cognitive deficits or learning disorders
that elude identification and remediation. Migrant families straddle the pov
erty line and lack basic medical services. As in working with children from
poverty-level families, the examiner needs to pay closer attention to the mi
grant children’s most basic needs and to medical and odontological care. If
the child is from a family of undocumented immigrants, in addition to the
disadvantages cited above is the ongoing fear of detection and extradition
that frequently results in family separation (see section “Undocumented Im
migrants”).
Displaced and Refugee Children

Families sometimes are forced to leave familiar environments because of
political reasons or natural disasters. During the middle of the second de
cade of the 21st century, the mobilization and displacement of millions of
refugees from the Middle East and North Africa has required humanitarian
relocation for thousands and thousands of people, children and adolescents
included. Displaced families are removed from their supportive networks, and
many family members become separated during the mobilization; worse
yet, many children are separated from their parental figures. Displaced fam
ilies are under extraordinary stress and in need of global supports. Displaced
families need shelter and food, recreation, and other basic needs; these fam
ilies are frequently housed in crowded dwellings that lack opportunities for
privacy and intimacy. Many of the temporary camps lack amenities for dis
tressed children. Refugee accommodations are not the most auspicious en
vironments for the families to comfort and settle their anxious children.
Under such immense stress, many families break down. Then, secondary
to the family malfunction, many children start to display maladaptive behaviors,
including unlawful behaviors toward members of the host country, leading
to a referral for a psychiatric evaluation and intervention. For children without
prior maladaptive behaviors, adjustment reactions and acute stress disor
ders are common explanations.
For children with prior psychiatric history, who are already vulnerable to
stress, the additional stress of displacement aggravates previous psychopa
thology or reactivates previous psychiatric disorders. These displaced chil
dren often show maladaptive behaviors in the school environment and in
relating to unfamiliar peers and teachers. Areas the examiner needs to explore
include the intactness of the family, the family’s ability to cope with the pre
cipitating stress, and the family’s need to communicate with close friends and
relatives. The examiner may ask the child questions such as the following: “Are
you living with your parents now?” “Are your siblings with you?” “Where is the
rest of the family?” “Tell me what happened that made your family move from
where you were living before.” “How did your family get out?” If family mem
bers are separated, the examiner should ask additional questions: “Where is
your mom?” “Where is your dad?” “Where are your siblings?” “When was the
last time you heard from them?” “How can you get in touch with them?” “How
is everybody in the family doing now?” Other important questions relate to
the child’s general health, such as the ability and quality of a child’s sleep.
Issues of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

Related to Terrorism
Armed conflicts provide an ecological shock or destabilization that creates
a culture of violence that damages child protection and support at multiple
interacting levels (Boothby 2008). Available evidence suggests a clear rela
tionship between exposure to violence and the onset of traumatic symptoms;
however, a number of children do not develop symptoms, likely because of
protective factors that may buffer potentially harmful experiences. Findings
are consistent with related research in traumatic stress. Variables such as the
nature of the violent event, the availability of family and social supports, the
meaning of the violent experiences, and the range of coping strategies and
available resources all seem to play a role in the long-term impact of the vi
olence on children’s development. An additional factor is the extent to which
acts of violence result in the loss or incapacitation of the children’s parents
or caretakers (Boothby 2008).
The importance of polyvictimization—that is, exposure to multiple ad
versities and multiple traumatic events—is something that the evaluator needs
to keep in mind. Any type of child victimization increases future vulnera
bility for re-victimization. Polyvictimization is probably the norm for children
who have been exposed to chronic situations such as war, child abuse, and do
mestic violence (Cohen 2008).
In working with refugee children and adolescents, the psychiatrist needs
to consider the possibility of torture. The examiner needs to explore the ex
posure of the child and his or her family to war trauma or political persecu
tion, and to keep in mind that the child may have had prior exposure to other
kinds of trauma, including neglect and physical and/or sexual abuse. The
psychiatrist should identify the diverse nature of the traumas and take mea
sures to address each traumatic event comprehensively and in coordination
with other complementary approaches.
The psychiatrist should keep in mind that social supports (family, schools,
peer relationships, and religious supports) buffer the impact of terrorism
(Henrich and Shahar 2008). These beneficial forces need to be explored, pro
moted, or strengthened.
Undocumented Immigrants
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement had established a number of
immigration detention facilities for undocumented immigrants who were
caught attempting to enter the country illegally. Within the United States,
more than 5,000 children annually were held in immigration detention facil
ities. The U.S. government had an ongoing commitment to keep detained fam
ily groups together; in 2006, a 512-bed facility was opened in Texas for family
detention (Newman and Steel 2008). Some of these detention centers have
been closed since then for allegations of mistreatment or/and abuse.
The number of unaccompanied minors crossing into the United States has
grown considerably over recent years. According to the U.S. Customs and
Border Protection, the number of apprehended unaccompanied minors in the
southwest border region of United States increased from 10,105 in the first
four months of fiscal year 2015 to 20,455 in the same time frame in fiscal year
2016 (U.S. Customs and Border Protection 2016). Some adolescents come with
out their families to the United States from Mexico and many Central Amer
ican countries; they do not speak English, have low academic education, and
come from low socioeconomic backgrounds; some of these youths come
from neglectful and abusive/violent environments. Their backgrounds and
the efforts they make to reach the United States are extraordinary. Leaving their
homes and familiar lands, these children flee from appalling family circum
stances and most go through incredible ordeals to reach the U.S. border. Many
fall prey to “coyotes” and sexual predators; some female adolescents are sexually
exploited and forced into prostitution. Not surprisingly, child asylum seekers
arrive with a range of experiences that put them at high risk for psychological
distress and for the development of a mental disorder (Newman and Steel
2008).
After being placed in the detention centers, these adolescents face reality,
and their dreams of settling in the United States promptly vanish. Being in a
foreign land, away from their supportive networks, in close quarters, unable
to speak the language of their custodians, unable to make their needs under
stood, and facing a return to their country of origin, may—and in many cases
does—cause a mental breakdown. Some of these adolescents become suicidal
or psychotic. Under these conditions, the detention facilities request a psychi
atric evaluation for these adolescents.
Non-Spanish-speaking psychiatrists require the assistance of a compe
tent and fluent translator. Even Spanish-speaking psychiatrists may be chal
lenged because these adolescents use slang and colloquialisms from their
original cultures and usually have a low level of education.
Key Points
• Various medical conditions (e.g., neurodevelopmental disor
ders, cerebral palsy, neurogenetic disorders) and socioeco
nomic situations (e.g., poverty, migrant work) can pose a
challenge to the diagnostician. These conditions create spe
cial needs that require timely identification in treatment
• The examiner needs to have broad familiarity with and sensi
tivity to these various circumstances to achieve an optimal
diagnostic engagement with children and families from dif
ferent backgrounds and medical-neurological-genetic cir
cumstances.
• The evaluation of children with special needs should incor
porate multiple disciplines to encompass the various areas
of function and to facilitate the development of a compre
hensive treatment plan.
Notes
1. Dissociation is considered a parasympathetically mediated response that
occurs after exhaustion of sympathetically mediated defenses or coping
mechanisms. Change in vagal tone, a well-documented parasympathetic
marker, is associated with PTSD. Situations of extreme threat may lead
to the parasympathetically mediated shutting down of emotions pheno
typically observed as dissociative symptoms and prospectively related to
PTSD (Saxe et al. 2005).
CHAPTER 7
Psychiatric Evaluation of
Preschoolers and Very
Young Children
Egger (2009) recommends that the psychiatric assessment of very young chil
dren, preschoolers, should be done in “multiples”:
1. Multiple sessions. It is not possible to perform an adequate psychiatric

assessment of a young child in a single session. In some centers, parents
meet with the evaluating psychiatrist without the child to provide a de
tailed account of their emotional and behavioral concerns and for the
psychiatrist to obtain developmental, marital, and family histories. A ma
jor goal during this meeting is to ascertain the functional status of each
parent and to estimate the quality of the rearing environment parents are
able to provide. Some examiners construct an organigram or a genogram
to highlight the presence of family members, in the current or previous
generation, who have been affected by emotional, substance abuse or other
psychiatric problems, or members who have committed suicide.
2. Multiple informants. Multiple informants must contribute to the his
tory and evaluation. Informants include biological parents, stepparents,
and nonbiological parent figures, foster parents, day care providers, teach
ers, grandparents, nannies, baby sitters, and the child. (As Egger [2009]
categorically states, “It is not possible to conduct a psychiatric assessment
143
of a young child based solely on adult report ...every child is a critical in
formant” [p. 566].)
3. Multiple experts. A multidisciplinary approach is undertaken to ascer
tain the child’s level of functioning in multiple domains. Psychiatrists,
developmental pediatricians, developmental and clinical psychologists,
school psychologists, pediatricians, neurologists, speech and language
therapists, occupational therapists, social workers, caseworkers, early in
terventionists, and child welfare providers, among others, will contribute
to the understanding of the child’s strengths and difficulties. On the one
hand, psychiatrists, psychologists, psychotherapists, substance abuse coun
selors, and marital and family counselors who work with the parents may
assist in understanding parents’ or caregivers’ parental functioning, while
siblings or even close friends may help contribute in the understanding of
the family history or ongoing parenting difficulties. It is the responsibil
ity of the child psychiatrist to assemble and to interpret all the different
diagnostic assessments into a comprehensive and integrative diagnosis
and treatment plan.
4. Multiple modes of assessment. Because of the challenges of gathering
information about the emotions and experiences of very young children,
different modes of assessment, including structured screening and diag
nostic measures, psychological and developmental testing, observational
assessments, direct interviewing, laboratory tests, and structured and un
structured play, are necessary to obtain multiple perspectives needed to
understand the child and his or her symptoms within the context of the
child’s relationships and environment (Egger 2009, pp. 565–569).
5. Multicultural perspective. It is important to recognize that the evalua
tion of parenting and upbringing, as well as the evaluation of childhood
behaviors, occurs within the context of specific cultural experiences, norms,
and expectations of patients and clinicians. Clinicians should make a de
liberate attempt to understand how culture shapes parents’ understand
ing of their child’s emotions, behavior, and needs, and how that affects
the child’s experience within the home environment and within the wider
community. Clinicians must also be aware of how their own cultural val
ues, beliefs, and assumptions affect their understanding and interpretation
of the child’s needs and experience.
6. Multiaxial assessment. DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013)
dispensed with the multiaxial diagnostic system, but something has been
lost with its omission. The DC: 0–3 and the DC: 0–3R had in Axis II “Re
lationship disorder classification” and “Relationship classification,” respec
tively, that enabled the examiner to record information about the nature
and quality of the child’s relationship with his or her primary care givers
(Egger 2009, p. 570). This lack of a multiaxial approach should be filled
Psychiatric Evaluation of Preschoolers 145
by a narrative description of the quality of the child’s relating to his or her

care givers during the comprehensive formulation (see Chapter 13, “Com
prehensive Psychiatric Formulation”).
For the different areas or domains that need to be covered in the comprehen
sive assessment of very young children, see Table 7–1.
In general, the younger the child needing a psychiatric evaluation in the
preschool years, the larger the odds that the child has a neurodevelopmental
problem, that the psychiatric disorder has strong genetic loading, or that the
child is being subjected to major adversities, formerly and aptly called “psy
chotoxic states” (i.e., neglect or abuse). Furthermore, the younger the child,
the higher the likelihood that the parent(s) will suffer from a psychiatric dis
order or a substance abuse condition.
Attachment and Bonding

What is the nature or quality of attachment is a question that frequently arises
in the process of evaluating preschoolers. Attachment and bonding and their
associated disturbances are described next.
Zeanah and Smyke (2015) define attachment as a tendency for human in
fants to seek comfort, support, nurturance, and protection preferentially from
one or more caregivers. This is sometimes referred to as “focused,” “preferred,”
“selective,” or “discriminated” attachment between child and parent (Zeanah
and Smyke 2015, p. 795). According to Marvin and Britner (2008), attachment
and bonding are the mechanism by which “children and their caregiver or
ganize protective proximity and contact, and how they [children] continue to
use their caregivers as a secure base for exploration” (p. 270) (see Note 1 at the
end of this chapter).
Attachment is classically assessed in infants and very young children by
child responses elicited through the Strange Situation, which was developed
by Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues. Ainsworth started her research on
attachment in the early 1960s and consolidated her findings in the late 1970s.
The Strange Situation utilizes a series of interactions that involve separations,
reunions, and the introduction of a stranger (see Note 2 at the end of this
chapter). The observations gathered during these events are used to assess not
only the child’s response to the scenarios but also the parental response to the
child’s emotional reactions (Solomon and George 2008) (see Note 3 at the
end of this chapter).
Solomon and George (2008) describe the following attachment styles: the
secure attachment style is characterized by the child’s ability to explore, re
turn to the parent for comfort or reassurance when upset, and explore again.
The avoidant style involves minimal behaviors indicating a sense of a secure
Table 7–1. Domains that need to be assessed in the

comprehensive psychiatric evaluation of very
young children
Current history of emotional and behavioral symptoms (frequency, duration,
content, onset, relationship context, and triggers of symptoms)
Past history of emotional and behavioral symptoms (frequency, duration, content,
onset, relationship context, and triggers of symptoms)
Developmental history (history of pregnancy, maternal prenatal care [use alcohol,
drugs or tobacco during pregnancy], neonatal history, development of the
milestones and history of developmental delays)
History and patterns of sleep, feeding (including history of breast feeding), eating,
and toileting
Family composition; construction of a family genogram
Experiences in day care and preschool settings
Quality of the child’s play (content, variety, enjoyment)
Quality of the parent-child relationship (nature of the affect when they interact,
child’s reaction to separations and reunions, level of conflict, coercion, or
intrusiveness); history of participation of other caretakers in the rearing of the
child and the reasoning for it
Current cognitive and developmental assessment of expressive and receptive
language abilities, gross and fine motor capacities, and adaptive functioning
Medical history, including history of streptococcal infections, ear infections,
hospitalizations, traumatic medical experiences; exposure to toxics (e.g., lead),
central nervous system disorders, such as epilepsy, head injuries, and others
Recent physical examinations, including height, weight, BMI, and blood pressure;
history of developmental growth
Medication history, including psychotropic medication exposure, other
medications: antibiotics, anti-asthmatic medications (names, doses, length of
treatment, side effects)
Laboratory tests including genetic testing when indicated
History of stressful life events, including major traumas (e.g., death in the families,
abuse, witnessing violence), minor stressors (birth of a sibling, change of day
care or schools), ongoing stressors (parental hardship, parental deployment, or
parental illness); history of family relocations
Emotional resources of the family; details of how each family member is doing
Family structure and functioning (discipline practices [e.g., corporal punishment])
Relationship with siblings, peers, and other-age children
Table 7–1. Domains that need to be assessed in the

comprehensive psychiatric evaluation of very
young children (continued)
Child’s family culture as well as the appreciation of the impact of cultural
differences and conflicts between the child’s culture and the culture of the wider
community
Day care and school experiences, including type of setting, teacher/child ratios,
length of time in the setting, relationship with teachers and child care providers,
and relationship with peers
Three-generation family psychiatric and substance abuse history, ideally collected
as a genogram with a record of symptoms, diagnoses, and events; age at onset;
treatments, including inpatient and outpatient interventions, psychotherapy,
and medications (name, doses, adverse side effects), including details about
anxiety and depression
Current history of parental psychiatric symptoms, including symptoms of depres
sion, anxiety, psychosis, or substance abuse; history of compliance and treatment
Current and past history of domestic violence between adults and between adults
and child in child’s home
History of Child Protective Services (CPS) intervention; reasons for CPS
involvement
Assessment of the child’s strengths and competencies
Impact of the child’s symptoms on the family’s functioning (e.g., unable to leave
child with a sitter due to child’s anxious distress or the child’s violent behavior)
Assessment of how the child’s problems interfere with parents’ work
Degree of parental stress, both overall and in respect to the child’s evaluation
Gathering information regarding the living conditions, parental employment,
persons living in the household, socioeconomic status, quality of the
neighborhood, and religious and cultural practices
Source. Modified from Egger 2009, p. 571.
base: little distress with separation and avoidance of parental comfort. The
ambivalent attachment style is characterized by distress displayed in novel
situations and separations, expressions of extreme responses to reunions, and
lack of comfort from the parent. The disorganized or disoriented style reflects
confusion and disorientation in the strategies utilized to cope with novel sit
uations and separations and reunions (Solomon and George 2008, p. 387).
The attachment styles or their classification is not diagnostic. The secure
attachment is considered a protective factor; the others are considered risk
factors. Disorganized attachment has a prevalence of 14% in low-risk sam
ples, but it is as high 70%–80% in maltreated or institutionalized samples.

Disorganized attachment is associated with various disturbances of caregiv
ing behavior, including frightening/frightened, antagonism, withdrawal, role
confusion, and contradictory cues (Zeanah and Smyke 2015, p. 796). These
attachment patterns of behavior seem to continue in a variety of maladaptive
behaviors, such as overfamiliarity with strangers, lack of boundaries, intru
siveness, and inappropriate nonverbal social behavior (e.g., staring at people,
inappropriate body contact). These behaviors are not perceived as sociable or
friendly by those in the receiving end. Disorganized attachment tends to per
sist up to middle adolescence (Zeanah and Smyke 2015, p. 798). For the dif
ferential diagnosis of attachment and autism and other psychiatric disor
ders, see Table 7–2.
When children have formed a secure attachment, they are able to face novel
situations with confidence and have acquired the knowledge (internaliza
tion) that the parent or caregiver will be reliably present to provide comfort
and reassurance; the child develops confidence that upon separation, the par
ent will be there—will still be there (O’Connor et al. 1999; Oliveira et al. 2012;
Stacks et al. 2014) (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter).
O’Connor, Bredenkamp, and Rutter, in their 1999 study of children in Ro
manian institutions who were subsequently adopted by families in the United
Kingdom, demonstrated that neither cognitive impairments nor nutritional
deprivation was correlated with the development of attachment disorders;
instead, it is the lack of a consistent caregiver in the earliest stages of life with
whom a child might form selective attachments (O’Connor et al. 1999). This
lack may be the critical factor in the development of attachment disorders (see
Joel’s case in Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques,” Case Example 15).
Trauma may include physical or sexual abuse (see Case Example 1 later in
this chapter), loss of a loved one (especially parent or caregiver), natural di
sasters, or displacement (such as by fire, war, or migration). Neglect or pa
rental absences may have occurred because of physical or medical illnesses,
imprisonment, family conflicts (such as custody disputes), or drug abuse or
addiction.
Maternal Pathology and

Attachment Subtypes
During the exploration of attachment patterns, the examiner should explore
experiences that derail the development of healthy attachment between parent
and child. Very early separations and lack of maternal emotional availability
(due to depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, psychosis, substance abuse,
and other conditions, that interfere in the formation and organization of at
Table 7–2. Differential diagnosis of attachment disorders and other psychiatric conditions
Disinhibited Attention-
Reactive social Autism deficit/ Callous
attachment engagement spectrum Intellectual Williams hyperactivity unemotional Posttraumatic
disorder disorder disorder disability syndrome disorder traits stress disorder
Institutional rearing +++ +++ +/? +/? ? +/++ + +

Disturbance emotional +++ +++ +++ + + + + +
regulation
Disturbance of reciprocity +++ +++ +++ + + +/ + +
Adverse caring +++ +++ /+ /+ /+ /+ /+ /+
Psychiatric Evaluation of Preschoolers
Indiscrimination social +++ +++ +/ +/ +++ +/ +/ +/
behavior
Pretend play + + /+ +/ + +/ +?/ +/
Repetitive behaviors +/ +/ +++ +/ +/   
Language disturbance Delays Delays Delays Delays Delays +/  
Absence
Restlessness + + +/ +/ +++ +/ +/
Inattention—inability to +/ +/++ +/ +/ +/ +++ +/ +/
concentrate
Source. Zeanah and Smyke 2015, p. 800.
149
tachment) are critical factors to explore (see Case Example 15 in Chapter 3,

“Special Interviewing Techniques”). The examiner needs to determine the ma
ternal figure’s emotional disposition and her capacity and commitment to
bond with her child and to be attuned to the baby’s (infant, toddler, or pre
schooler) needs.
Examination of parental mental health and substance abuse offers insight
into genetic loading for psychopathology and identification of risk factors
for insecure attachment. Maternal perinatal depression appears to be asso
ciated with negative birth outcomes (obstetric complications, preterm deliv
ery, decreased fetal growth and birth weight), impaired child function (overall
health, cognitive, social and academic), and hostile or withdrawn parenting
(Lefkovics et al. 2014). Increased levels of psychological distress in mothers
are consistently associated with avoidant attachment styles (Mills-Koonce et
al. 2011). Rosenblum et al. (1997) found that the manifestations of maternal
depression influenced the development of the insecure attachment subtype.
The children of mothers with more irritable and anxious depressive features
tended to have an ambivalent attachment, whereas children with mothers ex
periencing anhedonia and psychomotor retardation presented with a more
avoidant attachment. Children of substance-abusing mothers similarly
demonstrate problematic pattern of interactions that manifest as insecure
attachment (Flykt et al. 2012). (See Note 5 at the end of this chapter.)
It is very concerning that a study in the United Kingdom revealed that up
to 20% of mothers indicated that talking to and cuddling their child were not
important in the psychological development of a child. The author suggests
that about a third of the social gradient (for people with longer life expec
tancy, their health is better) in linguistic development and about half of the
social gradient in emotional development could be attributed to parental at
titudes (Marmot 2016, p. 24).
Assessment of the Mother or Caretaker

An exploration of the mother figure’s current and past environmental stress
ors is a vital component in the assessment of the infant or very young child.
Maternal age at time of pregnancy, overall perceptions of the pregnancy
(planned versus unplanned), and sense of preparedness for parenthood play
significant roles in the development of functional versus dysfunctional par
enting styles (Walsh et al. 2014). An inquiry regarding toxic exposures should
include illnesses and surgeries as well as alcohol and drug use during preg
nancy (prescription and illegal). The examiner should explore whether the
mother experienced significant prenatal and postnatal stressors such as
abuse, marital or financial problems, and other adversities or health issues.
If the mother has a stable partner or spouse, is that relationship loving? Is it
supportive? Does the partner share the obligations of child care? Is the ex
tended family assisting the mother? Is the extended family involved? Are they
supportive? Were there periods of insecurity, regarding health, financial re
sources, or housing or other burdens during the child’s infancy? Homeless
ness not only compromises the physical well-being of the child but also
affects the mother’s ability to respond in a sensitive manner to a distressed
infant (David et al. 2012). Was or is there adequate social support or a net
work to support the parent and child (i.e., family, friends, church or ethnic
community)?
The psychological stability of the mother is of particular relevance in re
lation to the preschooler’s welfare. Perry (2016) describes how the quality of
the mother’s defensive operations at birth has a bearing on the infant’s men
tal health in toddlerhood. Specifically, mature or highly adaptive maternal
defenses were subsequently associated with greater toddler attachment se
curity and social/emotional competence and lower behavior problems.
Family organization is also a key factor in the assessment of a young child.
In several studies, a paternal involvement may compensate for deficits in mater
nal parenting and, in fact, may provide opportunities to form secure attach
ment paradigms (Braungart-Rieker et al. 2014; Bureau et al. 2014; Galdiolo
and Roskam 2016). Questions regarding the presence of a single-parent ver
sus two-parent structure in the household should also include presence of
other caregivers (grandparents, aunts or uncles, adult siblings of the parent
or child, friends and nannies). An understanding of the level of involvement of
the noncustodial parent should also incorporate inquiries regarding the rela
tionship between parents and the degree to which there may be differing par
enting philosophies. The examiner should also identify the presence of other
children in the household, their biological relationship to one another, and
their psychological relationships (e.g., contentious versus harmonious). The
examiner needs to hear how the other children and other members of the fam
ily are doing. How big is the burden of caring for the mother? Are the offspring
very near to each other in age? How many children demand the mother’s
attention?
Nowadays, almost 40% of new mothers are unmarried; one in five white
children, one in four Hispanic children, and one in two black children live
without a father at home (Porter 2016). Children living in single-parent house
holds do worse than those living in two parent families; they tend to engage
in risky behaviors and drop out of high school and are more likely to end in
the criminal system. Selection plays a role: single mothers and their fathers
are less educated; they tend to have lesser paying jobs and have more mental
health issues. Single households tend to be poorer (Porter 2016). In 1970 10%
of children lived in a single parent home; in 2015, it was 27%. On the other
hand, in 1970, 86% of children lived in a two-parent home, in 2015, 69%. Six
out of 10 births among mothers under the age of 30 are the result of unplanned
pregnancies. The United States has one the highest percentages of children
living without a father among advanced countries as well as one of the high
est shares of children living in poverty (about 21%); among rich and indus
trialized nations, only three countries have as high a percentage as or higher
percentages than the United States: Spain (21%), Mexico (22%), and Turkey
(26%). Among industrialized nations, the United States has the highest rate
of children living with a single parent (about 27%) (Porter 2016).
Observations of the Child

The examiner’s observation of the child should begin in the waiting area.
The behaviors of the child and the parent during this time should be noted.
The examiner should note the location and relationship of parent to child
and as well of child to parent. Is the child sitting quietly with the parent or
running around without parental redirection? Does she interact with other
children or adults? Is she attentive to parental directions? How does the par
ent respond to disruptive behaviors? When the examiner calls the child and
parent to the examination area, does the child race ahead of the parent or
cling to the parent? How does she respond to the examiner’s greeting and in
troduction? These observations often provide the basis for an understanding
of attachment and bonding between parent and child as well as indicators of
social-pragmatic deficits that may assist in the elucidation of the presenting
problem or problems.
When conducting the interview of a preschool-age child, the examiner
should take special care when interviewing the child alone. Young children
frequently resist or become distressed when informed that they are seeing a
“doctor” because of the association of doctor’s visits with “shots,” vaccinations,
or invasive testing. If a child resists the parent leaving the interview room, it
is advisable to support the child’s level of comfort. The parent’s presence
during the interview may provide helpful information regarding difficult to
understand speech, parent/child relatedness, and parenting style.
A child’s response to the examiner during the evaluation may also provide
useful information regarding development and potential deficits. The pres
ence or absence of understandable speech as well as age appropriate vocabu
lary and syntax should be noted and provides a basis for identifying problems
in speech production. The examiner should inquire about the presence of
birth defects (such as cleft palate) and conduct a visual survey of the orophar
ynx for any obvious physical barriers to the development of understandable
speech (such as ankyloglossia, enlarged tonsils or poor dentition). The child’s
ability to answer questions appropriately provides insight into receptive lan
guage as well as expressive language. When a child does not appear to answer
questions appropriately but does follow directions accurately, this suggests

that receptive language may be intact, but expressive language deficits may ex
ist. Difficulties in both answering questions and in following directions may
indicate problems with receptive or receptive and expressive language. When
speech and language are evidently poor, the examiner may also utilize pictures
(especially faces expressing different emotions) to assist the child in commu
nicating feelings or difficulties. No conclusions about speech development
should be made without a prior audiological evaluation.
During the evaluation of a preschool-age child, the examiner may also in
corporate the use of toys and art materials into the interview. Observations
of playfulness and attempts to engage the examiner, the parent, or other
adults present in the interview provide information regarding level of social
reciprocity as well as temperament. For instance, children who display poor
eye contact, lack of imaginary play, or unusual behaviors (such as preoccu
pation with lining up objects or with parts of objects) may have an underly
ing autism spectrum disorder. Responses to redirection, taking turns, and
limit setting by the examiner—and by the parent—should also be noted.
Common Psychopathology in
Preschool-Age Children
The estimated prevalence rates of psychiatric problems in preschool-age chil
dren reported by McDonnell and Glod (2003; quoted in Zuckerman et al.
2009, p. 3) are as follows: oppositional defiant disorder, 0.7%–26.5%; anxiety
disorder, 0.3%–11.5%; attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 0.5%–
6.5%; conduct disorder, (0.8%–4.6%); major depressive disorder, 0.9%–1.1%;
and posttraumatic stress disorder, 0.1%–0.4%.
The following vignette is an extreme example of attachment disorder and
severe psychopathology due to neglect and physical or sexual abuse.
Case Example 1
Elliott, a 4-year-old Hispanic male, was admitted to a preschool inpatient
unit for command auditory hallucinations, visual hallucinations, and severe
aggression toward his 6-year-old brother and school peers. His mother and
stepfather reported that prior to the hospitalization Elliott had been sleeping
only 2–3 hours a night. He reported seeing monsters all around his bedroom
and expressed that a large bug was occupying his bed and had instructed him
to get a knife to kill his brother.
Information from the parents revealed that Elliott was born at 34 weeks
because of his mother’s preeclampsia. He spent 1 month in the neonatal in
tensive care unit. Shortly after his birth, his mother developed a postpartum
depression. Elliott’s mother, as a child and also as an adult, had been diagnosed
and treated for ADHD, depression, and hallucinations. During her pregnancy
she needed to continue her psychotropic medications for depression and
hallucinations. Elliott’s mother reported that during the child’s infancy, she
was able to provide for his daily needs but that she did not bond with him; it
was difficult for her to hold and cuddle him. In his first year of life, Elliott
displayed hearing difficulties and feeding difficulties and had problems di
gesting solid foods. He later required a foot brace and glasses to address his
strabismus.
Elliott’s biological father was physically abusive, and when Elliott was 18
months old his father was arrested for domestic violence. At the age of 2,
Elliott’s 4-month-old brother died of sudden infant death syndrome. Elliott
reportedly stopped talking at that time for several months and displayed
other signs of depression: emotional withdrawal, lack of play, and decreased
eating—all signs of a very severe developmental regression. During this time,
he also began to exhibit self-harm behaviors that included banging his head,
pinching himself, and stabbing himself with sharp objects. Despite previous
medication and behavior therapy, the self-harm behaviors persisted, and
Elliott’s aggression began to turn outward when he began preschool. He
struggled to make friends, displayed poor social skills, and appeared to inter
act only with his brother and parents.
During the diagnostic meeting with the examiner, Elliott, a small-for-his
age child with coke-bottle glasses, accompanied the examiner without hesi
tation and was initially cooperative in speaking with the examiner. While his
speech was comprehensible, he spoke with short phrases or single words.
The overall story of the incidents leading to the child’s admission was dis
jointed and difficult to piece together. He was able to sit in his chair but would
swing his legs back and forth. After answering questions about his family, he
got up and began to walk around the room and attempted to open the door
to exit. When he was unable to open the door, he asked the examiner for as
sistance and left the room.
Of note, several months after this acute admission, Elliott reported rectal
pain. An emergency room evaluation confirmed the presence of rectal trauma.
Elliott disclosed to his parents that over a period of several months, his stepfa
ther’s 13-year-old nephew had repeatedly assaulted Elliott with a variety of
kitchen utensils when the nephew’s mother had been babysitting Elliott.
There were multiple developmental interferences with the attachment

process in Elliott’s vignette. In the first place, he was born prematurely and was
exposed to psychotropics during pregnancy; there was a prolong separation
from mother due to his prematurity; then, mother became emotionally unavail
able to Elliott due to postpartum depression. The early developmental envi
ronment was tense and violent, and in addition to all the previous adversi
ties, Elliott had been severely sexually traumatized by his adolescent cousin.
For other examples of interviewing preschool children, see the cases in
volving Rudd (Case Example 2), Pedro (Case Example 10), and Chad (Case
Example 16) in Chapter 3.
In the assessment of very young children, the examiner should be atten
tive to early experiences of trauma or neglect (see Table 7–1 for the elements
or domains of the evaluation of preschool-age children).
Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder
ADHD frequently begins between 2 and 4 years of age and is often asso
ciated with significant impairment in terms of emotional distress for the
preschool child and the caregivers due to expulsion from day care and early
education settings; ADHD puts significant demands on caregivers’ time and
often causes exclusion from family events secondary to accident proneness
and safety concerns. Children with ADHD have comorbid mental health
and chronic health problems and are frequent users of health care services.
Behavior problems in preschool children persist to school-age years and
cause and continue to be associated with significant impairment; 79.2% of
children with symptoms meeting full diagnostic criteria for ADHD, and
34.5% of those with symptoms meeting criteria for one situation only at ini
tial assessment, continue to have symptoms that meet the full ADHD diag
nostic criteria and to exhibit global academic and social impairments 3 years
later (Ghuman et al. 2009, pp. 221–222). The rates of depression are in
creased in patients with ADHD and their parents (Brent and Maalouf 2015,
p. 877).
Oppositional Defiant Disorder and

Conduct Disorder
Unfortunately, oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) and conduct disorder (CD)
are still viewed by some not as “true” psychiatric disorders but more as char
acter flaws, with children being seen as nasty and bad. In recent years there
have been important discoveries about what contributes to the development
of ODD/CD, with a substantial biological component involving genetic and
brain differences becoming evident. In many cases the problems are not due
to just poor socialization. There are very different trajectories for children
who exhibit early versus later onset of ODD/CD and for those with unemo
tional callous traits. Although at one time effective treatments for these disor
ders were not available, this is not the case anymore (Scott 2015, p. 913).
ODD is more common in preadolescents and in males. CD is more common
in adolescence and far more common in males than in females, and in low
socioeconomic status (Scott 2015, p. 915). Among the CD subtypes, the
early onset–lifetime persistent subgroup (8%) is associated with low IQ, hy
peractivity and inattention, poor memory, peer difficulties, and severe family
and psychosocial circumstances. This group has the worst prognosis. The
adolescent-limited subgroup (15%) continues a pattern of offending at mod
erately high levels until the 30s. In the childhood-limited subgroup (7%), an
tisocial behavior emerges earlier than age 5 years but decreases in intensity,
with a major deescalation of antisocial behavior from ages 5 to 10 years, and
a progressive decrease in antisociality up to age 20. Most of the ODD and CD
children (70%) do not display antisocial behavior (Scott 2015, pp. 915–916).
Dividing children with ODD into irritable, headstrong, and hurtful has a
predictive longitudinal outcome: individuals with irritable traits (angry out
bursts, temper tantrums) are likely to develop anxiety and depression but not
fears. Headstrong individuals (defiant and disobedient) are likely to develop
conduct disorder, and hurtful individuals (those with callous unemotional
traits) are likely to develop aggressive conduct disorders (Scott 2015). Harsh,
inconsistent, and frightening parenting could cause or worsen antisocial be
haviors (Scott 2015, p. 919).
Children with conduct problems are rejected by normal peers; at as young
as 5 years, aggressive- antisocial children tend to associate with other devi
ant children (Scott 2015, p. 921).
The examining physician needs to obtain a very detailed and truthful pic
ture of the disciplinary practices in the household. It is important to find out
if the parents and the child have good times together. Is the child able to find
comfort in the parents? Does the child feel close to the parents? In younger
children, the examiner will strive to determine the quality of attachment, what
the child enjoys doing, and what his or her future plans are.
Mood Disorders
It was long believed that depression exhibited a marked developmental dis
continuity such that depression was not possible in children because they
lacked the necessary intrapsychic structures. “It is now clear that depression
occurs across the life span, even in infants, although the symptoms naturally
vary somewhat as a function of the patient’s developmental level” (Penning
ton 2002, p. 103).
The examiner needs to remember that irritability is a prominent symptom
of ODD and CD and that in the absence of other mood symptoms, irritability
is more likely to be secondary to a behavioral disorder than to depression.
The Preschool Feelings Checklist, a one-parent report instrument validated
for preschool depression, can be used as an aid in the differential diagnosis
(Brent and Maalouf 2015, p. 875).
Depression has genetic and environmental influences. The influence of
common environmental factors shared by twins of the same family on the
stability of Anxious/Depression (A/D) is highest in early childhood (around
50% for the preschool children) and is reduced after age 7 years. Across ages,
the same common environmental factors were suggested because a single C
(common environmental) factor could explain the covariance pattern across
ages. Family variables such as parental conflict, negative family environment,
and separation are likely candidates for these shared environmental influ
ences. Future genetic research should include such environmental variables
(e.g., parental divorce) to specify the role of these environmental experi

ences (Boomsma et al. 2008, p. 184). It appears that the expression of A/D is
influenced significantly by genetic factors. These data are consistent with a
wide literature on infant anxiety, behavioral inhibition, and temperament.
Life experiences can both positively and negatively affect the child, adolescent,
and adult outcomes of anxious children. With the knowledge that shared en
vironmental influences increase with age comes the possibility that children
at risk for anxiety can be influenced away from the expression of A/D or,
sadly, that this factor may contribute to the expression of the same pheno
type. Recent remarkable findings from association studies of the serotonin
transporter gene and tryptophan hydroxylase provide evidence that children
with different genotypes have variable responses to different environmental
stimuli and are at a highly variant risk for negative outcomes (Boomsma et
al. 2008, p. 185).
The prevalence of depressive disorders is 1%–2% in preschool-age chil
dren and 3%–8% in older prepubertal children, with a lifetime prevalence by
the end of adolescence of 20% (Brent and Maalouf 2015, p. 876). Adolescent
onset depression has higher heritability than prepubertal depression. A less
functional allelic variant of the serotonin transporter gene 5HTTLPR is as
sociated with early-onset depression, in the presence of stressful life events,
a history of abuse, or peer victimization. This finding has not been consistently
replicated. Difficulties with emotion regulation (i.e., the ability to achieve
emotional equilibrium in the face of perturbation) are considered a core def
icit predisposing to depression (Brent and Maalouf 2015, p. 877).
Physical or sexual abuse, neglect, and exposure to domestic violence are
potent risk factors for the onset and recurrence of depression. Peer victimiza
tion may have a long-lasting effect on increasing depression symptomatology,
and parental or peer bereavement is associated with a threefold increased
risk of depression even after preexisting risk factors are taken into account
(Brent and Maalouf 2015, p. 878).
Sleeping Disorders
The most common sleep disorders in preschool years are disorders of initi
ating and maintaining sleep, night terrors and nightmares, and parasomnias.
Sheldon (2005b) notes that the diagnosis and management of sleep disorders
in children may hold a unique significance in at least three important ways:
1) primary sleep-related pathology may cause daytime symptoms, 2) sleep
related pathology may be a comorbid condition contributing to day time symp
tomatology, and 3) a child’s sleep difficulties may have a greater impact on
other family members than on the affected child, causing the caregiver, for
example, to be sleep deprived, with medical and emotional consequences, in
cluding an impaired ability to take care of the child. Sleep disorders in in
fants and children reflect an interplay among many factors, including
central nervous function, parent-child interaction, social stress, patient
needs, and other medical conditions. Comprehensive knowledge of these
interactions is essential for all child care professionals who want to deliver
optimal management (Sheldon 2005b, p. vii). Non–rapid eye movements
(NREM) are considered to be restorative to the body, and rapid eye move
ment (REM) is considered to be restorative to the brain. (For the physiolog
ical role of REM and NREM sleep, see Note 6 at the end of this chapter.)
Among the sleep disorders described in DSM-5, the following are par
ticularly relevant for preschool psychiatry: insomnia disorder, breathing
related sleep disorders (obstructive sleep apnea hypopnea), and parasomnias:
non–rapid eye movement sleep arousal disorders (sleepwalking and sleep
terrors) and nightmare disorder. The examiner needs to differentiate night
terrors from nightmares.
Night terrors arise during the first third of a major sleep period; The epi
sodes last from 1 to 10 minutes, or longer in small children. The episodes are
accompanied by impressive autonomic arousal and behavior manifesta
tions of a great fear. The child does not respond to comfort and is difficult
to awaken. Usually, there is no recollection of any dream content. During a
typical episode, the child abruptly sits up in bed screaming or crying with a
very frightened expression and displays signs of autonomic arousal (tachy
cardia, rapid breathing, sweating, and dilation of pupils). The child may be
inconsolable and difficult to awake (American Psychiatric Association 2013,
p. 400).
DSM-5 now recognizes the diagnosis of nightmare disorder (American
Psychiatric Association 2013, p. 404). The diagnostic criteria are as follows:
A. Repeated occurrences of extended, extremely dysphoric, and well-remem

bered dreams that usually involve efforts to avoid threats to survival, secu
rity, or physical integrity, [and that relive or is closely associated with past
traumas,] and generally occur during the second half of the major sleep
episode.
B. On awakening from the dysphoric dream, the subject becomes readily
oriented and alert.
C. The sleep disturbance causes clinically significant distress or impairment
in social occupational or in other important areas of functioning.
D. The nightmares are not related to the physiological effect of a medication
or a substance of abuse.
E. Coexisting medical or mental disorders do not adequately explain the
dysphoric dreams.
Sleepwalking represents a repeated complex motor behavior initiated dur

ing sleep, including rising from bed and walking about. Sleepwalking can arise
from any NREM stage. These episodes are more common during slow wave
sleep, and therefore sleepwalking occurs most frequently during the first
third of the night. During episodes, children have reduced alertness and re
sponsiveness and a blank stare and display relative unresponsiveness to com
munication with others or to efforts by others to awaken them. As a rule,
children do not have recollection of the episodes. After the episode, there may
initially be a brief period of confusion or difficulty orienting, followed by a
full recovery of cognitive function and appropriate behavior (American Psy
chiatric Association 2013, p. 400).
Virtually all psychiatric disorders in children may be associated with sleep
disruption. A psychiatric disorder is the most common cause of insomnia
and can also be the cause of daytime sleepiness, fatigue, abnormal circadian
sleep patterns, and disturbing dreams and nightmares. Growing evidence in
dicates that primary insomnia (insomnia with no concurrent psychiatric dis
order) is a risk factor for depressive and anxiety disorders (Owens 2005, p. 31).
Sleep disturbances in the pediatric special needs population are extremely
common. Significant sleep problems occur in 30%–80% of children with se
vere intellectual disability and in at least half of children with less severe in
tellectual impairment. Children with autism spectrum disorder are in the range
of 50%–70%. A variety of sleep disorders have been reported in children with
neurodevelopmental disorders (Asperger, Angelman, Rett, Smith-Magenis,
and Williams syndromes). Similar findings have been reported in children
with blindness (Owens 2005).
In children with obesity, the examiner needs to explore the presence of
snoring or, worse, the presence of sleep apnea. A sleep study may provide good
diagnostic help.
Psychosis
The examiner needs to rule out the presence of psychosis as a cause for dif
ficulties of initiating or maintaining sleep. Psychosis in preschool years is
not common but is not rare either; it does exist. The inquiry, as elaborated
in the evaluation of psychosis in Chapter 9 (“Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms”), may start with the examiner asking the child if he has any fears
at night. The examiner wonders if the child hears creepy or scary noises; if
so, the examiner explores the nature of the noises. At this point the examiner
may ask the child if he has ever heard any voices talking to him when nobody
is around. Depending on the response the evaluation proceeds in the perti
nent line of questioning. The same is done with visual hallucinations. “Have
you ever seen monsters, ghosts, people, shadows?” The examiner equally fol
lows the pertinent exploration in case of positive responses. Some children

are afraid that someone may come in the middle of the night to snatch them
away from the family or to harm or kill them. Children ought to be asked if
they are afraid of the closet, where monsters or ghosts or scary people may
hide, or of the windows and under the bed for related reasons. No evaluation
of psychosis in children is complete without asking questions pertaining to
paranoia: “Do you feel people say bad things about you?” “Do you feel people
watch you?” “Do you feel followed?” “Do you need to check your back to see
if somebody is behind you?” “Do you feel somebody is after you? How come?”
Trauma (physical and sexual abuse) needs to be ruled out in psychosis in
preschool.
For vignettes of preschoolers with psychosis, see cases of Fabio (Case
Example 4) and Blond (Case Example 5) in Chapter 8, “Documenting the Ex
amination.”
Developmental Scales
Developmental scales may play an important role in the assessment of a
young child’s functioning (see Note 7 at the end of this chapter). The Child Be
havior Checklist 1.5–5 is a symptom checklist for children 18 months or older
and younger than 5 years. The Autism Diagnostic Observation Scale is con
sidered the gold standard for the diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder. The
Preschool Age Psychiatric Assessment is a comprehensive parent psychi
atric interview for assessing symptoms and disorders in children between 2
and 5 years of age. The Denver Developmental Screening Test II (DDST II)
provides a general developmental screening for children from birth to age
6½ years (Rush et al. 2007). Administered by a trained clinician, the DDST II
examines a child’s skills in four areas: personal and social, fine motor–adaptive,
language, and gross motor. This scale also aids in the assessment of speech
intelligibility, ability to comply with requests, alertness, fearfulness, and at
tention span. The use of this screening tool assists the clinician in identify
ing possible delays that may warrant referral for additional evaluations and
interventions.
The Infant-Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment (ITSEA) is a question
naire that elicits parent or caregiver information regarding social-emotional
problems and strengths in children age 12–36 months; it provides a more
comprehensive view of a child’s social development with the intent of identi
fying strengths and areas of risk (Rush et al. 2007). The ITSEA consists of
166 items that examine three problem domains (internalizing symptoms,
externalizing symptoms, and dysregulation areas) and the domain of com
petence (examining a child’s aptitude to function and perform socially) (see
Note 8 at the end of this chapter). The Brief ITSEA (BITSEA) is a shorter form
of the ITSEA that allows for screening of the same general areas but in a
much more time and cost-efficient manner (Rush et al. 2007). The Bayley
Scales of Infant Development, 2nd Edition (BSID-II) assesses the language,
social, cognitive, and motor skills of children ages 1–42 months (Rush et al.
2007). Although the BSID-II is not a diagnostic tool, the clinician may ad
minister the examination to assess for the presence of low function or devel
opmental delays in infants and toddlers.
Key Points
• History, collateral information, observation, and develop
mental assessment with standardized developmental scales
or protocols are the main tools used in the psychiatric as
sessment of preschool-age children.
• Familiarity with normal and abnormal childhood develop
ment is critical in the assessment of young children.
• Gaps in data gathering created by deficits of communica
tion (language and speech) are filled with keen observations
of the child and the mother (or caretaker) and of the inter
action between mother and child.
• Observations of the interaction between the child and par
ent provide the foundation for an understanding of the child
and caretaker relationship—that is, the quality of the child’s
attachment and the parental bond. The ways in which a child
relates to a parent (attachment) and a parent relates to a
child (bonding) provide a framework for exploring the eti
ology of behavioral disturbances present in young and very
young children.
Notes
1. The concept of the development and implications of attachment are
based on the foundational works of John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.
Marvin and Britner (2008) provide a history of the development of at
tachment theory.
2. The components of the Strange Situation include the introduction of the
parent and child to a room that the child explores with parental assis
tance as necessary. A stranger is then introduced into the room and plays
or interacts with the child. The parent leaves the infant with the stranger
but eventually returns and the stranger exits. The parent then leaves the
child alone in the room. The stranger reenters the room and interacts
with the child as needed. In the final phase, the parent returns and the
stranger again exits (Solomon and George 2008).
3. As children develop additional language and cognitive skills, other as
sessment tools utilize the rubric of the secure/insecure subcategories but
take maturation into consideration in expanding those subcategories.
The Cassidy-Marvin Assessment of Attachment in Preschoolers utilizes
the child’s responses to reunions with the mother but expands the descrip
tion of “controlling/disorganized” and “insecure/other” (Solomon and
George 2008, p. 394). The Preschool Assessment of Attachment “empha
sizes dynamic changes in the quality of attachment that arise from the in
teraction between maturity and current experience...[and] emphasizes...
the possibilities for changes in quality of the attachment relationship
over time” (Solomon and George 2008, p. 393). Other attachment assess
ment protocols utilize symbolic representations of attachment such as
the interpretation of projective photographs from the Separation Anxiety
Test or the observations of doll play with a focus on attachment-related
themes as in the Attachment Story Completion Task or the Attachment
Doll Play Assessment (Solomon and George 2008).
4. As a result of impaired parental responses, children develop insecure at
tachments and display dysfunctional behaviors upon reunion (O’Connor
et al. 1999; Oliveira et al. 2012; Stacks et al. 2014).
5. Multiple factors may greatly affect the development of attachment and
subsequent child dysfunction. Multiple studies indicate that the effects of
stressors on the parent (most often the mother) affect the quality of par
enting behaviors with a particular emphasis on parental management of
expressed emotion (Borelli et al. 2012; Parfitt and Ayers 2012). Substance
abusing mothers demonstrate “emotionally avoidant language... [that] is
associated with risk for parenting self-dysregulation” (Borelli et al. 2012,
p. 516). Parents with anger issues express greater frustration and lack of
understanding of their infants which compromises the quality of interac
tions and subsequent development of attachment in their children (Parfitt
and Ayers 2012). Mothers with histories of childhood trauma and domes
tic violence may be at greater risk for dysfunctional parenting styles and
the development of insecure attachment in their infants as a result of dis
torted or negative representations of the parent/child relationship (Malone
et al. 2010) and an inability to conceptualize the mental states and moti
vations of themselves and others especially in regard to their past trauma
(Berthelot et al. 2015). Because of narcissistic injuries, some mothers who
may have had attachment disturbances themselves cannot empathize with
their infants’ needs and sense of helplessness; they are bothered by the in
fants’ demands and attempt to promote precocious self-reliance. How
ever, the effects of trauma on parental caregiving may be mitigated by the

presence of a parent’s own history of positive caregiving experiences in
development (Burrous et al. 2009; Huth-Bocks et al. 2014; Lieberman et
al. 2005; Shlafer et al. 2015; Stacks et al. 2014). Therefore, inquiries into
parents’ own attachment history with their caregivers should accompany
an exploration of parental trauma experiences.
6. The NREM restorative function to the body comes from research that
has demonstrated the following (Sheldon 2005a, pp. 1–2):
a. Slow-wave sleep (SWS) increases following sleep deprivation.
b. SWS percentage increases during the developmental years.
c. Total sleep duration increases with body mass.
d. Growth hormone release occurs at sleep onset, and peak levels occur
during SWS, in prepubertal children.
e. Release of endogenous anabolic steroids (prolactin, testosterone, and
luteinizing hormone) occurs in relation to a sleep-dependent cycle.
f. The nadir of catabolic steroid release, such as corticosteroids, occurs
during the first hours of sleep, coincident with the largest percentage
of SWS.
g. Increased mitosis of lymphocytes and increased bone growth occur
during sleep.
h. There is a gradual increase in SWS percentage of total sleep in re
sponse to an increase in physical exercise. However, in adolescents and
adults, somatomedin levels are the highest during wakefulness, not
during sleep as they are in preadolescent children.
REM sleep, characterized by intense central nervous system (CNS)
activation, has been thought to restore CNS function. It may have evolved to
“reprogram” innate behaviors and to incorporate learned behaviors and
knowledge acquire during wakefulness. The synthesis of CNS proteins is
increased during REM sleep. This sleep state is present in a higher pro
portion during the fetal and newborn periods and decreases progres
sively over the first few years of life (Sheldon 2005a, p. 2). REM sleep is
deeply involved in the reprocessing and optimization of high-order in
formation contained in the material to be learned, suggesting that cerebral
reactivation is modulated by the strength of the memory traces devel
oped during the learning episode (Sheldon 2005a, p. 3). NREM sleep is
necessary for declarative memory consolidation; spindle density corre
lates with recall performance before and after sleep, and spindle activity
during NREM sleep is very sensitive to previous learning experiences.
REM sleep is associated with creative processes and abstract reasoning,
with an increased strength of weak associations in cognitive networks
(Sheldon 2005a, p. 4). Research has demonstrated support for the neuro
nal activity correlation theory by Emmons and Simon: REM sleep actively
consolidates and/or integrates complex associative information, and NREM
sleep passively prevents retroactive interference of recently acquired com
plex associate information (Sheldon 2005a, p. 6).
7. Tables of developmental milestones are available in most textbooks of
child and adolescent psychiatry. One detailed reference book is From Birth
to Five Years: Children’s Developmental Progress by Mary D. Sheridan and
revised and updated by Marion Frost and Ajay Sharma (Sheridan 1997).
8. Internalizing scales in the ITSEA include those for depression/withdrawal,
anxiety, separation distress and an examination of inhibition to novelty.
The externalizing scales assess activity/impulsivity, aggression/defiance,
and peer aggression. The dysregulation scales examine constitutional ar
eas such as sleep and eating as well negative emotionality, and sensory
issues (Rush et al. 2007).
CHAPTER 8
Documenting the
Examination
Using AMSIT
In every diagnostic interview, the examiner must document the patient’s men
tal status examination. AMSIT is an acronym representing the components
of the mental status examination: A (appearance, behavior, and speech); M
(mood and affect); S (sensorium); I (intelligence); and T (thought). AMSIT is
a documentation protocol that was developed in the Department of Psychi
atry at the University of Texas at San Antonio for the systematic documen
tation of psychiatry examinations in adults. It was originated in the early
1970s by David Fuller, M.D. (Fuller 1998). The documentation in AMSIT
should mainly include observations and clinical evidence gathered during
the psychiatric evaluation. Over the years, AMSIT has undergone a number
of improvements. Medical students, interns, general psychiatric residents,
and fellows in child and adolescent psychiatry are expected to be proficient
in the use of AMSIT. The present chapter represents a modification of the
original protocol for documenting the mental status examination of children
and adolescents.
The psychiatric examination provides the data needed to establish a psy
chiatric diagnosis and to develop a comprehensive treatment plan. A com
prehensive psychiatric evaluation of a child includes an inquiry into the child’s
presenting problems, his or her developmental course, and the nature of the
family context or rearing environment. The developmental progression (which
165
refers to the acquisition of abilities or skills at a given age) and the developmen
tal context (which refers to psychosocial factors and the nature of the rearing
environment) are fundamental concepts in the field of child and adolescent
psychiatry.
Although the psychiatric examination of the child is a valuable component
of the diagnostic process, it is only part of the process. The examiner must
remember that the examination removes the child from his or her natural
environment context; therefore, the child’s family and other aspects of the
child’s psychosocial environment also need to be evaluated.
A child’s mental status is an active, dynamic process, and it changes from
one moment to the next. For example, a child who is withdrawn one moment
may be active and engaging a moment later, and vice versa. In general, children
and adolescents are environmentally reactive; whatever is going on around
them influences their mood and other psychological processes. This reactiv
ity may mislead the examiner who is determining the existence or severity
of a given disorder. AMSIT is a valuable tool for documenting the psychiatric
examination. In the remainder of this chapter, we describe the components
of AMSIT as it pertains to child and adolescent psychiatry. (See the appen
dix to this volume for an example of a protocol used at ClarityCGC, San An
tonio, for the documentation of the psychiatric evaluation of children and
adolescents.)
Appearance, Behavior, and Speech

Table 8–1 summarizes the specific areas of AMSIT that are related to appear
ance, behavior, and speech in children and adolescents. Keen, disciplined, and
systematic observations must be made during this part of the examination.
Methodical inspection and careful observation probably account for up to
75% of the work involved in arriving at a diagnosis. A “clinical eye” and exper
tise give examiners an advantage in this area.
First impressions are significant. The examiner should consider the follow
ing questions: What is my first impression of the child (or the family)? Is the
child likable? What is likable about this child? Is anything odd about the child?
Is there any sense of detachment, apprehension, or even danger? The answers
to these questions are important in the overall assessment of the child and
family. The examiner also needs to keep in mind that while he or she is as
sessing the child and the family, they are also assessing the examiner, too: Is
the doctor likable? Does the doctor come across as reassuring or as critical
and severe? Does the doctor appear to be comforting? Does the doctor seem
willing to help?
Documenting the Examination 167
Table 8–1. Elements of the appearance, behavior, and

speech section of AMSIT for children and
adolescents
Appearance
Physical appearance
Gait and posturea
Behaviors
Exploratory behaviora
Playfulnessa
Relatedness
Eye contacta
Behavioral organizationa
Cooperative behaviora
Psychomotor activitya
Involuntary movementsa
Behavioral evidence of emotion
Repetitive activities
Disturbances of attention
Speech
Disturbance of speech melody (dysprosody)a
aSection not included in the AMSIT original protocol, which was created to document adult
psychiatric evaluation.
Appearance
Physical Appearance
The examiner should note whether the child appears his or her chronologi
cal age or looks younger or older than the stated age. The examiner should
observe the child’s nutritional state, his or her sense of vitality, and the pres
ence or absence of secondary sexual characteristics. Marked slimness, ca
chexia, heaviness, and obesity are readily apparent. In children showing such
characteristics, issues related to eating disorders need to be explored, no mat
ter what the presenting problem may be.
The examiner should note the presence of dysmorphic features in any of

the following areas: facial complexion, shape and configuration of the eyes
(e.g., separation of the eyes [hypertelorism], slanted or mongoloid; different
colored irises), breadth or shape of the forehead, setting or configuration
of the ears, and texture and docility of the hair (e.g., “electric” hair). The shape
and configuration of the head should be noted. The examiner should also
note any other unusual facial or cranial features.
The examiner should pay attention to the child’s attire and physical pre
sentation. Children with deviant social behavior often wear striking and un
conventional attire. The examiner should note the child’s footwear, hairstyle,
and hair color. With female patients, the examiner also should note the use of
nail polish and the quality of any makeup. Revealing or see-through garments
may indicate a defiance of norms and the transgression of social conventions.
Children who wear such garments may also demonstrate precociousness, sex
ualization, or evidence of antisocial behavior. Rings and perforations are in
style among some youths and young adults. If the child has nose, eyebrow,
or tongue piercings, the examiner might also inquire about perforations
elsewhere on the body, including the navel, nipples, or genitals. Children with
sexual identity conflicts often present with ambiguous attire or with makeup
that is more appropriate to the opposite sex. Masculine females frequently
present without makeup, and their attire and demeanor betray their inten
tions of wanting to be male.
The examiner should observe any visible skin for the presence of tattoos,
for signs of recent injuries or self-abusive or suicidal behaviors, or for evidence
of old injuries, such as multiple scarring of the knuckles, wrists, or forearms.
These marks may be indicative of chronic self-abusive behavior or impulsive
aggressive tendencies. If the patient’s upper limbs show evidence of self
abusive behavior, the examiner should explore whether the patient abuses
other parts of the body (e.g., legs, chest, breasts, genitals). The examiner should
ask the child about all visible scars: each scar has a history to tell. The possi
bility of nonvisible scars needs to be kept in mind, even if no scars associated
with self-abusive behavior are visible.
Alert examiners may detect vein tracks or other signs of drug abuse. An
attentive interviewer will detect evidence of hair pulling (trichotillomania)
of the scalp or of the eyebrows, as well as signs of nail biting, nose picking,
skin picking, and other compulsive traits. If the patient has an obvious dis
ability, the examiner should note it and observe the limitations that it im
poses on the patient and how the patient copes with it.
Gait and Posture

As the examiner enters the waiting room and guides the child to the inter
viewing room, he or she should note the child’s gait, including the child’s
grace, smoothness of movements, and coordination. Does the child waddle,

shuffle, or tiptoe? Does he or she move with agility? Are any unusual move
ments associated with the child’s gait? For these and related observations,
see Chapter 12, “Neuropsychiatric Interview and Examination.”
Does the child sit or stand erect, or does the child slouch? Some children
are unable to keep an erect posture while sitting or standing. Does the child lean
on the chair, the table, or other available support? Some children look hypo
tonic, or sluggish. Children with a background of early deprivation display
unusual and ungraceful postures and may seem hypoactive or even apathetic.
Children with chronic regressive states are likely to lean on the chair or to
lie down on the couch or the floor, even though they exhibit no neuromotor
impairment. The same is true for children with severe melancholic features.
In severe psychomotor retardation, the child’s inactivity may reach a catatonic
state.
If the child is catatonic, the examiner should evaluate the degree of akine
sia, including lack of blinking, persistence of unusual postures, vacant staring,
or flatness of emotional display. The examiner may observe echopraxia (im
itates the examiner’s behavior), echolalia (imitates the examiner’s speech),
and other automatic imitative behaviors. The examiner may test the patient
for cerea flexibilitas (child maintains whatever body position he is placed in).
Some children come across as weak, anergic, or temperamentally hypo
active or hyporeactive. These children lack enthusiasm, and it is difficult to
keep them motivated about anything.
Behavior
Exploratory Behavior
Some children demonstrate no reticence when entering the examiner’s of
fice. Some children appear fearless in new circumstances and do not show
any restraint in unfamiliar settings. These children often show a sense of fa
miliarity with the examiner, even though this is the first time they have met
him or her. Some children look around first but seem comfortable, even
though they are in a new environment. Others are apprehensive about en
tering the office and need the active encouragement or assistance of a parent
or other caregiver. These children show evidence of behavioral inhibition
(Kagan 1994); they hide behind their mothers and stay near them, or they
hide their faces with their hands to avoid eye contact. Other children fret or
show wariness and need reassurance before any diagnostic engagement.
Playfulness
Playfulness is a quintessential characteristic of childhood. It should be present
in well-adapted, so-called normal children. If the examiner encounters an
overtly serious child, he or she needs to seek explanations for this demeanor.
If the child lacks the quality of playfulness, the examiner will probably observe
other evidence of developmental deviations, such as lack of behavioral orga
nization and exploratory behavior or other atypical behaviors. The examiner
may also observe inhibition, passivity, and separation problems.
Once the child engages in play, the examiner should attend to the content
and process of the child’s play. The examiner should note the nature of the
child’s enactments (see Chapter 2, “General Principles of Interviewing”), the
degree of the child’s affective involvement (i.e., the child’s emotional involve
ment with the examiner and the child’s overt affective display), and the man
ner in which the child involves the examiner in the play. Frequently, children
enact themes related to the major psychological issues that preoccupy or sur
round them (e.g., major anxieties or conflicts going on in their families).
Relatedness
Relatedness refers to the child’s manner of relating to the examiner and to his
or her significant others: parents, siblings, extended family, peers, friends,
and others. Normal preschool and preadolescent children are reserved when
they meet strangers. After they get a “feeling” for the situation and become re
assured, they relate more warmly. Adolescents may be expectant and hesi
tant. Once they feel comfortable, they become more spontaneous and en
gaging. Anxious children need more time and more reassurance to feel at ease
and to develop rapport. Children with schizoid personality disorder appear
distant and uninvolved. These children will not warm up to the interviewer,
no matter how much effort is made to engage and comfort them. Children with
psychotic disorders show oddness and inappropriateness in relating, or they
may display signs of self-absorption, evidence of response to internal stimuli,
or inappropriate affect.
Some children show immediate familiarity with the examiner and, for that
matter, with any stranger. Such children demonstrate boundary problems
and require ongoing structure to behave adaptively. Children who demonstrate
promiscuous relating may also show evidence of seductive or even overt sex
ual behavior (see section “Reverse Engagement” in Chapter 1, “Diagnostic and
Therapeutic Engagement”). Management of these behaviors requires active
limit setting throughout the diagnostic interview (see Chapter 3, “Special
Interviewing Techniques”). Other children behave in a hostile and aggres
sive manner or even in a paranoid fashion. These children are hyperalert and
suspicious.
Eye Contact
Eye contact is a fundamental interactive behavior. It is a universal nonverbal
behavior that increases attachment and rapport. Warm eye contact is a basic
element of interpersonal engagement, and its absence indicates a significant

relational problem. Children who display poor eye contact also display prob
lems in interpersonal social behavior. Some children avoid eye contact when
they are anxious or when attachment or neuropsychiatric difficulties are
present.
The more deviant the nature of the eye contact, the more serious the like
lihood of profound developmental psychopathology in the social-relational
area. Examples of deviant eye contact include the “see-through” eye contact
observed in children with autism and the “staring” eye contact observed in
children with paranoid personality or psychotic disorders. Seizure disorders
and dissociative states must be considered in the differential diagnosis when
staring is observed.
Behavioral Organization
The examiner should note the patient’s degree of adaptability and organiza
tional behavior. Some children, no matter what is happening around them,
are able to initiate or create adaptive activities or to immerse themselves
in generative endeavors (e.g., play). Other children, even in the most propi
tious circumstances, are unable to generate constructive or productive ac
tivities and depend on the alter-ego functions of responsible adults in order
to organize and display adaptive behavior. Children who lack behavioral
organization also show other deficits, such as the inability to focus, the ab
sence of an organized approach to problem solving, or a lack of self-soothing
functions.
Some children exhibit behavioral disturbance as soon as they enter the
psychiatrist’s office. They are fidgety, restless, and hyperactive. These children
need active structuring throughout the evaluation. The structuring may in
clude verbal redirection, limit setting, or even physical redirection or re
straint.
Cooperative Behavior
The examiner should note the child’s active and cooperative participation
during the psychiatric examination. This quality is associated with the child’s
understanding of the presenting problems, the dystonicity of the symptoms,
and his or her motivation to change.
Problems with compliance or with following directions are common and
challenging complaints in the field of child and adolescent psychiatry. When
faced with a child’s oppositional behavior, the examiner should attempt to
determine whether the behavior stems from a need to control, a power strug
gle motivation, or a sense of personal incompetence. Children who are aware
of their real or perceived incompetence (or mastery limitations) are reluc
tant to try a given task because they know, or believe, they cannot do it. Many
so-called oppositional children have significant unidentified language dis

orders. These children often have major receptive language problems and
cannot understand expectations or given commands. They may also have
neuropsychological deficits that interfere with their ability to understand a
task or its solution. The examiner should also determine whether these pa
tients have any hearing problems.
Psychomotor Activity
Disturbances of psychomotor activity are probably the most commonly en
countered disruptive behaviors in clinical settings. Psychomotor disturbances
are caused by a multiplicity of medical, neurological, and psychiatric con
ditions. Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) is one of the most
prevalent psychiatric diagnoses, and some of its features are among the most
common behavior problems cited by schoolteachers (see subsection “Atten
tion and Concentration Deficits” in Chapter 12, “Neuropsychiatric Interview
and Examination”). The triad of hyperactivity, distractibility (inattentiveness),
and impulsivity may occur as a primary disorder, as a complicating comorbid
ity, or as a secondary manifestation. When the examiner observes signs of
ADHD, he or she should search for evidence of medical, neurological, and
common comorbid disorders that are associated with this condition—for ex
ample, oppositional defiant disorder, conduct disorder, depressive disorders,
anxiety disorders, developmental language and learning disorders).
The examiner should distinguish between a child who exhibits hyperac
tive behavior (e.g., fidgetiness, aimless behavior) and a child who is driven by
goal-directed behavior. The examiner should test the child’s response to redi
rection or structure to determine whether the hyperkinesis is responsive to
or impervious to structuring or limit setting. The examiner also should at
tempt to determine whether the child’s impairments are secondary to ADHD,
one of the associated conditions (comorbidity), or both.
Agitation and sensorium disturbances should alert the examiner to the
possibility of delirium. Because delirium is a potentially life-threatening pro
cess needing urgent medical attention, it should be considered in the differ
ential diagnosis of hyperactivity, agitation, and restlessness in children.
Mania and akathisia should be considered in the differential diagnosis of
agitation and restlessness. Manic patients are frequently hyperactive. The ex
aminer should pay attention to other manic manifestations, such as pres
sured speech, loose associations, hypersexuality, and grandiosity. If akathisia
is suspected, the examiner should determine whether the patient uses neu
roleptics or selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) antidepressants (see
below) and should look for other extrapyramidal symptoms or other evidence
of a neurological disorder.
Involuntary Movements
The examiner should observe whether the child displays tics of the face or limbs,
or muscle twitching or jerking. These signs should immediately raise the ex
aminer’s suspicion that the child may have an involuntary movement disor
der or Tourette’s syndrome. Other involuntary movements (e.g., choreic or
dyskinetic movements) may indicate a movement disorder, cerebral palsy, or
other neurological condition (e.g., Sydenham’s chorea, Huntington’s disease,
Wilson’s disease). The examiner should also be attentive to the child’s produc
tion of vocal tics or guttural noises such as grunting, throat clearing, invol
untary noises (including shrilly noises), or barking.
With children who are taking neuroleptic medications, the examiner should
be alert to the presence of involuntary movements associated with acute dys
kinesia and the orolingual and choreiform movements associated with acute
or tardive dyskinesia. Any of these findings require full neurological clarifi
cation. SSRI antidepressants can also induce extrapyramidal symptoms (Pies
1997).
Behavioral Evidence of Emotion

The examiner should observe any affective or emotional manifestations and
pay special attention to the flow and vicissitudes of the child’s emotional
display. The examiner should note whether the child’s emotional display is
enduring or whether it is variable and unstable.
Anxiety disorders and depressive disorders are common afflictions in child
psychiatric practice. Common signs or features of anxiety disorders include
the presence of specific and unspecific fears, thumb sucking, nail biting, hair
pulling, frequent scratching, skin picking, skin flushing, and bowel sounds.
Cracking of the knuckles or the back is common in anxious adolescents. Pre
adolescents may exhibit manifestations of primitive anxiety and fear (e.g.,
urinating, passing gas, defecating) during the interview.
Separation anxiety complaints are common. Children with this disorder
refuse to separate from their mothers, stay close to their caregivers, and dis
play limited curiosity and exploratory behavior. Equally common in anxious
children are inhibitions in social settings, “freezing” in social situations, and
elective mutism.
Common features of melancholia include a sad face, a downcast demeanor,
crying, and a limited level of activity. Melancholic signs are commonly ac
companied by negative cognitions such as helplessness, hopelessness, and
worthlessness and by suicidal thoughts or behavior. Tiredness, sleep and ap
petite disturbances, and anhedonia are other components of melancholia. In
contrast, euphoric mood coupled with restlessness, distractibility, a sense of
grandiosity, hypersexuality, and pressured speech should make the examiner
suspect mania or hypomania. In general, mania and melancholia are infectious

moods, meaning that the examiner is “contaminated” by the patient’s prevail
ing mood. Often the examiner evolves a countertransference that is concor
dant with the child’s prevailing mood (Racker 1968). In addition, the
examiner needs to recognize signs of fear, confusion, perplexity, hostility, se
ductiveness, and many other emotional states.
Repetitive Activities
The examiner should pay attention to the presence of repetitive motoric activ
ities. On the most benign end of the spectrum are continuous hand rubbing,
frequent preening, and other behaviors associated with anxiety and tension.
In the middle of the spectrum are behaviors such as thumb sucking, nail bit
ing, and knuckle or spine cracking. At the most pathological end of the spec
trum are behaviors such as rocking, arm flipping, and other autistic behaviors.
When careful inspection does not reveal the presence of overt repetitious
activities, the examiner should proceed with sensitive probing to rule out the
presence of less obvious compulsive activities (see Chapter 9, “Evaluation of
Internalizing Symptoms”).
Disturbances of Attention
Although hyperactivity is commonly associated with inattentiveness and im
pulsivity, disturbance of the attentional processes sometimes occurs without
hyperactivity or impulsivity. In general, disturbances of attention reflect dis
tractibility (i.e., a lack of a capacity for selective and sustained attention). Dis
tractible children move from one activity to the next without finishing any of
them.
Attention comprises many functions, including selective attention, sus
tained attention, intensity of attention, inhibitory control, and attentional
shifts. The selection and organization of responses to stimuli depend on high
level executive functions. Attention is a fundamental function in information
processing and cognitive and language functioning. Attention disturbances
are implicated in the etiology of schizophrenia.
Speech
The speech component of the mental status examination is rich in findings
and rewarding in the overall diagnostic process. The findings in this area range
from overt aphasias with associated neurological findings to the less specific
developmental language disorders. If a child does not seem to understand
what the examiner is attempting to convey, or if the child’s responses seem
to miss the point (e.g., non sequitur responses), the examiner should suspect
a receptive language disorder. The examiner must ascertain whether a hear
ing loss is present in these cases.
Children with receptive language difficulties look lost and confused. The
examiner should consider the following questions: Is the child attempting to
communicate at all? Is the child gesturing or attempting to use other nonver
bal behavior? Is the child capable of developing rapport? Is the child attempt
ing to connect with the examiner? The answers to these questions will assist
the examiner in differentiating autism from other communication disorders.
As the child speaks and responds to the examiner’s questions, the examiner
should pay special attention to the spontaneity and flow of the child’s speech,
the richness of the vocabulary, the child’s capacity for abstraction, the quality
of the grammar, the child’s ability to communicate emotion and meaning, and
the melody of the speech.
Limited lexicon, grammatical mistakes, inappropriate use of prepositions,
and problems with syntax are common in children with expressive language
delays. Their speech and language are usually immature. Expressive language
disorders may be associated with psychosocial developmental immaturity.
The examiner should also note the naturalness of the patient’s speech and
the quality of the communication process. Odd speech, affectation in the
communication (i.e., pedantic talk), or unusual features of the communication
process or of its contents, such as echolalia, neologisms, or bizarre produc
tions, should raise the suspicion of a thought disorder (e.g., schizophrenia).
The examiner must attend to the volume and rate of the child’s speech, as
well as to the quality of its articulation. The examiner should note whether
the child’s speech is loud, pressured, or slurred and whether evidence of mis
pronunciations, stuttering, or other unusual speech qualities is present.
The examiner should note the response latency—that is, the amount of
time that elapses before the child initiates a verbal response. Some children
take a rather long time before beginning any response, whereas others blurt out
responses impulsively before the examiner finishes the question or completes
a thought.
Disturbances of Speech Melody

Disturbances of speech melody (dysprosodies) are prevalent in severe apha
sias and developmental language disorders. The examiner should pay atten
tion to these speech qualities because they are revealing. Disturbances of
the musicality and rhythm of speech indicate that an injurious event af
fected the child’s neurolinguistic development in early periods of language
and speech formation. Instead of the soft, childlike, sweet, and melodious
quality of the typical child’s speech, the examiner may hear a grave, hoarse
voice that resembles an adult’s or elderly person’s voice. The child’s voice may
have a high-pitched tone, or a male child’s speech may have an effeminate
quality.
Children who have neurodevelopmental disorders also exhibit problems

with voice melody and voice inflection. For instance, when they attempt to
make a statement, they may raise their voice as if asking a question.
Mood and Affect

Cummings’s (1995b) definitions of mood and affect are clear and succinct:
“Mood is an internally experienced pervasive emotion. Affect is the outward
emotional display” (p. 168). During the mental status examination, the ex
aminer notes the child’s prevailing mood and predominant affect and the sub
jective states that accompany it. He or she may also observe the quality and
intensity of affective expression.
Among the most valuable and clinically relevant aspects of AMSIT is the
expectation that the examiner will consider the presence of depression or ma
nia in every individual’s psychiatric evaluation. The examiner is expected to
rate the patient’s depressive or elated affect on a seven-point numerical scale.
The scale includes depression at one extreme, euthymia at the center, and ma
nia at the other extreme. Every examiner completing AMSIT should assess the
patient’s degree of mood disturbance or affective expression.
Loved and well-cared-for children are, by nature, bubbly and expansive.
The examiner should describe any deviation from this state. A serious child
may already be demonstrating emotional disturbance. A serious countenance
may be part of a restrained, euthymic state in an adult; but this is not neces
sarily the case in children.
Reactivity to environmental factors complicates both the identification of
affective disturbance and the determination of its severity. Many depressed
children react positively to reassurance and may even engage in playful in
teractions. These behaviors mislead the diagnostician.
The examiner should note the child’s spontaneous affective display and any
changes of affect that occur during the interview. The examiner should de
scribe the intensity and the range of the child’s affective expression. It is
equally important to observe if the affect is appropriate to the thought content
or if it is inappropriate either to the thought content or to the interviewing
context.
Silliness and inappropriateness of affect are common in immature and re
gressed children. These affective states may represent early forms of hypo
mania, immaturity or regression. Some children are openly silly, whereas
others display overt euphoria. Affect disturbance is common in so-called bor
derline disorder, in autism spectrum disorders, and in schizophrenia.
Other mood and emotional states may be as prominent and as important
as those associated with depression and mania. Anger, anxiety, fear, and other
states of emotional arousal are common phenomena observed in clinical

practice.
The examiner should differentiate depression related to a psychiatric
disorder from depression related to neuropsychiatric dysfunction. As Harris
(1995a) warned,
In the assessment of affect, apathy must be distinguished from depression.

Moreover, the experience of emotion must be clarified because in some con
ditions, such as certain right-hemispheric dysfunction presentations or in
pseudobulbar palsy, the physical expression of affect (e.g., facial expression,
voice tone) may be impaired although inner experience may remain intact.
Finally, with some frontal lobe lesions and in some metabolic encephalopa
thies, severe apathy may be noted in the absence of depression. (p. 31)
Sensorium
This section of AMSIT tests the orientation of the patient to the real world
and the capacity to track time.
Orientation
Children of normal intelligence, even early preadolescents, frequently know
the day of the week, the month, and the year of the evaluation. In late pre
schoolers and early preadolescents, less precision should be expected with
the date, but even so, alert and bright children typically give very close to the
correct date. It is telling when the examiner asks the child questions regard
ing orientation, and the child turns to the mother for assistance or expects
her to give the response. The examiner needs to look beyond the overt de
pendency and explore cognitive problems or generalized difficulties with
orientation in time and space. Significant deviations from orientation to
time or place are common in children who have cognitive impairments and
in children who have neurodevelopmental disorders such as learning disor
ders and right-hemispheric dysfunctions.
Memory
Disorders of memory result from problems with encoding (i.e., registration
secondary to attentional disturbances) or from difficulties with decoding or
retrieval (see Chapter 12, “Neuropsychiatric Interview and Examination”).
“The impairment of new learning, or anterograde amnesia, is a defining at
tribute of organic amnesia” (Zola 1997, p. 448). Retrograde amnesia refers to
impairment for memories acquired before brain damage (Zola 1997). The
examiner should notice the accuracy of the child’s recall and the coherence
and the relevance of details included in the child’s narrative. Memory prob
lems should be suspected when, in response to the questions posed by the
examiner, the child looks confused or uncertain or seeks support for his or
her answers from significant others.
A child of normal intelligence can talk about important recent events. For
example, if the child is a sports enthusiast, the examiner may test the child’s
tracking of recent sporting events and the accuracy of the recall.
The task of remembering three different words is a classic and practical
short-term memory test. The examiner should select unrelated words. This
challenge becomes more demanding if one of the words is abstract (e.g., hon
esty, fairness).
Concentration
Concentration reflects the patient’s ability to focus and sustain attention
during cognitive tasks. An adolescent with normal intelligence and without
specific learning disabilities in arithmetic should be able to demonstrate
proficiency with the serial sevens test (e.g., “Take 7 away from 100, and keep
taking 7 away from the result”). The response to this challenge is considered
satisfactory when the adolescent gives four or five accurate responses. For an
early-latency-age child, this task may be a formidable challenge, in which case
the examiner may choose a less difficult task, such as the serial threes test
(e.g., “Take 3 away from 20, and keep doing so from each answer you get”).
The repetition of digits forward and digits backward is a traditional test
of concentration and immediate memory. After the examiner says a series of
numbers, adolescents with good concentration and good immediate recall
should be able to repeat five or six of the numbers forward and up to four or
five of the digits in reverse order. Younger children should be expected to be
proficient with fewer digits.
Another simple test of concentration is to ask the child to spell his or her
last name forward and backwards; the backward spelling being a bigger
challenge.
Calculating Ability
If the examiner is using the serial sevens test to assess the child’s calculating
ability simultaneously with concentration, and the child finds the task too
difficult, the examiner could try easier challenges such as serial threes (as
described in the preceding section, “Concentration”) or present simple cal
culation problems, such as 6+7=? or 9+4–3=? Even these simple tests may
be trying for children who have cognitive limitations or for those with spe
cific developmental learning disorders.
Overall Conclusion
The AMSIT approach requires the clinician to make an overall assessment
of the patient’s sensorium based on the entire examination or specific findings.
A significant impairment of the sensorium should raise the suspicion of delir

ium, which requires diligent exploration of the central nervous system need
ing urgent medical attention. Because delirium can be fatal, its elucidation
and treatment are medical and neurological emergencies.
Intelligence
Even experienced clinicians err in their estimation of a patient’s intelligence
level. Children may appear to have an intellectual disability although they do
not, or they may come across as being brighter than they are. Factors that
may mislead clinicians in this assessment include the presence of comorbid
conditions and the presence of language or learning disorders.
In ascertaining intellectual functioning, a detailed developmental history
is required. A record of the child’s achievement of milestones and the time
at which the child began to produce speech is of particular importance. The
child’s history of academic progress or academic retention is also relevant.
The fact that the child has a history of grade retention does not mean the child
is intellectually impaired. Similarly, the fact that a child is promoted year af
ter year does not mean he or she is devoid of cognitive or learning problems.
Sometimes teachers may perceive bright students as having an intellec
tual disability. For example, a child was referred for an evaluation because his
teacher believed he was too “slow.” The child came across to the examiners
as extremely bright, creative, and imaginative; his IQ score was found to be
about 142. Comprehensive psychometric testing, complemented, when in
dicated, with neuropsychological testing, will assist in the clarification of in
tellectual capacity and language or learning disabilities.
Thought
The basic caveat in the identification of thought disorders is that the pres
ence of severe language disorders can confuse the clinical picture. Develop
mental and academic histories are very helpful in preventing this confusion,
as are the child’s affective expression and his efforts to communicate. Table 8–2
lists the topics covered in the thought section of AMSIT.
No typical symptoms make the diagnosis of schizophrenia unequivocal.
Although first-rank symptoms were formerly thought to be associated only
with schizophrenia, Akiskal and Puzantian (1979) demonstrated the presence
of first-rank symptoms in affective disorders with psychotic features.
Some clinicians still confuse the concepts of psychosis and thought dis
order. Psychosis refers to problems with reality testing and especially the pres
ence of hallucinations or delusions; thought disorder refers to impairments
of the process of thought production, thought concatenation, and thought
organization.
Table 8–2. Elements of the th ought section of AMSIT for

children and adolescents
Coherence Perceptions
Logic Delusions
a
Metaphorical thinking Thought content
Goal directedness Judgment
Reality testing Abstracting ability
Associations Insight
aNot in AMSIT for
adults.
Coherence
The examiner should note the threading and convergence of the patient’s
thinking. The examiner should consider the following relevant questions:
Are the child’s thoughts threaded together to express the intended idea? Does
the narrative make sense? Is the narrative clear? Are the topics or themes con
nected to one another? When the child speaks, can his or her train of thought
be followed?
Logic
In assessing the child’s logic, the examiner should consider the following ques
tions: Does the child respect the laws of reasoning, of time and space, and of
the contradiction of opposites (i.e., if you state something, you rule out or
exclude the opposite; see Troy’s case [Case Example 9] and Note 7 in Chap
ter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms”). Do the child’s conclusions
derive from established premises? Are cause-effect relationships respected in
the child’s arguments? According to Caplan (1994), illogical thinking is based
on a defective control of cognitive processing and represents a negative sign
of childhood-onset schizophrenia. This defect appears to reflect frontal lobe
impairment (Caplan 1994; see also Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms”).
Metaphorical Thinking
Adolescents sometimes use metaphors to describe their conflicts or concerns.
The examiner should attempt to stay within the metaphor and to make inter
ventions that use the patient’s metaphoric language. This approach parallels
the process of interviewing in displacement (see Chapter 3, “Special Inter
viewing Techniques”). The following case examples illustrate the use of met
aphors by adolescents.
Case Example 1
Tim, a 15-year-old Caucasian male, was evaluated for rebellious, aggressive
behavior and anger dyscontrol. He said to the interviewer that he “felt like a
bull.” This metaphor was helpful in understanding the patient’s sense of be
ing untamable and out of control; it also clarified the child’s narcissism and
his concerns about losing control. When the interviewer stressed that the
patient was behaving like a bull, the adolescent responded with satisfaction.
This approach improved the therapeutic alliance and made the patient more
receptive to the examiner’s recommendations.
Case Example 2
Sharon, a 15-year-old Caucasian female, was referred for an evaluation be
cause of her bulimic behavior, which had continued for more than a year. She
was preoccupied with her looks and compared herself unfavorably to her more
attractive mother, who had been a beauty pageant queen in her younger
years. She was also very preoccupied with boys and sex. She said, “When
I was younger, I could handle the ‘small hormones,’ but now that I’m becoming
older, I feel I can’t handle the ‘big hormones.’” Sharon was terrified of the idea
of turning 18 and being on her own. Her concerns with the “big hormones”
clearly indicated her difficulties with her emerging sexuality and with the sep
aration process involved in turning 18.
Goal Directedness
When observing goal directedness, the examiner should observe whether
the child’s narrative includes details that are relevant to the idea the child
wants to communicate. Does the child branch off into unimportant details?
Does the child deviate from the point that he or she initially wanted to make?
The examiner should listen for irrelevant or unnecessary details. While lis
tening to the child’s narrative, the examiner should consider the following
questions: Does the child go into the substantive matter of the idea he or she
wants to communicate? Does the child get lost in minutia unrelated to the core
idea?
The most common disturbances in goal directedness are circumstantiality
and tangentiality. In circumstantiality, the child’s train of thought branches off
into irrelevant details, but the child eventually gets back to the main idea. In
tangentiality, the child’s main idea is lost, and he or she goes off into extra
neous ideas. The following example illustrates a thought disorder involving
goal directedness.
Case Example 3
Jennifer, an 11-year-old Caucasian female, underwent a psychiatric evalua
tion for explosive and assaultive behavior that resulted in her biting and
punching a teacher. In less than 6 weeks, she had three episodes of dyscon
trol at school, all involving fights with peers. School administrators felt that
they no longer could provide a psychoeducational program for Jennifer on

school grounds because she posed a serious risk to other students and the
faculty. Jennifer had attended a day hospital program the previous year for
similar reasons. She was described as moody and grandiose. She was her
mother’s only source of emotional support, and the mother and child were
entangled in a dependent, symbiotic relationship.
During the mental status examination, Jennifer showed a mildly expan
sive mood and a clear thought disorder, exemplified by ever-present circum
stantiality, tangential thinking, and loose associations. During the interview,
the examiner asked Jennifer, an obese child, “What do you think of your weight?”
She responded, “OK. My belly is good for many things. The belly floats in the
water...I can bob other kids with my belly, it doesn’t bother me...I’ve seen
500-pound guys. They are huge...in Sumo wrestling in Japan...Yokosama ...
It doesn’t matter...This big guy...”
According to Caplan (1994), “Certain aspects of thought disorder, such as

illogical thinking, are found in childhood psychiatric disorders other than
schizophrenia. Looseness of the associations, however, seems to occur spe
cifically in childhood schizophrenia” (p. 608). Caplan also asserted that loose
associations are secondary to distractibility and represent a positive sign of
childhood-onset schizophrenia. She postulated that this defect is secondary
to a disconnection between the prefrontal cortex and the subcortical regions
(i.e., basal ganglia and thalamus).
Reality Testing
By mid-latency age, a child’s reality testing (i.e., ability to differentiate reality
from fantasy) should be established solidly; however, reliable reality testing
can be demonstrated even earlier. This issue relates to how old the child is
before he or she can distinguish fantasy from reality and how old he or she
is before hallucinations or delusions can be observed. The examiner will re
member that girls are cognitively and language-based ahead of boys during
preadolescence and early and middle adolescence. The following is an exam
ple of reality testing disturbance in a preschooler, one of the youngest chil
dren with overt psychotic features (i.e., visual and auditory hallucinations)
that we had ever encountered.
Case Example 4
Fabio, a 4-year-old Hispanic male, was referred for evaluation of aggressive
behavior. He demonstrated murderous behavior toward his baby brother. He
spontaneously verbalized that the “jingle,” a monster-like figure, was coming
to kill him, and he added that the jingle was going to kill his family, too. To
protect himself against the jingle, Fabio would take a knife to bed with him.
He saw the jingle and heard it. He said that he heard the jingle telling him that
it was coming to hurt him.
Cepeda (2007, pp. 15–16) described a 3-year-old Caucasian male with

psychosis. (Notice that the child is using a neologism.)
Case Example 5
Blond, a 3-year-old Caucasian male, was evaluated for aggressive behavior
toward his mother and 2-month-old baby brother. He threatened to kill his
mother and other people. He claimed that monsters bothered him and that
they hid in the closet. He stated that the monsters tried to “poke” him.
By early mid-latency age, children can clearly differentiate between thoughts

coming from inside their heads and voices coming from outside their heads,
as demonstrated in the following case example.
Case Example 6
Dionne, a 9-year-old African American female who was referred for suicidal
behavior, complained of hearing voices. When the examiner asked Dionne if
she was hearing her own thoughts, she said, “A thought and a voice are dif
ferent. A thought comes from inside of my head; a voice comes from outside
of my head.”
The following case example illustrates confusion of reality with fantasy

and gross impairment of reality testing in a late preadolescent child.
Case Example 7
Dwayne, an 11-year-old African American male, was evaluated for explosive
and assaultive behaviors. He had hit his female teacher and bitten her nose.
The school was no longer willing to put other students at risk because Dwayne
had lost control around his peers several times before. Dwayne had been see
ing a child psychiatrist for over a year, had been in acute inpatient programs,
and had taken various psychotropic medications without any significant ef
fect. He lived with his father at the time of the evaluation. Before that, he lived
with his mother in another state. His father took custody of the child when
he learned that Dwayne was being physically abused at his mother’s house.
Dwayne’s stepbrother allegedly would encourage the family dogs to attack
Dwayne. Dwayne had extensive scars on his back.
The mental status examination revealed a handsome child who was ex
tremely dysphoric; he also displayed an apathetic demeanor. He was not spon
taneous and did not respond verbally to any questions. He exhibited a dis
gruntled countenance and an ongoing sense of irritation. The omega sign (a
persistent frown) was prominent. He appeared to be very depressed. Because
his internal world was inaccessible to exploration, his thought processes could
not be assessed. The dosage of his antidepressant medication was increased,
and he was asked to return the following week for another diagnostic ap
pointment.
When Dwayne came with his father to the second appointment, he brought
several pieces of chewing gum. Upon entering the office, he put a piece of gum
in his mouth. This time he was talkative. He began narrating a fantasy story,
and his father pointed out that the theme of the story was related to a movie
he and Dwayne had watched a couple of days earlier. Shortly after this, Dwayne
opened his mouth and showed the examiner that the gum was stuck on his
lower molars. He didn’t seem to know what to do. The examiner suggested
that Dwayne could dislodge the gum with his finger.
At this point, Dwayne said that he had fought with Mike Tyson the night
before. His father promptly explained that Dwayne had played a Mike Tyson
boxing video game the night before. Dwayne went on, saying that he had “blown
out Tyson’s teeth” and so on. Suddenly, Dwayne opened his mouth and indi
cated that the place where the gum had stuck was the place where Tyson had
hit him the previous night. This was followed almost immediately by the rev
elation that he had bad dreams that night. Dwayne reported dreams of mon
sters eating his hands. He then showed the examiner his fingers and said, “I had
some funny feelings where the monsters were eating my fingers.” The nature
and extent of this child’s psychotic thinking had not been appreciated earlier.
Dwayne received neuroleptics with positive results.
Associations
Associations refer to the manner in which the child’s thoughts are connected
among themselves. As the child speaks, the examiner should follow the se
quence of the child’s thinking and the links between each of the child’s thoughts.
The examiner should note whether the child’s thoughts flow smoothly. The ex
aminer should also observe the transitions between thoughts and note whether
the child returns to the original thought after digressing into other topics.
Does he or she jump from one idea to the next without a clear thread linking
the two ideas? The examiner should note the affective prosody (i.e., the emo
tional coherence of the thought content). Ideo-affective dissociation means that
the expressed thoughts and the associated emotions are incongruent. This
concept is similar to isolation of affect.
The main disturbances of association are blocking, loose associations,
and flight of ideas. In general, patients are unaware of disturbances in their
thought processes. Blocking refers to the interruption of a train of thought.
It is demonstrated when the child stops presenting the main idea and either
becomes silent (i.e., making a prolonged pause) or, after a short pause, goes
onto another thought that is not connected to the unfinished thought. When
the examiner calls attention to this disturbance, the child has significant dif
ficulty returning to the interrupted idea. When a child’s ideas are weakly con
nected to one another, the disturbance is called loose associations. In flight of
ideas, the ideas presented in a chain of thoughts are not connected to one an
other. In the most extreme case, the ideas are so disconnected from one an
other that no sense can be made of them. This condition is often described as
word salad. In flight of ideas, the child presents his or her thoughts at a fast pace.
The child’s speech frequently is increased in rate, if not pressured. Sometimes,
the patient is able to acknowledge that her thinking is rushing or going very
fast. In other words, the patient cannot control his or her thinking. This symp
tom helps to explain the impulsivity or lack of judgment exhibited by hypo
manic and manic patients.
Perceptions
Normal perceptions are those that have consensual validation within a given
culture. Consensual validation means that what a person sees, hears, or
touches is similar to what another person from the same milieu sees, hears, or
touches. Disturbances of perception occur when the objects of the perception
do not exist, do not have consensual validation, or both. This process is called
hallucinating, and the experience itself is a hallucination. When the object of
experience is present but is distorted in its nature or relation to the person,
or when it is misidentified, the experience is called an illusion.
Hallucinations may occur in any of the sensory modalities—visual, audi
tory, gustatory, olfactory, or tactual—or they may be visceral (i.e., other body
sensations) or experiential. Complex partial seizures represent a neuropsy
chiatric condition that must be considered in the differential diagnosis of per
ceptual disturbances and other psychotic disorders. (For a discussion of the
evaluation of positive and negative psychotic symptoms, see Cepeda 2007,
Chapter 2.) In the following case example, the examiner uses systematic ques
tioning to ascertain the unsuspected diagnosis of complex partial seizures.
Case Example 8
Ralph, a 14-year-old mixed-race male, was admitted to an acute psychiatric
care program for unrelenting suicidal ideation and serious conflicts with his
mother. He had a background of gang involvement and other conduct disor
der problems. Ralph lost his most important source of emotional support
when his maternal grandfather died a short time before the admission. Ralph
had been quite attached to his grandfather. Although his parents were di
vorced, they still continued a bitter relationship. Ralph was caught in a pain
ful loyalty conflict because each parent was pressuring him to live with him
or her. Ralph had witnessed his father abusing his mother physically and
hated him for that. Ralph’s medical background was positive for an episode
of meningitis at age 15 months. He also had complained of “panic dreams”
2 years earlier, but a magnetic resonance imaging scan taken at the time was
normal.
Ralph, who weighed 280 pounds, looked older than his stated age and ap
peared depressed. During the mental status examination, he denied hearing
voices and denied visual hallucinations. When asked if he smelled any un
usual smells, he readily reported olfactory and gustatory hallucinations: “An
ugly smell, like a cadaver...a pretty bad taste, like rotten meat.” While ex
periencing those hallucinations, he heard screeching, yelling, and beeping
noises, and all of this was accompanied by a disturbance of consciousness
and a sense of confusion for about 2 minutes. When this happened, he did not
know what was going on. At times he felt like he was going to faint and his
legs would get weak. During the previous summer, while playing basketball,
Ralph’s legs gave way after he experienced the olfactory hallucinations. He
had a feeling of “strangeness” and experienced profuse sweating, even during
the winter.
Additional exploration revealed that he had experienced déjà vu phenom
ena, dreams that foretold the future, and an urgency to urinate during these
episodes. The diagnosis of complex partial seizures was substantiated; it had
not been suspected initially.
Commanding auditory hallucinations are of particular clinical importance.

The examiner should explore how strong the hallucinations are and what
the child does when he or she hears the voices. Is the child able to fight them
and resist their commands? Invariably, parents are skeptical about the valid
ity of preadolescents’ perceptual symptoms and need to be educated about
them (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter).
A disturbance of perception may be centered in the sense of self, in the body
image, or in aspects of the self-image. Depersonalization denotes a sense of
strangeness in the sense of self; that is, the patient feels he or she is not the
same as before or the child feels strange. This experience may be accompanied
by a sense of confusion or bewilderment. This phenomenon occurs in affec
tive disorders and dissociative states and is commonly observed in children
with psychotic disorder.
When a girl with anorexia nervosa looks at the mirror and sees a fat per
son, she suffers from a disturbance of perception of body image, among other
things. Disturbance of body image may be localized, as in the case of body dys
morphic disorder (when the patient thinks something is wrong with a specific
body part). When the patient has a sense of internal body damage, uncorrob
orated by medical evidence and impervious to reassurance, the distortion is
called hypochondria.
Out-of-body experiences are reported with some frequency. Autoscopic hal
lucinations are an uncommon experience in the field of child and adolescent
psychiatry. A sense of the presence of a dead person, or even experiences such
as talking to or hearing from dead people, are common for children during
bereavement.
Delusions
Delusional thinking refers to a belief or system of beliefs without consensual
validation in a given culture. Ideas of reference refer to the beliefs that every
thing the child perceives is related directly to himself or herself. The most
common problems in this area relate to the belief that when people are talk
ing or laughing, they are talking about or laughing at the patient. Some patients
feel that people watch, spy on, or follow them. Others harbor persecutory
delusions; these patients think that others are plotting to kill or harm them
or their families. Patients may see signs in the environment that somehow
convey a secret or special message to them. Delusions of guilt are described
in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms” (see the cases of Salim
and Fred [Case Examples 1 and 2, respectively]).
Children’s concerns can sometimes be quite bizarre, as the following case
examples show.
Case Example 9
Ted, an 8-year-old Caucasian male, reported that monsters were coming at
night to exchange his blood for a green liquid. He was so terrified that he asked
his father to cover the opening under his bed with a board. Ted believed that
the monsters lived under the bed and that nailing the board there would keep
the monsters from coming out.
Case Example 10
Mat, a 10-year-old Caucasian male, frequently worried that scorpions would
come out from the shower head or climb into his bed while he slept. This
child was ostracized, ridiculed, and rejected by his peers.
Extreme forms of disturbances of body image or body functions occur

when the child complains that his or her body or body parts are damaged, or
worse, that his or her insides may be “rotting.” The following case examples
illustrate the presence of such somatic delusions.
Case Example 11
Donna, a sophisticated and talented 16-year-old Caucasian female, was eval
uated for intense and unremitting suicidal ideation. She had a long history of
depression, dating back to when she was 7 years old. She had been a patient
in a number of psychiatric hospitals. In explaining her sense of hopelessness,
she reported that her “insides were rotten,” that her “parts were dead inside.”
She acknowledged that 90% of her suicidal intent stemmed from that belief.
Case Example 12
Ming, a 16-year-old Asian American female and the mother of a 13-month
old infant, exhibited a severe major depressive episode with psychotic features.
Besides commanding auditory hallucinations ordering her to kill herself, she
had a deep-seated belief that she had cancer. No amount of reassurance or
medical evidence could persuade her to the contrary.
In clinical practice, after the examiner observes the patient’s thought pro
cesses, the following chain inquiry is useful: 1) systematic questioning regard
ing the presence of auditory, visual, olfactory, gustatory, tactual, and other
atypical perceptions, such as depersonalization and out-of-body experiences;
2) systematic questioning about referential and persecutory ideation; and 3)

systematic questioning regarding beliefs of thought intrusion or thought with
drawal. This line of inquiry may be completed with a full exploration of obses
sive-compulsive symptomatology.
Thought Content
In addition to the concerns that the patient expresses, the examiner should
note the presence of the following: 1) suicidal and homicidal ideation, 2) ob
sessional thinking, 3) compulsive activities, 4) alcohol and substance abuse,
5) gang involvement, and 6) other significant content not included else
where.
Judgment
The assessment of the patient’s judgment should be based on observations
and on the patient’s response to specific situations presented during the psy
chiatric examination. A child is assumed to have good judgment if he or she
gives a satisfactory answer to questions such as “What do you do if you are in
a theater and you see smoke?” or “What do you do if you find a stamped en
velope?” The determination regarding impairment of judgment needs to take
into account the patient’s history of chronic impulsivity and the patient’s lack of
forethought before carrying out impulsive actions. The patient’s history tells
far more about the patient’s judgment than do his or her responses to standard
questions. A clever and manipulative child may be able to give the right an
swers to hypothetical questions posed by the examiner, even though the child
displays poor judgment in the real world.
Abstracting Ability
The assessment of the child’s abstracting ability (i.e., capacity for categorical
thinking) needs to take into account the child’s cognitive development. A
common but incorrect assumption is that when a person reaches late ado
lescence or adulthood, he or she has reached the cognitive developmental
stage of formal operations. As such, this person should be capable of abstract
thinking, as tested by similarities and interpretation of proverbs. Not every
one reaches this state of cognitive development. When they reach adulthood,
children who are in the process of acquiring this cognitive sophistication
should not be expected to perform well in this area, although some bright
children do. In general, preadolescents and some adolescents tend to be
concrete.
To assess abstracting ability, the examiner pays close attention to the pa
tient’s language and the sophistication of his or her responses. The examiner
should also note the richness of the child’s vocabulary and the manner with
which the child discusses problems. For example, does the child use rich, com
plex, and metaphorical language?
Insight
Making judgments about a child’s insight is difficult. Preadolescents be
grudgingly acknowledge their problems, and adolescents more often than
not only pay lip service to recognition of personal problems and express no
willingness to change. Judgments about the presence of insight are based on
the degree of the patient’s dystonicity over the symptoms and his or her ex
plicit desire to change.
Key Points
• Psychiatric examinations of children and adolescents are
more nuanced than that of the adult. At all times, findings
need to be correlated and developmental norms and ex
pectations need to be documented systematically.
• The mental status examination of children and adolescents
has many components that need to be considered in estab
lishing a psychiatric diagnosis and creating a comprehen
sive treatment plan.
• Psychotic symptoms are not rare in child and adolescent
practice.
• Psychotic symptoms should be explored systematically in
every child and adolescent interview.
• Psychotic symptoms are rarely benign. They indicate sever
ity of the psychiatric condition.
• Psychotic symptoms are associated with many psychiatric
disorders.
• Psychosis does not equate with schizophrenia, though it may.
Notes
1. Hallucinations may be more prevalent in children than is commonly
thought. As reported by Schreier (1999), Garralda (1984) distinguished
nonpsychotic children who hallucinate from psychotic children: non
psychotic children 1) are not delusional, 2) do not exhibit disturbance
in language production, 3) do not exhibit decreased motor activity or
incongruous mood, and 4) do not evidence bizarre behaviors or social
withdrawal. Long-term follow-up of hallucinations has little prognostic
significance. In Schreier’s (1999) view, “Hallucinations of critical voices

or of those demanding that the patient do horrific acts to the self or to
others do not predict severity or necessitate a poor prognosis” (p. 624).
The presence of a single voice seems to indicate a good prognosis. The
presence of internal versus external voices does not have any predictive
value. Hallucinations may persist for several years without a major role
in the child’s functioning. Schreier (1999) has found an association be
tween nonpsychotic hallucinations and migraine.
CHAPTER 9
Evaluation of
Internalizing Symptoms
For didactic and organizational purposes, we distinguish in this book be

tween internalizing and externalizing symptoms. The distinction often is
not clear because of the intrinsic nature of a given disorder. Internalizing
symptoms mostly affect the self and bring about subjective distress; exter
nalizing symptoms mostly impact others and the environment due to acting
out behaviors. For example, in bipolar disorder, internalizing and external
izing symptoms are usually mixed. The distinction may also be blurred be
cause of comorbid disorders (e.g., suicidal or depressive features in children
who have conduct disorder). A mix of internalizing and externalizing symp
toms is the rule rather than the exception in children and adolescents with
psychiatric disorders.
Evaluation of Suicidal Behaviors

Suicide is the third leading cause of death in the United States for individuals
ages 10–14 years, but the second leading cause of death for those ages 15–
24 years (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2016). The most com
mon methods of suicide are firearms, suffocation (including hanging), and
poisoning (including overdosing). Whereas in the period from 1994 through
2012, the rates of suffocation increased for females (about 6.7% annually vs
2.2% for males), the rates of suicide by firearms decreased for both males and
females from 10.9 to 5.9 per 100.000 and from 1.5 to 0.8 per 100.000, respec
191
tively (Wagner 2015, p. 50). Although it is good news that rates of suicide by
firearm in their homes are decreasing, it is concerning that about one third
of adolescents, at risk of suicide, have access to functioning firearms in their
homes (Wagner 2015, p. 54) (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter). Following
a decade of steady decline, the rate of suicide among U.S. youths who are
younger than 20 years increased by 18% from 2003 to 2004. The rates of sui
cide for 2004 (4.74 per 100,000) and 2005 (4.49 per 100,000) were signifi
cantly greater than the expected rates based on 1996–2003 trends (Bridge et
al. 2008).
Depression is a strong predictor of suicide attempts or completion; 79% of
youths reported severe depression, and depression increased as youths, par
ticularly males, progressed along the adolescent age along the continuum of
suicide risk. Comorbidity was very important: 58% of youths had symptoms
that fulfilled criteria for externalizing disorders, 53% had posttraumatic stress
disorder, 30% displayed thought disorder problems, and 17% reported prob
able substance abuse problems (Asarnow et al. 2008) (see Note 2 at the end of
this chapter). Consistent with a stress vulnerability model, increasing suicidal
behavior risk was predicted by greater psychopathology, more life stresses, and
particular stressors. Recent exposure to suicide, a breakup of a romantic
relationship, a pregnancy event, and posttraumatic stress disorder increase
an individual’s suicide risk (Asarnow et al. 2008). Brent et al. (2015) demon
strated that children of parents with a history of suicidal behavior are about
five times more likely than control children to display suicidal behavior; these
children had an underlying impulsive aggression trait and developed a mood
disorder during the study interval (5.6 years). Family and peer invalidation
is another significant factor in adolescents’ suicide. Surprisingly, a history of
abuse (of any kind) did not reach a level of significance. Perceived family in
validation predicted suicidal events in males, and peer invalidation predicted
self-mutilation in both males and females (Wagner 2015).
Suicidal crises are self-limiting and usually related to immediate stressors,
such as a breakup with a boyfriend or girlfriend, conflicts with the family,
school problems, or issues with drugs. As the acute phase of the crisis passes,
so does the urge to attempt suicide: 90% of people who survive a suicide at
tempt, even a lethal attempt, do not go on to die by suicide (Miller and Hem
enway 2008).
Pfeffer (1986) recommended that “all suicidal ideas and actions of children
should be taken seriously and evaluated thoroughly and repeatedly” (p. 174).
The evaluation of suicidal behavior entails the exploration of the what, how,
when, where, how often, and why of suicidal behavior.
What refers to the nature of the suicidal behavior, including what the pa
tient wishes to do and what he or she expects will happen if the action is
Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms 193
accomplished. After the patient discloses that he or she wants to commit sui
cide in a particular way, the examiner needs to continue exploring alternative
plans the patient may have (as in Matthew’s case; see Chapter 2, “General Prin
ciples of Interviewing” [Case Example 3]). Consideration of multiple meth
ods of suicide correlates with the child’s determination to end his or her life;
this indicates a great deal of hopelessness and despair and heightens the se
riousness of the intent. An equally important exploration is whether the child
expects to be rescued. High levels of aggression and impulsive traits increase
the likelihood that suicidal ideation will progress to a suicide attempt. Fur
thermore, behavioral or conduct problems, substance abuse, and thought dis
order are associated with lethal suicide attempts (Asarnow et al. 2008).
How refers to plans the child has conceived or steps the child may have al
ready taken to kill himself or herself. The examiner assesses prior suicidal
behaviors and the seriousness of current plans. Although death by firearm re
mains the most common mechanism for suicide among males ages 10–24,
for females in the same age group, suffocation (including hanging) surpassed
firearm as the most common mechanism for completed suicide (Sullivan et al.
2015). The examiner should carry out a detailed assessment of the means by
which the child wants to actualize his or her intentions and pay particular at
tention to the child’s access to weapons, medications, or toxic substances. The
examiner determines how close the child is or has been to killing himself or
herself so that necessary steps can be taken to ensure the child’s safety.
When and where relate to the time and place planned for the suicide. Sui
cidal behavior may be connected temporally to significant events in the patient’s
life. As stated previously, common precipitating events include conflicts with
the family or a recent breakup with a girlfriend or boyfriend. The recent death
of someone close to the patient is a frequent precipitating event, particularly
if the person died by suicide or died suddenly. If one of the patient’s close
friends has died by suicide, the examiner should ask the patient whether he or
she had prior knowledge of the event or had ever made a suicide pact with the
deceased. The examiner should explore the degree of guilt that the patient
feels over the friend’s death. Patients who have a depressive background are at
greater risk of suicide following a close friend’s suicide. Anniversaries are
times of emotional reactivation of painful memories and unresolved guilt,
and these occasions may activate suicidal behavior or fantasies of reunion with
the deceased. When the patient is deeply emotionally connected to a dead per
son (e.g., grandparent, other relative, friend), the examiner should rule out the
presence of psychotic features.
How much or how often relates to the frequency of the suicidal thoughts.
The frequency correlates with the risk. The more the suicidal thinking erupts in
the mind, the higher the suicide risk. Equally important is to know how long
the suicidal thoughts “stick around”— “When the suicidal thoughts come to
mind, what do you do with them? Do you let them be? Do you fight them?”—
This exploration indicates how syntonic or dystonic these thoughts are.
In relation to why, the examiner should explore psychological factors that
motivate the patient’s suicidal ideation and behavior. Suicidal behaviors may
be activated by many emotional states: helplessness; emotional pain; anger;
worthlessness or devaluation; shame or humiliation; emptiness; nihilism;
rejection or abandonment; loneliness or feelings of being unloved; disap
pointment or feelings of failure; hopelessness, despair, or futility; fears of a
mental breakdown; feelings that a handicap or a medical illness is unaccept
able; self-hatred; guilt; and many other negative, self-blaming, disorganizing,
and pain-inducing subjective states. For a mnemonic tool regarding factors
that need to be considered in the assessment of children and adolescents, re
fer to Table 9–1.
The systematic interviewing described above parallels Shea’s (1998) Chron
ological Assessment of Suicidal Events (CASE) approach for the evaluation
of suicidal behavior, which is described in Chapter 2, “General Principles of
Interviewing.” The questioning techniques of the CASE approach are used to
explore the what, how, when, where, how often, and how “sticky” the suicide
thoughts are. Table 9–1 addresses, as part of a mnemonic, areas of inquiry that
are pertinent in the evaluation of suicide risk in children.
Individuals with a history of multiple suicide attempts are more likely to
make subsequent attempts than are those with a history of a single attempt
or no attempt. Some multiple suicide attempters wish to die, time their at
tempts so the interventions to help them are less likely, and regret recovery/
survival from a suicide attempt. Multiple suicide attempters have more psy
chopathology at baseline (anxiety, mood, or substance abuse disorders); the
presence of an anxiety disorder at the time of the attempt, along with a de
fined or uncertain wish to die, confers risks for future attempts. Single at
tempters and ideators do not differ regarding baseline diagnosis (Miranda et
al. 2008). Single attempters and ideators deal with acute stressors that are likely
to resolve more readily, whereas multiple suicide attempters deal with acute
and chronic stressors and dispositional traits, such as impulsivity and aggres
sion, as well as skills deficits such as limited problem-solving skills (Miranda
et al. 2008).
In the evaluation of suicidal behavior in a child or adolescent, the examiner
needs to consider the factor of intentionality. The intention to commit sui
cide is the source from which all suicidal behavior and a great deal of de
structive behaviors derive. The following suicide letter, written by Myriam, ex
presses unambiguously what she had in mind when she attempted to end her
life with a serious Tylenol overdose:
Table 9–1. Mnemonic for suicidal assessment:

THIS PATH IS DEATH
T houghts of suicide, suicide planning
H omicidal ideation, anger control difficulties
I nsomnia, feeling ineffective, feeling a burden
S substance abuse and alcohol problems
P rior suicidal attempts; psychosis

A buse history (physical, sexual, emotional abuse; neglect)
T erminations, losses, break ups, relocations, deaths
H opelessness, anticipating a bleak future
I mpulsivity, reckless behavior

S elf-esteem problems, narcissistic injuries, stressors: bullying, feeling unloved
D epression, irritability, hypomania

E lation, mania; eating disorders, low energy level
A anxiety, alienation, academic problems
T ired of life, feeling helpless, poor problem solving skills
H ome conflicts, family dysfunction; peer problems
Source. Modified from Taliaferro et al. 2012.
To those it may concern,

If you are reading this I’m already dead. And IT WAS NOT AN ACCI-
DENT! I didn’t do this with selfish intent, I promise. Well, maybe a little.
I guess I’ll go into my regrets and promises. My regrets are important but
I have many confessions. Then I’ll talk about my stuff. I want my stuff to go
to some friends.
I regret not telling Mitchell how I felt about him. Just let him know how I
reacted when he called, when he didn’t, what I said about him, the effect he
had on me, and how much he meant to me. Tell him...that he was the most
important thing to me in the world. Tell him I love him more than life itself.
I also want to say I HATE MY SISTER! She’s stupid, choking, competitive,
snotty, bratty, bitchy, and kicks me whenever she can. I HATE HER!
Tell Mitchell I said thanks for always being there for me. Tell Theresa (my
friend) thanks for always making me smile. Haley gets a thanks for letting
me borrow her things and being my friend no matter what. Tell Emily . . .
[unreadable]
I want to be buried six feet under with lilies and roses. I want all my friends
there and teachers too. I want to be pretty, please, just to be nice. (Put on one
of Mitchell’s shirts.) Give Mitchell my penguins and let him go through my
room to see what else he wants. Then show him this note and my poems in
my purple and blue folders. Then let Emily look around please. Then Haley
and everyone else.
I would like for you to call everyone in my address book and tell them I
am gone. Please?
Just ...I love you mom, but Dad...Heh.
Just tell Mitchell I love him and sort everything out! I love you.
Myriam
On another page, Myriam wrote the following list:
Reasons: Confessions:
Guilt about Daniel love Mitchell
Ron’s shit hate my sister
Can’t face school words to friends
No friends
Screwed-up family Wishes:
So much stress My funeral
No comfort
Unloved Friends:
Too much pain Eva
Too much hate Mac
No point to keep going Emily
I’m worthless Haley
So much anger Mitchell
My addictions Jacob
Ugly Gregory
Dad Jennifer
Dad took Mitchell away Robert
Myriam had been sexually assaulted 3 months before her suicide attempt,
and her father was about to be deployed to the Middle East the following week.
She took the overdose of acetaminophen after being punished by her dad for
going to Mitchell’s house and leaving her siblings unattended when she was
supposed to babysit for them.
The examiner should explore whether the patient is experiencing audi
tory, commanding hallucinations, such as “voices” telling her to kill herself or
Table 9–2. Factors that affect bereavement risk after

parental death
Poor outcome
Loved one died suddenly
Psychiatric history in the surviving parent
Mother or caretaker is the parent who died
Deceased parent had a high level of emotional involvement prior to death
Child is from a higher socioeconomic bracket
No significant outcome
Child’s age or gender
Improved outcome
Child has access to higher social supports, resilience in the surviving parent
Source. Adapted from Schneiderman et al. 1996. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 203.
to commit other acts (e.g., to kill others). The voices may also tell the patient
to join the deceased. The examiner should determine whether the patient is
able to suppress these commands or is helpless against their overpowering in
fluence. When suicidal behavior is unrelenting, the examiner should explore
the possibility of psychotic guilt or other obsessive or delusional features
(see Donna’s case [Case Examples 4 and 11] in Chapter 2, “General Principles
of Interviewing” and Chapter 8, “Documenting the Examination”).
Another important line of questioning relates to recent deaths of loved
ones. Schneiderman et al. (1996) reviewed a number of studies to determine
factors that increase or lower the bereavement risk when a parent or child dies.
These factors are listed in Table 9–2.
In assessing a child’s current suicide risk, the examiner needs to evaluate
the child’s current psychological status and consider the ongoing family and
environmental conditions. Pfeffer (1991) warned that “the status of these vari
ables may change rapidly, so...a repeated, comprehensive discussion with a
suicidal youngster is necessary” (p. 670). Pfeffer stressed the need to assess
the family’s level of functioning and the circumstances surrounding the child:
“It is important to determine whether the family can provide a consistent, sta
ble environment or whether there is a high intensity of stress, violence, and
psychopathology and unavailability of relatives. Positive social supports are
critical in diminishing suicide risk among children and adolescents with sui
cidal intentions” (p. 670).
Since the risk of suicidal ideation and aggression is doubled in children
and adolescents taking antidepressant medications compared with those tak
ing placebo, the psychiatric monitoring should be increased to identify these

negative side effects (Sharma et al. 2016). An editorial by Moncrieff (2016) re
garding the Sharma et al. (2016) article detailed glaring discrepancies be
tween results reported in the clinical study reports and data from individual
patients’ listings and narratives. There was clear evidence of underreporting
of suicidal ideation and behavior.
Because suicidal behavior and self-abusive behavior do not necessarily be
long to the same psychopathological domains, they need to be examined sep
arately. The management and prognosis of these behaviors are very different.
Explanations offered by the child or the family should not derail the exam
iner from exploring the motivations or reasons for the child’s suicidal behav
iors. Following a child’s serious suicidal behavior, parents sometimes claim
that the child was simply seeking attention. Children often offer the same ex
cuse. Less commonly, children blame dissociative episodes in which they
disconnect with or deny the seriousness of suicidal experiences. The examiner
should not ask the child, “Did you really intend to kill yourself?” This judgment
is the examiner’s to make, not the child’s. Revelations of abuse should not be
disregarded after the patient recants them; the same holds true for statements
that a suicidal behavior lacks intent. The factors considered in the evaluation
of suicide attempts are also relevant to the overall assessment of suicidal be
havior (Spirito et al. 1989). Table 9–3 summarizes the areas the examiner
should consider in evaluating a child’s suicide attempts.
Family conflicts, family disorganization, or major stressors within the fam
ily have direct influence in the child’s suicidal actions. Berman and Carroll
(1984) discussed family factors that contribute to suicidal behaviors: “The
motives for suicide attempts of adolescents appear largely directed towards
effecting change in or escape from an interpersonal system” (p. 60). On deal
ing with the close relatives of suicidal children, Berman and Carroll (1984)
wrote,
As essential as it is to view parents as “first finders,” to identify and provide

assistance to the precipitously or potentially suicidal child, these parents
may be [the] least equipped to accomplish these tasks. Because of their own
pathology; their intimate relationship with and, therefore, blind spots to
their children; and/or the implicit and explicit blame levied by having a sui
cidal child, most parents deny, minimize, distort, etc. and only notice after
(and, perhaps, only because of ) a suicide attempt. (p. 60)
The psychiatrist has a duty and professional responsibility to take all the
necessary steps to prevent a patient from killing himself or herself. This goal
needs to be tempered, however, by the psychiatrist’s limited capacity to pre
Table 9–3. Pertinent areas of in quiry in examining children

who have attempted suicide
Suicidal fantasies and actions
Anticipations and consequences of the suicidal act
Circumstances at the time of the suicidal behavior
Motivations for suicidal behavior
Experiences and concepts of death
History of suicide in the family or in close friends
Exploration of depression and other affective states
Exploration of family and environmental circumstances
History of a recent loss (e.g., break up with a loved one)
Use of alcohol or drugs
History of physical or sexual abuse
Family conflict, domestic violence
Exploration of recent and ongoing stressors
Source. Adapted from Pfeffer 1986. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 201.
dict suicidal behavior. Shaffer (1996) offered a thoughtful reminder: “In even
the most troubled patient, suicide is a rare event whose eventuality and pre
cise timing defy accurate prediction. Although a well-supervised environment
may significantly reduce opportunities to commit suicide, a determined pa
tient may circumvent supervision by feigning recovery and denying suicidal
preoccupations” (p. 172). To this, he added a sobering comment: “For both the
clinician and the public health official the message could be that we do not cur
rently have a scale that will predict either a further suicide attempt or ultimate
death by suicide with any useful accuracy” (Shaffer 1996, p. 173). This asser
tion is still true today (2016).
Goodyer (1992) also offered some caveats about the identification of sui
cidal behaviors:
The presence of dysphoria may increase and maintain the risk for suicidal
behavior in the population at large. Both clinical and community studies in
dicate, however, that in adolescents major depression is not a prerequisite for
suicidal behavior. In addition, the association between thoughts and acts of
suicide in this age group remains unclear....By contrast, complete suicide ap
pears to be commonly associated with features of major depression....Such
cases [completed suicide] appear likely to be comorbid for antisocial and in
terpersonal aggression [impulsive aggression]. (p. 589)
Therefore, family factors related to suicidal behaviors need to be exam

ined carefully and exhaustively. The examination of suicide risk demands a
thorough assessment of the family’s functional level, family factors that con
tribute to precipitating events, the family’s understanding of its role in the
child’s suicidal behavior, the family’s commitment to ensuring the child’s safety,
and the family’s determination to prioritize its emotional and financial re
sources for the treatment of the child and the improvement of the family’s
functioning.
When the child psychiatrist concludes that the child is actively suicidal and
that the family cannot guarantee the child’s safety (e.g., because of denial or
minimization of the suicidal experience), measures should be taken to safe
guard the child’s life (e.g., hospitalization or involuntary commitment).
Evaluation of Depressive Symptoms

The identification of mood disorders (i.e., depression and mania) poses sig
nificant clinical challenges to the child psychiatrist. Mania poses more chal
lenges than depression does. (Mania is discussed more fully in Chapter 10,
“Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms.”)
Clinical depression varies in the nature and intensity of its presenting symp
toms. The examiner should attempt to elicit as complete a picture of a child’s
depressive syndrome as possible by identifying a variety of symptoms asso
ciated with this disorder and by estimating their severity.
Cardinal Features
The examiner should explore the cardinal symptoms of depression. In ex
ploring a patient’s depressive mood, the examiner should inquire about the
presence of sadness. Unlike depression, sadness is a word universally recog
nized by children. When the examiner is exploring sadness with the child,
pertinent questions include the following: “Do you feel sad?” “How often do
you feel sad?” “When do you feel sad?” “How bad does it get?” “What is the
worst it has ever been?” “How long does it last?” “When you feel sad, what do
you feel like doing?” “When you feel sad, is there anything that helps you to
feel better?” Because crying is common in children who are depressed, the fol
lowing questions should be asked: “How often do you cry?” “When you feel
like crying, what comes to your mind?”
Also pertinent are questions aiming to ascertain how long the child has
been sad. “How old were you when you started to feel sad? Since you started
feeling sad, has there been any time when you have not been sad?” In the same
vein of questioning, the examiner may ask, “How old were you when you
thought about suicide for the first time?”
Feeling Unloved
In general, small children feel depressed when they feel or believe they are un
loved, whatever the reasons may be. Serious family events—such as parental
desertion, neglect, or discord; family violence; physical abuse; and other ad
versities—need to be identified. Deployment of a parent is a major event in the
lives of military families. This event is fraught with a high level of anxiety and
fear.
Many parents are late in recognizing depression in their children, in spite
of obvious signs. These parents may not realize the magnitude of depression
until their child’s adaptive behavior at home and school seriously deterio
rates, until the child has expressed his or her despair in the form of suicidal
or other self-destructive behaviors, or until the child has fallen victim to a dev
astating drug abuse problem.
Constitutional Factors
Constitutional dysregulation of affect is an important factor in the origin of
depressive affect. This problem starts very early in life and is manifested by
irritability, temper tantrums, low tolerance for frustration, unhappiness, and
limited response to soothing and loving care. The disturbance is enduring
and creates a great deal of distress in caregivers because nothing seems to
soothe these children. Children with a difficult temperament are usually a bad
match for impatient parents, more so if the parents have mood dysregulations
of their own. Akiskal (1995) described the concept of temperament dysregula
tion, also called subaffective temperament. He noted that these concepts refer
to specific constitutionally based affective dispositions (e.g., melancholic
dysthymic, choleric–irritable, sanguine-hyperthymic, cyclothymic) that are
manifested predominantly at the subclinical level. These dispositions “are
distressing and disruptive and are in a continuum with major mood states”
(p. 756). Thus, moody behavior, angry outbursts, and explosive episodes
must be explored. Marked irritability is a behavioral change that many par
ents observe in their depressed children. For example, children may start
displaying verbally, if not physically, abusive behavior toward their parents and
siblings. (In the current diagnostic era [DSM-5; American Psychiatric Asso
ciation 2013], the evaluator needs to consider Disruptive Mood Dysregula
tion Disorder, which is discussed below.) Other forms of aggressive acting
out behaviors, such as defiant and rebellious behaviors, are also common
complaints.
Irritability
Irritability is a prevalent mood in depressed children and often generates
a stable dysphoric affect. Many children identify this mood as soon as they
wake up in the morning. The following question may be helpful: “When you
first open your eyes in the morning, how do you feel?” These children are
hyperreactive; anything can set them off. Any demand is upsetting, and any
expectation is too much for them. These children are prone to exhibit ex
plosive behavior or to lose control. Parents frequently complain that these
children are moody, if not violent. Pertinent questions to ask include the fol
lowing: “How often do you feel grouchy (irritable)?” “What does it take for
you to feel grouchy?” “When you feel grouchy, how long do you feel like that?”
“Is there anything that makes the grouchy feelings go away?” “Do you have a
temper?” “What happens when you lose your temper?” These questions may
be followed by exploration of potential aggression against the self (suicidal,
self-abusive behavior), against others (violent and assaultive behaviors), or
against the physical environment (e.g., destructiveness, vandalism).
Guilt
Guilt and its sources need to be identified. Children often feel responsible
for things they have not caused. The following questions are helpful in iden
tifying guilty feelings: “Is there anything for you to feel bad about?” “Is there
anything you feel you need to be punished for?” In extreme cases, guilt takes
a psychotic quality, as when the child feels responsible for the ills of the world
and beyond. The following case example illustrates a form of psychotic guilt.
Case Example 1
Salim, the 8-year-old son of a Lebanese father and an American mother, was
hospitalized for unrelenting suicidal ideation. He had overt psychotic features:
he complained that aliens were after him. Salim’s parents were divorced but
maintained a bitter and hostile relationship. Salim’s custody was still an issue,
and he was caught in a loyalty conflict between his parents.
When watching television programs about the country’s most wanted
criminals, Salim would ask his mother to call the FBI to report that he was the
person they were looking for. He also blamed himself for the war in the Mid
dle East, for worldwide pollution problems, and so on. These delusional be
liefs were impervious to reassurance or to reality testing.
At other times, guilt is latent but can be brought readily to the surface, as
illustrated in the following case example.
Case Example 2
Fred, a 12-year-old Caucasian male, was admitted to an acute psychiatric set
ting because he set fire to the blankets and mattress where his younger brother
was sleeping. His brother sustained second- and third-degree burns. During
the interview, Fred appeared sad and downcast. The examiner told Fred that
he didn’t look happy and asked, “When was the last time you were happy?”
Fred became tearful but tried not to cry. Upon seeing this emotional struggle,
the examiner said, “Can you share with me what is going on in your mind right
now? You are trying very hard not to cry.” Fred attempted to control his tears
but finally broke down, and tears started pouring down his cheeks. Holding his
head in his hands, he said, “I can’t believe what I did to my brother.” He contin
ued sobbing and expressing sorrow, saying, “I burnt my brother.”
Fred began displaying signs of genuine emotion; the emotional abreaction

was clearly associated with guilt. Fred revealed that he had heard voices com
manding him to kill his brother. This revelation clinched the diagnosis of a
psychotic depression.
The concept of a bad parent is an alien concept for a child. A great deal of
psychological growth and cognitive development are needed to appreciate that
one’s parents have flaws. Children who endure parental abuse usually blame
themselves for the abuse. Similarly, if a parent abandons a child, the child usu
ally feels that she did something that pushed the parent away.
Emotional Withdrawal
Emotional withdrawal occurs in many depressed children. Depressed chil
dren seek solitude and withdraw from family and peer interactions. Parents
report that such children do not participate in family activities or that they
withdraw to their rooms, refuse to be with friends, and so on. Helpful ques
tions include the following: “Do you have any friends?” “How are you getting
along with your friends?” “Do you have a best friend?” “How much time do
you spend with your best friend?” “Do you enjoy your friends?” “What kind of
groups or fun (social) activities do you participate in?”
Anhedonia
Anhedonia is evidenced when the child no longer feels happy, cannot have
fun anymore, or cannot join in pleasurable activities. Pertinent questions in
clude the following: “When was the last time you felt happy?” “In a given
week, how many days do you feel happy?” “What kinds of things can you do
to feel happy?” “Is it OK for you to be happy?” The child’s history will indicate
whether previous interests in sports or in other activities are no longer im
portant to the child. Formerly athletic children no longer display interest in
their favorite sports. When invited to participate in games, they refuse, or
when they do agree to take part, their participation is perfunctory; they sim
ply go through the motions.
Hopelessness
Hopelessness needs to be identified. Signs of hopelessness include behaviors
that indicate the child feels there is nothing worthwhile to live for anymore;
these children may attempt to dispose of valuable belongings (e.g., giving

away music compact discs, baseball cards, or other collectibles). Hopelessness
is obvious in the presence of unremitting suicidal behavior or when the child
considers multiple alternatives for committing suicide. Typically, when the child
is experiencing such feelings—no matter how good the options presented to
the child are and no matter how positive some alternatives may be—the
child’s characteristic and disheartened response is, “I don’t care” or “It doesn’t
matter.”
Feeling Tired
Depressed children complain of being tired; this complaint is present from
the moment they wake up and usually remains throughout the day. The sense
of tiredness contributes to the depressed child’s lack of motivation, loss of
interest in school, and problems with concentration. Tiredness is also sec
ondary to sleep problems that are common in depressed children.
Sleep Problems
Depressed children frequently have marked difficulty with sleep. Falling asleep
(initial insomnia) may be the most significant complaint. When they do fall
asleep, they frequently wake up during the night and have trouble going back
to sleep (middle insomnia). Problems with terminal insomnia occur when de
pressed children wake up very early in the morning (e.g., at 4:00 A.M.) and are
unable to fall asleep again. For depressed children, sleep is seldom refreshing.
When the time to wake up arrives, depressed children prefer to stay in bed,
in part because getting up requires effort. Not surprisingly, many depressed
children fall asleep during school or invert their biorhythm (i.e., by sleeping
during the day and staying up at night). Many parents struggle every morn
ing to get depressed children ready for school. Tardiness and absenteeism
from school may be revealing. Frequently, parents are unaware of the pres
ence or severity of their child’s sleep difficulties. Tiredness in a child who has
no known medical problem should raise suspicion of a depressive disorder.
In atypical depressions, children display hypersomnia and sleep a great deal.
Weight Changes
Another contributor to tiredness is limited food intake due to a lack of ap
petite. Many depressed children lose weight even though they are not mak
ing any conscious effort to do so. Failure to gain weight in small children is
an equivalent sign. Children with atypical depressions may show an appetite
increase and may gain weight.
Academic Problems
Deterioration in academic performance or behavior at school is a common
complication of depressed mood. The child’s grades suffer for a number of
reasons: poor motivation (lack of interest), tiredness, or impaired concentra
tion. This last impairment is common in depressed children. Bad conduct in
school is a consequence of dysphoria (e.g., due to irritability and low toler
ance for frustration).
Psychomotor Activity
Hyperactivity, restlessness, and agitation sometimes occur in depressed chil
dren. These symptoms may be intrinsic to the disorder or may represent the
expression of associated comorbid conditions, such as attention-deficit/hyper
activity disorder (ADHD) or anxiety disorders. More frequently, depressed
children display slowness in psychomotor activity. Children with prominent
melancholic features exhibit a marked decrease in the psychomotor sphere;
in extreme cases, the examiner may observe signs of catatonia.
Negative Cognitions
Negative cognitions (e.g., feelings of worthlessness, personal devaluation,
and poor self-concept), concentration or memory difficulties, and suicidal
ideation are common in depressive disorders. Suicidal ideation and suicidal
behavior must be explored systematically in all depressed patients.
Illegal Drug Use

In an attempt to deal with dysphoric affect, depressed children may start us
ing alcohol or drugs. When they do not get the nurturing and understanding
they need in their home environment, some children seek a sense of belong
ing in alternative family groups, such as gangs or cults.
Comorbidities
Because the length of depression and the number of depressive episodes have
diagnostic, therapeutic, and prognostic implications, the examiner should
strive to determine these factors. Depressive disorders are commonly associ
ated with anxiety disorders, oppositional defiant disorder, conduct disorder,
substance use disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and ADHD.
Psychotic Features
When working with depressed children, the examiner needs to pay particu
lar attention to psychotic features (i.e., auditory and visual hallucinations
and paranoid features), which are common in severe depressions. Of partic
ular importance is the identification of auditory hallucinations that com

mand the patient to kill himself or herself. If these perceptual disturbances
are identified, the examiner should ask whether the voices also command
the patient to hurt or to kill anyone else. Suicidal and homicidal auditory
commands frequently coexist.
Family Factors
A question that typically comes up concerns what role a parent’s or grand
parent’s depression has on a child’s mood disorder. Tully et al. (2008) found
that having a depressed mother increased the risk of psychopathology dur
ing adolescence, but having a depressed father produced no such a risk. The
noxious maternal effect was present even in families in which mother and child
shared no biological relationship, indicating that a depressed mother posed
a significant environmental risk for the offspring (Tully et al. 2008). A signif
icant interaction also occurred between grandparents’ and parents’ major
depressive disorder and young children’s internalizing symptoms (Olino et
al. 2008). Grandparents’ major depressive disorder, even in the absence of
major depressive disorder in the parents, was associated with an increase in
internalizing symptoms in the grandchildren. Major depressive disorder can
have effects that persist for multiple generations, and clinicians should obtain
an extended family history to evaluate the effect on children (Olino et al.
2008).
Maternal Depression
The majority of investigations show that improvement in mothers’ depression
as a result of either medication or psychosocial therapy is positively correlated
with improvements in their children (i.e., reduction of psychopathology and
improvement in key areas of functioning) (see Note 3 at the end of this chap
ter). Consistent evidence indicates that the reduction or remission of parental
depression is related to the reduction of children’s symptoms and that these
child effects are maintained (Gunlicks and Weissman 2008). According to
Swartz et al. (2008), brief psychotherapy in mothers whose children were re
ceiving psychiatric treatment lowered the levels of symptoms and increased
the levels of functioning in their children. The positive impact of improve
ment of maternal depression on the child lagged by 6 months (Swartz et al.
2008). The inclusion of a history of parental mental health treatment (previ
ous and ongoing) should also occur (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter).
Mood Disorders in Father

The role of fathers in childhood depression is rarely studied, although fathers
may have a significant impact on depression in their offspring. A clear asso
ciation between depression in fathers during the postnatal period and later
psychiatric disorders in their children was demonstrated in a cohort popu
lation study (Ramchandani et al. 2008). This association was independent of
maternal postnatal depression, psychosocial risk, and depression in the fa
ther after the postnatal period (when the child was age 21 months). Depres
sion in men is relatively common; depression in fathers during the postnatal
period was associated with oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disor
der in children 7 years later (Ramchandani et al. 2008). Depression in fathers
was associated with behavioral and peer relationship problems (antisocial be
havior), whereas maternal depression appeared to be associated with a broad
spectrum of child disturbances (Ramchandani et al. 2008). The findings of
these various studies obligate the child psychiatrist to explore and to identify
depression in the parents and grandparents and to recommend appropriate
and prompt treatment when indicated.
Differential Diagnosis
In the differential diagnosis of depression, bipolar disorder poses the biggest
challenge. Accurate identification of bipolar disorder is necessary because of
the heightened suicide risk, the declared risks associated with antidepres
sant treatments, and the difficulties associated with achieving mood stabili
zation. The severe clinical course and complications associated with bipolar
disorder increase the patient’s risks of suicidality, psychosocial dysfunction,
and comorbidity risks (e.g., conduct disorder, substance abuse, school and fam
ily dysfunction). About one-third or more of the children who are diagnosed
with depression eventually develop bipolar disorder. Bowden and Rhodes
(1996) highlighted the following features commonly associated with bipolar
depression: positive family history of bipolar disorder, psychomotor retar
dation rather than agitation, psychotic or delusional features, hypersomnia,
and a rapid onset rather than an insidious presentation.
DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013) now includes the diag
nosis of disruptive mood dysregulation disorder (DMDD). The criteria for this
disorder differ from those of other depressive disorders or intermittent ex
plosive disorder in that hallmark features include frequent (at least three times
a week), disproportionately intense outbursts of physical and verbal aggres
sion that occur within the context of a persistently irritable, angry mood in
between tantrums. These outbursts should be developmentally inappropri
ate; therefore, an age less than 6 is an exclusionary criterion for this diagnosis.
The clinician should ascertain developmental level, mood between tantrum
episodes, and dimensional aspects of the tantrums (frequency, intensity, and
duration) to assist in distinguishing DMDD from a more discrete depressive
episode.
An important clinical caveat in the evaluation of depression in children is

that some children do not display depressive features during the psychiatric
examination (are they cancelling them?), but this does not mean that they do
not have a depressive disorder. Consider the following case example.
Case Example 3
Lillian, a 14-year-old Caucasian female, was evaluated for episodes of run
ning away, aggression toward her mother, and rebelliousness and defiance
directed at her parents. Lillian had threatened her mother a number of times
and had become progressively more violent toward her. Lillian was markedly
ambivalent toward her mother: when feeling close to her mother, she began
to act out against her or ran away. Sometimes she ran away to avoid striking
her mother.
Lillian’s mother reported that her daughter had become increasingly dys
phoric over the preceding 5 months, especially during the prior 2 months. Lil
lian had become irritable, explosive, and even physically abusive toward her
younger half-siblings, too. Her academic performance had deteriorated: she
was getting D’s and F’s, although previously she had gotten A’s and B’s. She
had lost about 20 pounds in 4 months. Lillian had begun to defy her parents’
rules and to confront her parents regarding curfew and other restrictions.
Lillian had befriended gang members and experimented with marijuana
and drinking. She had no legal problems other than the charge of running
away. Lillian was still a virgin; however, she confessed that her current boy
friend had been putting pressure on her to have sex. Lillian was about 7 years old
when her stepgrandfather fondled her. He was prosecuted and sent to prison
for fondling Lillian and other granddaughters.
Lillian reported that a number of her friends had died. Most recently, two
teenage friends had been killed in a drive-by shooting. A rival gang member
had killed her closest friend, a 16-year-old gang member whom she consid
ered a brother. This had been a significant loss for her; she dreamed about
her dead friend and mentioned him frequently in her writings, letters, and
poetry.
Lillian had no psychiatric history despite two previous suicide attempts.
In the latest attempt, she had overdosed on many over-the-counter pills while
under the influence of alcohol and marijuana. The first attempt occurred a
year earlier, when she had overdosed on over-the-counter medications. Lil
lian’s 18-year-old sister had a stormy adolescence that included multiple hos
pitalizations and extensive psychiatric treatments. She had been given the
diagnosis of bipolar disorder, which was being treated with lithium.
Lillian appeared somewhat older than her stated age. She was not very at
tractive; she had a prominent forehead and a conspicuous overbite. She was
anxious and fidgeted throughout the examination. Her mood was considered
anxious—there were no obvious depressive features, but her affect was con
stricted in range and intensity. She denied suicidal and homicidal ideation.
She appeared to be intelligent. Her language was unremarkable for receptive
and expressive functions. Her sensorium was clear. Her thought content re
lated to her conflicts with and anger toward her mother, the loss of her close
friends, and issues related to her discontent with her body (she had a well
endowed bosom and was self-conscious about it). She exhibited no evidence
of hallucinations or delusional thinking. She had some degree of insight, but
her judgment was impaired.
Even though Lillian appeared euthymic during the mental status exam
ination, her history and overall clinical picture, plus the family history of
affective disorders, were compatible with a depressive disorder. Lillian dis
played a number of atypical depressive features and was given the diagnosis
of mood disorder, unspecified. A number of factors may have influenced the
patient’s deceptive emotional display: drugs, a mixed mood state, an attach
ment disorder, and others.
The examiner needs to keep in mind some additional information about

depression. Depressive disorders have a variety of negative prognostic fea
tures (Table 9–4). Even in manic patients, depression is a prevailing symptom;
despair, hopelessness, and suicidal behavior are either overt or close to the sur
face in every patient with mania or hypomania. Also, up to 20% of schizophrenia
cases have an onset after a depressive episode (Remschmidt 2008).
Evaluation of Anxious Symptoms

The following case example illustrates many issues common in anxious chil
dren. It also depicts the relationship between anxiety disorders and depres
sive disorders.
Case Example 4
Glenn, a 9-year-old Caucasian male, was referred for a psychiatric evaluation
because of concerns about a progressive depression with ongoing suicidal
verbalizations. Glenn, his mother, and her male friend sat down for the fam
ily evaluation, and Glenn began to present his concerns in a very coherent
and articulate way. He became the main spokesperson for the group. As he
was talking and responding to minor cues, Glenn’s mother and her friend as
sented to most of what he said. Their nonverbal behavior indicated that they
supported his disclosures and history presentation. At no point did Glenn’s
mother contradict him. He spoke with significant anxiety and with marked
intensity. A child is rarely so active during a psychiatric examination.
Glenn reported that he began to feel depressed about 2 months prior to
the psychiatric assessment. He had become very grouchy, and when upset,
he would hit walls and stomp his feet. He was assaultive toward his younger
brothers (ages 5 and 6). Glenn was moody and had problems falling asleep;
he woke up in the middle of the night and complained of nightmares. Glenn
also had difficulties with his appetite. He had been thinking about suicide with
increasing intensity but had developed no plans. He cried on a regular basis.
A tense custody dispute occurred when Glenn’s parents divorced 5 years
earlier. Glenn’s mother remarried but then divorced her second husband a
year before this evaluation. Glenn stated that he would rather kill himself than
go to live with his father. Glenn’s father had been very abusive to his mother;
Glenn had seen his mother being beaten many times. Glenn had also wit
Table 9–4. Negative prognostic features of depressive

disorders
Affective disorders are frequently recurrent conditions.
Depressive disorders increase the risk of suicidal behaviors.
Depressive disorders are frequently associated with comorbid conditions such as
oppositional defiant disorder, conduct disorder, substance use disorders,
anxiety disorders, and even psychotic features.
Depressive disorders have a detrimental effect on psychological and interpersonal

development.
Depressive disorders interfere with school academic progress and other adaptive
functions.
Children with depressive disorder have a significant risk of developing bipolar
disorders with added risks of suicide and other comorbidities.
Depressive disorders are associated with suicidal and homicidal behaviors.
nessed his father attempting to kill his mother on more than one occasion
(his father had shot, stabbed, and battered Glenn’s mother in front of him).
According to Glenn, his younger brothers were equally afraid of their father,
and their father shot Glenn’s dog in the head right in front of him. There
were also reports that Glenn had got drunk once after his father gave him
alcohol. There were no indications that Glenn had tried or used any other
substances.
Glenn worried a lot about his mother. He was afraid something bad could
happen to her and was protective of her. His mother said that she had post
traumatic stress disorder secondary to physical, sexual, and emotional abuse
perpetrated by Glenn’s father. She worked at a nightclub. Glenn didn’t like
her job and worried about it. The mother came to the evaluation inappropri
ately dressed in revealing shorts and blouse.
Glenn’s mother broke down when her son revealed that his father had sex
ually abused him. She needed a great deal of reassurance and support, both
from her male companion and from the examiner. The mother had initially
misrepresented the companion as a brother; he was her current boyfriend.
Glenn’s mother appeared helpless and on the verge of tears throughout the in
terview. She changed the focus from Glenn’s concerns to her own a number
of times.
Glenn felt very close to his grandparents, but his mother had concerns
about them because of their drinking. The most recent stressors for the family
had been the family’s recent relocation from Okinawa, Japan, and the mother’s
separation from her second husband.
Two years prior to the evaluation, Glenn saw a psychiatrist after one of his
younger brothers had been sexually molested by his stepfather’s brother. Glenn
had been diagnosed with a gastric ulcer a year and a half earlier and was tak
ing antacids on a regular basis. Glenn had been educated abroad because of
his father’s military career; he completed third grade in Okinawa and was
currently attending advanced classes in fourth grade at the local school. Be
cause of ongoing somatic complaints, Glenn was absent from school at least
once a week. He enjoyed sports, including hockey and swimming.
The mental status examination revealed a handsome, well-dressed, and ar
ticulate 9-year-old boy who appeared to be his chronological age. He was co
operative and was an excellent historian. He gave a coherent account of his
problems and fears, with minimal participation from his mother. He appeared
depressed, tense, and anxious. His affect was increased in intensity but appro
priate. He reported passive suicidal ideation with no plans. His thought pro
cesses were unremarkable; there was no evidence of delusional or hallucina
tory experiences. His thought content centered on fears about his natural
father, fears about his mother, worries that something bad would happen to
him, and bad feelings in his stomach. Glenn’s level of intelligence appeared
above average. He appeared to have excellent verbal skills and good receptive
language. His sensorium was intact, and his judgment and insight were good.
Glenn had indicated to his mother that he needed psychological help.
In Glenn’s case, a depressive disorder could be considered the predominant

condition, and an anxiety disorder could be considered its major comorbid
condition; however, the clinical picture could have been interpreted the other
way around. Anxiety features had been the most prominent psychopathol
ogy throughout Glenn’s life. Somatization had been a major problem, and a
physician had diagnosed Glenn’s anxious epigastric distress as a manifesta
tion of a gastric ulcer. Obviously, Glenn qualified for a PTSD diagnosis.
Not all anxious children are as forthcoming as Glenn. The examiner more
frequently encounters patients who become electively mute during the psy
chiatric examination. Verbally engaging these children can be a challenge. The
examiner needs time and patience and may also need to engage the nonverbal
child with use of nonverbal techniques (see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing
Techniques”).
Anxiety symptoms that are commonly endorsed by preadolescents are
excessive concerns about competence, excessive need for reassurance, fear
of harm to an attachment figure, fear of the dark, and somatic complaints
(Bernstein et al. 1996). The most frequently endorsed anxiety symptoms by
adolescents are fear of heights, fear of public speaking, blushing, excessive
worrying about past behavior, and self-consciousness (Bernstein et al. 1996).
Children who develop anxiety disorders have antecedents of behavioral in
hibition. This condition should be considered an enduring temperamental
trait. Behavioral inhibition is indicated by a tendency to withdraw, to be un
usually shy, and to show fear in the presence of novelty. Demonstrable phys
iological markers include higher stable heart rates during tasks that require
cognitive effort; tension of the larynx and vocal cords; elevated salivary cortisol
levels; elevated catecholamine levels; and pupillary dilation during cognitive
tasks (Bernstein et al. 1996). Attachment difficulties in infancy probably pre
dispose children to the development of anxiety disorders later in childhood

(Bernstein et al. 1996). The following areas of symptomatology need to be ex
plored on a regular basis in anxious children.
Separation Anxiety
Anxious children display separation difficulties. Frequently, school refusal
problems bring these children to the child psychiatrist for the first time. These
children are afraid of being alone and are clingy and dependent on their care
givers. Anxious children are unable to enjoy the thrills of a slumber party be
cause they are uncomfortable venturing beyond their own homes. They have
great difficulty sleeping in their own beds and often go to the parents’ room
to sleep with them. Separation anxiety is a nonspecific precursor for a num
ber of adult psychiatric conditions, including depression and a variety of
anxiety disorders (Bernstein et al. 1996). Separation anxiety in adolescence is
a very serious and incapacitating condition.
Worrying
Worrying is a common symptom. Anxious children worry that something bad
may happen to their parents or complain of vague or ill-defined apprehen
sions. For example, they fear that “something bad” may happen to them or
their primary caretakers or their family as a whole.
Fears
Fears of the dark or of storms and other specific phobias are common. Fear
usually intensifies at night; a child may want to sleep with parents because
of fear that something bad might happen to him or her or to the parents.
Schildkrout (2015, p. 5) states that clinicians need to differentiate anxiety
from fear; fear may be associated with seizures. If the patient experiences fear
or a sense of dread or impending doom, sensations in the chest or abdomen,
frequent déjà vu experiences, and/or alterations in one’s sense of reality (in
cluding dissociative experiences, olfactory, gustatory or sound hallucinations,
and kinesthetic or visual illusions or hallucinations), he or she needs a neu
rological workup.
Social Phobia
Social phobia is a common impediment for anxious children. They are very
self-conscious and prone to feelings of embarrassment and shame. These
children suffer a lot when asked to go in front of the class or to speak in front
of a group. Anxious children are doubtful, are insecure, and have poor self
esteem; they need frequent reassurance and support; and they commonly have
problems initiating and maintaining friendships. Social phobias that begin
in early and middle adolescence are particularly problematic. Anxious ado
lescents display excessive anxiety about social situations or performing in
front of others because they fear scrutiny by and exposure to unfamiliar per
sons. For this diagnosis to apply, the anxiety should occur in peer situations,
and the ability for age-appropriate relationships with familiar people must
be evident (Bernstein et al. 1996).
Somatization
Somatization is a common phenomenon in anxious children. Nausea, vomit
ing, and epigastric pain or distress frequently accompany anxiety disorders.
As Glenn’s case illustrated (see Case Example 4), these children are often in
correctly diagnosed with medical illnesses, such as peptic ulcers or irritable
bowel syndrome. Anxious children also complain of chest pain, dizziness,
headaches, and other somatic symptoms. Many anxious children with epi
gastric distress undergo unnecessary X rays, endoscopic procedures, or car
diovascular evaluations. Other anxious children make multiple visits to the
pediatrician or family physician for somatic complaints. Panic symptoms are
increasingly being recognized in pediatric populations.
Elective Mutism
The evolving consensus is that elective mutism represents an anxiety disor
der. Black and Uhde (1995) reported that “in 97% [of cases], there was clear
evidence of significant social, academic, or family impairment due to social
anxiety, other than that attributable to the failure to speak, sufficient for a di
agnosis of SP [social phobia] or avoidant disorder” (p. 854).
Physical and Sexual Abuse

Many anxious children have a history of physical and sexual abuse and have
been raised in environments in which marital discord and overt family dys
function are commonplace. Evaluation of symptoms of abuse is discussed in
Chapter 11, “Evaluation of Abuse and Other Symptoms.”
Anxiety Features Within the Family

Children who have severe anxiety disorders often have other family members
who exhibit incapacitating anxiety symptoms. The examiner should inquire
if the parents are anxious or depressed. The family exploration regarding the
presence of mood and anxiety disorders should be extended to the two prior
generations. The following case exemplifies this situation.
Case Example 5
Aurora, a 9-year-old Hispanic female, was evaluated for school refusal. She
had prominent somatic complaints and, because of persistent epigastric dis
comfort, had been diagnosed with a peptic ulcer. She had undergone endos
copy and an upper gastrointestinal series. Aurora’s mother had a crippling
anxiety disorder with prominent agoraphobic features. Her maternal grand
father had quit grammar school and never returned because of severe anxi
ety features; he had remained agoraphobic most of his life.
Mood Disorders
Anxiety disorders are commonly comorbid with mood disorders, and vice
versa. Judd and Burrows (1992) proposed three models to explain the rela
tionship between depression and anxiety: 1) the unitary model proposes that
anxiety and depression are variants of the same disorder; 2) the dualist model
advocates that depression and anxiety are different entities; and 3) the anxious
depressive position proposes a mixture of the two models in which the anx
iety and depression are phenomenologically different from primary anxiety
or primary depression.
Evaluation of Obsessive-Compulsive
Behaviors
With the publication of DSM-5, obsessive-compulsive disorder was removed
from the category of anxiety disorders and grouped with a set of related disor
ders (obsessive-compulsive and related disorders) in which certain features
predominate: “preoccupations and...repetitive behaviors or mental acts in re
sponse to the preoccupations” (p. 235). The preoccupations and behaviors
are developmentally inappropriate and result in significant emotional dis
tress and dysfunction (see Note 5 at the end of this chapter). According to a
new analysis, one or more obsessive-compulsive symptoms may increase the
risk of suicide among U.S. college students. Obsessive-compulsive symptoms
were more common in subjects with depression; obsessions about speaking
and acting violently were independently significant associated factors with
suicidal ideation (Huz et al. 2016).
In adults, OCD is two to three times more common than schizophrenia
and takes, on average, two decades from the onset of the disorder until it is
appropriately diagnosed and treated. The delay in diagnosing OCD is simi
lar when it starts in adolescence; however, children with severe obsessive
compulsive features in latency age and preadolescence are referred more
quickly for a psychological or psychiatric evaluation because of their broad
dysfunction and broad adaptational handicaps. Making the diagnosis in these
cases is a major challenge. The delay in diagnosis may be shortened by a sys
tematic exploration of obsessive-compulsive symptoms in children and ad
olescents. OCD in preadolescence probably is about 10 times more frequent

than schizophrenia.
A four-factor (ordering, checking, symmetry, and aggression) category
based OCD symptom dimension model provides an adequate but limited
quantitative representation of symptomatology in children, adolescents, and
adults (Stewart et al. 2008). Significant prevalence differences were found
across age groups in the categories of obsession/aggression (adults >children
>adolescents), compulsion/ordering (children >adults), and compulsion/
checking (adults>children) (Stewart et al. 2008).
In a study of OCD symptom dimensions, hoarding tended to be associated
with longer illness and higher levels of depression, and both parents and chil
dren endorsed greater emotional problems and emotional difficulties (Mataix-
Cols et al. 2008). The symmetry/ordering dimension was more likely to be
associated with Tourette’s disorder or a tic disorder, whereas the contamina
tion/cleaning dimension was more often associated with higher avoidance
scores (Mataix-Cols et al. 2008). Hoarding symptoms are more common in
children than in adults, and these symptoms are associated with greater co
morbidity, disability, and poor compliance with and response to conven
tional drug and cognitive-behavioral treatments. In the Mataix-Cols et al.
(2008) study, checking symptoms loaded on the same factor as hoarding;
this was unexpected.
When evaluating a patient for obsessive symptoms, the examiner should
ask about unwelcome and recurring thoughts: “Do any thoughts keep com
ing to your mind in spite of your efforts to get rid of them? What are they?”
Because of the irrational nature of the intrusive thoughts, many obsessional
adolescents fear they are becoming insane or “going mad.” Some may respond
affirmatively when the examiner asks, “Do you fear you are going crazy?”
The examiner should determine the context in which the symptoms worsen
or reappear.
As reported by Mataix-Cols et al. (2008), boys were found to have more
sexual obsessions than girls (34% vs. 18%), but girls had more sexual rituals
than boys (53% vs. 36%). The most common obsessional symptoms are con
cerns about dirt and germs, fears of an ill fate befalling loved ones, preoccu
pations with exactness or symmetry, and religious scrupulousness (Swedo et
al. 1989). Concerns over bodily functions, preoccupations with lucky num
bers, sexual or aggressive preoccupations, and fear of harm to oneself are
less common (Towbin and Riddle 1996). Obsessional thinking related to for
bidden, aggressive, and sexual content (e.g., perverse sexual thoughts) is in
frequent in adolescents but occurs more commonly in adults.
Prominent obsessive-compulsive symptomatology occurs in a variety of psy
chiatric and neurological disorders. Depressed children frequently struggle
with obsessional ideas about committing suicide and ruminate a great deal
about their self-worth and lovability. Some aggressive children have recurrent
homicidal ideations. Obsessional features are also common in adolescents
who have addictive tendencies or perverse proclivities. Obsessive-compulsive
features are also prevalent in children with eating disorders. Obsessional con
cerns with weight and body image, often of a quasi-delusional proportion, are
prominent symptoms in children with severe cases of dysmorphic disorders
and eating disorders. These symptoms need to be explored exhaustively. In
children with OCD, the examiner needs to explore the possibility of Tourette’s
disorder.
Hollander and Benzaquen (1996) proposed organizing OCD spectrum dis
orders in three overlapping clusters. Table 9–5 illustrates this concept.
Compulsive features are more common than obsessional thinking during
childhood, and compulsive features are more common in children than in
adults. The examiner needs to ask children about ritualistic behaviors such
as hand washing, taking a number of showers a day, changing clothes many
times during the day, doing and undoing behaviors (e.g., tying and untying
shoes, checking and rechecking doors and windows), fussiness with food while
eating, collecting and hoarding, orderliness, and so forth.
When careful investigation does not reveal the presence of overt repeti
tious activities, the examiner should proceed with sensitive probing to rule out
the presence of less obvious compulsive activities. The exploration of com
pulsive symptoms can be initiated by asking the following questions: “Are
there any silly habits that you cannot stop?” “Are there any habits you do in se
cret that you do not want people to know about?” Children commonly re
spond by mentioning nail biting or hair pulling (trichotillomania). Skin pick
ing (excoriation disorder) is another compulsive symptom (see Britt’s case
[Case Example 3] in Chapter 16, “Countertransference”). Table 9–6 summarizes
the compulsive features that Swedo et al. (1989) identified as the most com
mon in children with OCD. In children and adolescents, rituals are more
common than are obsessions, and pure obsessional presentations are rare.
Some children spend a great deal of time readying themselves for school
in the mornings, and their grades may suffer when their compulsive repeti
tive behaviors interfere with their academic work. The following case illus
trates many of the features commonly described in adolescents with OCD.
Case Example 6
Ann, a Caucasian female, was 16 years old when her parents requested a psy
chiatric consultation. Ann’s grades were deteriorating, her fears and in
hibition were increasing, she was becoming socially withdrawn, and she was
demonstrating an increased need for her mother’s assistance in both per
sonal care and homework assignments. Ann had been shy all her life, but her
social isolation had become progressively more noticeable. She had begun to
refuse to leave home during the weekends and was feeling progressively un
Table 9–5. Obsessive-compulsive disorder spectrum
Cluster Characteristics Examples
1 Marked preoccupation with body and sensations with associated behaviors performed Body dysmorphic disorder
with the goal of decreasing anxiety brought on by these preoccupations
Depersonalization disorder
Somatic symptom disorder (hypochon
driasis), illness anxiety disorder
Anxiety disorder
Anorexia nervosa
Binge-eating disordera
Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms
2 Impulse-style disorders Intermittent explosive disorderb

Pathological gamblingb
Compulsive buyinga
Sexual compulsionsb
Kleptomaniaa
Pyromaniab
Trichotillomania (hair-pulling disorder)a
Excoriation (skin-picking) disordera
Self-abusive behaviorsa
217
Substance-induced OCD
Psychotic disorders
Table 9–5. Obsessive-compulsive disorder spectrum (continued)
218
Cluster Characteristics Examples
3 Neurological disorders with compulsive features Autism spectrum disorder

Tourette’s disorder
Sydenham’s chorea
Huntington’s disease
Torticollis
PANDAS
Seizures
Note. An overlap is suggested between OCD and somatic symptom, dissociative, eating, tic, neurological, autism spectrum, and impulse-control disorders.
OCD=obsessive-compulsive disorder; PANDAS=pediatric autoimmune neuropsychiatric disorders associated with streptococcal infections).
a
Disorder is more common in females.
bDisorder is more common in males.
Source. Adapted from American Psychiatric Association 2013; Hollander and Benzaquen 1996; and Phillips and Stein 2015. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 223.
Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents

Table 9–6. Common compulsive disorder symptoms in

children and adolescents
Percentage of cases
involving this behavior,
Behavior %
Excessive and ritualized hand washing, 85

showering, bathing, tooth brushing, and
grooming
Repeating rituals (e.g., going in and out of the 51
door, up and down from a chair)
Checking rituals (e.g., checking doors, windows, 45
locks, appliances, emergency breaks, paper
route, homework)
Miscellaneous rituals (e.g., writing, moving, 26
speaking, moving body parts)
Rituals to avoid contact/contamination 23
Touching 20
Counting 18
Hoarding and collecting 11
Source. Adapted from Swedo et al. 1989. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 224.
easy in social situations. She was intelligent and had striking artistic talents.
Her parents had noticed that her need for perfection had intensified during
the preceding 3 months, coinciding with the observation that she got “stuck”
more frequently in the mornings when she had to get ready for school. She
often missed the school bus because it took her a long time to get ready in
the morning.
Ann’s problems in the morning started with difficulty finishing her shower.
She would spend a great deal of time soaping herself over and over; she couldn’t
stop doing this. While dressing, she would get stuck buttoning her shirt and
could not finish tying her shoes because she needed to tie them over and over
again. Sometimes she got stuck putting her shoes on because of her compul
sion to align the creases of her socks with certain features of her shoes. To
cope with Ann’s worsening behavioral paralysis, her mother had begun to
wake Ann very early and had taken a progressively more active role in helping
Ann to keep moving and to not get stuck. Her mother’s assistance included
bathing her, dressing her, and so on. Ann’s mother also participated actively
in her homework, because Ann had similar difficulties finishing this task.
The intensification of Ann’s regressive and dependent behaviors was wear
ing her mother’s patience very thin. Ann was unable to explain her peculiar
behaviors and denied any significant ongoing concerns. Ann’s progressive
incapacitation affected her whole family, and her mother in particular.
When children and adolescents have impulse-control features, the exam

iner should ask whether they have any urges they cannot control. The urges
could be of a diverse nature: urges to perform inappropriate sexual acts, to
hurt others, to purge, to eat, to steal, to use drugs, to commit self-injurious acts,
and so forth.
Transitory but pronounced obsessional and compulsive features are com
mon in patients undergoing profound psychotic regressions (e.g., in those
with schizophrenia or bipolar disorder). Frequently, these transitory clinical
pictures are misdiagnosed because of the prominent nature of the obsessive
compulsive features. Consider the following case example.
Case Example 7
Ramona, a 13-year-old Hispanic female, presented for treatment in a florid
manic state. She displayed conspicuous compulsive traits, and her mother
reported that Ramona was preoccupied with dirt and that she went around
the house cleaning and vacuuming. She also spent an inordinate amount of
time picking up things from the floor and tidying up the place.
An alternative interpretation to Ramona’s clinical picture is that she had bipo

lar disorder and OCD; such comorbidity is common in patients with bipolar
disorders. Anxiety disorders may be forerunners of mood disorders, partic
ularly bipolar disorder.
The examiner should inquire about the presence of comorbid conditions
because the majority of children with OCD have associated comorbidity. Fre
quently associated conditions are depressive and anxiety disorders (e.g.,
elective mutism, separation anxiety, social phobias), disruptive behavior dis
orders, and developmental language or learning disorders. A compulsive per
sonality disorder is uncommon. Soft neurological and neurocognitive deficits
are observed in some children with OCD. The examiner should also deter
mine whether OCD features are present in other family members, because
such features are common in close relatives of children with OCD.
Evaluation of Eating Disorders

Eating disorders are relatively common and serious psychiatric disorders that
often have an onset during adolescence and young adulthood. These disor
ders can be life threatening. Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are the
two specific DSM-5 eating disorders, but the broader category of unspecified
eating disorder is the most frequent eating disorder presentation in children
and adolescents. Binge-eating disorder will be discussed below. Regardless of
the diagnosis, patients with eating disorders have severe difficulties main
taining both normal patterns of eating and a normal weight range.
Patients with eating disorders often try to control or lose weight by exer
cising excessively; using laxatives, diuretics, or other medications; or prac
ticing other types of behavior (e.g., purging). Many of these patients have a
persistent distortion of body image. Individuals with anorexia nervosa tend
to be obsessive and perfectionistic; they have low self-esteem and display dif
ficulty in recognizing their feelings (alexithymia). Subjects with bulimia ner
vosa tend to be impulsive and self-critical. These issues need to be explored.
The predisposing role of childhood experiences, including sexual abuse, is un
certain. Weight gain and changes in body shape due to puberty may contribute
to the onset of the eating disorder (Fleitlich-Bilyk and Lock 2008).
Anorexia nervosa is characterized by four major symptoms: 1) weighing
less than 85% of expected weight; 2) fear of gaining weight or becoming fat,
even though underweight; 3) disturbance in perception of one’s body or body
shape; and 4) amenorrhea in postmenarche females (Fleitlich-Bilyk and Lock
2008). Many adolescents while still menstruating have symptoms that fit the
diagnosis of anorexia. An accurate parameter to measure weight loss in chil
dren and adolescents is a decline in weight percentile. A decrease in body mass
index is not suitable for premenarche individuals (Fleitlich-Bilyk and Lock
2008).
Bulimia nervosa is characterized by 1) recurrent episodes of binge eating
and 2) recurrent compensatory behavior to avoid gaining weight (e.g., purg
ing, use of laxatives or diuretics, fasting, excessive exercise). In binge-eating
episodes, during discrete amounts of time, an individual consumes a larger
amount of food than most people. The person has a sense of lack of control
over eating during these episodes. The examiner needs to explore and identify
these features. Commonly, the individual has an increased focus on weight and
body shape, followed by an increase in dieting and exercise. Concerns about
weight or shape may be so extreme that the patient develops unhealthy strat
egies for weight loss, such as severe restriction, excessive exercise, and purging.
A vicious cycle of dieting, binge eating, purging, and anxiety about weight
and shape is perpetuated (Fleitlich-Bilyk and Lock 2008).
DSM-5 now recognizes binge-eating disorder as a new diagnostic entity
(American Psychiatric Association 2013, pp. 350–353). Binge eating is de
fined as the episodic intake of large amounts of food in association with a
sense of loss of control over eating during the episode. The binge-eater con
sumes a larger amount of food than other individuals would eat in similar
circumstances, and they have a sense of loss of control over eating during the
episode. Lack of control is the hallmark of the disorder because neither size
or amount of food nor the frequency of the intake has been documented with
regularity. Prospective longitudinal studies of subjective binge eating (loss of
control) and objective binge eating have documented that loss of control in
children predicts adiposity and psychiatric symptomatology. Objective binge

eating in adolescents and young adults predicts incidence of depressive feel
ings and obesity (Marcus and Wildes 2014, p. 444).
Common comorbid conditions with eating disorders are depression, anxi
ety disorders, and personality disorders. Affective disorders co-occur with or
appear after the eating disorder in 52%–98% of the patients, and approximately
65% of individuals with anorexia nervosa have some form of anxiety disor
der. OCD is commonly associated with anorexia nervosa, and social phobia
often co-occurs with bulimia nervosa. Comorbid disorders persist after recov
ery from eating disorders and are appropriate targets of treatment (Fleitlich-
Bilyk and Lock 2008).
Evaluation of Psychotic Symptoms

Psychotic symptoms are rather common in the overall psychopathology of
childhood and adolescence. Affective psychoses (i.e., psychoses associated
with mood disorders) and dissociative psychoses (i.e., psychoses associated
with posttraumatic stress disorder or dissociative identity) are rather common
in clinical practice. Psychoses associated with complex partial seizures are
probably seen more frequently than schizophrenia. Very-early-onset schizo
phrenia (VEOS) disorder, formerly called childhood schizophrenia, is a rare
psychiatric disorder. Not all psychotic symptoms have a progressive or neg
ative prognosis.
VEOS has an onset before age 13 years. Early-onset schizophrenia (EOS)
has an onset between 13 and 17 years of age. The prevalence of VEOS is 1/
10,000 (far higher than Remschmidt [2008] mentioned; see below). The prev
alence of EOS is estimated to be 1–2/1,000. VEOS and EOS are considered
more disabling disorders than adult-onset schizophrenia (Armando et al.
2015, p. 312).
van Os (2016) proposes that the label of schizophrenia be abandoned in
favor of psychotic spectrum syndrome. He reasons that schizophrenia is not
a diagnosis of a disease but a grouping of symptoms. He further notes that
70% of psychoses are not schizophrenia-related; van Os asserts that people
with psychosis spectrum disorder display extreme heterogeneity, both between
and within people, in psychopathology, treatment response, and outcome.
He advises that the mental health community should forget about the dev
astating category of schizophrenia as the only condition that matters, and
start attending to a variety of diverse conditions that really exist.
Clinicians seldom encounter preadolescents with schizophrenia, except
in inpatient settings. Even among the most seriously disturbed children, schizo
phrenia is an uncommon illness in preadolescence. Remschmidt (2008) as
serted that VEOS is rare, occurring in 2 per 1 million children. We agree that
VEOS is rare, but not as rare as Remschmidt stated. Remschmidt quoted Gill
berg (2001), who speculated that schizophrenia before age 15 is about 50 times
more rare than after that age, and that in child and adolescent inpatient psy
chiatric settings, up to 5% of patients ages 13–19 years are typically diagnosed
with schizophrenia (Remschmidt 2008).
VEOS and some forms of EOS are now considered to be neurodevelopmen
tal and neurodegenerative disorders. In Harris’s (1995a) opinion, “although
childhood onset schizophrenia seems to be on a continuum with adult schizo
phrenia, it represents the more severe neurobiologic presentation” (p. 411).
This disorder is commonly described as causing multidimensional impair
ments (i.e., children with schizophrenia demonstrate functional disturbance
in many developmental domains). The schizophrenic process is insidious,
and more often than not, the affected child comes to the child psychiatrist
only after many years of developmental disturbance. Table 9–7 outlines a
number of developmental events and precursors for VEOS and EOS.
In a study of patients with pediatric bipolar disorder, Pavuluri et al. (2004)
found that the early onset of psychotic features puts those patients at risk for
a poor long-term outcome. Adolescent mania requiring hospitalization ap
pears to have a poorer short-term prognosis than adult-onset mania. Psy
chotic disorders in patients with bipolar disorder are considered an indicator of
poor interepisodic functioning. Also, psychosis associated with pediatric ma
nia is unrecognized or overlooked (Pavuluri et al. 2004). Compared with pa
tients with adolescent-onset bipolar disorder, patients with prepubertal and
early-onset bipolar disorder had higher incidence of irritability, mixed features
of depression, poor interepisodic recovery, and rapid cycling. Higher rates of
grandiose and paranoid delusions also occurred in patients with prepubertal
and early-onset bipolar disorder. The prevalence rate of psychosis in patients
with prepubertal and early-onset bipolar disorder ranged between 61% and
87.5%, depending on the assessment instrument used (Pavuluri et al. 2004).
For some patients, the examiner may need to differentiate between VEOS
and pediatric mania. Table 9–8 is useful in this differential diagnosis.
Examiners should ask the following questions if a child is suspected of hav
ing schizophrenia: Does the family have a history of schizophrenia? Have
any family members had difficulties relating to others? The following ques
tions are pertinent regarding the child’s developmental history: How was the
pregnancy? Were there any problems during labor and delivery? Were there
any neonatal complications? Was the baby responsive to the mother (or pri
mary caregiver)? Did the child cuddle? Did he or she mold into the mother’s
arms? When did the major developmental milestones occur? In particular,
when did social smiling and stranger anxiety first occur? When did the child
begin to talk? What was the child’s socialization progress? What progress has
the child made in the process of separation-individuation? What autonomous
Table 9–7. Developmental events and precursors of

very-early-onset and early-onset schizophrenia
Developmental
Pandysmaturation (neurodevelopmental delay)
Neurodevelopmental
Soft neurological signs: gross motor and fine motor coordination difficulties
Deviant patterns of brain maturation
Autonomic reactivity changes
Premorbid conditions
Premorbid anxiety and social withdrawal
Hyperactivity in boys
Withdrawal in girls
Depression
Transient symptoms of pervasive developmental disorder (now autism
spectrum disorder)
School difficulties
Social difficulties
Psychotic features
Global negative and positive thought disorder
Negative symptoms years before onset of schizophrenia
Cognitive deficits
Source. Adapted from Remschmidt 2008. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 229.
behavior is the child able to demonstrate? What self-care behaviors is the child
capable of? Is the child able to sleep alone in his or her own bed? Does the child
demonstrate consistent behavioral organization (see section “Using AMSIT”
in Chapter 8, “Documenting the Examination”)? Is there any harmony in the
progress of the developmental lines (see Chapter 13, “Comprehensive Psy
chiatric Formulation”)? If the child demonstrates affect disturbance or mood
dysregulation, the history and evolution of these disturbances must be ex
plored.
Relevant questions regarding psychosocial development include the fol
lowing: Does the child play with other children, or does the child prefer to be
alone? Is the child able to share? How easy is it for the child to make friends?
Is the child able to keep the friends that he or she makes? Is the child invited
Table 9–8. Differential diagnosis between pediatric mania and very-early-onset schizophrenia
Pediatric mania Very-early-onset schizophrenia
Prevalence Uncommon Rare

Mood-incongruent delusions Uncommon More common
Mood-congruent delusions Common Uncommon
Grandiose delusions Common (50%) Uncommon (11%)
Hallucinations Hallucinations and delusions are common during Common (80%)
mood episodes*
Thought disorder Pressured speech Loose associations
Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms
Nonpsychotic 25% 7%
Mood Irritability, elation, depression, Depression in prodromal/residual phase
and mixed
Family history Commonly homotypic Less commonly homotypic
Chronic impairment 25%–40% 90%
Episodicity 20%–50% AO-BD Non-episodic
0%–16% PEA-BD
Promptness of diagnosis and treatment May be short Usually long
Note. AO-BD=adolescent-onset bipolar disorder; PEA-BD=prepubertal and early-adolescent bipolar disorder.
Source. Adapted from Pavuluri et al. 2004 and *Youngstrom et al. 2009. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 230.
225
to birthday or slumber parties? Does the child behave or play in a gender-ap

propriate manner? Does the child demonstrate empathy or a concern for oth
ers? Does the child demonstrate any realistic self-esteem or self-worth? These
questions are equally relevant in the evaluation of profound developmental
disturbances such as autism and pervasive developmental disorders.
Fundamental observations during the psychiatric examination focus on
the child’s overall demeanor, the degree and appropriateness of the child’s
relations to the family and to the examiner, the propriety of the child’s social
behavior, the range and appropriateness of the child’s affective display, and
the nature of the child’s thought processes. The following case example illus
trates the clinical presentation of VEOS in a child of middle latency age.
Case Example 8
Rick, a 9-year-old Caucasian male, would wake up around 6:30 A .M. every
morning, but he was very slow in getting ready for school. His mother pro
vided a great deal of assistance with his hygiene and dressing, even though
Rick could do those tasks by himself (cognitive dyspraxia). Rick was a fussy
eater and was very thin. There were always questions about his health. In the
past, Rick’s food intake had been supplemented with Ensure. His mother also
complained that her son got easily upset and that he would become enraged
at minor provocations. Anger dyscontrol was a significant problem. He reg
ularly focused his anger on his younger brother. Rick had become progres
sively more aggressive with his brother and had attempted to choke him. The
day of the examination, Rick had attacked his mother as well.
Six months before the evaluation, Rick had disclosed that he began hear
ing voices when he was 8 years old. He claimed he heard a mean voice telling
him to do bad things like hitting and kicking his brother hard. This voice also
told him to hurt his 17-year-old sister and asked him to be mean to the family
dog. He said that sometimes he could make the voices go away, but sometimes
he couldn’t.
Rick was born prematurely and experienced respiratory distress. He spent
11 days on a respirator and stayed in the neonatal unit until he was 4 weeks old.
His language development was precocious: Rick began to talk by age 8 months
and spoke in full sentences by age 18 months. He did not start walking until
after he was 12 months old. Rick’s father had always felt very proud of his son’s
intelligence. When his mother expressed concerns about Rick to her husband,
he disregarded her anxieties.
Rick’s mother first became concerned about her son when he was 4 years
old. At that time, she heard from other mothers and friends that there was
something unusual about Rick. She heard similar concerns from the day care
center staff; in particular, she was told that Rick had problems socializing
with other children. At times, Rick complained that other kids made fun of
him, in part because he frequently told stories about aliens. His mother de
scribed Rick as introverted; he didn’t initiate play with his peers and tended
to play by himself.
Rick had been on the honor roll in first and second grades, but his aca
demic performance had deteriorated. At school, Rick was described as op
positional and had problems doing schoolwork, but there had been no
reports of physical aggression or explosive outbursts. Rick had required one
to-one teaching during kindergarten.
Rick’s parents had been married for 12 years. Rick’s mother had two chil
dren from her first marriage: a 21-year-old son and a 17-year-old daughter.
The son had stayed with the father, and the daughter had lived with her
mother until she was 15 years old, at which time she decided to live with her
father. She had moved back to her mother’s home 4 months before Rick’s
psychiatric evaluation. Apparently, Rick had taken it very hard when his sis
ter left 2 years earlier; he had become depressed, stopped eating, and cried a
great deal. His mother reported that Rick had returned to “normal” after his
sister came back. Rick’s parents reported no history of physical or sexual
abuse. Their marriage was described as stable. His mother reported being
markedly stressed about Rick’s problems to the point that she had feared
hurting him.
The mental status examination revealed a thin, almost emaciated, and pe
culiar looking boy who looked and acted younger than his age. Rick clutched
his teddy bear, called Hypo, all the time. Rick smelled Hypo frequently and
kept it close to his chest. Rick had big, unexpressive eyes and big ears. His eye
contact was erratic. At times, he stared blankly at the ceiling or the wall. Oc
casionally, he would display unusual eye movements and would converge his
eyes in a peculiar fashion. His posture was unusual. He slouched in the chair
despite his parents’ prompting him to sit upright. Rick would often bend over
and seemed able to rest his chest on his lap. He also displayed unusual finger
movements, mostly stereotypic, in both hands. He sucked his thumb sporad
ically. Rick would stay in abnormal positions for extended periods of time.
He was also very fidgety.
Rick didn’t display any spontaneous speech. When he was asked a ques
tion, there were prolonged latencies. Both the parents and the examiner of
ten needed to repeat a question before he would start talking. His responses
were simple and unelaborated, and he spoke in a halting and hesitating man
ner. Rick remained indifferent, if not detached, in his manner of relating to
the examiner. He sometimes appeared vacant and distant. Rick’s mood ap
peared euthymic, but his affect was markedly constricted and remained so
throughout the psychiatric examination. The range and intensity of his affect
were markedly decreased. No evidence of inappropriate affect was observed.
It was questionable if the examiner ever achieved engagement.
When asked about the incident with his brother, Rick said that a voice
commanded him to push his brother down the stairs. Rick said that he had
been hearing four kinds of voices for a long time. A mean voice asked him to
do mean things and got him in trouble all the time. Rick added that he wanted
to block this voice, but often he couldn’t. He described the second voice as
the “wacky one”: that voice asked him to do funny and silly things (e.g., make
noises). He said he could block this voice but did not want to. The third voice
was a kind one. A fourth voice, a “weird one,” sounded like a vampire that could
predict the future. This voice told him to go to the bathroom to do either
“number one” or “number two” and talked to him about eating. Rick reported
visual hallucinations; he saw animals from time to time. Rick also believed
that he had a person in his stomach that pushed his stomach to one side.
Rick also said that his teddy bear talked to him. Rick’s responses to the ex
aminer’s questions were disjointed and rambling, and often it was hard to
follow what he was saying. He displayed a thought disorder. His sensorium
was clear; there were no signs of any overt expressive or receptive language
difficulties. [See Note 6 at the end of this chapter.]
On the basis of Rick’s developmental history, his difficulties with interper

sonal relatedness, the presence of stable regressive behavior, and his long his
tory of psychosis, a diagnosis of VEOS was made. Rick displayed pande
velopmental disturbances. His clinical presentation met DSM-5 criteria for
the diagnosis of schizophrenia: Criterion A (psychotic symptom lasting more
than 1 month), Criterion B (social and occupational dysfunction), and Cri
terion C (the disturbance having persisted for more than 6 months). This
child’s diagnosis was based on a comprehensive assessment. The diagnosis of
schizophrenia in childhood and adolescence is based on clinical observations,
predominantly.
The child in the preceding case example has features similar to those de
scribed in EOS:
With the early onset of schizophrenia, there is a higher frequency of premor

bid developmental disorders; rates of 54% to 90% have been reported, depend
ing on the study; the earlier the onset, the more likely the developmental
disorder. Premorbid schizoid and schizotypal personality features are com
monly reported; the child is seen by others as odd, anxious and socially iso
lated. (Harris 1995a, p. 411)
Rick’s case is an interesting example of disharmony in the unfolding of the

developmental lines (see Chapter 13, “Comprehensive Psychiatric Formula
tion”). He exhibited precocious cognitive and linguistic development, while
other lines lagged behind or did not develop at all.
The diagnosis of VEOS should not be made without a comprehensive as
sessment, including a detailed developmental history, a detailed psychosocial
assessment, a methodical psychiatric examination, a physical and neurolog
ical examination, and related tests and procedures. Complete psychological
testing (psychoeducational and projective) is mandatory. In any given case,
other testing and examinations may be deemed necessary (e.g., speech and
language assessment, OT assessment, neuropsychological testing, further
neurological evaluations such as an electroencephalogram or neuroimaging
studies). (For a list of instruments used in the diagnosis of schizophrenic dis
orders in childhood and adolescence, see Table 9–9.)
Although the presence of thought disorder is necessary for the diagnosis
of schizophrenia, this criterion is not sufficient to make such a diagnosis. In
the absence of any significant medical or neurological disorder, the child must
show persistent developmental deviation or developmental arrest (or marked
Table 9–9. Instruments used in the diagnosis of

schizophrenic disorders in childhood and
adolescence
Age range
Assessments (years)
Clinical Interviews
Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Assessment 8–18
Diagnostic Interview for Children and Adolescents–IV 6–17
Interview for Childhood Disorders and Schizophrenia 6–18
NIMH Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children–IV 9–17
Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia for 6–17
School Aged Children
Scales
Children’s Psychiatric Rating Scale—Child 5–13
Children’s Psychiatric Rating Scale—Interviewer Up to 15
KIDDIE–Positive and Negative Syndrome Scale 6–16
(PANSS) Interviewer Parent/Child
loss of the adaptive capacity), profound problems in interpersonal relation

ships, disturbance in affect and emotional development, and clear evidence
of thought disorder. (For the differential diagnosis of psychotic symptoms in
children and adolescents, see Cepeda 2007, Chapters 6 and 7.)
Schizophrenia in childhood is associated with unspecific neurological
findings, language disorders, cognitive impairments, ADHD, and other disor
ders. The psychiatrist should exhaustively rule out medical and neurological
conditions. Finally, the examiner needs to heed Volkmar’s (1996) advice: “If psy
chosis is suspected, consideration of the patient’s safety—and, as appropriate
[imperative], that of others—should be the initial consideration” (p. 848).
The following case example illustrates the development of schizophrenia
in middle to late adolescence (i.e., EOS).
Case Example 9
Troy, a 17-year-old Hispanic male, had been referred by the local school dis
trict because of concerns over bizarre behaviors that included inappropriate
sexual verbalizations and open masturbation. He had been verbalizing ho
mosexual intentions and had spoke about having sex with a dog. It had been
reported that Troy kept checking his “belly,” even in front of people. Before
the evaluation, Troy had inappropriately grabbed a teacher’s hand. Teachers
and classmates felt uneasy about him.
Troy’s mother complained that her son had problems with hygiene and
personal care. She also reported that Troy frequently got angry and that he was
self-abusive. According to his mother, Troy had demonstrated disturbed be
havior for the past few years. Troy had undergone his first psychiatric evaluation
the previous Christmas (1 year before the current evaluation). Three months
before the first psychiatric examination, he had spent 3 weeks in a program for
adolescents at the local state hospital after he stopped eating.
Troy was conceived out of wedlock, and the pregnancy was uneventful.
Troy’s father was described as alcoholic. His mother reported no significant
problems with her son during childhood. Apparently, Troy had been sexually
abused (anal penetration) by one of his maternal uncles when he was 10 years
old. The family also reported a history of physical abuse. Troy’s mother reported
that one of her brothers and an uncle were mentally ill. The precise nature of
those illnesses could not be ascertained. Troy had tried a number of drugs in
the past, including LSD, marijuana, alcohol, and tobacco products.
Troy’s mother reported changes in his behavior after she had a stroke, 2 years
before the evaluation. After the stroke, the mother was paralyzed on her right
side for months. During that time, she had severe expressive language difficul
ties. She still had problems with word finding (the examiner also felt that she had
difficulties understanding the seriousness of her son’s psychiatric problems).
Troy was born abroad but had been brought to the United States when he
was about 5 years old. At the time of the psychiatric evaluation, Troy was living
with his mother and his stepfather. The relationship between stepfather and
stepson was not positive because the stepfather was in charge of limit setting,
and he had to discipline Troy for his inappropriate behaviors, which included
open disrespect and overt indiscretions toward his mother. Although Troy had
opportunities to see his natural father, he had shown no interest in doing so.
During the previous year, the parents had noticed a progressive deteriora
tion in Troy’s behavior. Troy’s mother had observed him masturbating openly
and without any discretion or sense of propriety. Troy often made inappro
priate sexual comments to his mother. When his attention was called to these
improprieties, he blandly responded by saying, “There was nothing wrong
with that.” During the previous year, Troy had developed an infatuation with
Salvador Dali’s art; he spent a lot of time drawing surrealistic drawings of body
parts with explicit sexual content. Troy took offense when his family called
his attention to the impropriety of his art. His dream was to become an artist
like Dali, and he daydreamed of exhibiting his artwork.
The mental status examination showed a tall, Hispanic male who looked
younger than the stated age. Troy displayed an inappropriate smile throughout
the examination. Troy’s grooming and hygiene were poor. He wore baggy
pants and a T-shirt with M.C. Escher drawings on the front and back. His me
dium-length black hair was tucked behind his ears, and his fingernails were
painted black. Troy walked slowly, and his posture was stooped.
As soon as Troy and his mother entered the interviewing room, he sat
down and began to touch and inspect his abdomen. His mother asked the ex
aminer why Troy kept looking at and touching his belly. The examiner told
the mother in a playful and humorous manner that maybe Troy thought he
was pregnant. Upon hearing this, Troy smiled and, expressing a sigh of relief,
he said, “You see, mom, this doctor makes a lot of sense.”
Troy remained aloof and distant throughout the interview, and the exam
iner could not develop rapport with him. Troy was unfriendly and had very
poor eye contact. He was also evasive and secretive. He looked mildly de
pressed, and his affect was grossly inappropriate: he displayed a silly, sar
donic smile throughout the interview. The range and intensity of his affect
were decreased. Troy was oriented to time and place. His memories were in
tact, and his intellectual functions appeared average.
In the area of thought processes, Troy was not logical and at times was in
coherent. Troy exhibited very loose associations. He claimed that he heard
and saw his own thoughts. He was markedly delusional; his delusions related
to the end of the world and were blasphemous in nature. He made innumer
able references to feces, body orifices, and primitive sexual misconceptions.
For instance, he thought that Jesus was made of the “crap that comes from
the butt.” There was also repeated telescoping (e.g., merging, confusion) of
psychosexual issues. He talked about a girl who was born from the butt of the
cross. A repeated theme was that of a child who is being delivered vaginally
to become the leg of his mother. He wondered if he was pregnant. He advanced
that he would like to be a girl when he dies and wished he had his whole body
full of penises and wished that girls had multiple vaginas. He wished he could
die and have sex.
He declared that Satan had sex with Jesus. In reference to the latter, he
brought to the examination a picture he was very proud of: a large poster, of
fair artistic quality, in which Satan was sodomizing Jesus. Troy seemed
pleased to be showing his artwork and was completely unaware of the offen
sive nature of its content. He seemed very surprised when the examiner
asked him to think about the implications of such a picture in a very religious
Catholic and Christian community. Troy didn’t see anything wrong with it.
Troy stated that when he masturbated, he became God; he also saw God. When
he was questioned about suicidal ideation, he responded that he thought
about it. When asked if he had any plans to kill himself, he was secretive and
evasive. He denied any homicidal ideation. His judgment and insight were
nil. (See Note 7 at the end of this chapter.)
Troy’s symptoms fulfilled the diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia. He had

a history of active symptoms (hallucinations and delusions) for more than 1
year (Criterion A). Residual symptoms (i.e., affective flattening) and marginal
educational and interpersonal functioning (i.e., significant compromise of the
level of adaptive functioning, including a decline in self-care and minimal so
cial adjustment) were also present (Criterion B). Troy demonstrated serious
impairment of reality testing, and he lacked insight and a sense of social propri
ety (judgment impairment). He also displayed a conspicuous thought disor
der. Finally, the global disturbance had lasted for over 1 year (Criterion C).
The caution expressed regarding the diagnosis of VEOS applies equally to
the diagnosis of EOS. A complete medical and neurological examination is
mandatory before EOS can be diagnosed, because medical and neurological
conditions can mimic schizophrenic disorders. Consider the following case
example.
Case Example 10
Myra, a 16-year-old Caucasian female, was brought for a psychiatric exami
nation by her natural mother, who had been followed by the examiner for
paranoid and dysphoric features. Myra’s mother complained that Myra did
not show any initiative in taking care of herself and that she needed to be “on
her” about basic personal care, including hygiene. At school, Myra refused to
participate or to do any schoolwork; at home, she wanted to stay in bed or in
her room most of the time. She had been evaluated by a psychiatrist a num
ber of months before the current evaluation and had received the diagnosis
of chronic schizophrenia. Olanzapine had been prescribed for her, but her
mother had interrupted the neuroleptic treatment because Myra became se
dated. Myra did not have a history of seizures or head trauma or a history of
fainting or blacking out. She had no significant medical history.
According to Myra, she regularly saw Jesus and her dead baby brother. She
had been experiencing those perceptions for 5 years. Both Jesus and her baby
brother said to her, “You will be dying soon...you will be reuniting with your
brother.” Myra enjoyed hearing these voices, claiming that they were soothing.
She wanted to join her brother in heaven and anticipated she would die in a
few years.
The mental status examination revealed a quiet, withdrawn, nonspontane
ous adolescent who appeared somewhat older than the stated age. Her psycho
motor activity was decreased, and her speech was dysprosodic. She spoke in a
monotone with no emotion. Her mood appeared depressed, and her affect was
markedly blunted. Myra denied homicidal or suicidal ideation. She was illogical
but goal directed. She endorsed auditory, visual, gustatory, and olfactory hallu
cinations. Besides hearing and seeing her dead brother and Jesus, she reported
a periodic experience of “an awful smell, like a skunk,” and “a taste, like throwing
up.” During those experiences, Myra felt confused. She also endorsed strong
and prominent paranoid delusions. She believed that many people wanted to
kill her and that people had guns and knives for that purpose. Myra believed she
had been in danger since she was 3 or 4 years old. Her sensorium was clear.
Because of the diagnostic consideration of a complex partial seizure, Myra
was referred to a neurologist. Her mother refused to comply with the con
sultation and also refused to consider neuroleptic medications, claiming that
previous experiences with those medications had been negative. Because the
examiner thought that the probability of a complex seizure was strong, he pre
scribed valproic acid. When the examiner saw Myra 2 weeks later, the sense
of confusion and the olfactory and gustatory hallucinations had improved.
Although Myra was still seeing her brother and Jesus, these experiences and
the voices associated with them were less frequent than before. The changes
in Myra’s mood and in her emotional display were most striking. She was more
expressive and displayed a broader range and richer intensity of affect. Her
paranoid feelings had decreased, and she felt less suspicious and more at ease.
The dosage of valproic acid was adjusted, and Myra’s psychotic and paranoid
symptomatology further improved.
Although Myra’s symptoms fulfilled the criteria for a diagnosis of paranoid

schizophrenia, she probably had a neurological disorder—a complex partial
seizure disorder. An alternative explanation is the presence of a mood disorder

with psychotic features, with a very good response to valproic acid.
What are the psychotic clinical symptoms that have the most predictive
power for the diagnosis of schizophrenia? Two recent articles address this
question. Perkins et al. (2015) assert that illogical thoughts and suspicious
ness are symptoms most predictive of schizophrenia in patients at high risk
to develop the disorder. Furthermore, concentration difficulties and reduced
ideational richness are further predictive of schizophrenia. Perceptual dis
turbance, such as hallucinations, did not have a predictive power in a 2-year
follow-up study. In a second study, Bedi et al. (2015) noted that subtle changes
in semantics and syntax can differentiate which individuals are at the greatest
risk of developing schizophrenia. This study was based on automated speech
analysis: when plotting three semantic variables—frequency of determiner
words (“that,” “which”), coherence between phrases, and phrase length—the
algorithm discriminated subjects at risk of developing schizophrenia from
other subjects.
Evaluation of Schizoid Symptoms

In the differential diagnosis of depression, questions regarding how to sepa
rate affective disorders from schizoid disorders are frequently raised. Close
attention to the patient’s history and affective display and close monitoring
of the examiner’s own emotional reactions during the interview (see Chap
ter 16, “Countertransference”) are helpful in differentiating this diagnostic
complexity.
The patient’s social developmental history is of great assistance in the dif
ferential diagnosis (see previous section, “Evaluation of Psychotic Symp
toms”). Has the child been a loner? Does the child prefer to play by himself
or herself? Attachment difficulties need to be considered in the differential
diagnosis of schizoid disorders (Volkmar 1995). The following case example
is typical of children with schizoid disorders.
Case Example 11
Kurt, a 14-year-old Caucasian male, was admitted to a local psychiatric hos
pital after making a suicidal gesture. He had a history of extensive conduct
disorder, including regular use of his mother’s car without permission. He would
sneak out at night on a regular basis. During the interview, Kurt appeared
meek and behaved oddly. He constantly attempted to hide his hands in the
long sleeves of his sweater. His eye contact was erratic, and his speech was mo
notonous and dysprosodic. His mood was very constricted, and he did not
seem to be in touch with his feelings. When asked to describe his mood, Kurt
said he was happy. He immediately corrected himself and said he was sad. He
showed no modulation of affect throughout the interview except, for a short

moment, when he declared that he missed home. At that moment, he be
came tearful, helpless, and childish. He did not endorse any psychotic fea
tures. At no point during the interview did the examiner feel that he had
made emotional contact with Kurt, and there was no countertransference re
sponse concordant with the diagnosis of depression.
Children with language disorders and other neuropsychological deficits—

particularly nonverbal learning disabilities due to problems in decoding and
expressing affective communication—display difficulties in interpersonal
communication; these situations create diagnostic confusion. Such difficul
ties complicate the identification and assessment of depressive affect. This
observation is in agreement with Cummings’s (1995b) assertion that “right
hemispheric damage sustained in childhood may result in a schizoid type of
behavioral pattern, perhaps because the inability to perceive or to execute emo
tional cues limits the child’s ability to engage in interpersonal relationships”
(p. 185).
When working with children with schizoid disorders, the examiner may en
counter difficulties in establishing rapport because of the children’s inability
to perceive and to express affect, peculiarities in these children’s affective
display, or the degree of inappropriate affect. Some children with neuropsy
chological difficulties want to connect with others and are interested in peo
ple; however, they either do not know how to go about doing so or use means
that put other children off.
When examining children with schizoid features, the evaluator senses their
inability to link emotionally to others, their sense of isolation, and their dif
ficulty warming up to social interactions. The examiner’s subjective response
is of immense diagnostic value. In general, when the patient is depressed, the
patient stimulates depressive feelings in the examiner. As expressed by Akis
kal and Akiskal (1994), “The depressed person’s dejection and pain tend to
be communicated to the clinician and elicit emotional as well as intellectual
empathy. Admittedly, this criterion is subjective, but is invaluable in the hands
of experienced clinicians” (p. 43).
Children with schizoid disorders have long-standing difficulties with inter
personal relationships. These children typically are unable to initiate friend
ships. Commonly they are loners, and more often than not they are ostra
cized and ridiculed by peers. Children with schizoid disorders are frequently
odd looking, and their affective communication is atypical. Often their affect
is constricted, and at times their emotional display is inappropriate. Comor
bid cognitive, language, and psychotic disorders are common. Soft neuro
logical deficits (e.g., in gross and fine motor coordination) and other deficits
may be present.
Key Points
• Internalizing symptoms are very common in clinical practice.
• Internalizing symptoms relate to psychiatric conditions that
cause subjective distress or psychological pain; the most
common conditions that bring about these symptoms in
clude depressive, anxiety, obsessive-compulsive, and psy
chotic disorders.
• Evaluating internalizing symptoms requires a broad knowl
edge base about the configuration and components of inter
nalizing disorders as well as a strong familiarity with DSM-5.
• A comprehensive assessment that includes a detailed de
velopmental and psychosocial history as well as a complete
medical and psychological evaluation is key in delineating
the relationship between symptomatology and specific dis
orders. Such comprehensive assessment is especially criti
cal prior to the diagnosis of schizophrenia in children and
adolescents.
Notes
1. According to data compiled by the Centers for Disease Control and Pre
vention, suicide is the 10th leading cause of death among all Americans
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2016). For Americans of all
ages, 51% of completed suicides involved a gun. Suicides are impulsive:
of individuals who attempted suicide, 24% took less than 5 minutes be
tween the decision to kill themselves and the actual attempt. The recent
U.S. Supreme Court decision supporting gun ownership may lead to higher
rates of gun-related suicide (70% took less than 1 hour; Miller and Hem
enway 2008). More than one-third of U.S. households own a firearm.
Compelling evidence links firearms to suicide. The presence of a firearm
in a house increases the odds of suicide from two- to tenfold. The higher
incidence of suicide is not restricted solely to the gun owner but also ap
plies to the spouse and children. The risk is higher if the gun is kept loaded
and unsecured (Miller and Hemenway 2008). International experts have
concluded that the restriction of access to lethal means is one of the few
suicide prevention policies with proven effectiveness.
2. The diagnoses of disruptive disorders and substance dependence (other
than alcohol or marijuana) were predictive of increased noncompliance
with individual psychotherapy, and affective/anxiety disorders were pre
dictive of increased noncompliance with medications at 6 months (Burns
et al. 2008).
3. The contrary is also true: the treatment of pediatric depression decreases

the level of maternal depression, even when the mothers are not treated.
Kennard et al. (2008) reported that 30% of mothers reported moderate
to severe depression at the beginning of their child’s treatment, but only
17% reported it at the end of treatment. The level of depression severity
in a child correlated with the mother’s depression severity; by the end of
the study, children of mothers with more severe depression had higher
levels of depression than children with less depressed mothers (Kennard
et al. 2008).
4. In another study, mothers with major depressive disorder were treated,
and their offspring (ages 7–17 years) were followed for up to 1 year after the
initiation of maternal treatment. At baseline, about one-third of the chil
dren had a current psychiatric disorder. At 3-month follow-up, maternal
remission from depression was associated with a significant decrease in
children’s diagnoses. One year after the initiation of treatment for mater
nal depression, the mothers’ depression severity and the children’s psychi
atric symptoms continued to show decreases; most of the functional
improvement occurred within the first 3–6 months of the 1-year follow-up
interval. Decreases in the child’s psychiatric symptoms were significantly
associated with decreases in maternal depression severity, as reflected in
scores on the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression, and these decreases
tended to precede symptom and functional improvements in children
(Pilowsky et al. 2008). No change in symptoms was observed in children
of nonremitting mothers, and no change in the degree of disruptive behav
iors was seen in the children of either remitting or nonremitting mothers.
Plausible explanations regarding why maternal depression improvement
has an impact on children’s psychopathology include the following: dimin
ished marital discord, improved parenting, and a less critical attitude by
the mother toward the offspring (Pilowsky et al. 2008). Developmental fac
tors and gender were also found to be important in regard to the impact of
maternal depression on offspring: maternal depression during children’s
late childhood was associated with an increase in girls’ internalizing symp
toms over time and a decrease in boys’ symptoms. During early to middle
adolescence, girls showed greater vulnerability to the adverse effects of ma
ternal depression when compared with boys, but these interactions ex
plained only a small amount of the variance (Jenkins and Curwen 2008).
5. Other diagnoses in this category include body dysmorphic disorder (pre
occupation with perceptions of physical defects or flaws); hoarding dis
order (preoccupation with accumulating items resulting from an inability
to discard them); trichotillomania (hair-pulling disorder) (recurrent hair
pulling despite multiple attempts to decrease or discontinue the behavior);
and excoriation (skin-picking) disorder (recurrent picking of skin despite

multiple attempts to decrease or discontinue the behavior). Obsessive
compulsive and related disorder (OCRD) induced by medications or sub
stances, OCRD due to another medical condition, other specified OCRD
and unspecified OCRD are also included (American Psychiatric Associ
ation 2013).
6. Further diagnostic assessment on Rick:
• Physical examination. Positive findings: a very thin child with elon
gated fingers and inwardly curved fifth fingers on both hands.
• Neurological screening. Positive findings: dysgraphia, balance diffi
culties, apraxia (had difficulties putting on his shoes).
• Psychological testing. Positive findings: deficits in written expres
sion. He obtained a superior score on Letter-Word Identification and
an average score on Passage Comprehension.
• Projective testing. Positive findings: deficits in perceptual accuracy
consistent with impaired reality testing. Rick misinterpreted and/or
distorted perceptual stimuli. Serious problems in thought processes,
mainly discontinuity, were observed; at times his thinking was incoher
ent and overtly concrete. Rick evidenced significant social and emotional
immaturity; this was reflected in his social ineptness and the problems in
establishing and maintaining rapport with others. He showed very lit
tle interest in approaching and being close to others and had a very un
realistic view of self and others. Rick’s Rorschach responses had very lit
tle human content but prominent ambiguous and solitary “alien” beings.
Also, Rick had a very inaccurate perception of how others perceive and
relate to him and a poor awareness of the extent and significance of
his problems. His aggression was poorly neutralized, and he was de
layed in the process of separation and individuation from the parents.
• Occupational therapy assessment. Positive findings: poor to fair
kinesthetic abilities; significant difficulties with visual-motor control
and fine-motor manipulation of objects; problems in sensory-motor
processing. Sensory-motor testing revealed visual crossing midline
problems (e.g., he ignored the right side of the page while copying
geometric shapes until he shifted the paper to his left side). Did Rick have
symptoms of hemispatial neglect?
7. Further diagnostic assessment on Troy:
• Physical examination. Positive findings: Troy had multiple self
inflicted injuries on the anterior aspect of both forearms.
• Neurological screening. Positive findings: Troy was left-handed. Evi
dence of difficulties with praxis and some degree of dysprosody were
present.
• Psychological testing. Positive findings: Troy used a neologism dur

ing the examination: he used the word “insormal” to indicate parent
approved incestuous relations between siblings. He told the tester his
idea for an art piece: to cut off one of his fingers and mount it on card
board. Troy’s thought processes were tangential and rambling. The
thought content was consistently dominated by bizarre, morbid, and
often perverse themes. His ideas frequently involved the condensation
or fusion of opposite qualities, activities, ideas, and feelings (e.g., good/
evil, procreation/killing, pleasure/pain). He often condensed sexuality
with religious symbolism and a personal sense of alienation. He often
seemed fascinated and perplexed by his bizarre musings, which took on
a stereotyped and perseverative quality over the course of the evalua
tion. He said his main interests were in being “bizarre” and “weird.”
• Projective testing. Troy’s self-image was distorted and conflictive.
He appeared to reject all conventional aspects of his identity and life,
including identifications with the family, in favor of an intense identi
fication with countercultural ideas and values (i.e., the “bizarre”). He en
tertained grandiose fantasies (e.g., “being famous someday and pro
ducing great works of art”) while simultaneously being preoccupied
with masochistic themes of humiliation and self-abuse. Troy was very
conflicted about gender identification. He was comfortable with so
cial isolation and alienation and appeared indifferent to others, except
as they provided stimulation for his fantasy life and nourishment of his
fascination with the bizarre. Troy’s inner life was characterized by per
vasive boundary confusion in which conflicted ideas, tendencies, and
feelings were resolved or negated in fantasy through the fusion or merger
of conflicted opposites. His internal representations were poorly dif
ferentiated and lacked substance and diversity. Troy’s intense fantasy
preoccupation with sexual and religious conflicts may represent prim
itive denial and distortion defenses, which provided a means of deal
ing with early trauma. For example, he wondered aloud if death might
consist of continuously repeated sexual activity with transvestites that
creates “straight good feelings, no bad feelings or thoughts, just good.”
Troy’s thinking disturbance significantly impaired his capacity for adap
tive social and educational functioning and self-care and adversely im
pacted his motivation for conventional pursuits. On the positive side,
Troy’s artistic abilities were well developed and represented a potential
strength for him that should be further developed.
• Cognitive testing. Troy’s level of intelligence was in the low average
range. Troy demonstrated a learning disability in written expression.
CHAPTER 10
Evaluation of
Externalizing Symptoms
Evaluation of Hyperactive and

Impulsive Behaviors
Although distractibility was traditionally considered the core feature of at
tention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), researchers, more recently,
have proposed that the central deficit in ADHD is a problem of behavioral
inhibition that involves a delay in the development of self-control and self
regulation. The behavior of children with ADHD is regulated more by imme
diate circumstances (i.e., external sources) and less by executive functions
and considerations of time and the future. As Barkley (1997, p. 313) stated,
“ADHD is far more a deficit of behavioral inhibition than of attention.”
DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013) distinguishes three types
of ADHD: inattentive, hyperactive-impulsive, and combined. The inatten
tive type predominates in pediatric populations, whereas the hyperactive
impulsive and combined types are more prevalent in child psychiatric pop
ulations. The ADHD types are associated with different clinical, comorbid,
and prognostic courses. According to Faraone et al. (1998), children with the
combined type have the highest rates of comorbid disruptive, anxiety, and
depressive disorders. In comparison with children who have the combined
type, children with the inattentive type have similar rates of comorbid anxi
ety and depressive disorders but lower rates of disruptive disorders. Chil
dren with the hyperactive-impulsive type, compared with children with the
239
other subtypes, have the highest rates of externalizing disorders but lower rates
of associated anxiety and depression. Children with the combined or inatten
tive types have higher rates of academic problems than do children with the
hyperactive-impulsive type. Compared with children with the other two types,
children with the combined type have higher lifetime rates of conduct, oppo
sitional, bipolar, language, and tic disorders; they also have the highest rate of
counseling and multimodal treatments. Few differences were found between
the hyperactive-impulsive and the inattentive types, although children with the
inattentive type had a higher lifetime prevalence of major depressive disorder
(Faraone et al. 1998). In the case of moderate to severe symptoms noted in
preschoolers, the ADHD diagnosis appears stable into later childhood. In chil
dren diagnosed with ADHD as preschoolers, the Preschool Attention-Deficit/
Hyperactivity Disorder Treatment Study (PATS) found that at 6-year follow
up, 89% of the children who were not lost to follow up and had been diagnosed
with moderate to severe ADHD as preschoolers continued to have symptoms
that met ADHD diagnostic criteria (Riddle et al. 2013).
In a 5-year prospective study by Hinshaw (2008), nearly two-thirds of fe
males with ADHD showed depression at some point during the study; this
rate was several times higher than that in the non-ADHD comparison group.
Depressive symptomatology in females with ADHD was more severe (i.e.,
earlier onset and longer duration, higher levels of irritability and suicidal
ideation, and greater need of multiple types of treatment) than in the com
parison group. Major depression also predicted continuity of depression, on
set of anxiety, and substance use disorders (Hinshaw 2008).
Longitudinal studies of boys with or without ADHD revealed that major de
pression at baseline predicted syndrome-congruent outcomes 4 years later.
Boys with major depression and comorbid ADHD were at significant risk for
bipolar disorder, psychosocial dysfunction, and psychiatric hospitalizations.
Boys with a clinical presentation meeting the criteria for major depression had
prototypical symptoms of the disorder, a chronic course, and severe psycho
social dysfunction (Biederman et al. 2008). In contrast, females with ADHD
were 5.1 times more likely to develop major depression than were control fe
males. Biederman et al. (2008) reported that major depression in females with
ADHD, compared with major depression in control females, was associated
with an earlier onset and greater duration of the major depression, as well as
more severe associated major depression impairment, including psychiatric
hospitalization and increased suicidal ideation. ADHD in females significantly
increased the risk for mania, conduct disorder, and oppositional defiant dis
order (ODD) independent of the major depression status. Parental history of
major depression and the subject’s history of mania were predictors of major
depression among females with ADHD. Having ADHD at baseline is a signifi
cant predictor for major depression in females.
Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms 241
A robust bidirectional overlap occurs between ADHD and major depres

sion, and mania in childhood is a significant predictor for major depression
at follow-up for females. An emerging literature also documents a bidirec
tional association between ADHD and bipolar disorder in pediatric subjects
and adults with ADHD, as well as in pediatric and adult patients with bipolar
disorder (Biederman et al. 2008). Major depression is also associated with an
increased risk for anxiety disorders. The comorbidity of ADHD and major de
pression thus indicates high morbidity and disability, as well as a poor progno
sis (Biederman et al. 2008).
In evaluating children who have the hyperactive-impulsive type of ADHD,
the examiner should inquire about the onset of the hyperactivity and impul
sivity. Commonly, the origin of these symptoms can be traced to early pre
school age. Some mothers report hyperactivity during the child’s gestational
or early neonatal life. Parents may complain that these children were hyper
active, willful, obstinate, or disobedient from an early age, or that they got into
everything without any forethought (e.g., they were frequently moving, never
finishing anything they started). Many of these children have no sense of dan
ger and require close and ongoing supervision. A low tolerance for frustration
and dysregulation of emotional states are common. Some of these children
have difficult temperaments and demand inordinate amounts of attention;
they lack self-soothing regulatory mechanisms and are prone to intense and
prolonged temper tantrums. These tantrums easily escalate into dyscontrol,
and when this happens, it takes the child a long time to regain self-control. In
severe cases, biorhythm dysregulation may be present, as evidenced by sleep
difficulties.
Symptoms of ADHD are conspicuous in the classroom. Children with ADHD
are distractible and disruptive. They demonstrate off-task behaviors and are
unable to remain seated. They commonly have difficulty completing assign
ments, and they have problems taking turns and sharing with peers. Some of
these children are intrusive and have limited social skills, whereas others have
poor problem-solving abilities. Some children with ADHD develop early co
morbidity. Children with the hyperactive-impulsive or combined types have
problems with anger control and with affective modulation; these deficits
contribute further to their limited social success.
Cantwell (1996, p. 982) recommended a comprehensive assessment for
children and adolescents suspected of having ADHD. This assessment in
cludes the following components:
1. A comprehensive interview with all parental figures. This interview

should be complemented by a developmental, medical, and school his
tory of the child and a social, medical, and mental health history of fam
ily members.
2. A developmentally appropriate interview with the child to assess his or

her view of the signs and symptoms and to screen for comorbidity.
3. An appropriate medical evaluation to screen for health status and neu
rological problems.
4. An appropriate cognitive assessment of ability and achievement.
5. The use of both broad-spectrum and more narrowly focused (i.e., ADHD
specific) parent and teacher rating scales.
6. Appropriate adjunct assessments, such as speech and language assess
ment and evaluation of fine and gross motor function.
Because children with the combined type of ADHD require frequent cor
rective feedback (as a result of their impulsivity), they evolve a negative self
view that contributes to the early development of dysphoric affect. Frequently,
children with ADHD develop a defective self-concept and a poor sense of com
petence. According to O’Brien (1992), self-esteem difficulties are the core
psychological problems for these children. The examiner needs to explore these
complications to determine the extent of additional psychopathology to
formulate a comprehensive treatment program. The examiner should ask
the child to explain the reasons for the psychiatric examination and should
help the child to explain, in his or her own words, the nature and extent of the
problems.
The examiner should consider the following questions: Does the child dis
play problems with hyperactivity-impulsivity only in certain circumstances
or at certain times? Are the problems evident in most of the child’s daily ac
tivities? Is the child able to concentrate in the classroom? Is the child able to
stay on task? Does the child finish assignments? Does the child show behav
ioral disorganization? Do any activities grip the child’s attention (e.g., play
ing certain games, watching television)? What television programs does the
child watch? How are the child’s social and problem-solving skills? This in
formation has significant clinical relevance.
As soon as the interviewer detects that the child is too hyperactive or im
pulsive and lacks means of self-regulation, self-structure, or self-control, he
or she should structure both the physical space and the activities in which the
child is permitted to engage. Restricting spatial boundaries and controlling
the quality, quantity, and modality of stimulation are mandatory to maintain
ing a safe and productive interview. Such control will help the child to focus
and concentrate on structured tasks (e.g., those involving building blocks,
puzzles, or table games).
If the child is easily distracted, the examiner should reduce the amount of
stimulation by limiting the number of items available at any given time. Lim
iting and structuring the elements for specific tasks is important: a box full of
crayons and an unlimited amount of paper are too distracting for an inatten
tive and disorganized child. Such a child should receive one crayon or one
pencil and one piece of paper at a time. Similarly, the examiner should limit
the number of blocks or other items that the child can use at any given time.
If the child is too fidgety or has difficulty remaining seated, the examiner
should pull the child’s chair close to the interviewing table so that the chair
and table form a physical boundary. The examiner should instruct (and encour
age) the child to concentrate on only one task at a time. The examiner should
encourage and help the child to complete the assigned task before moving
on to a new one. Throughout the interview, the examiner should note the
child’s response to structure and limit setting; these observations have im
portant diagnostic and therapeutic implications. Ongoing support should
be given when the child meets the examiner’s expectations and abides by the
provided structure. The examiner should help the child concentrate on the
project at hand and should give support and reinforcement each time the
child finishes a task. Transitions from one activity to the next should be han
dled with care, because the child may have problems with moving on to new
tasks.
The length of the interview is an important factor; brevity is the goal. Af
ter 15–20 minutes of active interviewing, the child needs a break (e.g., a trip
to the bathroom). In an intensely structured setting, the patient and the cli
nician tire easily. The amount of structure needed in subsequent sessions will
indicate how well the child is responding to ongoing behavioral and psycho
pharmacological interventions. Observations made during structured inter
viewing, as well as changes observed in ratings on specific checklists completed
by the examiner, teachers, or parents, are helpful in ascertaining whether
changes at school, at home, or in other settings have been made in response
to treatment.
Additional deficits may also emerge in the course of the initial evaluation
and subsequent visits. Social skill difficulties are significant problems for
some children with ADHD. Cantwell (1996) described this comorbidity as an
inability to pick up social cues, which leads to interpersonal difficulties. In a
child who has responded well to treatment and has demonstrated behav
ioral improvements (decreases in hyperactivity and impulsivity but not at
tention or academic improvements), the examiner also needs to rule out
nonverbal learning disabilities. Finally, rating scales should be used to support
the diagnosis.
Galanter and Leibenluft (2008) provided a number of considerations for
the examiner faced with differentiating ADHD from bipolar disorder. First,
ADHD is far more common than bipolar disorder. Second, the venue of the
assessment is important: bipolar disorder is more likely in an inpatient psy
chiatric unit than in a pediatric clinic. Third, the examiner should explore
for an episode of mania or hypomania. If such an episode is not uncovered,
the examiner should search for an episode of irritability that is greater than
the child’s baseline. ODD, conduct disorder, anxiety disorder, and major
depressive disorder also produce irritability and are more common than
bipolar disorder. Fourth, the examiner should consider the DSM-5 Crite
rion B symptoms for mania (symptoms that are not present in ADHD), such
as grandiosity, flight of ideas or racing thoughts, decreased need for sleep,
and hypersexuality.
Evaluation of Aggressive and

Homicidal Behaviors
According to Ash (2008), violence is surprisingly common among children
and adolescents. Longitudinal studies using youth self-reports indicate that
by age 17 years, 30%–40% of boys and 16%–32% of girls have participated in
a serious violent offense (i.e., aggravated assault, robbery, gang fight, or rape).
Homicide is the second cause of death for youths ages 15–19 years, second
to accidents and ahead of suicide; it accounts for about 2,000 deaths a year.
The homicide rate stands at 9.3 deaths per 100,000 youths. Adolescent dating
violence is also frequent: up to 9% of boys and girls reported being physi
cally hit by a boyfriend or girlfriend during the previous year (Ash 2008). Ash
(2008) asserted that children first learn to manage their aggression from
their parents during toddlerhood and that poor parenting (abusive parent
ing, neglect, coercive parenting, rearing by antisocial parents, poor limit set
ting, or general family dysfunction) during toddlerhood sets the stage for the
children’s later problems with aggression or violence. ODD is a frequent pre
cursor of more serious aggression; about 30% of individuals with early ODD
progress to conduct disorder, and 40% of those with conduct disorder prog
ress to antisocial personality disorder. The most potent risk factors for pre
adolescent violence are general nonviolent criminal offenses and preadoles
cent substance abuse, whereas peer effects are the most influential factors
for adolescent-onset violence. For both preadolescent-onset and adolescent
onset violence types, a developmental progression of offenses is common, be
ginning with minor crimes such as vandalism and shoplifting, then progress
ing to aggravated assault, followed by robbery, and then rape. That robbery
precedes rape in 70% of cases is the strongest evidence that rape is a criminal
violent offense and not a crime of sex (Ash 2008).
Dating violence should be explored. According to Wolitzky-Taylor et al.
(2008), older age, female sex, and exposure to previous and recent stressors
were associated with greater risk for experiencing dating violence. Experience
of severe dating violence (i.e., physical assault causing harm, threat with a
weapon, rape or forced sexual activity) was estimated, conservatively, to be
2.6% for girls and 0.6% for boys, representing 335,000 girls and 78,000 boys
in the United States. (Verbal threats, hitting or slapping without injury, and
verbal aggressiveness were not considered in the study.) Sexual assault was
the highest act of violence, followed by physical assault and drug- or alcohol
facilitated rape. Dating violence is associated fourfold with posttraumatic
stress disorder and major depressive episodes. Also, an association exists
between dating violence and having experienced a prior traumatic event
(Wolitzky-Taylor et al. 2008).
The examiner should explore aggressive behavior at school. Results from
a 1995 survey of students ages 12–18 years indicated that 2.5 million stu
dents were victims of some crime at school. Serious crimes (i.e., rape, aggra
vated assault, sexual assault, and robbery) accounted for 186,000 victims in
schools; 47 of the crimes resulted in 47 school-associated deaths, including
38 homicides (Malmquist 2008).
As Tardiff (2008, p. 4) noted, “The evaluation of violence potential is anal
ogous to that of suicidal potential. Even if the patient does not express
thoughts of violence, the clinician should routinely ask the subtle question,
‘Have you ever lost your temper?’ in much the same way as one would check
for suicide potential with the question, ‘Have you ever felt that life was not
worth living?’ If the answer is yes in either case, the evaluator should pro
ceed with the evaluation in terms of how, when, and so on with reference to
violence as well as suicidal potential.” Tardiff added, “When making decisions
about violence potential, the clinician also should interview family mem
bers, police, and other persons with information about the patient and about
violence incidents to ensure that the patient is not minimizing his or her dan
gerousness” (p. 4). Ash (2008) advised, “Whenever risk of predatory violence
by an adolescent is a serious consideration, if at all possible some friend
should be talked to...[because] the evaluee’s friends are most likely—more
so than parents—to have heard the youth express threats, even if the friends
did not take the threats seriously” (p. 371).
The examiner should keep in mind, when evaluating violence, that the
standard unstructured assessment interviews have limited diagnostic validity
and no predictive validity: “Research has not been kind to unstructured vio
lence risk assessment” (Monahan 2008, p. 19). For predictions of violence, “ac
tuarial” methods are recommended (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter).
An important consideration in assessing an adolescent’s risk for violence
is where he or she is on the violence pathway or trajectory: fantasies about
killing, initiation of planning, increased interest in weapons and how to use
them, interest in how others have committed mass murders, use of the In
ternet for this purpose, and detailed preparation (obtaining weapons, scouting
out sites, and stalking potential victims). The farther along this path the ado
lescent is, the higher the risk he or she poses. A person does not have to make
a threat to be a threat. The examiner should also explore the motivation, in
cluding why people are included on the “hit list” (Ash 2008). Ash (2008) stated
the importance of reducing the availability of weapons, but many parents do
not comply with the recommendation to dispose of weapons.
For the evaluation of short-term violence risk in adults, Tardiff (2008) rec
ommended the importance of the following factors: 1) appearance, 2) pres
ence of violent ideation and degree of formulation and/or planning, 3) intent
to be violent, 4) available means to harm and access to the potential victims,
5) past history of violence and other impulsive behaviors, 6) history of alcohol
or drug abuse, 7) presence of psychosis, 8) presence of personality disorder,
9) history of noncompliance with treatments, and 10) demographic and so
cioeconomic characteristics. These factors have a parallel importance in the
assessment of violence in children and adolescents.
In an article on assessing violence risk in children and adolescents, Weis
brot (2008) discussed infamous school shootings. Warning signs are evident,
and the interviewer needs to confront the child’s denial or minimization of
these issues. “Leakage” relates to clues signaling a potential violent act, in
cluding feelings, thoughts, fantasies, attitudes, and intentions expressed via
direct threats, boasts, doodles, Internet sites, songs, tattoos, stories, and year
book comments with themes of death, dismembering, blood, or end-of-the
world philosophies. School shooters indicated their plans before the shoot
ings occurred via direct threats or by implication in drawings, diaries, or
school essays. Prior to school shootings, other students usually know about
the impending attacks (in 75% of cases, at least one person knew; in about
66% of cases, more than one person knew), but this information was not com
municated to adults.
Weisbrot (2008) advised that threat assessment requires a thorough psy
chiatric diagnostic evaluation, including fundamental assessments of suicid
ality, homicidality, thought processes, reality testing, mood, and behavior. A
detailed developmental history should be gathered, with a specific focus on
abuse, past trauma, school suspensions and expulsions, school performance,
and peer leadership. A red flag for potential violence is the history of trauma
or violence, either as a victim or as a perpetrator. Attackers feel teased, per
secuted, bullied, threatened, or injured by others before the attacks. Impor
tant issues to cover in the assessment include verification of the threat, as
well as exploration of the ongoing intent, the focus on the threat, the intensity
of the threat preoccupation, the access to weapons, and the concern expressed
in the child’s environment. Parents may demonstrate pathological levels of
denial, indicating a chaotic home environment, a highly conflicted parent
child relationship, and inadequate limit setting.
Contemporary models of antisocial behavior recognize both social and
biological factors, reflecting the assumption that both types of factors inter
play in a complex fashion to influence the development and persistence of

antisocial behaviors. Genetic influences are suggested for lifelong, persistent
antisocial behaviors rather than for adolescence-limited behaviors (Popma
and Vermeiren 2008) (see Note 2 at the end of this chapter). Research in
creasingly shows that multiple genes are simultaneously involved to create
the susceptibility for antisocial behavior.
Otnow Lewis’s (1991) advice to clinicians working with children with con
duct disorder is particularly applicable to those dealing with aggressive and vi
olent behaviors: “Clinicians are obliged to attempt to overcome the negative
feelings toward the child that may be aroused by the child’s frightening and
obnoxious behaviors. One must embark on the evaluation of a behaviorally
disturbed child with curiosity and an open mind” (p. 571). Negative responses
toward the patient (i.e., countertransference) may interfere with the clinician’s
ability to thoroughly and systematically assess these children.
If the clinician knows in advance that the child is likely to be aggressive or
self-abusive, he or she should make preparations beforehand to meet the
child’s special needs. No matter how syntonic a child’s aggression seems to be,
the clinician should assume that the child is anxious about, if not afraid of, the
possibility of losing control. If the child appears to have this anxiety, the exam
iner should reassure the child that every effort will be made to help him to stay
under control or to regain control, if needed. The examiner may need to con
sider psychopharmacological interventions, hospitalization, or other options.
The diagnostic interview should be stopped if the examiner becomes con
cerned with his or her personal safety. If this happens, the examiner should
take the steps needed to prevent the patient from injuring anyone.
During the evaluation of a volatile, labile, or aggressive adolescent, the ex
aminer should avoid provoking the patient any further. The examiner should
also be attentive to signs that the patient is about to lose control. Regard
less of the etiology of the aggressive behavior, all communications and inter
ventions need to take into account that the patient is struggling to maintain
self-control and is experiencing an ongoing disturbance with his or her sense
of self—a narcissistic disturbance that needs to be identified, abreacted, un
derstood, and if possible repaired. Something has injured the patient’s self
esteem and the patient’s narcissism to the point that he needs to resort to ag
gressive behavior to restore his self-worth (i.e., to repair the perceived injury). If
the examiner knows the nature of the injury, he should offer empathic com
ments regarding the perceived injury, evaluate the patient’s response to such
comments, and explore alternatives to deal with the identified injury. The
examiner will be more successful if he assesses aggression in this broader
context and prudently assumes that the patient may lose control at perceived
provocations.
Depending on the individual case, the patient may appear defensive, sus
picious, fearful, or ashamed. If the patient feels humiliated or has been hu
miliated, he or she may anticipate further humiliation or even retaliation for
aggressive, hateful, and vengeful feelings. Some adolescents who are strug
gling with aggressive feelings may experience shame or guilt secondary to
intense anger and the fear of losing control. The examiner should explore para
noia and other psychotic features exhaustively.
The examiner’s emphasis in dealing with aggressive adolescents is to de
termine their propensity for violence and to establish whether such adoles
cents are at imminent risk of losing control. If the examiner determines that
the patient is on the verge of losing control, the examiner needs to be extra
cautious in his or her approach and demeanor and should be particularly ju
dicious with his or her words.
Regardless of the nature of the aggression, the examiner’s priority is to help
the patient regain a sense of self-control. Lion (1987) expressed this princi
ple in the following manner: “The evaluator’s goal [when meeting belligerent
and violent patients], whenever possible, is to convert physical agitation and
belligerence into verbal catharsis. This principle holds true irrespective of the
etiology of the patient’s violence” (p. 3).
Because a history of violence is the best predictor of future violence, the ex
aminer should make a comprehensive inquiry into this area. The following
questions may be pertinent: Has the child ever lost control? What has been the
nature of the child’s dyscontrol? Has the child ever hurt someone? Does the
child intend to harm someone? Has the child developed a plan to kill someone?
The examiner should remember his duty to protect potential victims.
Many adolescents exhibit a facade of bravado or a bullish attitude. The
examiner should take these surface behaviors seriously. An attempt to chal
lenge these defenses carries a serious risk and is not recommended; the child
might act out to prove to the examiner that she can do what she says. By stress
ing the dangerousness of threatened behaviors and highlighting the poten
tial risks of what the adolescent is contemplating or the repercussions of the
intended behaviors, the examiner may help the adolescent to take another look
at his intentions and may also help the adolescent to better understand his
potential for acting out.
Being honest, direct, and compassionate are indispensable qualities in
building trust with aggressive children. When adolescents have grown up in
deceptive and manipulative environments, they expect that everyone else (the
examiner included) will try to put something over on them or to “con” them.
If being honest and direct are indispensable qualities, they are of particular
importance when dealing with hostile and assaultive adolescents. Issues need
to be discussed plainly and directly.
When the examiner meets the adolescent, the examiner should make ex
plicit what she already knows about the adolescent and should encourage
the adolescent to present his side of the problem. The following case exam
ple demonstrates this practice.
Case Example 1
Todd, a 13-year-old Caucasian male, came reluctantly for a psychiatric eval
uation. He said to the examiner, “I don’t have to see you. I don’t need any
help.” He was evaluated because of physically abusive behavior toward his
mother. He had also threatened to kill her. Recently, Todd had brought a
loaded gun into his house and had threatened to use it against his mother.
Todd had beaten his mother many times before. He was unruly and at home
did pretty much what he wanted. He was the only male in the household.
The interviewer focused on Todd’s homicidal intentions toward his mother:
INTERVIEWER: I understand you want to kill your mother.
TODD: I don’t like that bitch.
INTERVIEWER: You have threatened to kill her.
TODD: She gets on my nerves. I hate her.
INTERVIEWER: You took a loaded gun and threatened to kill her.
TODD: I was joking.
INTERVIEWER: You seem to be capable of killing her.
TODD: I just wanted to see what she was going to do.
INTERVIEWER: Sounds like you are looking for reasons to kill her.
TODD: She makes me so mad!
INTERVIEWER: You are looking for excuses to do it.
Todd started feeling anxious and smiled nervously. He said that he didn’t want
to live at home anymore. The examiner said, “There is a part of you that does
not want to lose control.”
At this point, Todd let his guard down, and his bullish facade faded. He
acknowledged that he had problems controlling himself and was receptive to
the examiner’s recommendations. The interview proceeded in a more com
fortable tone, and Todd’s interest and participation in the diagnostic assess
ment improved.
Although psychiatric examiners pay attention to issues of aggressive be

havior (e.g., physical and sexual abuse) perpetrated against children, they are
less attentive to the aggressive and other abusive behaviors that children
perpetrate against their parents and siblings. Also of concern are children’s
behaviors against themselves. These aggressive behaviors need to be ex
plored on a regular basis.
The following case example illustrates an interview with a primitive, ag
gressive, and self-abusive female adolescent.
Case Example 2
Sally, a 17-year-old Caucasian female, had been admitted to the state hospital
many times for severe episodes of explosive and assaultive outbursts accompa
nied by self-abusive behaviors. She had severe impairments in interpersonal
relationships: she was markedly withdrawn and stayed away from people most
of the time. Although endowed with normal intelligence, she had major prob
lems in school because of her pervasive dysphoria and temper outbursts. As
she grew older, her attendance at school became a regular problem because
she had difficulties waking up in the mornings. She had an “awful” mood in the
mornings, but her mood and attitude would improve somewhat by noon each
day. Her school schedule had been adjusted accordingly.
Sally’s self-abusive behavior consisted of savage self-biting and self-cutting
of the forearms and self-inflicted injuries to the hands and knuckles that re
sulted from hitting walls. She had been assaultive to many members of the
hospital staff and to peers. She had been put in restraints and had received
additional medications as needed on numerous occasions. Many psycho
pharmacological treatments had been tried unsuccessfully.
The psychiatric consultant was asked to ascertain whether Sally exhibited
evidence of an affective disorder. About a dozen clinical staff members at
tended this consultation. Upon arriving to the consultation area, Sally refused
to sit in the designated chair. She was a heavyset adolescent with ambiguous
secondary sexual characteristics: her haircut, facial appearance, and demeanor
lacked femininity. Shortly after sitting down, she stood up and said, “Fuck you,”
to the group; began to suck her right thumb; and exited promptly from the
room, grumbling on her way out. The consultant felt that the large audience
had overwhelmed her and that a more private evaluation was needed.
The consultant found Sally sitting with a nurse in the hospital lobby area.
She was sucking her thumb again and was also rubbing her eyebrows, rituals
she performed regularly when she felt anxious or overwhelmed. The consul
tant attempted to engage her in a verbal exchange while allowing her to keep
her distance (the consultant sat at least 15 feet away from her). Sally acknowl
edged that too many people made her nervous. The interaction continued at
a distance, with Sally and the consultant speaking loudly to each other.
The consultant, sensing that Sally was not amenable to a variety of topics,
chose to test the waters by bringing up the topic of discharge. Initially, Sally
said that she was never going to leave, but when the nurse said that she
thought Sally had been working on this goal, Sally agreed to discuss what she
needed to do to leave the hospital.
The consultant asked Sally if he could sit closer to her. She said it was fine
with her. He sat one chair away from her and continued the psychiatric inter
view. She said she wanted to go home but her family was not looking forward
to her return. The consultant asked Sally what was expected of her before she
could go home. She spoke about the need to control her anger and to be less
self-abusive. The consultant then asked what kind of progress she had made
in those areas. She lifted the left sleeve of her shirt, showing him thick resolv
ing scabs from recently inflicted self-injuries. Sally indicated that she was
now less self-abusive than before. She also said that she was trying to control
herself better and was doing so by staying away from people.
The consultant asked Sally if she could talk about her mood in the morn
ings. She nodded and said that she had a very bad mood in the mornings; she
felt very angry and feared losing control and hurting someone at those times.
To control these feelings, she would try to sleep until noon because by mid
day she felt in better control of herself. She denied feeling suicidal and said
that she did not want to hurt anyone but acknowledged that she felt very ner
vous around people.
The consultant had observed by this time that any topic that raised Sally’s
level of anxiety would simultaneously elicit the self-regulatory behaviors of
thumb sucking and eyebrow rubbing. The consultant asked Sally who her
best friend was, and she said it was her 4-year-old cousin, who liked her and
played with her. Her second best friend was her father. The consultant had
learned that Sally’s mother, who had abused drugs, abandoned Sally in early
infancy. He did not ask Sally to discuss anything related to her mother.
Sally refused to say whether there were any other important persons in
her life. When the consultant approached the issue of medications, she said
that they did not help. She reluctantly acknowledged that one antipsychotic
medication had helped. She denied experiencing any hallucinations. She
even denied feeling paranoid. When asked what activities she enjoyed, she
said that she liked to take care of plants.
By this time, she was smiling occasionally and even became playful by
making fun of the consultant. After the consultant asked Sally about the pres
ence of paranoid feelings, he asked her if she had any unusual experiences.
She said she had “EPS” [extrapyramidal symptoms]. The consultant thought
she had said “ESP” [extrasensory perception] and continued without catch
ing his mistake. When the consultant realized that Sally had said EPS, Sally
began to laugh. She said that she had fooled the consultant. Both Sally and the
consultant laughed. Sally then said that sometimes she knows what the other
person is going to say. The consultant replied that ESP is important in dealing
with people. As the interview proceeded, Sally agreed that she had a big prob
lem with her mood and agreed to try some medications that might help her
with this problem.
The consultant closed his contact with Sally on positive terms. When he
was leaving the hospital building, he could see Sally at a distance. She waved
at him, and he waved and smiled back at her.
This interview had been carried out in unusual circumstances; Sally was
a very uncooperative and volatile patient. Because of her unpredictability,
the consultant made a special effort not to aggravate her more and took great
care in forming and maintaining an alliance with her. The consultant was de
liberate in the selection of areas or issues that he felt were appropriate and
safe to discuss. Despite these difficulties, a genuine engagement occurred,
and the evaluation was helpful and productive. The information and observa
tions gathered during the interview helped the consultant to conclude that
Sally exhibited evidence of mood and anxiety disorders.
The examiner should strive to determine the history and epigenesis of ag
gressive behaviors. Aggressive children frequently have a history of problem
atic temperament, persistent oppositional behaviors, impulsiveness or con

duct problems, poor social cognitions, coercive discipline (i.e., involving
physical punishment), and peer relationship problems. Self-abusive behav
ior is a common symptom in impulsive-aggressive children.
Loeber and Hay (1994) proposed an epigenesis of aggressive behavior that
starts with the infant’s difficult temperament and an unsuitable caregiver
(poor infant-caregiver matching). This poor match is followed by the persis
tence of oppositional behaviors, which produces a developmental arrest in
the socialization process in a variety of ways. The parental figure then gives
up out of frustration. The parent begins to pay attention exclusively to the
child’s negative behavior and becomes unresponsive or stops giving positive
feedback. This parental behavior alters the child’s social cognitions. The child
begins to perceive bad intentions from others and to display aggression as a
means to solve problems because he or she lacks adaptive problem-solving
skills. This pattern of response creates rejection from the peer group. At this
point, association with deviant peer groups is an expected step.
In evaluating a patient who exhibits aggressive or assaultive behaviors, the
examiner should obtain the patient’s passive and active histories of violence.
The passive history relates to victimization (e.g., the patient’s history of phys
ical or sexual abuse); the active history refers to violence perpetrated against
others, including physical or sexual violence (e.g., physical assault, rape).
The examiner should strive to link a patient’s aggressive behavior to spe
cific psychiatric syndromes and other comorbid conditions (e.g., ADHD, con
duct disorder, bipolar disorder, psychotic disorders, substance use dis
orders) that may contribute to aggressive dyscontrol. Aggressive children
demonstrate serious deficits in problem-solving skills and peer relationships.
These deficits should be addressed in a comprehensive treatment plan that
focuses on aggressive behaviors and related problems.
Otnow Lewis (1996) described evidence in violent youths of psychosis
(e.g., paranoid delusions), affective disorders, neuropsychological dysfunc
tion (e.g., language and cognitive deficits), brain injury (e.g., psychomotor
seizures associated with epilepsy), hyperactivity, impulsivity, and other signs
of brain dysfunction (so-called organicity). The dyscontrol of these individ
uals is an end-pathway deficit resulting from brain injury related to a variety
of causes. These violent persons have a history of head trauma as a consequence
of physical abuse. Evaluation of the presence of brain injury and dysfunction
in violent adolescents must be pursued systematically. Otnow Lewis (1996)
added dissociative disorders to a number of comorbid conditions the exam
iner should scrutinize methodically in children with behavioral dyscontrol.
Biederman et al. (1996) addressed the role of bipolar disorder as a cause of
aggression and behavioral dyscontrol: “Since juvenile mania has high levels of
irritability that can be associated with violence and antisocial behavior...
this overlap between BPD [bipolar disorder] and conduct disorder is not
surprising....If this overlap continues to be confirmed, these findings may
provide some new leads as to the possibility of subtypes of mood-based an
tisocial disorders not previously recognized” (p. 1006).
Children with so-called borderline disorder psychopathology display a broad
spectrum of functional impairments. These include overwhelming rage and
violent fantasies (with extreme anxiety and loss of control); rapid regression in
thinking and reality testing; affective control difficulties; extreme vulnerability
to stress with psychotic decompensation; chronic regressive states; severe
separation anxiety; generalized restricted development (in relationships, af
fect, cognition, and language); and schizoid retreat into preoccupations with
fantasy life and withdrawal from relationships (Lewis 1994).
The new DSM-5 diagnosis of disruptive mood dysregulation disorder
(DMDD; American Psychiatric Association 2013) should be considered in
the differential diagnosis of violence in childhood (see next section).
Evaluation of Bipolar Symptoms

The diagnosis of bipolar disorder in children is a major clinical challenge for
psychiatrists because children do not display classically described symptoms
of adults and the classical picture of this disorder may not easily be recog
nized in young patients. Controversy exists about the legitimacy or validity
of the diagnosis in preadolescents (see Note 3 at the end of this chapter).
Clinical features of bipolar disorder in childhood and adolescence may
often overlap with those of other disorders (such as ADHD) or be interpreted
as extremes of “normal” childhood behaviors. Despite the heterogeneity in
presentation of symptoms, the manic symptoms, as described in the DSM
5 diagnostic criteria for mania, remain consistent with those identified in
adults (Van Meter et al. 2016). Bipolar disorder in its classical manifestations
becomes even more common as the child advances throughout adolescence.
During late adolescence, the clinical picture becomes progressively similar
to that described in adults.
The diagnosis of bipolar disorder has become more common in recent
years. In outpatient visits by patients age 19 and younger, bipolar disorder
was diagnosed in 25 per 100,000 visits in 1994 and in more than 1,000 of
100,000 visits in 2003, representing a 40-fold increase. In inpatient popula
tions, the diagnosis increased sixfold between 1996 and 2004 (Singh 2008).
No doubt, there was an overextension of this diagnostic category, bringing un
necessary polypharmacy to a great number of children and adolescents so
misdiagnosed. In an attempt to address the overuse of in the bipolar disor
der diagnosis, DSM-5 introduced the diagnosis of disruptive mood dysreg
ulation disorder to include clinical presentations of children and adolescents
with history of chronic irritability and frequent aggressive outbursts in whom

the more classic manic symptoms are not evident (Van Meter et al. 2016).
These children have a different clinical presentation, clinical course and
evolution, family aggregation, and genetic background than prima facie bi
polar cases. The irritable or angry mood must be characteristic of the child, be
ing present, most of the day, nearly every day, and noticeable by others in the
child environment (Criterion D in DSM-5; American Psychiatric Association
2013, p. 156). In DSM-5, the term bipolar disorder is explicitly reserved for
episodic presentations of bipolar symptoms (p. 157). Characteristically,
DMDD is more prevalent in males, whereas in bipolar disorder, the prevalence
is even for males and females (p. 158). Although DMDD is included in the de
pressive disorders, emerging data suggests that DMDD appears to have greater
overlap with ODD symptoms (Freeman et al. 2016; Mayes et al. 2016) and that
treatment of ADHD symptoms with stimulants significantly improves symp
toms of aggression and mood (Blader et al. 2016).
Skeptical clinicians believe that early bipolar disorder in children is nothing
more than a severe form of ADHD (so-called bad ADHD). About this contro
versy, Goodwin and Jamison (2007) wrote, “Overall, studies of manic symp
toms in children and adolescents may indicate true bipolar disorders in
some cases, but in other cases, these symptoms may be mainly markers of
severe emotionality and disruptive behaviors” (p. 194). Post et al. (2002) de
scribed a series of developmental factors in the evolution of bipolar disorder
(Table 10–1). The critical factor in the differential diagnosis of early-onset
bipolar disorder is not the ADHD symptomatology, because manic children
and children with ADHD have symptoms that overlap significantly in this
area. The difference is in the mood presentation—mania and hypomania,
explicitly—and, more importantly, in the history of mood dysregulation
with episodicity.
Geller and Luby (1998; cited in Goodwin and Jamison 2007) described five
symptoms that differentiate children with bipolar disorder from those with
ADHD: elation, grandiosity, racing thought or flight of ideas, lack of need for
sleep, and hypersexuality. In Geller and Luby’s sample, 60% of children with
bipolar disorder displayed psychosis, including 50% of children who showed
grandiose delusions. Psychosis was a negative predictor of morbidity and in
capacitation. The high frequency of psychoses in children with bipolar disor
der is in accord with Pavuluri, who described a range of psychosis from 16%
to 88% with a prominent prevalence of grandiose delusions (Pavuluri et al.
2004, p. 188).
When assessing children for bipolar disorder, examiners often ask par
ents and/or teachers about children’s demonstration of symptoms. Requir
ing endorsement of manic symptoms from both parents and teachers leads
to the diagnosis of children who have greater severity of impairment (Carl
Table 10–1. Developmental factor s in the evolution of bipolar

disorder
Age at emergence,
Factor years
Irritability-dyscontrol (impulsivity, tantrums, 1–3

aggression, hyperactivity)
History of violence —
Depression By 8–12
Mania (racing thoughts, grandiosity, mood 7–12
elevation, bizarre behavior)
Psychosis–suicidal behavior 9–12
Source. Adapted from Post et al. 2002. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 269.
son and Youngstrom 2003). Considering the discrepancy of symptom en

dorsement by different observers, as Carlson and Youngstrom (2003) note,
“two conclusions are warranted”:
First is that the stability, validity, and age-related aspects of these cardinal
symptoms of mania are in need of greater attention, and, as with other child
hood conditions, more than one source of information may be necessary for
a better understanding of the phenomenology in question and the validity of the
diagnosis. Second, hyperactive, irritable children who appear to be pervasively
‘euphoric/elated/grandiose’ constitute a more severe seriously disturbed pop
ulation than children without those symptoms, regardless of whether they
have episodes that meet stringently defined mania criteria. (p. 1055)
The following case example involves a preadolescent child whose manic

condition had not been identified.
Case Example 3
Tony, a 5-year-old Caucasian male, had been admitted to an acute inpatient
setting for evaluation of severe aggressive behaviors at home and at school.
Tony displayed overt and inappropriate sexual behavior, including attempts
to have sex with a dog. Tony had a history of mood fluctuations, unpredict
able temper, clear depressive trends, and even suicidal behaviors. He had been
neglected and had been sexually abused by his 16-year-old brother. At the
time of admission to the acute inpatient psychiatric program, Tony was living
with his maternal great-grandmother, who allegedly infantilized him. Tony’s
natural parents were psychiatrically ill: his mother had a diagnosis of bipolar
disorder, and his father had alcoholism. There was a family feud regarding Tony’s
most suitable rearing environment because other relatives felt that the child’s
great-grandmother was senile and mentally unstable.
The therapist who sought the psychiatric evaluation had told the psychia
trist with amusement that Tony had the whole unit in stitches: he went around
the unit cracking jokes and making everybody laugh. Tony’s undeniable manic
episode had not been recognized. He displayed euphoric mood and pressured
speech and was driven and overly friendly; his history of hypersexuality and
family background of bipolar illness had been overlooked.1
Early-onset bipolar disorder differs from the adult version of the disorder.
According to Wozniak et al. (1995), “We found [children with bipolar disor
der] to have a developmentally different presentation from adults with BPD
[bipolar disorder] such that the majority of these children presented with irri
table rather than euphoric mood disturbance, a chronic rather than an epi
sodic course, and a mixed presentation with simultaneous symptoms of
depression and mania” (p. 1577). Currently, Wozniak’s patients would be di
agnosed as having DMDD and not bipolars disorder. DSM-5 (American Psy
chiatric Association 2013) no longer supports statements like “It is develop
mentally possible for childhood-onset manic-depressive illness to be more
severe; to have a chronic non-episodic course; and to have mixed, rapid-cycling
features similar to the clinical picture reported for severely ill, treatment
resistant adults” (Geller and Luby 1997, pp. 1168–1169). It is most likely that
these patients have DMDD.
Hypomanic features are sometimes disregarded because they can be mis
taken for normative childhood behaviors. For example, silliness and clownlike
behavior are often mistakenly considered normal behaviors of childhood.
Parents of hypomanic children often report that their children are unusually
happy or overly silly, laugh for no apparent reason, or show an unusual de
gree of expansiveness, often out of character with their more subdued, if not
depressed, demeanor. More often, however, a protracted course of irritable
mood and prolonged dysphoria is the rule. Some children with hypomanic fea
tures share symptoms with DMDD. The moods of these children shift un
predictably, and the children’s negative moods are prolonged and intense,
despite efforts by sensitive caregivers to soothe the children. Prolonged tem
per tantrums and bouts of violent, destructive, and uncontrollable behaviors
are the norm rather than the exception in early-onset bipolar disorder. Parents
report mood fluctuations, even during the same day, and these mood changes
1
At the time of this writing, Tony is a 30-year-old young adult. He has displayed intermittent
manic and psychotic behaviors over the years. From time to time, he becomes paranoid and ag
gressive in response to delusional perceptions. Tony’s comorbid anxiety and somatoform symp
toms continue to be incapacitating. He lives in a group home and has limited functional
capacity. Tony has continued to receive psychiatric treatment since the initial contact.
often seem unmotivated. The clinician should suspect early-onset bipolar dis
order when the following complaints are present: recurrent dejected states,
prominent irritability, and proneness to angry outbursts in response to even
minor provocations. Since clinicians need to consider DMDD in the differen
tial diagnosis, longitudinal observations and an open mind will offer the best
approach to insure a valid diagnosis.
The examiner should assess bipolar symptoms in terms of the child’s de
velopmental state. For example, a preadolescent with bipolar disorder ex
plained his high energy level by saying that he felt like “I have 100 jet engines
in my body.” In Joe’s case (see Case Example 5 later in this section), the ado
lescent exercised excessively for long periods of time without experiencing
exhaustion.
Grandiosity may have age-related manifestations. Children with bipolar
disorder frequently believe they are superheroes (e.g., Superman, Batman,
Spiderman, Iceman, Wonder Woman). These children believe they can per
form incredible feats, such as “defending the world from alien invaders,” because
they believe they have special strength or special abilities. Some children with
bipolar disorder believe they can fly, have attempted to do so, and have been
injured when they jumped from high places.
Most frequently, children with bipolar disorder display or verbalize aggres
sive themes (e.g., “I can beat anybody”). One 7-year-old child felt so strong
and invincible that he said, “I can beat even God.” Another 7-year-old girl ex
pressed her grandiosity by boasting, “I have two thousand boyfriends.” Yet
another 7-year-old child claimed that he was a millionaire and kept making
plans for all the money he expected to receive from his disability. Adolescents
may be involved in schemes to get rich fast that are similar to the economic mis
judgments made by manic and hypomanic adults. For example, a 16-year-old
adolescent stole a number of checks from his grandfather and forged his sig
nature with the idea of buying some stereo equipment at a cheap price. He was
convinced that he could resell the equipment at a big profit.
Patients sometimes exhibit entrenched traits of arrogance and condescen
sion (see Habib’s case [Case Example 6], later in this section). These individu
als believe they know more than their parents, teachers, or psychiatrists do.
Because of their boastfulness and their persistent devaluation of others, they
frequently clash with peers and with authority figures. Typically, these chil
dren lack friends and get into frequent conflicts with authority figures, in
cluding the law. Parents and other significant figures in these children’s lives
are often impressed by the children’s display of knowledge or by their use of
sophisticated language. Parents may believe that these children have supe
rior intellectual abilities and become incredulous when faced with the real
ity of their children’s abilities.
The expression of hypersexuality also needs to be assessed in reference to

developmental norms. Several of the case examples in this chapter illustrate
inappropriate sexual behavior or hypersexuality (see Tony’s case [Case Exam
ple 3] earlier in this section, and Kathy’s and Joe’s cases [Case Examples 4 and
5, respectively], which follow). Compulsive masturbation, promiscuity, and
other forms of sexual preoccupation must be explored. The examiner should
pursue the possibility of sexual abuse as the cause of these abnormal behav
iors. Because a mixed clinical picture seems to be the norm, the examiner
must always inquire about depressive feelings when the child exhibits hypo
manic traits, and vice versa.
The following cases are clear examples of bipolar disorder in children.
Case Example 4
Kathy, an 11-year-old Caucasian female, was being followed up for a mood dis
order that had started about 1 year earlier. She appeared floridly manic. She
was markedly euphoric (e.g., she laughed boisterously on an ongoing basis),
was driven and restless (e.g., she was unable to sit still for a prolonged period
of time), and was in need of continual redirection. She also had trouble sleep
ing at night. Kathy was sexually preoccupied, and the obsessional quality of her
sexual thoughts was quite disturbing. At school, she had boasted in front of the
class that she was Lorena Bobbitt [who was infamous for emasculating her
husband]. One day, Kathy took a razor blade to school and announced, “I am
going to cut the penises from all the boys.” This created a great consternation
among her classmates, and as a result, she experienced further rejection by her
peers. Kathy also displayed conspicuous regressive behavior. Kathy would touch
her mother repeatedly and would often tell her, in an endearing but childish
manner, “You are so pretty!” or “You are so beautiful!” Occasionally, she would
put her head on her mother’s lap. When Kathy interacted with her mother,
she would talk in a childish and regressive manner.
Kathy also exhibited significant depressive symptoms: she complained
that she felt depressed; cried frequently; and was unhappy about her looks
(she was overweight), her lack of friends, and her feeling that her peers re
jected her. Frequently, she became withdrawn and said that she wanted to die.
Kathy’s clinical presentation was not very different from Joe’s.
Case Example 5
Joe was a 14-year-old Hispanic male who had been diagnosed at age 12 with
bipolar disorder with mixed features. He had been hospitalized multiple
times in acute psychiatric units for suicidal, homicidal, and psychotic be
haviors. At the time of the last hospitalization, Joe complained of being very
depressed. He said that he wanted to kill himself and had heard command
hallucinations ordering him to do so. He had problems concentrating and
had no motivation to do any homework. He felt very guilty, ashamed, and re
morseful about the sexual feelings he had experienced toward his 37-year
old aunt. These feelings had a compulsive quality. In the past, Joe had com
plained about feeling like having sex with his dog, and he was also disturbed
by these feelings. Joe reported feeling like Superman. He experienced a great
deal of energy: on one occasion, he lifted weights for an entire day because
he didn’t experience any feeling of tiredness. At times, he felt that he was
God and felt that his school classmates were his subjects who needed to pay
homage to him because he was their master.
The following case example provides a dramatic illustration of mixed

manic and depressive features.
Case Example 6
Habib, a 12-year-old male whose mother was Caucasian and whose father was
Arabic, was admitted to an acute care psychiatric unit after he attempted to
hang himself. He had tied his belt to a high bar in the bathroom of a psychi
atric residential treatment facility, had put the belt around his neck, and was
about to jump when he was found.
Habib had been admitted to the residential program 2 months earlier, be
cause his mother believed she could no longer handle his aggressive, explosive,
oppositional, and defiant behaviors. Nine months before that placement,
Habib had been hospitalized for suicidal and homicidal behaviors. Before the
residential placement, Habib had felt progressively depressed and hopeless, and
he had had trouble sleeping. He had dreamed that his father was dying. In re
ality, his stepfather, who had been like a real father to him, was dying of terminal
lung cancer. Since his first admission, Habib had been followed in outpatient
therapy, and a number of psychotropic medications had been tried without
significant benefits.
Habib was a very bright child and was an excellent student. He had very few
friends because of his domineering, condescending demeanor and his low
tolerance for frustration. He had particular problems with his 11-year-old sis
ter, who apparently was afraid of him.
Habib’s stepfather died 5 weeks before the most recent suicidal crisis. This
was a major loss for Habib and his family. His mother was overwhelmed with
her husband’s death. Habib had been progressing satisfactorily in the resi
dential program, and a discharge date had been set for him to return home,
but his mother dreaded his return. Habib’s mother, feeling incapable of han
dling him, told Habib over the phone that she was planning to put him in a
shelter while he waited for a group home placement. It was at this point that
Habib planned to commit suicide. He wrote the following suicide note:
To whom it may concern, I have been torn to shreds emotionally, men

tally, and spiritually. All the strings in my life have been cut. My
mother, my own flesh and blood, has cut the last one today. Now I have
no reason to live. There were many things I wanted to do that I will be
able to do in heaven. I wanted to write the best book of all time. I wanted
to play in the NFL and NBA. I wanted to be a star in the movies and a
singer. I wanted to go to Harvard and Harvard Law to become a litiga
tor. I wanted to be rich and not have to worry about money. I wanted to
skydive and bungee jump and go river rafting. I wanted to improve the
world with my inventions. I wanted to fly a fighter jet in combat for
the marines. I wanted to travel the world and beyond. But more than
anything else I wanted a family, parents, children, and grandchil
dren. I wanted love. I refuse to live in this chaotic world. FUCK YOU,
MAMA!
I love you Casey, Ebony, Meggy, Sleepy, Spike, Sugar, Fay, Thena,
Precious, La’Britt, Goodwin, Matthew F., Troy, Ricky P., Brandon L.,
Scooter, Troy, and everyone from the Center [Habib listed all of the
residential placement staff members].
Sincerely,
Habib
P.S. I also wanted to be a big-time artist, design shoes, and create games.
The reader of this letter will recognize Habib’s pressured speech, marked ver
bosity, depression, sense of hopelessness, and boundless grandiosity. When
Habib mentioned his inventions at the residential program and the therapist
expressed curiosity about them, Habib asked the therapist to sign a letter in
which the therapist would promise not to infringe on his patent inventions!
Constitutional and developmental affective dysregulation are implicated

in early-onset bipolar disorder. Akiskal (1995), developmental considerations
about the emergence of bipolar disorder are relevant:
From a very young age, children of bipolar parents evidence difficulty mod
ulating hostile impulses, extreme emotional responses to relatively minor
provocations such that the responses greatly outlast the provocation, and
heightened awareness of and distress for the suffering of parents and others.
...By late childhood, they have significantly higher rates of comorbid depres
sive, anxious, and disruptive behavioral problems....Such comorbidity might
be interpreted as an indication of emerging dysregulation along irritable
cyclothymic temperamental lines....These findings testify to the affective and
behavioral liabilities, as well as the personal qualities of an emerging bipolar
temperament. (p. 758)
To this, not surprisingly, the author added that for children with a bipolar pro
file, “Encounters with peers and adults, especially parents sharing the same
temperamental dispositions, are bound to be intense, tempestuous and some
times destructive” (p. 758). Akiskal concluded, “The profile of the child at risk
for bipolar illness...suggests that whatever emotion—negative or positive—
these children experience, they seem to experience it intensely and passionately.
Their behavior is likewise dysregulated and disinhibited, which leads to an
excessive degree of people-seeking behavior with potential disruptive con
sequences” (p. 758).
The difficulties in ascertaining the diagnosis of bipolar disorder, as ex

pressed by Carlson in 1990, are still valid today:
While the distinctions between normality, hypomania and mania reflect dif
ferences of degree of disorder, differences between mania, psychotic mania,
schizoaffective mania and schizophrenia raise questions of different disor
ders. Moreover, there is still no unequivocal way to make distinctions. Such
time-honored criteria as degree of thought disorder, or presence of Schneiderian
first rank symptoms and mood incongruent with psychotic symptoms, at
least during the manic episode, have not been reliable in distinguishing a
manic course from a schizophrenic course. (Carlson 1990, p. 332)
Many times, longitudinal developmental follow-up will assist in deciphering

the enigma.
Examiners should exercise caution when diagnosing first psychotic breaks
during adolescence because many presentations appear to be schizophreni
form in nature. The clinical picture changes into a bipolar presentation as the
clinical course unfolds (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter).
The diagnosis of bipolar disorder is also missed in children who abuse al
cohol and other substances. Alcohol abuse in preadolescents is closely asso
ciated with affective disorders. Famularo et al. (1985; quoted in Goodwin and
Jamison 1990, p. 190) asserted that “seven of their ten cases of preadolescent
alcohol abuse or dependence were bipolar or cyclothymic, and the remain
ing three had closely related disorders (major depression with conduct dis
order, atypical psychosis, and atypical affective disorder).”
Table 10–2 lists the constellation of history, signs, and symptoms that
raises the index of suspicion of a bipolar diagnosis in children.
Evaluation of Oppositional Behaviors

Children with ODD pose the greatest challenge for the examining psychia
trist. The challenge is not so much in formulating a diagnosis but in estab
lishing a treatment alliance. These children most often arrive at the psychi
atric evaluation already disgruntled, refusing to speak, and with a defiant and
uncooperative attitude. The examiner quickly realizes that the interview will
be a trying affair because the child avoids eye contact and exhibits a down
cast and defiant demeanor and a tense, if not an angry countenance.
Because children with ODD are hypersensitive to authority figures and
are prone to oppositional or defiant behaviors at the slightest perception of
provocation, the examiner needs to avoid stimulating the child’s oppositional
and provocative defenses. Simply, the examiner needs to avoid falling into
the provocative trap enacted by the patient. The child’s refusal to talk or de
fiant mutism could stimulate angry counter-responses in the examiner; this
Table 10–2. History, signs, and symptoms associated with

bipolar disorder
Evidence of elation during the mental status examination: Euphoria is usually
infectious. Mixed mood, including depressive and hypomanic or manic mood
may be present.
Evidence of grandiosity: Some children feel that they have special powers; they
want to perform the feats of superheroes (e.g., Superman, Batman). Some have
made attempts to fly. Other children are hard to teach because they “know it all.”
Frequently, these children have no friends because they have alienated peers
with their devaluating and condescending attitude. Thus, delusions of grandeur,
primary identification with superheroes, and paranoid symptomatology may be
prominent.
Hypersexuality: Perverse sexual activity may be present.
Episodicity: In bipolar disorder; the mood disorder in major depressive disorder
is chronic.
Positive family history: A family history of mood disorders—in particular,
bipolar disorder (more so when a three-generation history of the disorder is
present)—makes the diagnosis probable.
Judgment impairment: Hypomanic and manic states always involve impairment
of judgment. Some patients develop ill-conceived financial schemes; frequent
“joyriding” and other impulsive actions are commonly reported.
Mood dysregulation: Commonly, these children have a background of chronic
mood disorder with mostly depressive symptomatology. Moodiness and
irritability are commonly present. These children have histories of intense and
prolonged temper tantrums and difficulties with anger control. Some symptoms
overlap with those of disruptive mood dysregulation disorder.
— Depressive delusional manifestations have been considered to be predictive

of a bipolar diathesis. Psychotic depressions are common: the earlier the
presentation of depression, the greater the likelihood of psychotic
symptomatology.
— Severe preadolescent depression with psychomotor retardation may be
a forerunner of bipolar disorder.
— There is history of depression with marked psychomotor retardation or
a history of atypical depression or of hypomania/mania in response to
antidepressant treatment.
— Homicidal or suicidal behavior: frequently, these children have been violent,

assaultive, suicidal, or self-abusive.
— Pressured speech and rushing thoughts may be present.
Table 10–2. History, signs, and symptoms associated with

bipolar disorder (continued)
Psychomotor activation: These children are hyperactive if not driven and are
restless and very impulsive. They may be distractible (many patients have been
diagnosed with ADHD or may have comorbid ADHD). Other related symptoms
are the lack of a need for sleep (i.e., insomnia) and a high level of energy.
Common comorbidities: ADHD, conduct disorder, substance abuse disorder,
anxiety disorders, and borderline personality disorder.
Psychotic symptomatology: Psychotic features are common. Auditory
hallucinations, often of a commanding nature, are present.
Note. ADHD=attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder.
Source. Modified from Cepeda 2010, pp. 276–277.
behavior is due to the child’s satisfaction in enacting a power struggle and his
or her striving to be the victor. A common assumption of children with ODD
is that nobody understands them or will be able to understand them. The ex
aminer should be aware that the oppositional behavior may be related to a
dysphoric state, an affective disorder, or another psychiatric or neuropsychi
atric condition.
The examiner should attempt to moderate the child’s provocative facade
by relating to the child in a straightforward but caring and concerned man
ner. The child becomes a victor if the examiner falls into the child’s trap or if
the examiner gives up the interviewing effort out of frustration over the child’s
lack of cooperation. Facing an overtly uncooperative and defiant child, the
examiner may feel great temptation to plead for cooperation, to give advice,
or to become patronizing. These strategies must be avoided. Table 10–3 of
fers some suggestions on how to deal with and respond to a child with ODD.
The following case example illustrates some of these issues.
Case Example 7
Raul, a 12-year-old Hispanic male, was being evaluated for progressive ag
gressive behavior at home and at school. He had been involved in fights at
school and had been suspended a number of times. He was suspended re
cently for physically assaulting a third grader. After assaulting the boy, he
threatened to kill anyone who reported the incident. At home, Raul got into
frequent fights with his younger brother and argued with, talked back to, dis
obeyed, and provoked his mother on a regular basis. The night before the
evaluation, Raul threatened to run away and also threatened to kill himself.
A short time before the evaluation, Raul’s 8-year-old sister had been removed
from the home because their 14-year-old brother had sexually abused her.
During the preceding 6 months, Raul’s mother had noticed that he was
becoming progressively irritable. She also reported that he had daily angry
Table 10–3. Productive and counterproductive approaches

in dealing with children with oppositional
behaviors
Productive approaches
Be conscious of your behavior with child.
Approach the child in a matter-of-fact manner.
Display warmth and benevolence.
Give the child the benefit of the doubt.
Exercise self-control: be aware of your tone of voice.
Use a positive and assertive tone of voice.
Be concise and to the point when you address the child.
Do not give up; do not give in (giving up is akin to abandonment).
Model problem solving

Focus on the problem at hand, not on the child.
Foster the child’s cooperation.
Engage the child in the solution of the problem.
Praise the child’s steps toward resolving the problem.
Try playfulness and humor.
Do not miss any opportunity to praise or reward the child’s prosocial behavior.
Be empathic toward the child’s plight.
Pinpoint your awareness that the child is hurting.
Attempt to identify with the child’s problems.
Help the child to verbalize sources of distress.
Assist the child in regaining control.
Give the child opportunities to save face.
Use sensitive redirection.

Keep behavioral expectations.
Emphasize the child’s strengths and positive expectations.
Make child aware of behavioral consequences.
Exercise consistent limit setting.
Focus on the here and now.
Reverse roles (help the child to verbalize the experience).
Table 10–3. Productive and counterproductive approaches

in dealing with children with oppositional
behaviors (continued)
Counterproductive approaches
Negative emotional tone
Critical attitude
Insensitive confrontation
Engaging in power struggles
Taking a threatening or intimidating stance
Ignoring the child
Dramatizing or patronizing
Personalizing the problem
Reminding the child of previous mistakes
Making the child feel bad
Source. Modified from Cepeda 2010, pp. 278–279.
outbursts toward her and his siblings. Raul had been in a psychiatric hospital
for treatment of a major depressive episode with psychotic features 4 years
earlier. He had been followed up in outpatient therapy on a weekly basis. At
the time of the current evaluation, Raul was taking antidepressants.
Since Raul was 8 years old, his father had been in prison for dealing drugs.
Raul was in the sixth grade in a special education program, but because of the
recent episode of dyscontrol, he was referred to an alternative school. He had
no significant medical or surgical history. According to Raul’s mother, he had
reached his developmental milestones in a timely manner. Raul’s mother was
afraid that her son had used drugs, and she suspected him of associating with
gangs.
Raul was in a dysphoric mood when he entered the interview room. He
wore casual clothes, and his hair was shaved on both sides of his head. He
gave the examiner a defiant look. The interview proceeded as follows:
INTERVIEWER: Why were you brought for this evaluation?
RAUL (responding in an irritated manner): Go and ask my mother.
INTERVIEWER: Do you know why you were brought to see a psychiatrist?
(Raul shrugged his shoulders and didn’t say anything.)
INTERVIEWER: What problems do you have at home?
(Raul shook his head, made a gesture of displeasure, and shrugged his
shoulders again.)
INTERVIEWER: What problems do you have at school?
RAUL: Fighting.
INTERVIEWER: Have you ever been suspended?
RAUL: Two times.
INTERVIEWER: I wonder if you have been expelled.
RAUL: No.
INTERVIEWER: What kind of fights were those?
RAUL (shouting defiantly): That is something private. That stupid
teacher!
INTERVIEWER: Have you ever been in a gang?
RAUL: That’s personal.
(Because Raul had begun to answer some questions, the examiner re
peated some of the earlier questions.)
INTERVIEWER: What problems do you have at home?
RAUL: Fighting with my brother and arguing with my mother.
INTERVIEWER: Who lives at home?
RAUL: My mother and two brothers.
INTERVIEWER: Do you have a father?
RAUL: He is in prison. (Raul looked down at his lap.)
INTERVIEWER: Why is he in prison?
RAUL: That’s personal. (Raul gave the examiner a defiant look.)
INTERVIEWER: Have you ever gone to see him?
RAUL: No. (Raul became less confrontational.)
INTERVIEWER: Does he ever write to you? Do you ever write back?
RAUL (with sadness): I can’t read. (Raul’s face appeared downcast, and
he rested his head on the table.)
INTERVIEWER: You are sad.
(Raul nodded but didn’t say anything. His head was resting on the table
at this time.)
INTERVIEWER: Do you ever cry?
(Raul nodded again.)
By this time, Raul’s demeanor had softened, and he was more amenable to an
extended interview. By the end of the psychiatric examination, Raul was more
animated and appeared less defiant. The interview was difficult and filled
with tension, but as the engagement increased, the tension and pressure de
creased. By the end of the interview, the examiner had empathic and positive
feelings toward Raul. The examiner persisted in the goal of completing the
psychiatric examination in spite of Raul’s persistent defiance and obstruction
ism. The examiner was firm but related to Raul in a caring manner and avoided
responding to his provocations.
ODD coexists with a variety of comorbid conditions, such as depressive dis

orders, ADHD, DMDD, and psychotic disorders. Oppositional behavior is
not uncommon in children with anxiety and conduct disorders. Severe oppo
sitional behavior is common in children with language disorders (particu
larly receptive disorders), cognitive deficits, limited problem-solving skills,
and other neuropsychological deficits, and in children with narcissistic fea
tures. Many children with oppositional behaviors have a history of abuse, sig
nificant parental inconsistency, and exposure to parental discord or family
violence.
Evaluation of Substance Abuse

Substance use disorders (SUDs) often co-occur with risk-taking, impulsiv
ity, inattention, and conduct problems and a broad trait of personality and
temperament termed behavioral disinhibition. This is a highly heritable
general propensity to not restrain behavior in socially acceptable ways, to
break social norms and rules, to take dangerous risks, and to pursue rewards
excessively despite dangers or adverse consequences (Crowley and Sakai 2015,
p. 931). SUDs have a strong association with conduct disorder and antisocial
behavior. Youths with behavioral disinhibition do very dangerous things, such
as driving under the influence, using multiple substances, carrying weapons,
or fighting frequently, creating a serious risk for both homicide or accidental
injury and premature death (Crowley and Sakai 2015). In the background of
serious SUDs there are multiple drug use and conduct problems, other psychi
atric disorders, a prolong relapse course, family substance and antisocial
problems, and pursuit of exciting pleasures (novelty seeking), while danger or
even mortal risk is ignored. The treatment goal is often to minimize psycho
logical and physical morbidity and mortality (Crowley and Sakai 2015, p. 932).
Crowley and Sakai (2015) recommend the following mnemonic series of
questions, CRAFFT, to screen for SUDs:
• Car. Have you ridden in a car driven by someone, including yourself, who
was high on alcohol or drugs?
• Relax. Do you use alcohol or drugs to relax, change your mood, feel better
about yourself or fit in?
• Alone. Do you use alcohol or drugs when you are by yourself, alone?
• Friend. Has a friend, family member, or any other person ever thought you
have problems with alcohol or drugs?
• Forget. Have you ever forget or regret things you did while using?
• Trouble. Have you ever got in trouble while using alcohol or drugs, or
done something you would normally not do like breaking the law, rules
or curfew, or engage in behavior that put others or yourself at risk?
The authors state that there are 10 fundamental questions to ask to a youth
being evaluated for SUD:
1. Are there serious life problems (e. g., frequent intoxications, intravenous
drug use, fighting, carrying weapons, extensive truancy, runaway behav
iors, criminality, unprotected sex, unplanned pregnancies, experiences
of abuse or neglect, depressions, or suicidal behaviors)?
2. Has there been any emergency response needed?
3. Does alcohol or drugs contribute to your behavioral disinhibition?
4. What is the amount of the substance you use, and what is the route of ad
ministration?
5. Is there any history or alcohol or substance abuse in your family? Any his
tory of behavioral disinhibition?
6. Has parental care, supervision, and monitoring been adequate?
7. Are the problems exacerbated or lessened by any ongoing environmen
tal factors, such as, other family members, friends (including girlfriends
or boyfriends), school, work, church, juvenile officers, therapists, or other
agencies?
8. What may block or facilitate treatment with the patient and family?
9. If treatment were to work, what would be your reasonable goals, a year
from now?
10. What modality of treatment including medications do you think will be
needed to achieve the goal in a year and to maintain success there after?
The authors note that answers to these questions will provide informa
tion to recommend a treatment venue, and treatment selection and execu
tion (Crowley and Sakai 2015, p. 939).
Usually, a person’s first drug contact starts in adolescence; commonly, ad
olescents begin to experiment with so-called licit psychoactive substances such
as alcohol and nicotine. Some youths go on to experiment with illicit drugs
(Szobot and Bukstein 2008). The earlier the onset, the more serious the SUD;
earlier onset is associated with sexual risk behaviors and teen pregnancy (Crow
ley and Sakai 2015, p. 934). The rate of SUDs is higher in children and ado
lescents with affective disorders, anxiety disorders, and bipolar disorder. Al
though the role of ADHD in substance use disorder is controversial, when
compared with children without these disorders, persons who have experienced
trauma in childhood are at a higher risk of SUD (Szobot and Bukstein 2008).
Youths with SUDs may have a dysfunction in the brain reward system involved
in motivation, salience, and capacity to delay gratification (Szobot and Buk
stein 2008) (see Note 5 at the end of this chapter).
When assessing drug abuse in adolescents, the examiner should 1) assess
the severity of the drug abuse problem (preferred drugs, past and present
use, age at onset of abuse, frequency, quantity, consequences from use, treat
ment experience and response); 2) determine risk factors and protective fac
tors; and 3) assess mediating factors (i.e., reasons for the substance use, drug
preference, expectations, readiness to change behavior, self-efficacy) (Kaminer
2008). Self-reporting of drug use by adolescents is generally valid and detects
more drug use than laboratory tests or collateral reports (Kaminer 2008) (see
Note 6 at the end of this chapter).
Key Points
• Externalizing symptoms include hyperactive and impulsive
behaviors, aggressive and violent behaviors, features of ma
nia and hypomania, oppositional behaviors, and substance
abuse.
• Externalizing disorders may exist as primary or comorbid dis
orders (see discussion in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internaliz
ing Symptoms”).
• The examiner is successful in interviewing children with ex
ternalizing symptoms by engaging them or by interacting
with them with a helpful, hopeful, and noncritical attitude.
Notes
1. The most frequently used structured instruments for the “actuarial” as
sessment of violence are the HCR-20, the Classification of Violence Risk,
and the Violence Risk Appraisal Guide. Although the HCR-20 was cre
ated for adults, this protocol has significant implications for assessment
of violence in youths. The HCR-20 (Webster et al. 1997) includes 20 rat
ings addressing historical, clinical, and risk management. The 10 histor
ical items are 1) previous violence, 2) age at onset of first violent episode,
3) unstable relationships, 4) employment (school) problems, 5) substance
use problems, 6) major mental illness, 7) psychopathy (enduring conduct
disorder behaviors), 8) early maladjustment, 9) personality disorder, and
10) supervision failure. The five clinical factors are 11) lack of insight,
12) negative attitudes, 13) active symptoms of mental illness, 14) impulsiv
ity, and 15) no response to treatment. The five risk management factors are
16) feasibility of the plan, 17) exposure to destabilizers, 18) lack of per
sonal support, 19) noncompliance with remediation attempts (medica
tions, therapies), and 20) stress.
The Classification of Violence Risk (Monahan et al. 2005) is an inter
active software program designed to estimate the risk that an acute psy
chiatric patient will be violent toward others in the coming months. The
program measures 40 risk factors. Three categories of risk factors are
generated: 1%, 26%, and 76% likelihood of violence.
The Violence Risk Appraisal Guide (Quinsey et al. 1996), which mea
sures 12 risk factors designed to predict violence in offenders with mental
illness, has impressive predictive validity. The authors of the assessment

do not allow for any clinical review of the structured risk estimate gen
erated by the instrument (Monahan 2008).
Two scales have the greatest psychometric support for adolescents. The
Hare PCL: Youth Version (Forth et al. 2003) requires a 60- to 90-minute
expert interview and provides a score but has no cutoff values for cate
gorical diagnosis or risk of violence. The Structured Assessment of Vio
lence Risk for Youth (Borum et al. 2005) guides trained evaluators in a
systematic assessment of risk factors associated with violence. A final de
termination of risk as minimal, moderate, or high is reached. Prospective
validity of these scales has not been demonstrated (Ash 2008).
2. An interplay exists between genetics and environment: a genetic suscepti
bility for antisocial behavior may remain latent in the absence of negative
environmental factors, such as harsh parenting or living in a criminal neigh
borhood. Certain genotypes may be protective against or increase vulnera
bility for antisocial behavior; thus, maltreated children with a genotype
conferring high levels of monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) expression
were found to be less likely to develop antisocial problems than were mal
treated children with a genotype conferring low levels of MAOA expres
sion (Popma and Vermeiren 2008).
3. The controversy surrounding the diagnosis of mania in preadolescence
is similar to the controversy surrounding the diagnosis of depression in
preadolescence before it was recognized officially in the mid-1970s. Many
clinicians do not accept that children of early latency or preschool age
might exhibit such a severe symptom complex. Mania is both an inter
nalizing and an externalizing disorder (Carlson and Youngstrom 2003).
Hechtman (1999) explained that the bipolar disorder diagnosis is overused
in children due to 1) modifications to DSM-IV (American Psychiatric As
sociation 1994) diagnostic criteria (irritability for mania, chronic instead of
episodic course); and 2) the overlap of diagnostic criteria between ADHD
and bipolar disorder. Five of seven symptoms for the diagnosis of mania are
shared with ADHD. Hechtman asserted that the diagnosis of bipolar disor
der should not be made lightly and that it should require strong, sound ev
idence. She commented that no large epidemiological studies had been
done supporting the over-inclusiveness of the bipolar disorder diagnosis.
Pliszka (1999) supported the need for longitudinal studies and favored
strict criteria for bipolar diagnosis. He pointed out diagnostic ambigui
ties between intermittent explosive disorder and bipolar disorder. Hecht
man (1999) and Pliszka (1999) both warned that psychopharmacological
response should not be considered confirmatory of bipolar disorder. The
ongoing controversy notwithstanding, Kraepelin found that 0.4% of his pa
tients (i.e., 1 in 200 cases) had displayed manic features before age 10 years
(Goodwin and Jamison 1990). The new DSM-5 DMDD will allow clini
cians to find diagnostic alternatives for children and adolescent who were
previously and easily diagnosed as bipolar.
4. When parents of high-risk offspring were queried about how early they
would approve intervention in their children, 60% thought that acute med
ication interventions were warranted at the onset of moderate symptoms;
in very high risk, 70%; the approval rate increased to 80% at the onset of
severe symptoms and to 99% when a definite diagnosis was made. For
long-term treatment, the rates are lower: 45% of parents would approve
medication use for the onset of moderate symptoms, 65% for onset of se
vere symptoms, and 93% for a definite diagnosis. Only 7.1 of the parents
would wait for the occurrence of multiple episodes or a definite diagno
sis (Post et al. 2002).
5. Why are some adolescents and not others at higher risk for drug use? The
ventral striatum (nucleus accumbens) activates vigorously when rewards
are expected. For adolescents not exposed to drugs, the risk taking is neg
atively correlated with the strength of the anticipated excitement. That is
not the case in adolescents exposed to drugs. So differences in striatal
structure and function are neural markers for individual differences in
risk taking, including drug risk taking. In addition, when attempting to in
hibit a behavior, these youngsters have diminished neural activation in
numerous brain regions, and such hypoactivation predicts drug and con
duct problems several years later (Crowley and Sakai 2015, p. 936).
6. Administration of screening instruments is the first step in assessing drug
abuse. Reliable and valid screening tools include the Personal Screening Ex
perience Questionnaire, Substance Abuse Subtle Screening Inventory,
Drug Use Screening Inventory—Revised, and Problem Oriented Screen
ing Instrument for Teenagers. Measures for the assessment of drug abuse
severity include the Teen Addiction Severity Index, Adolescent Drug Abuse
Diagnosis, and Personal Experience Inventory (Kaminer 2008).
CHAPTER 11
Evaluation of Abuse and

Other Symptoms
We discuss in this chapter issues related to the exploration of abuse and a

number of other symptoms that do not fit well into the categories of either
internalizing or externalizing symptoms. The assessment of these symptoms
may involve agencies such as the legal system.
Evaluation of Bullying
The assessment of bullying should be a regular component of a comprehen
sive psychiatric evaluation of preadolescents and adolescents. The experience
of bullying is implicated in a multiplicity of mental health issues in the victims,
including an increased incidence of suicides and homicides (see Note 1 at the
end of this chapter). Longitudinal studies have demonstrated the long-term
effects of bullying beyond childhood and adolescence on physical and men
tal health and even on socioeconomic status, social relationships and overall
quality of life (Takizawa et al. 2014). Indicators that should raise the index of
suspicion that bullying might be taking place are listed in Table 11–1.
Malmquist (2008) discussed bullying as a major school problem. Bullying
includes 1) being called names, being made fun of, or being insulted; 2) be
ing subjected to rumors; 3) being threatened with harm; 4) being pushed,
shoved, tripped, or spit on; 5) being made to do things one does not want to;
and 6) purposefully being excluded from groups or activities or purposeful
destruction of personal property. A student survey indicated that 16% of chil
273
Table 11–1. Behaviors that indicate that a child may be

experiencing bullying
Abrupt decline in school function
Development of suicidal thoughts or self-harm behaviors
Withdrawal from family and friends
New-onset anger outbursts or depressive symptoms
School avoidance or refusal
Sudden dissatisfaction with or desire to change appearance
Refusal or avoidance of previously enjoyed social activities
New concerns with looks or body appearance
dren endorsed being bullied during the current school term and that up to
30% of students in grades 6–10 reported they had been involved in a bullying
incident as a bully or as a target.
According to Barker et al. (2008), most adolescents follow a low or declin
ing trajectory of bullying and victimization from early to mid-adolescence,
indicating a decrease in the prevalence of victimization and bullying with
age. The inclusion of a category of “high/increasing bullying and high/de
creasing victimization” suggests that some students transition from victim
to bully status during adolescence—a rather common trajectory for bullying
victims to turn passive into active and become bullies themselves. Although not
all bullies are victimized, victims have a high probability of engaging in bul
lying behaviors. Those transitioning from victimization to bullying learn to
modulate anger in favor of more planned, instrumental aggression. In Barker
et al.’s study, those boys and girls who engaged in greater bullying behavior
were higher in overall delinquency and self-harm.
Bullying is a form of interpersonal aggression focused on peer victimization
(see Note 2 at the end of this chapter). The three characteristics differentiat
ing bullying from other types of interpersonal aggression are intentionality,
repetition, and an imbalance of power (Hymel and Swearer 2015). As a result,
when assessing bullying, the interviewer should explore the frequency of epi
sodes (repetition), whether the bullying statements or behaviors are directed
toward a single individual or group in general (intentionality), and the per
ceptions of status (power imbalance). The assessment of power imbalance
should include exploration of topics such as physical size and strength and
social and economic status, as well as use of and access to weapons. In boys,
bullying frequently takes the form of physical aggression (assaultive behaviors
or threats of violence), whereas girls are more prone to relational aggression
(exclusion or emotional/verbal abuse). Although bullying has traditionally been
Evaluation of Abuse and Other Symptoms 275
considered a hallmark of “life on the playground,” the advent of mobile tech

nology, the Internet, and social media has extended the reach of bullying and
has brought about the concept of cyberbullying.
Cyberbullying is also named electronic aggression, cyber aggression, and
online harassment. Common electronic aggressive behaviors include hostil
ity (e.g., insults, threats), humiliation (e.g., posting an embarrassing picture),
obsessive monitoring or control (e.g., intrusive texts), deception (e.g., using
a fake social media profile to interact with another), and exclusion (e.g., un
friending). The estimates of the prevalence of cyberbullying among children
and adolescents in middle and high school fall between 10% and 40% (Ramos
and Bennett 2016). It appears that electronic aggression during adolescence
continues into college (Ramos and Bennett 2016, p. 24). The most common
platforms for bullying include message boards, social networking sites, blogs,
Twitter, and Web pages. Adolescents who have been cyberbullied report be
coming more withdrawn, losing self-esteem, and feeling uneasy. There are ad
verse effects in relationships with friends and family. Therefore, mobile phone,
social media, and Internet usage should also be assessed during a psychiatric
evaluation.
In light of the intensified focus on bullying as a risk factor for completed
suicides in children and adolescents, the emerging research assists in elucidat
ing the factors that increase the risk for victimization. In the TRAILS (TRack
ing Adolescents’ Individual Lives Survey) study, researchers assessed the im
pact of preschool behaviors, family characteristics, and parental mental health
on bullying. They determined that early risk factors for victimization included
poor motor function and low socioeconomic status; these were statistically
significant risk factors at age 11; preschool aggressiveness was a statistically
significant risk factor at age 13 (Jansen et al. 2011). Poor motor function may
increase the risk for victimization because of the social and self-esteem im
plications. That is, children with poor motor performance may not perform
well in sports or other games that require motor competence and may suffer
exclusion or poor acceptance by peers.
Children who experience frequent bullying and are targeted by more than
one peer experience greater levels of social anxiety, depressive symptoms, and
poor well-being at school (van der Ploeg et al. 2015). Bullying victims also
express higher levels of anger and internalizing behaviors (Lovegrove et al.
2012).
The following is an example of a male adolescent who announced his death
to a number of friends. The mother of one of one these friends, upon reading
the letter, ran over to this adolescent’s home to alert the child’s parents about
the imminent risk. The child was saved. The message reveals many issues re
lated to bullying and adolescents’ struggles; the letter is unedited, except for
the adolescent’s name.
Im writing this letter so you don’t end up asking any questions when I’m
gone. If you’re reading this that means you care enough to know that I’m
quitting. If you’re mentioned in this letter that means I care about you and I
don’t want you to cry or be sad because I can rest in peace finally. I just want
everyone to know that if I’m going to hell then so be it. That is my just pun
ishment, but both ends of the knife were in favor of this act, suicide is a shot
with a very high price. It is not murder, it is not self respect. I just wanted to
live a normal life. A normal brother, normal parents, normal school, just to
be average, standard. I used to hate that but its better than being a fat emo
freak who cuts himself for the stupidest reasons. So let my death not be a sad
one. But a reminder that you can push someone off a ledge without laying a
hand on them. I’m going to start this letter by talking to my friends giving
them clarity.
Dear Mary, I wrote you first because I know this is hitting you the hardest.
Please don’t cut or cry or even die over me. I know I have fallen but you have
to keep moving. You will be a beautiful smart girl in Juilliard whose dream is
to bring a smile to others and yourself through music. Keep moving Soaps, I
know this might psychologically damage you permanently but I’m so, so sorry.
I broke the promise I made to you that I said I would keep living. I will always
be with you to protect you when you are threatened, comfort you when you are
sad, and make you smile with thoughts of happiness. Stay alive. I love you like
a sister.
Dear Judy, please don’t think that I will ever leave you. You are a sweet,
funny, and loving girl and your scars will kin you with rejoice in the future.
Don’t cut no more. Don’t get worse, it would hurt me even if I was dead. I feel
so sorry if I ever hurt you or made you feel excluded to the point of you men
tally and physically hurting yourself. Stay strong, I can tell if you ever have
kids they will love you so much.
Dear Bob, I’ve been through two-thirds of my middle school experience
with you. We’ve switched through different squads, hung out a lot, hated
some people, but I never left your side. You would remind me constantly to
put my dark thoughts where they can’t hurt me or anyone else but I just
couldn’t win the battle this time. I have tried to pull through but so many
people want to hurt me and I feel so much pain every day I can’t handle this
shit anymore.
Dear Hank, I’ve never hated you or been mad at you even for the slightest
second. Even though every time I hear your name I think of that stupid letter.
Ugh goddamn it I hate that letter. Maybe we would have gotten along sooner
if that letter burned in hell before it even reached your hands. I have to admit
I did cut myself when you found out I wrote that piece of shit, but I want you
to know none of it was your fault. I was not sad because you said you were
straight. I saw that coming. I was sad because it created eternal awkwardness
between us. You have forgiven me for the letter already but I still feel like you
would be a little more comfortable around me without it. I don’t usually call
it a letter I call it Lucifer’s diaper. I hate myself for this. Anyway, you are
funny, smart, artistic, thoughtful, and really fun to be around. Take care of
my friend Mary, she might be taking this really hard. Reliving that horren
dous mistake gets me thinking how you don’t hate me after that extremely
disturbing letter.
Dear Tom, can I just say that sometimes I took offense to some of your
jokes, that never ended well. I remember in 2nd grade when I got you in trou
ble for no reason at all and to this day you still hold a grudge. I know I suck
for quitting at life, but if you were in my position no thought would be differ
ent. I know I shouldn’t starve myself, I shouldn’t cut, I shouldn’t be sad all the
time but fuck it. I still think we got along better before I told you I was pan
sexual. Yes.. I seriously think you’re homophobic. Even if it’s just a phase, or
a mental defect, even if I was just born with it I’m dead right now and I still
don’t give a fuck. Everyone hated me just because of a sexual orientation and
that hurts. Its not a choice, being homosexual is the same reason for being
straight. Love is love. Don’t worry, one day not being gay will be as normal as
being black.
Dear Shawn. You are funny, sensitive, smart, and different. Your silly bick
ering with Tom and Bob at the lunch table keeps me entertained. Although
a lot of times I felt forced to choose side between my own friends when you
really got mad at them. I honestly don’t know who starts the arguments but
I could care less because getting along is so much easier. I could never forgive
myself for emotionally scaring you with my absence from life. I just struggled
too much with everything. They can call it a phase, they can say I was just
looking for attention, but that won’t bring me back from the dead. Sorry trig
gering use of words. Anyway don’t stop moving, you will be a wonderful per
son one day buddy.
Dear Sarah, you are hilarious, sweet, thoughtful, and some of the things
you would tell me made my day. Through all the people that would spread
crap about me I feel like I could tell you anything because you kept my secrets
to the fullest. Im sorry I suck at comforting you when you were sad but I of
ten felt I needed to cheer myself up before I could make others happy. I know
you’d get mad at me when I would do suicidal things but I want to apologize
for everything. We were very close and that will never change. Stay up and
don’t fall like I did.
Dear Louise, I wish you didn’t have to hear this because I know this would
hurt you a hella lot. But I am no longer physically here. At my point of view
in writing this I don’t know if I’m going to hell or heaven but I just feel so
sorry for leaving you like this. I remember one day you were crying and I felt
so bad because I was just sitting there because I suck ass at comforting peo
ple. I know that you have struggled with this stuff in the past. Please Louise,
let it stay in the past. I want you to move on so that if you’re ever sad again my
ghost ass can climb out of my grave and give you a hug whenever and wher
ever you are. You are funny, supportive, sweet, pretty, and honestly (George
didn’t deserve you). We are really close and dead or alive it’s gonna fucking
stay that way so get comfortable. I love you like a sister and I would appreci
ate it if you kept on moving. I was so stupid to leave you traumatized like that
but I just couldn’t get this monster out of my head.
Dear Martha, you are closer than my BFF you are family. No really you’re
my cousin. I was really sad when you went to Europe and worse when you went
to Florida but if its for your own good I’m all for it. Nothing will ever separate,
not even death. And if you need someone to talk to I will always be there, be
cause I know that I would never call you and I’m really sorry. Everything just
built up in my head and I got so distraught that I stopped contacting you. You
have helped me win battles with people who really hated me. You are sweet,
smart, beautiful, and insanely kind to anyone. You will grow up to be more
than the best as long as you don’t quit. Never quit because even though I
never came to enjoy the reward of the future, you will and you will live it up
because that’s all I ever cared. That you didn’t turn out like me. You are my
family and I love you.
To anyone that I didn’t mention in this letter if I hated you then fuck you
but thank you for helping me get stronger. If I love you then I am really sorry
for flaking out on the world and never be a Jonathan because I am just a lonely
loser who ragequit on life because he couldn’t handle a little pain.
I love all of you guys. Thank you for caring. God bless all of you, goodbye
It is very clear that bullying pushed this adolescent over the edge. A number
of this adolescent’s friends had issues with depression, self-abusive behav
iors, identity, and sexual identity concerns. The author of the letter is a gifted
writer, and he was so recognized by his teacher and mentors.
Bullied children have difficulties keeping up with their grades. For many,
grades worsen and behavior problems at school and absenteeism become
common. Depression is associated with cyberbullying, and in some cases cy
berbullying is associated with self-abusive behavior, suicidal ideation, and sui
cide attempts (Wagner 2016). Close to 25% of cyberbullying victims do not
speak about this with anybody. The frequency of bullying is correlated with
the development of depression: 14.8% of youths who were frequently bullied
developed depression by age 18; 7.1% became depressed if they were occa
sionally bullied, and only 5.5% became depressed even though they did not
experience bullying. In other words, bullying increases the risk for the devel
opment of depression threefold; this is true for both sexes. Students who were
bullied were significantly more likely to be sad (51%) or to report suicidal ide
ation (39.3%) and suicide attempts (18.3%) (Wagner 2016, p. 28). It is inter
esting that the students who exercise four or more times per week were less
prone to depression and suicidal ideation even if they were bullied.
When a child or adolescent presents with new-onset depressive symptoms,
anxiety symptoms, school avoidance, or disruptive behaviors (especially anger
and aggression), the examiner should inquire about bullying. Bullying is likely
a trigger or contributing factor to the development of new symptoms or the
loss of adaptive behaviors. Other factors suggestive of bullying include wors
ening of mental health issues with the start of the school year and amelioration
of symptoms during vacations, and sudden onset of symptoms at significant
transitions (e.g., new school, start of a new grade, shifts to middle or high
school). Bullying should also be ruled out in every case of “school phobia.”
Bullying is often a trigger for the onset of mental health symptoms. but
bullying may also result from perceptions of difference by peers. After disclo
sures of sexual orientation or gender confusion, issues of body image (weight
or body flaws), unconventional dressing or makeup (including body pierc

ings, visible tattoos, etc.), or rejection of treatment for medical or mental
health issues, bullying should be suspected.
Although the majority of children and adolescents who present with bully
ing issues typically identify experiences as a victim, the interviewer should also
assess the child or adolescent for experiences as a perpetrator. History that may
shape perpetrator behaviors includes past trauma, family dysfunction, fre
quent school citations, and legal charges. These “bully victims” also experience
higher rates of suicidal thoughts, self-harm, and suicide attempts in compar
ison with children who are classified only as victims (Espelage and Holt 2013)
as in the example of Justin.
Case Example 1
Justin, a 10-year-old Caucasian male, was admitted to the acute inpatient
unit for suicidal ideation and homicidal ideation directed toward his brother.
During the initial interview, Justin reported that he, his mother, and 12-year
old brother had recently moved to a new town where Justin started a new
school. At the new school, he stated peers were bullying him by calling him
“fat” and ridiculing and shunning him for his visual impairment. As a result, he
had become depressed, had stated that he did not want to attend school, and
had voiced threats to shoot himself with a gun. He believed that his peers would
continue to target him and disclosed having nightmares about being harmed
by others. He reported that his homicidal ideation towards his brother was the
result of bullying by his brother and neighborhood peers. He complained that
his brother excluded him from play with the neighbors group and had punched
him during a fight on the day of his admission.
Collateral information from Justin’s mother indicated that he had instigated
the fight with his brother and that Justin had, in fact, punched his brother
hard enough to cause him to fall and hit his head on the ground. Mother con
firmed that Justin frequently was excluded from play with neighbors because
he would easily become assaultive towards them. Although Justin had re
ported that peers were bullying him at school, mother claimed that his princi
pal and teachers had observed no changes in Justin’s behaviors at school and
that peers would often attempt to assist him and include him in their activities.
Justin’s social history was significant for little to no current contact with
his biological father. Justin’s mother reported that she had divorced her hus
band when Justin was 5 because he was physically and emotionally abusive.
During the course of his admission, Justin disclosed that during visits with his
biological father, his father would often yell or deride Justin for his visual im
pairment; however, Justin’s brother was usually the target for physical abuse.
Justin reported nightmares and flashbacks consisting of the names his father
would call him; he also reported dreams of being beaten up by his father.
Interventions to prevent and address bullying must include assessments

for risks for perpetration as well as victimization. The most successful inter
ventions incorporate strategies to decrease aggression and improve inter
personal skills (Lovegrove et al. 2012). Twemlow and Sacco (2012, p. 47)
assert that successful interventions to prevent and address bullying involve

synchronization among the family, school, and community and that the en
gagement of the family is crucial to the success of any intervention. Therapy
to improve speech and language deficits or poor motor skills (Jansen et al.
2011) can improve a child’s sense of competency in communication and en
gagement with same age peers in activities. The employment of therapeutic
mentoring can help in the teaching of social skills to youth utilizing resources
in the community and through building on a child’s interests (Twemlow and
Sacco 2012) (see Note 3 at the end of this chapter).
Evaluation of Symptoms of Abuse

In the United States, neglect is the most common form of maltreatment (75%),
followed by physical abuse (17%), sexual abuse (8.3%), and medical neglect
(2.2%) (Scheid 2016, p. 16). The clinical evaluation of abused children deals
predominantly with the verification of the abusive acts perpetrated against
children and the assessment of the psychological consequences of the abuse.
Different branches of medicine deal with the physical assessment and treat
ment of sequelae of abuse. The psychiatric evaluation of abuse aims to ascer
tain the emotional impact of abuse—that is, the deleterious influences on the
developmental process (developmental interference) and on the psycholog
ical and interpersonal functioning of the child and her family.
The examiner’s first step in evaluating abused children is to clarify his or her
role in the overall assessment process. The purpose of the evaluation will de
termine the examiner’s approach and the information he or she will gather.
The approach taken depends on whether the examiner is performing a foren
sic or a clinical examination. Because of legal implications, the examiner
must pay careful attention to the facts and follow a strict protocol to gather evi
dence for a forensic assessment. Ascertaining the facts in allegations of sexual
abuse is a delicate, difficult, and uncertain enterprise (Benedek and Schetky
1987a, 1987b). It requires a team approach and specialized expertise. Even
the pelvic examination is fraught with uncertainties and controversy (Coleman
1989). Ascertaining facts in child abuse investigations is very difficult. Issues
related to the reliability of children’s complaints, and the particulars of con
ducting sexual abuse diagnostic evaluations will be discussed later in this
chapter. One would think that the medical pelvic examination would be
more effective as a fact-finding examination. That is not the case: findings
are controversial. The use of anatomically correct dolls to elicit information
regarding possible sexual abuse is a proscribed practice. Issues that need to
be resolved in the validation of sexual abuse are listed in Table 11–2.
Benedek and Schetky (1987b, p. 916) warned that sexual abuse treatment
should not be initiated without confirming that such abuse happened in the
Table 11–2. Questions representing issues that need to be

resolved in validation of sexual abuse
1. Are there other plausible explanations?
2. Are the child’s statements spontaneous?
3. Are the child’s statements consistent?
4. Is the child’s sexual knowledge incongruous with his or her developmental
age?
Examples:
Does the child put the mouth on another’s sexual part?
Does the child request engagement in sexual acts?
Does the child masturbate with an object?
Does the child insert an object into the anus or the vagina?
Does the child imitate intercourse?
Does the child make sexual sounds?
Does the child French kiss?
Does the child talk about explicit sexual acts?
Does the child undress others?
Does the child invite others to watch explicit television or sexual movies?
Does the child enact sexual acts with the dolls?
5. Does the child use appropriate developmental language?

6. Does the child indicate in play or by gestures that he or she was
abused?
7. Does the child give personalized, experiential detail?

8. What is the content and context of the child’s statements?
9. What is the child’s manner and emotional display?
10. Does the child have motives or reasons to fabricate an allegation?
Is this something that really happened, or is this make-believe?
Are you saying this to get [the accused] in trouble?
Are you saying this because you are mad at [the accused]?
Does somebody else think this happened even though you don’t?
Are you saying this because you want to live with...?
Table 11–2. Questions representing issues that need to be

resolved in validation of sexual abuse (continued)
10. Does the child have motives or reasons to fabricate an allegation? (continued)
For older children:
Are you saying this to get out of the house?
Are you saying this because [the accused] was not nice to you or was not
paying enough attention to you?
Are you saying this because you wanted to cover up the fact that you
wanted to do it (to have sex)?
Are you blaming the accused, after you had sex with your boyfriend?
11. Does the child correct the interviewer?
12. Does medical evidence exist?
13. Does forensic evidence exist?
14. What are the statements of the accused?
Source. Mantell 2008. Modified from Cepeda 2010, pp. 297–298.
first place. These authors considered a comprehensive psychological evalua

tion an important part of the total assessment and emphasize the need for a
comprehensive psychiatric evaluation of the child and the family, and for an
extensive collateral corroboration from school, other families, and other rel
evant sources.
The clinician needs to focus his or her attention equally on the child’s nar
rative and on the historical truths: Clinicians should not attempt to be detec
tives in search of historical truth, but neither should they blur narrative and
historical truth (Allen 1995, p. 90).
Special Considerations in Interviewing Physically

and Sexually Abused Children
Clinicians should always keep in mind their legal responsibilities when deal
ing with abusive situations: they are obligated to report abuse (even sus
pected abuse) to child protection services (CPS).
When interviewing children who may have been abused, the examiner must
be particularly careful to avoid asking leading questions (Goodman and Say
witz 1994). Engagement is very important in assessments of this nature. En
gagement helps to improve the child’s sense of trust and comfort; good rapport
decreases the degree of defensiveness and apprehensiveness the child may ex
hibit in communicating these sensitive, often secretive but traumatic events.
The examiner should use the same vocabulary that the child uses, no matter
how incorrect such terms may seem to the examiner. This is not the time to
instruct the child on correct anatomic terminology or in correct English (see

Case Example 2 below).
Questions like “Have you ever been physically or sexually abused?” are of
uncertain value because the child may have been told not to tell or the child
may feel a duty to protect his or her family. The examiner should begin the
evaluation of physical abuse by exploring how the child is disciplined. The
following questions may be helpful: “When you have done somethin’ wrong,
how do your parents discipline you?” “Have you ever been punished?” “Have
you ever been spanked?” “Has your father or your mother ever lost control
when disciplining you?” “Has anyone ever used a belt on you?” “Have you ever
been whipped?” When asking these questions, the examiner needs to be sen
sitive to different cultural attitudes toward physical discipline.
The sensitive exploration of the topic of sexual abuse may begin with the
following questions: “Has anyone ever touched you where they shouldn’t?”
“Where?” “When did that happen?” “Did you tell anyone?” “Did you tell your
mom?” If the child answers “no” to this question, the examiner should ask
whether there was a reason why the child couldn’t tell the parent. If the child
reports that “nasty” acts were done to him or her, the examiner should encour
age the child to provide details of what happened, but the examiner must be
careful not to suggest answers or to ask leading questions.
The examiner must note the events narrated by the child in the child’s own
words (i.e., using the child’s own language and expressions).
Most sexually abused children have been threatened by the perpetrators
of the abuse and have been told not to talk about it. Often these children
have been told that horrible things, including death, will happen to them or
their family if they disclose the abuse. The examiner should remember that
the child is aware of the possible repercussions of disclosure at all times. The
examiner’s empathic understanding of the child’s fear should reassure the
child. When a child reveals sexual abuse, the examiner may tell the child that
he knows that when children are abused, the abusers tell children not to tell
anyone about the abuse. The examiner can then ask the child to tell him about
any threats the perpetrator may have made. The examiner should explore
the nature of the threats and reassure the child about the consequences and
about any retaliation she may anticipate. If the child has active symptoms of
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), the fear of retaliation may reach psy
chotic proportions. When it is necessary to do so, the examiner should re
assure the child that she will be safe and protected and that the examiner will
make every possible effort to avoid any negative consequences for making
the disclosure. If the examiner concludes that the child’s safety cannot be guar
anteed or that the traumatization is likely to continue, he should make ar
rangements with CPS to place the child, temporarily, in a safe environment
until the concerns with safety are resolved.
All forms of psychological manipulation on the child and any form of ca
joling or pressuring of the child are absolutely proscribed. Pressure from the
examiner to remember traumatic events may promote confabulation (Allen
1995, p. 86). Confabulation is discussed in more detail in the last section of
this chapter.
A child’s ability to remember traumatic events may vary. Some memories
may be clear, and some may be clouded; some memories may be corroborated
and others may not. Four of the categories in Allen’s (1995, p. 89) classification
of memories regarding sexual abuse are of particular clinical and legal rele
vance. Category 4 includes clouded memories for which corroborating evi
dence is lacking; category 5 includes memories of trauma that are highly
exaggerated or distorted, and categories 6 and 7 include memories of trauma
that may or may not have occurred in individuals who believe they were abused.
Memory distortion may occur if the patient has been exposed to suggestive
techniques or has experience with therapists who erroneously believed that
the patient’s symptoms were the result of childhood sexual abuse.
Examiners should remember the moral and legal implications of accepting
the patient’s disclosures at face value. They must exercise caution and attempt
to substantiate the truthfulness of the patient’s revelations. Frankel (1996)
stresses this point: “Those therapists who emphasize that what is recalled is
a previously disconnected and accurate memory of a childhood event that has
never before been recognized might be correct in some instances; however,
these therapists should not underestimate the consequences of such mate
rial, which has been regarded as truth but is actually the product of imagina
tion, becoming the basis of either accusations, within the family or litigation”
(p. 69). Children may “remember” things that they have not experienced. In
a discussion of Ceci’s research on memory retrieval in small children, Terr et
al. (1996) commented, “If children are coached... the incorrect suggestion that
they have heard may turn up as memories. Using strong and repeated sugges
tions, Ceci’s group was able to impart episodes that never took place into some
preschoolers’ minds” (p. 619). The examiner should also be aware that the
act of reporting previous experiences modifies the nature of the child’s nar
rative memory (Allen 1995; Lewis 1995). These issues are described in further
detail in the last section of this chapter.
How reliable are children’s report regarding abuse? Bruck and Ceci (2015)
discuss this transcendental topic. They state that research provides a scientific
basis for evaluating children allegations of abuse.
1. On average, a 6-year-old can recall information from more than 2 years

previously. The same memories are not available if the child is asked to
retrieve same memories a few years later. However, children can accurately
recall stressful events many years after their occurrence. This is true if
the interviewer is neutral, questions are nonsuggestive, and the examiner

has no motive to influence the child’s testimony.
2. Biased interviewers can taint the child’s report, rendering it unreliable.
Interviewer bias relates to evaluators who hold a priori belief about the oc
currence of an event and conduct the interview to obtain confirmatory ev
idence. Biased interviewers use a range of suggestive techniques that are
associated with elicitation of false reports; these interviewers do not test
plausible alternative hypotheses. The concept of biased interviewers is
not limited to forensic interviewers but includes therapists, teachers,
and parents (Bruck and Ceci 2015, p. 252).
3. Example of suggestive interviews include the following:
a. “Yes” or “no” questions; choice questions, such as, “Did he do A, B or

C?” “Loaded” and leading questions, such as, “Her mom told me what
happened to her, did it happen to you?” This line of question forces
the child to give an answer and provide indirect information about
the suspected event, making it a suggestive technique. Young children
do not say “I don’t know” when they are presented with nonsensical or
misleading statements; this is true even when children have been told
that they can answer, “I don’t know.” A golden guideline to interview
ing children emphasizes the need to ask open-ended questions to al
low children to describe their experiences in their own words.
b. Repeated specific questions within interviews. When children first deny
the occurrence of an event, they frequently change the answer if the
questions are repeated. Repetition of questions not only may provide
the child additional misinformation but can also result in making the
child shift from an accurate response to a false or inaccurate one.
c. Repeated suggestive interviews. With each repeated suggested inter
view, children are more likely to assent to previously denied nonexpe
rienced events, and these reports persist when the child is interviewed
later by a neutral interviewer. With repeated suggestive interviewing, if
the child presents new information, it is likely to be false. When the in
terviewer urges the child to tell him or her more, such a request may
promote false reporting to comply with the interviewer’s expectations.
Often, these reports are highly detailed, even more so than the accu
rate ones.
d. Stereotyped induction (vilification). A variety of studies have shown
that when children are provided with information that a person does
“bad things,” they will creatively incorporate this content into the own
reports of wrongdoing. For instance, when children were told that a
man who visited the school was “clumsy,” they often later claimed to
have observed him doing “clumsy” things like breaking toys.
e. Peer contamination (co-witness contamination). Children will pick up

information about an event from peers and, even though they have
never experienced it, will elaborate on it and later claim it also happened
to them. False claims are indistinguishable from true claims made by
other children.
f. Nonverbal props. The use of props (e.g., toys, dolls) can be suggestive,
particularly for younger children, and can result in false report about
touching. Children use the props as toys to play with and to explore
rather than to demonstrate experienced actions or events (Bruck and
Ceci 2015, p. 253). The risk for false statement is greatly increased when
the interview contains a variety of suggestive techniques, such as lead
ing questions, peer pressure, and vilification through stereotyped induc
tion, increasing the salience of the interviewer’s bias (Bruck and Ceci
2015, p. 254).
4. The first interview with the child provides the most reliable testimony.
However, if there is suggestion in the first interview or in conversations prior
to it, the child’s initial statements may be tainted and therefore unreliable. In
documenting the evolution of the children’s allegations, it is important
to determine if the child’s first statement is a) spontaneous, unprompted,
and made in the absence of suggestive elements, or b) associated with pre
vious or concurrent suggestive interviewing techniques.
5. Suggestive interviewing techniques can result in false beliefs that are
longlasting. Children may come to believe that they actually experienced
false suggested events, and once a child’s testimony is tainted, it may be
impossible to “un-taint” it in subsequent interviews even if the interviews
are performed by the field’s best experts. No amount of probing and depro
gramming can unearth the original untainted memory because it may
have been irrevocably modified by the prior suggestive questions, evolv
ing into a false belief and becoming now part of the autobiographical
memory.
Children’s false reports seem credible. In fact, in some studies, children’s

narratives of false events contain more embellishments (descriptive and emo
tional) and have more detail than narrations of true events. False reports of
ten contain more spontaneous statements than true narratives; they contain
more bizarre statements than real events. A word of caution: we need to be
cognizant that subjective rating of children’s reports after suggestive inter
viewing reveals that such reports appear highly credible to prospective ju
rors or trained professionals in the field of child development, mental health
and forensic. There are not scientifically acceptable markers for judging the
child’s truthfulness in interviews that have been preceded by suggestive inter
views (Bruck and Ceci 2015, p. 254).
Developmental Consequences of Abuse

Abused children are prone to future psychopathology, and they are prone to
repeat abusive behavior with peers and, later, with spouses and their own
children. The idea that physical abuse may be repeated is commonly ac
cepted, but the tendency of abused children to act out the experience of sex
ual abuse with other children should also be explored (see Carlos’s case
[Case Example 1] in Chapter 15, “Diagnostic Obstacles [Resistances]”). Chil
dren who have experienced sexual abuse should be asked whether they have
done or have attempted to do the same thing to other children. Sexual abuse
by children and adolescents, mostly boys, has become widely recognized and
is no longer considered a variant of childhood or adolescent sexual develop
ment. A significant proportion of adolescent abusers are of low intellectual
abilities and show heterogeneous maladaptive mental schemata regarding
social interaction and abuse. Children and adolescent abusers have experi
enced psychosocial adversity, including, neglect, lack of supervision, sexual
abuse by a female person, and exposure to domestic violence. Many adult
abusers report the onset of their abusive behavior in adolescence, and abuse
by an adolescent cannot necessarily be considered safely to “burn out” in
adulthood (Glaser 2015, p. 378).
Not all children who have been sexually abused will develop behavioral
or emotional difficulties; it is estimated that about one-third of individuals
who have experienced sexual abuse will not exhibit adult psychiatric problems.
Their resilience is related to perceived parental care, positive adolescent peer
relationship, the quality of adult love relationships, and personality style (Heim
et al. 2010, p. 6). Considering sensitive periods, there is evidence the trauma
effects on the brain depend on the age at which the abuse occurred: hippo
campal volume was reduced when child sexual abuse experience occurred be
tween ages 3 and 5 and between ages 11 and 13; frontal cortex was attenu
ated in subjects with history of sexual abuse between ages 14 and 16 years.
It is proposed that in victims of abuse there is an altered cytosine-methylation
of the neuron-specific promoter region of the glucocorticoid gene in the hippo
campal tissue. Such methylation silences the gene, resulting in decreased glu
cocorticoid receptor expression and, hence, potentially increased stress re
sponse (Heim et al. 2010, p. 12).
The examiner should attempt to identify any developmental deviations
created by physical and sexual abuse. Cicchetti and Toth (1995, pp. 546–554)
described specific mechanisms by which abusive experiences disrupt or inter
fere with the formation of fundamental functions or psychological structures
(see Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms”). These developmen
tal deviations create or contribute to the development and maintenance of
psychopathology (Table 11–3).
Table 11–3. Developmental disruptions fostered by physical

and sexual abuse experiences
Affect regulation (by promoting affect dysregulation [e.g., low tolerance for
frustration; anger dyscontrol])
Normative attachment (by promoting atypical attachments [e.g., avoidant,
resistant, and disorganized types])
Self-esteem (by promoting a defective self-concept and lower self-esteem, deficits
in internal state language, and lower capacity for symbolic play)
Supportive peer relationships (by disrupting social competence and promoting a
tendency to physical and verbal aggression in peer interactions)
Positive adaptation to school (by contributing to school maladaptation secondary
to deficits in social cognitions and limited academic achievement)
Source. Cicchetti and Toth 1995. Reprinted from Cepeda 2010, p. 298.
Examiners will encounter a variety of psychopathological syndromes in

abused children. For example, van der Kolk et al. (1996, p. 89) suggested that
PTSD does not occur in isolation. Frequently, it is associated with dissocia
tion, somatization, and dysregulation of affect, including difficulties with
anger modulation, sexual involvement, and aggression against the self and oth
ers (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter). These symptoms are found to
gether in the same individuals, and their co-occurrence is at least in part a
function of the age at which the trauma occurred and the nature of the trau
matic experience. Table 11–4 lists psychiatric disturbances commonly found
in sexually abused children and adults. According to Green (1993), these dis
turbances may represent sequelae of the abusive experiences.
Dissociative Symptoms
Dissociative disorders, including dissociative psychoses, are frequent com
plications of severe childhood abuse; unfortunately, these disorders are often
incorrectly diagnosed. Dissociative psychoses are frequently misdiagnosed
as schizophrenia (Hornstein and Putnam 1992; Putnam 1991). Otnow Lewis
(1996) corroborated this point:
Command auditory hallucinations, the experience of hearing voices speak

ing to each other in one’s head, the sense of being controlled by these voices,
the delusional system of hierarchies of imaginary companions, the blocking,
and the illogical thinking of children with DID/MPD [dissociative identity
disorder/multiple personality disorder] often lead to a misdiagnosis of schizo
phrenia. (p. 307).
Table 11–4. Psychiatric disturbances commonly observed in

sexually abused individuals
Disturbances in children
Anxiety disorders, including posttraumatic stress disorder
Depression and suicidal behavior
Dissociative and hysterical symptoms
Disturbances in sexual behavior
Anger control difficulties
Promiscuous behavior
Conduct problems
Eating disturbances
Self-esteem and self-image conflicts
Disturbances in adults
Anxiety disorders, including posttraumatic stress disorder
Substance abuse
Borderline personality disorder
Dissociative identity disorder (multiple personality disorder)
Revictimization
Sexual dysfunction
Sexual offending
Otnow Lewis reviewed complex dissociative symptomatology (dissocia

tive identity disorder/multiple personality disorder) and the difficulties of
differentiating it from normal fantasy life, schizophrenia, mood disorder, sei
zure disorder or narcolepsy, borderline personality disorder, conduct disor
der, or antisocial personality disorder.
In the evaluation of children suspected of having dissociative disorders,
it is important to recognize that a number of symptoms are secretive and
that children invariably are unaware of these disorders or of the switches from
one state of mind to another that occur in association with them. The exam
iner should explore the presence of behaviors such as getting lost in fantasy,
spacing out, losing track of time, or disconnecting from what is going on in
the real world. The examiner may ask the child the following questions: “Are
you able to go into a world of your own?” “Do you have a pretend world of
your own?” “Is there any special place in your mind or in your imagination
where you go when things get too painful, or a place where you go to seek
comfort?” The examiner should ask about the presence of depersonalization,
out-of-body experiences, premonitions, or feelings of being controlled from
outside.
Another important part of the evaluation of dissociation is the examination
of memory disturbances, gaps in time, lack of recollection of important per
sonal or family events, and fugue state experiences. Recurrent somatization,
pseudoseizures, and self-abusive or self-mutilating behaviors may be indica
tors of dissociative states. The same could be said about precocious sexual be
haviors. More obvious and more suggestive of the presence of these states are
behaviors indicating that the child uses different names; that the child has sub
jective experiences of being like two or more people; or that he or she experi
ences a sense of being possessed or a sense of unfamiliarity with the self.
Other issues that need to be explored in abused children with dissociative
symptoms are the presence of imaginary companions and the presence of
auditory hallucinations. In these hallucinations, the voices are of a variable
nature: some console, some counsel, some give orders, and some intimidate.
The differentiation of these perceptual experiences from other psychotic
states, from fantasy play, or from malingering may be a great challenge for the
examiner. The only way the examiner can differentiate these experiences is
through extended and sensitive questioning, the gathering of collateral infor
mation, and the use of other techniques (e.g., writing and drawing) or by spe
cific procedures such as psychological testing.
Other Symptoms of Abuse

Pervasive Refusal
Lask et al. (1991, pp. 868–869) described a potentially life-threatening, ex
treme form of PTSD, which they named pervasive refusal. This avoidance vari
ant is characterized by a refusal to eat, drink, walk, talk, or care for oneself.
Children with this disorder demonstrate willfulness in their symptoms and
show great fear of disclosing the nature and extent of their trauma. Children
adopt this behavior as a way of escaping an intolerable situation.
Self-Abusive Behavior
Calof (1995a, 1995b) described chronic self-injury in adult survivors of child
hood abuse. Similar symptomatology is often observed in children and ado
lescents with abusive backgrounds. When a child exhibits self-abusive behavior,
the examiner should ask about prior sexual or physical trauma.
Evaluation of Regressive Behavior

During the initial psychiatric examination, the examiner may be confronted
with the emergence of regressive behaviors in a patient. See Chapter 3, “Spe
cial Interviewing Techniques,” for a description of behaviors associated with
regressive behaviors and for an approach to deal with them.
Assessment of Truthfulness in
Abused Children
When there are concerns about the patient’s truthfulness, the examiner should
be particularly careful about the types of questions he or she asks. Leading
questions must be avoided at all times. As discussed earlier in this chapter,
the examiner should use the same language that the patient uses: the exam
iner must use the patient’s words and expressions, no matter how incorrect
or inappropriate they may sound. The introduction of different words or ex
pressions may change the patient’s intended meaning. These recommenda
tions are even more important in forensic interviews, regarding allegations
of physical or sexual abuse. The following case example illustrates a situation
in which the examiner respected these principles.
Case Example 2
Mary, a 14-year-old Caucasian female, claimed she was raped by a 21-year
old man. When describing what the man had done to her, she said that the man
had “perpetrated” her. When Mary was asked to explain, she said that the
man had “gone all the way.” She added that he had put his “thing” inside of her.
Mary reported her story consistently when she was asked about the incident.
This was compatible with a truthful/factual story.
The examiner understood that Mary wanted to say “penetrated” but did
not correct her. The examiner also understood that “thing” meant “penis,” but
he did not correct her word either. Instead the examiner asked Mary to explain
what “perpetrated” and “thing” meant.
Bernet (1993) has clarified many important concepts in the identification

of false statements of sexual abuse. Allegations of sexual abuse are true in
about 90% of the complaints. As a result, the first assumption should be that
the allegations could be true. Bernet organizes the mechanisms of false state
ments of sexual abuse into three groups:
1. The false statement arises in the mind of the parent or other adults and
is imposed on the mind of the child. This may be due to
a. Parental misinterpretation and suggestion. The parent takes an inno
cent remark or a neutral piece of behavior and inflates it into some
thing worse and inadvertently induces the child to endorse his or her
interpretation.
b. Misinterpreted physical condition. A vindictive or anxious parent or
a health professional may jump to the conclusion that the child’s in
jury or illness is due to sexual abuse rather than accepting a more be
nign explanation.
c. Parental delusion. The parent is paranoid and very disturbed and shares
the distorted view of the world with the child, who comes to share the
same delusion. There may be a shared delusion, or the child may give in
to the parent’s contention that abuse occurred.
d. Parental indoctrination. This occurs when the parent fabricates the
allegation and instructs the child in what to say.
e. Interviewer suggestion. Previous interviewers may have contaminated
the evidence by asking leading or suggestive questions.
f. Overstimulation. The parent lacks modesty or discretion and ex
poses the child to nudity or sexual activity.
g. Group contagion. The child and parents fall victim to epidemic hysteria.
2. The false statement is caused primarily by mental mechanisms in the
child that are not conscious or not purposeful.
a. Fantasy. The child may confuse fantasy with reality.
b. Delusion. Delusions about sexual activities may occur in children and
adolescents in the context of psychotic illness.
c. Misinterpretation. The false belief is based on an actual happening.
d. Miscommunication. The false allegation arises out of simple verbal
misunderstanding.
e. Confabulation. The person fabricates statements or stories in re
sponse to questions about events that the person does not actually
recall.
3. The false statement is caused primarily by mental mechanisms in the
child that are usually considered conscious and purposeful.
a. Pseudologia phantastica (also called fantasy lying and pathological ly
ing). The person tells stories without discernible motive and with such
zeal that the subject may become convinced of their truth.
b. Innocent lying. Young children frequently make false statements be
cause doing so seems to be the best way to handle the situation they are
in.
c. Deliberate lying. This refers to self-serving, intentional fabrications
that are common among children and adolescents.
Bernet (1993, p. 908) makes clear the distinction between confabulation
and pseudologia phantastica:
1. The social context is different. Confabulation is evoked by questions

raised by another person. Pseudologia phantastica is created to impress
and influence others.
2. The form of the statement is different. Whereas confabulation is usually a
short statement in response to a specific question when the person has
no real memory for the answer, in pseudologia phantastica there is a lengthy,
complex story that goes beyond the question raised and that is delivered
with zest and in an engaging manner.
3. Confabulation and pseudologia phantastica differ in the way the person
responds when confronted with contradictory evidence. The confabulator
sticks to his or her story, whereas the individual with pseudologia drops
the story and moves on to another one.
Bernet also distinguishes confabulation from misinterpretation: A misin

terpretation may cause a false belief but is derived from something that ac
tually happened. A child with a misinterpretation may say that two people
were fighting when in reality they were having sexual intercourse. A confab
ulating child may say that two people were fighting when they were having
an unremarkable conversation. Confabulation is also different from deliber
ate lying in that the child who is lying knows that he or she is trying to de
ceive. The confabulator does not realize what he or she is doing. Pseudologia
is different from deliberate lying in that the delinquent liar intends to de
ceive and knows exactly what he or she is doing. In pseudologia phantastica,
the fabulist, intending to enhance an interpersonal relationship or influence
another person, embellishes the stories and may be so involved in the decep
tion that he or she comes to believe it (Bernet 1993, p. 908).
The following case example is an intriguing illustration of pseudologia
phantastica in a very disturbed adolescent.
Case Example 3
Victor, a 15-year-old Caucasian male, presented with a prolonged history of
psychiatric problems, including a profound inability to establish and to
maintain interpersonal relationships, lying, stealing, destructiveness with
lack of remorse, severe enuresis, difficulties at school, sexually inappropriate
behaviors, aggression toward his peers, and a lack of interest in participating
in treatment. He had been in state custody for 8 years because his family had
abandoned him. His natural mother had a history of a neurological disease
and polysubstance abuse. Victor had a history of multiple placements and
multiple psychiatric hospitalizations. At birth, Victor was thought to have fe
tal alcohol syndrome. On earlier testing, Victor was found to have a border
line level of intelligence.
Victor had been evaluated when he was readmitted to an acute psychiat
ric program for aggressive and inappropriate behaviors including the diffi
culties already mentioned. Victor exhibited involuntary movements of the
mouth and jaw. These dystonic signs had been erroneously considered as the
“bizarre mannerisms of an elderly man.” When Victor was asked his name,
he said, “I’m a third-degree Nijitsu.” The examiner asked Victor what a Nijitsu
was. He replied, “We’re licensed to carry weapons. Nobody else carries weap
ons in America.” The examiner asked, “What kinds of weapons?” Victor re
plied, “Swords, knives, stars, nunchakus, sticks, slingshots.” He reported that
his father was a Ninja and asserted that he was not an American. “I’m Japanese
Indian, second generation of Americans.” He stated that he had studied with
a samurai who had been stabbed to death with a sword. He claimed that his
father had died in combat, and he reasserted that he was not an American.
Victor’s verbalizations could be considered megalomanic delusions. He

did not strongly uphold any of his beliefs: when the examiner would challenge
one confabulated idea, he would create a new one. What was intriguing about
Victor was the lack of emotion he displayed when he presented his fantastic
background.
A pediatric neurologist determined that Victor had tardive dystonia and

other neurological problems. Neuropsychological testing was positive for
multiple neuropsychological deficits, including bilateral fine motor deficits,
receptive and expressive language disorder, poor verbal learning, memory
and attention difficulties, and executive dysfunction.
Multiple factors, then, contributed to Victor’s pseudologia phantastica.
Key Points
• Suicide could be a consequence of bullying or cyberbullying.
• The evaluation of abuse, and of sexual abuse in particular,
should be performed by experts in this particular field. The
examiner is basically walking through a minefield; each step
needs to be carefully and deliberately taken.
• Inducing false memories is the greatest danger. There are
profound implications for the child, the family, the alleged
abuser, and the judicial system.
• The examiner needs to know, or to establish clearly, what
his or her role is in the evaluation of children with an allega
tion or history of abuse.
Notes
1. High-profile cases of suicides involving bullying include the 2006 death
of 13-year-old Megan Meier in Missouri (Steinhaus 2008), the 2012 death
of 15-year-old Amanda Todd (BBCnewsbeat 2012) in British Columbia,
and the 2013 death of 12-year-old Rebecca Ann Sedwick (Schneider and
Kay 2013) in Florida. The 2014 stabbing death of Timothy Crump in New
York allegedly resulted from a history of bullying his classmate, Noel Estevez
(Mongelli et al. 2014).
2. The work of Dan Olweus in the 1970s provided the standard research
definition of bullying that organizations such as the U.S. Centers for Dis
ease Control and Prevention, the American Psychological Association, and
the National Association of School Psychologists continue to espouse
(Hymel and Swearer 2015).
3. Therapeutic mentors work with supervising mental health professionals
in developing strategies for engagement and the teaching of social skills.
They utilize a variety of strategies (e.g., role modeling, structured activi
ties, problem solving) to strengthen social skills. They may also coordi
nate with schools and the family in reinforcing these social skills in
multiple environments and situations (Twemlow and Sacco 2012).
4. Dissociation is considered a parasympathetically mediated response that
occurs after exhaustion of sympathetically mediated defenses or coping
mechanisms. Change in vagal tone, a well-documented parasympathetic
marker, is associated with PTSD. Situations of extreme threat may lead
to the parasympathetically mediated shutting down of emotions pheno
typically observed as dissociative symptoms and prospectively related to
PTSD (Saxe et al. 2005).
CHAPTER 12
Neuropsychiatric
Interview and
Examination
In this chapter, we offer a practical and clinically oriented approach to the

complex aspects of the neuropsychiatric interview and examination of
children and adolescents. In addition to discussing the various parts of the
examination, we describe the most common symptoms that merit a neuro
psychiatric conceptualization in children and adolescents.
The patient’s history is the cornerstone of neurological or neuropsychiat
ric diagnosis. The patient’s history often suggests whether the condition is
static or progressive and whether it has an organic cause. The first part of the
examination requires the physician to look, listen, and observe. More can be
learned about the child’s neurological status by an initial hands-off careful
observation than by forcing the child to conform to the physician’s set of pat
terns of performing the neurological examination (Larson 2006, p. 54).
For most of the neuropsychiatric disorders of childhood, the labeling of
“brain damage” is incorrect. Instead, the examiner should refer to these con
ditions as “brain dysfunctions” or “brain impairments.” The concept of brain
damage is associated with two erroneous assumptions: 1) that the brain was
developing well until something damaged it, and 2) that brain damage is ir
reversible. The first assumption is true in certain situations, such as when
hydrocephalus follows tuberculous meningitis or when epilepsy follows a
penetrating head injury. Most commonly, brain development is probably ab
297
normal from the very beginning, perhaps as a result of an inherited disorder,

chromosomal abnormality, environmental insults, or chromosomal muta
tion. Also, intrauterine insults (viral, vascular, or toxic) may negatively affect
brain development (Laplante et al. 2008). The second assumption is not en
tirely true; some children do grow out of disorders such as epilepsy and even
cerebral palsy (Goodman 1994).
A complete and accurate history and the neurological examination are the
clinician’s window to the brain, and they have not been replaced by laboratory
or other diagnostic tests. For neuropsychiatric problems, an expanded men
tal status evaluation is particularly important (Larson 2006, p. 72).
The neuropsychiatric evaluation is a structured, specialized, and orderly
examination of a number of specific functions that is aimed at determining
or ruling out brain dysfunction or impairment that may underlie behavioral,
emotional, cognitive, or interpersonal disturbances. The field of neuropsy
chiatry correlates performance on specific tasks with certain neuroanatomical
areas; the same is true of certain specific neurophysiological and neuropsy
chological events. The neuropsychiatric evaluation probes the integrity of neu
ropsychological functioning of many cortical association areas and of certain
subcortical functions. This evaluation includes the assessment of attention,
language, cognition, memory, visuospatial skills, motor function, sensory
functioning, and executive functions. More specifically, the neuropsychiatric
examination assesses functioning of the frontal, temporal, parietal, and oc
cipital lobes and of subcortical regions. It also explores so-called soft neuro
logical signs.
In general, neuropsychiatric syndromes are not associated with focal, or
precise, anatomical lesions. In these syndromes, the lesion must be present
in the appropriate location for the disorder to occur; that is, the existence of
the lesion by itself is often insufficient to produce the disorder. Other factors
need to contribute to the expression of the disorders, such as age, develop
ment, toxicity, and trauma, and other considerations are important as well:
laterality of the lesion (unilateral or bilateral), genetic factors, comorbidity,
gender, premorbid personality, environmental stress, coping skills, and so
cial supports (Cummings 1995b) (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter).
In contrast to adult conditions, neurodevelopmental disorders, in children
and adolescents, encompass a group of complex disorders that result from
abnormal development of the central nervous system (CNS). This abnormal
development results in delays, deviations, or a lack of emergence (acquisition)
or progression of certain capacities or skills.
The field of pediatric neuropsychiatry is in its early stages but is making
steady and rapid progress. The field has borrowed a significant body of knowl
edge from the field of adult neuropsychiatry, but generalizations from one
field to the other may not be warranted. Pediatric neuropsychiatry is starting
Neuropsychiatric Interview and Examination 299
to rely on its own body of knowledge, experience, and research methodology

with pediatric subjects. Longitudinal developmental observations have been
crucial in elucidating the nature of skill emergence and to determine atypical
developmental pathways. In addition, these studies also trace the vicissitudes
of traits, symptoms, or other observations over time. These studies are also
needed to make adequate prognostications regarding a variety of neurode
velopmental disorders (see Note 2 at the end of this chapter).
Broadly conceived, the pediatric neuropsychiatric examination is based
on a multidisciplinary approach that involves developmental pediatricians,
pediatric neurologists, speech pathologists, developmental psychologists,
geneticists, neuropsychologists, neuroradiologists, electrophysiologists, neu
rosurgeons, educators, and other specialists. The field of behavioral neuro
genetics studies etiologically defined and relatively homogeneous genetic
syndromes (e.g., fragile X syndrome, Williams syndrome, Prader-Willi syn
drome, Rett syndrome, Turner syndrome; see Chapter 6, “Evaluation of Spe
cial Populations”). These syndromes have identified genetic alterations and
neural mechanisms underlying maladaptive cognition, psychiatric symptoms,
and abnormal behaviors that can be systematically investigated (Gothelf 2007).
Many neuropsychiatric syndromes that occur in childhood or in adolescence
require timely diagnosis and treatment. Complete pediatric physical and
neurological examinations are essential components of the neuropsychiatric
evaluation of children.
In general, adult clinical neuropsychiatry focuses on the loss of neurolog
ical function and the process of its recovery (rehabilitation). In contrast, pe
diatric clinical neuropsychiatry focuses on the emergence of function (skill
acquisition), and developmental deviations from that process, and functional
habilitation, as well as the psychological and psychosocial consequences of
neurodevelopmental disorders. Kim et al. (2008) presented a relevant and com
prehensive review of the use of laboratory, imaging, and other testing in adult
psychiatry; the discussion has obvious relevance for the child and adolescent
psychiatrist.
There has been a shift in the field of neurosychiatry from the “what” and
“where” of brain regions implicated in the neuropsychiatric disorders to an
effort to understand the neural basis of clinical symptoms or “how” abnor
mal brain regions produce the clinical picture of disorders such as depres
sion, autism, or schizophrenia (Shenton and Turetsky 2011, p. xiii) (see Note
3 at the end of this chapter).
Elements of the Neuropsychiatric History

The neuropsychiatric assessment involves a comprehensive maturational and
developmental history; the emphasis is on systematic data gathering. If it is
Table 12–1. Comprehensive neuropsychiatric history

Family history of neurological or psychiatric illnesses
Parental age at the time of conception
Gestational history
Mother’s alcohol or drug consumption (including tobacco use) during pregnancy
Mother’s viral infections or other illnesses during early pregnancy
Prenatal, neonatal, and perinatal histories
History of exposure to heavy metals and other toxins
History of medical or surgical conditions
History of neurological disorders: seizures, loss of consciousness, and head trauma
Maturational history
Developmental milestones
Attachment history
History of language acquisition
History of motor coordination competence
History of attention-concentration development
History of consistent impulse control
History of control of aggressive behavior
History of control of sexual behavior
History of observance of rules and expectations
History of academic performance and learning competence
History of social and interpersonal functioning
History of psychiatric behavioral problems
History of drug abuse and intravenous drug use
History of practice of protected sex (sexual contact with HIV-positive individuals
or with individuals who have sexually transmitted diseases)
appropriate to do so, the examiner should obtain the history from the child,
even from young children, before obtaining historical data from the parents.
This approach may generate information that is free of parental bias, which is
often invaluable in making a diagnosis and in determining how the condi
tion affects the child. A comprehensive neuropsychiatric history includes a
systematic exploration and evaluation of the areas listed in Table 12–1.
Table 12–2. Conditions indicating need for neuropsychiatric

investigation
Developmental delays
Language delays
Learning problems
History of cerebral palsy
Presence of movement disorders
History of perinatal insult
History of meningitis, meningoencephalitis, or seizures
Dementing conditions
Head trauma accompanied with loss of consciousness
Sensorium impairment
Recent onset of neurocognitive signs
Loss of intellectual capacity or acquired skills
Sudden onset of regressive behavior
Developmental arrests or regression
Delirium
Psychotic conditions or visual, olfactory, gustatory, or other perceptual
disorders
Catatonic features
Recurrent impulsive behavior
Psychiatric symptomatology that does not fit specific categories
Lack of progress in the treatment of a disorder
Chronic exposure to antipsychotics and other psychotropic medications
Note. This is not an exhaustive list of conditions in which neuropsychiatric factors need to
be investigated.
Beyond the so-called hard neurological signs, such as seizures and paral
ysis, the most frequent complaints of neuropsychiatric patients are attention
concentration difficulties, cognitive impairments, impulse-control problems,
impairments of judgment, affect dysregulation, language disorders, learning
difficulties, memory impairments, interpersonal difficulties, and regressive
behavior. Table 12–2 lists conditions for which a neuropsychiatric investiga
tion should be indicated.
Neuropsychiatry and Psychosocial Factors

Neuropsychiatric conditions are susceptible to environmental influence. Fa
vorable conditions facilitate early detection and prompt habilitation or reha
bilitation of emerging deviations, developmental arrests, or loss of function.
Symptoms may unfold unaltered, or they may be maintained or worsened by
adverse psychosocial circumstances (e.g., infantilism, inappropriate parenting
such as neglect or abuse). Cook and Leventhal (1992) described two key find
ings related to the increased morbidity associated with neuropsychiatric dis
orders in childhood and adolescence. First, children with neuropsychiatric
disorders affect their parents and siblings substantially. Second, children
with these disorders are often disabled for a long time. Frequently, the parents’
response to the child’s problems creates additional handicaps for the child.
Williams et al. (1987) articulated this concern:
Another common and more clearly psychological theme occurring through

out the spectrum of neuropsychiatric disorders in childhood and adoles
cence is the problem of dependency and its many permutations. While some
degree of augmented parental solicitude and support is a natural and, in
deed, healthy response to the sequelae of a chronic neurological dysfunction
in a child, frequently this pattern becomes exaggerated as a by-product of fea
tures of anxiety, guilt, or demoralization in the patient, the parents or both.
(p. 366)
Individuals with intellectual disability and other developmental disorders

are at greater risk for psychiatric disorders due to CNS dysfunction, peer
rejection, and decreased coping strategies (Cook and Leventhal 1992). The
psychological disability associated with a neuropsychiatric condition can be
worse than the handicap itself: “In effect, the patient can be tempted to ex
ploit the sick role with its associated dependency gratifications when feeling
overwhelmed by ongoing life stresses” (Williams et al. 1987, p. 366). In gen
eral, the secondary gain from the illness occurs because the parents become
inconsistent with limit setting, usually because of parental guilt that interferes
with appropriate and consistent discipline and the setting of appropriate
consequences.
Mental Status Examination of a Child

With a Neuropsychiatric Disorder
The neuropsychiatric examination starts as soon as the examiner greets the
child in the waiting area (see Chapter 8, “Documenting the Examination”).
The following observations are relevant in this regard: What is the child’s ap
pearance and overall complexion? What is the preliminary gestalt or im
pression? Are any dysmorphic features present? As the examiner guides and
follows the child toward the office, he or she should observe the child’s gait,
movement of upper and lower extremities, balance, and coordination and
the child’s sense of space orientation. After the child enters the office, the
examiner should complete the mental status examination, which includes a
neurodevelopmental evaluation (described in the next section of this chap
ter) and a complete physical and neurological examination. A complete neu
ropsychiatric evaluation includes a thorough inspection of feet and hands.
We agree with Gold (1992) regarding the importance of inspection: “Obser
vations may be more rewarding than examination, encouraging the clinician
to acquire and use observational skills that may result in a diagnosis by in
spection. This is obviously preferred to the performance of diagnostic stud
ies that can be anxiety producing, painful, invasive and expensive” (p. 4).
Elements of the Neurodevelopmental

Evaluation
Areas that need to be assessed in the neurodevelopmental evaluation are
listed in Table 12–3 and are described in more detail below.
Dysmorphic Features
The examiner should describe the child’s stature (e.g., small or large), head
size (e.g., microcephaly, macrocephaly), any abnormalities of the skull shape
or structure, and any other dysmorphic features. Young et al. (1990) high
lighted the importance of the identification of dysmorphic features: “The de
tection of minor congenital anomalies during the physical and neurologic
examination may be clinically pertinent. These stigmata are correlated with
a variety of behavioral and intellectual deviations, even in children with no
major physical pathology who do not fall into the conventional diagnostic
categories. They also may have value in suggesting a chromosomal abnormal
ity or an insult to the fetus during the first trimester of pregnancy” (p. 455).
The examiner should note any signs of readily identifiable syndromes (e.g.,
Down syndrome, fragile X syndrome, fetal alcohol syndrome, Prader-Willi
syndrome), neurocutaneous disorders (e.g., ataxia-telangiectasia, neuro
fibromatosis, tuberous sclerosis, or Sturge-Weber-Dimitri syndrome), or
neurogenetic disorders.
Abnormal Posture and Involuntary Movements

The examiner should note the presence of tiptoeing, tics, chorea, athetosis,
or any other involuntary movements and balance and coordination problems.
He or she should also note whether the child stands or sits erect and whether
the child displays stiffness, hypotonia, dystonia, or other unusual movements
Table 12–3. Elements of the neurodevelopmental evaluation

Dysmorphic features, including assessment of trajectory of head growth
Abnormal posture and involuntary movements
Gross motor skills
Fine motor skills
Sensory functioning
Midline behaviors
Laterality and dominance
Cerebellar function
Praxis
Receptive and expressive language function
Information
Orientation to time and place
Abstraction ability
Writing and reading
Calculating ability
Immediate, short-term, and long-term memory
Executive functions
or abnormal postures. The examiner should inspect and look for acute ex
trapyramidal symptoms (EPS) in children recently exposed to neuroleptic
medications, and for chronic extrapyramidal symptoms, such as chronic
akathisia or chronic dystonia (tardive dyskinesia), in children with extended
exposure to these medications.
Gross Motor Skills

The examiner should pay attention to the child’s motor function, consider
ing whether it is smooth, spastic, choreic, dystonic, or athetoid. As the child
walks, the examiner should observe the child’s stance and gait. Is the child’s
standing base either broad or variable? The examiner should note associated
involuntary movements. Does the child display a normal steppage? Does the
child limp, waddle, or tiptoe? Is the child’s gait stiff? When the examiner throws
a ball to the child, is the child able to catch it? Is the child able to throw or roll
the ball back?
In a child with a history of cerebral palsy, the examiner should explore for
signs of spasticity, rigidity, paralysis, dystonia, athetosis, chorea, or tremor.
Spasticity and athetosis are the most frequent neurological sequelae of cere
bral palsy, followed by rigidity and ataxia. Any pronator drift indicates a cor
tico-spinal tract disease and has the same clinical significance as a Babinski
sign (Larson 2006, p. 66).
Fine Motor Skills

The examiner should observe how the child grasps an object and how he or
she manipulates toys. After offering the child a pencil or a crayon, the exam
iner should observe how the child picks it up and should note whether the
child’s grasp is normal or atypical. Pencil grasp is an important indicator of
motor control: this hard-to-change motor habit is acquired early and may
represent a residual indicator of the state of maturation of the child’s motor
system at the time the child began to use a pencil. The quality of the grasp
does not “stigmatize” the current motor repertoire but may be an early snap
shot of past status during the period of motor skill learning (Denckla 1997).
The examiner should ask the child to copy a circle, a cross, a square, a triangle,
and a diamond. A 2-year-old child will be able to copy the circle, a 3-year
old child the cross, a 5-year-old child the square, a 6-year-old child the tri
angle, and a 7-year-old child the diamond. We once examined an adolescent
who wrote with both hands!
Sensory Functioning
To assess sensory functioning, the examiner begins by asking the child to
close his or her eyes. Then the examiner touches the child, first on one limb
and then on another, each time asking the child to identify the body part and
laterality of the area touched. After this, the examiner simultaneously touches
either ipsilateral or contralateral limbs and again asks the child to identify
where he or she has been touched. The examiner can test the child for graph
esthesia (ability to recognize symbols drawn onto parts of the body) by trac
ing numbers or letters onto the back of each of the child’s hands and asking
the child to identify them (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter). To test for
stereognosis (i.e., ability to recognize objects by touch), the examiner can ask
the child to identify, without looking, items such as a coin, a paper clip, a key,
or a stamp. The examiner should first ensure that the child has these items
in his or her vocabulary. The child needs to identify these items with each
hand. These tests explore parietal lobe functioning. Stereognosis is well devel
oped in early childhood, and graphesthesia is well established by age 8 years
(Swaiman 2006).
Midline Behaviors
The examiner should observe whether the child uses both hands coordinately
and supportively, and whether the child transfers any given item from one
hand to the other. The examiner should also note whether the child is able
to cross the body’s midline (e.g., the examiner should note the extent to which
the child’s right hand is able to cross the midline and operate on the left side
of the body, and vice versa). These behaviors reflect the functional integrity
of the corpus callosum (Spreen et al. 1995). One mother reported that her
8-year-old child, who had no evidence of motor difficulties, used only one
hand, even when he combed his hair or when he put on his belt. He also had
attention problems, difficulties with learning, and problems with impulse
control.
Laterality and Dominance

Lewis (1996) clarified the concepts of laterality, preference, and dominance.
Laterality is a measurable, specialized, central function of a paired faculty,
such as eyes, ears, hands, and feet. Preference is the subjective, self-reported
experience of an individual, as opposed to laterality, which may be objectively
measured. Dominance is a term used for the concept of cerebral hemisphere
specialization, such as language and speech. Clinically, the examiner may
merely be testing preference, which depends more on a peripheral organ
than on a central mechanism (Lewis 1996). Handedness is consolidated by
age 5 years, footedness by about age 7, eye lateralization by age 7 or 8, and ear
lateralization by about age 9. The examiner should observe which hand the
child uses predominantly when manipulating objects and when asked to
write or to draw. The examiner should also observe which foot the child uses
when asked to kick a ball. The child’s eye preference is tested by asking the
child to look into a particular item in the office using a “telescope” (a rolled-up
piece of paper).
A useful test to assess right-left discrimination consists of asking the child
to follow some ipsilateral and contralateral commands. For example, for ip
silateral discrimination, the examiner tells the child, “With your right hand,
touch your right ear” or “With your left hand, touch your left knee.” For con
tralateral discrimination, the examiner says, “With your right hand, touch
your left ear” or “With your left hand, touch your right knee.” A child can iden
tify right and left hands by age 5 years; ipsilateral double orientation (e.g., left
hand on left ear) should be possible by age 6 years; contralateral orientation
is achieved by age 7 years. Problems in these areas are common in children
who have learning disorders. Confusion of laterality should be suspected when
the examiner extends a hand for a handshake and the child does not seem to
know which hand to respond with.
Cerebellar Function
To assess cerebellar functions, the examiner asks the child to stand up, to put
his or her feet together, to put both hands out in front, and to close both
eyes; the examiner should then observe whether the child sways to the sides
(Romberg’s sign). The child should be asked to walk in a straight line, and
the examiner should observe the child’s balance and coordination. Next, the
child should be asked to stand on one foot and then on the other and then
to hop on one foot and then on the other. The examiner should observe the
child’s sense of equilibrium and the smoothness and proficiency with which
the child accomplishes these tasks. The examiner also should assess the child’s
muscle tone and determine whether the child’s tone is hypotonic, normal, or
hypertonic.
The finger-to-nose test is sensitive to cerebellar defects. The examiner asks
the child to abduct one of the arms with the index finger of that hand ex
tended. The child is asked to touch the tip of his or her nose with that finger
three times. The examiner observes for precision and smoothness of move
ments (metria) or the presence of dysmetria, which is evident when the child
hesitates before the finger reaches the tip of the nose or when the impact is
brusque or unsmooth. The examiner then asks the child to do the same chal
lenge with the other hand.
The role of the cerebellum in higher cortical functions, including lan
guage and attentional processes, has been recognized. The cerebellar circuits
that modulate the prefrontal cortex close loops may also influence the coor
dination of nonmotor programs such as problem solving in a manner similar
to the modulation of movement-related signals (Purves et al. 2012, p. 422).
A syndrome of mutism and subsequent dysarthria has been identified.
This syndrome is not related to cerebellar ataxia and is characterized by a
complete loss of speech that resolves into dysarthria. Dysarthria relates to a
group of speech disorders resulting from disturbance in the muscular control
of the speech mechanisms due to damage to the central or peripheral ner
vous system (Pryse-Phillips 2003).
Praxis
Ideokinetic praxis (or ideomotor praxis) is the ability to perform an action
from memory on request without props or cues. The child could be asked to
demonstrate, for instance, how he or she would use a key, a toothbrush, and
a comb. The child’s nonpreferred hand should be tested first. The examiner
can test the child’s kinesthetic praxis by asking him or her to mimic the exam
iner’s finger and hand movements. Difficulties with finger sequencing cor
relate with graphomotor dyspraxia and with poor handwriting (Denckla
1997). To test for finger sequencing, the examiner raises his or her dominant
hand and asks the child to imitate the following movements: touching the tip
of thumb to tip of index finger, then to middle finger, then to fourth finger,
then to little finger. The examiner then reverses the order (which is more
challenging): touching the thumb to fifth finger, followed by the fourth fin
ger, and so on. Then the examiner proceeds to test the other hand. The exam
iner may ask the child to perform more complex tasks, such as unbuttoning
and buttoning the child’s shirt and untying and then retying the child’s shoe
laces. The latter task involves complex functions, out of reach of children who
have impairments in interhemispheric integration.
Receptive and Expressive Language Function

The examiner should attempt to differentiate among speech, language, and
communication disorders. Disorders in speech refers to difficulties in the
production of speech that relate to problems with output and the utterance
of meaningful and communicative sounds. Language is the organized and
retrievable view of the self and the world; phonemics, morphemics, syntactics,
and semantics relate to different aspects of integrated language. Communi
cation relates to the social use of language—to the transmission of meanings
between and among persons. The process of communication is regulated by
a number of norms, so-called communication pragmatics (e.g., eye contact,
turn taking, topic continuity). Delays in language acquisition may be global
or may appear in only selected aspects of language acquisition. The latter are
the most common language disorders.
When evaluating the child’s language, the examiner should observe the
child’s capacity to understand verbal communication and to utter verbaliza
tions. When interviewing the child, the examiner will have multiple oppor
tunities to observe the child’s understanding of verbalizations. The examiner
should note whether he or she has to repeat questions frequently, use redun
dant and simple language, or supplement utterances with gestures or with
deliberate nonverbal language. The examiner should also observe whether
the child is unable to understand even simple expressions. As the child speaks,
the examiner should note the child’s fluency and pronunciation; prosody and
gesturing; vocabulary, grammar, and syntax; and capacity for abstract think
ing (see Chapter 8, “Documenting the Examination”).
The capacity to name objects may be tested by asking the child to name a
number of body parts. The examiner should point to his or her own eyebrow,
chin, wrist, or other body areas and ask the child to name the part. The exam
iner may also point to the child’s own jacket, belt, collar, shoe, or tie and ask
the child to name those items. In adults, dysnomia (i.e., a disturbance in the
capacity to name objects) may result from dominant temporal or parietal
lobe lesions. In children, the disturbance is related to significant develop
mental delays in language.
For example, a 6-year-old child with significant language delays was re
tained in kindergarten. During the language evaluation, the examiner asked
the child to name some body parts. When the examiner pointed to his ear and
asked the child to name it, the child said “head”; when the examiner pointed
to the child’s foot, she said “leg.”
In another case, a 12-year-old Asian American male demonstrated diffi
culties with understanding of language as soon as the examiner came to the
lobby and called him to the office. The examiner extended his hand to greet
him, and the child showed the examiner a ribbon he had on his shirt. As soon
as the child sat in his chair and the examiner started asking questions, the
child looked puzzled and would talk about things unrelated to the questions.
The examiner readily recognized the issue and indicated to the mother that the
child had a receptive language problem. The mother responded, “No wonder
he is not progressing at school.”
In adults, disturbances of prosody and gesturing in which spontaneous
gesturing and emotionality of speech are lacking could be related to frontal
lesions; disturbances in the understanding of the prosody and gesturing of
others could be related to temporal lesions. The neuropathology of develop
mental language disorders is poorly understood, but the disorders have been
associated with mild neuronal migration disorders in the left inferior frontal
cortex (Kinsbourne and Wood 2006).
Information
The child should be asked to narrate recent events. If the child demonstrates
no awareness of or interest in recent news, he or she should be asked to talk
about a favorite sport, favorite team, or favorite players. The following ques
tions are commonly used in this part of the assessment: “What town do you
live in?” “What state do you live in?” “What is the state capital?” “Name the
biggest cities in your state.” “Name the states that border your state.” “What
is the capital of the United States?” “Who was the first president of the United
States?” “Who is the current president?” “Do you know the vice president’s
name?” Other factors to be considered when assessing this area are the
child’s level of intelligence and his or her cultural and socioeconomic back
ground.
Orientation to Time and Place

The child should be asked to identify where he or she is, including the name
of the place, the floor number, and so on. The examiner should ask the child
to indicate on a map where north or south is. The examiner may also ask the
child to point to directions on a wall picture; for example, “In this picture,
where is north?” The examiner should ask the child to indicate the day of the
week and the date, including the month and the year. The child may also be
asked to identify the season and the most recent holiday. Children with non
verbal learning disabilities and children with cognitive deficits have diffi
culty with time tasks.
Abstraction Ability
The examiner should note the child’s complexity of thought as the child re
sponds to the examiner’s questions during the interview. When assessing an
adolescent or intelligent child, the examiner can test for abstraction ability
by testing for similarities or by asking the child to interpret proverbs.
Writing and Reading

The child should be asked to write his or her name and the date. If the child
is old enough, he or she should be asked to use cursive script because this
type of writing is the most sensitive for detecting dysgraphia (difficulty in
writing). (Note, though, that cursive writing will not be a learning objective
in the very near future in the United States.) The child should be asked to
read and to carry out a written command such as “Go to the table, pick up the
pencil, and bring it back to me.”
Calculating Ability
For the assessment of calculating ability, see Chapter 8, “Documenting the
Examination.” Acalculia is a common developmental disorder and is a fre
quent sequela of acute and progressive left posterior hemispheric lesions in
children and adults (Grafman and Rickard 1997). Children with dominant in
ferior parietal lobe dysfunction will display elements of the developmental
Gerstmann syndrome, such as right-left confusion, finger agnosia, dyscalculia,
and dysgraphia. Finger naming, or its dysfunction (finger agnosia), is a pre
dictor of arithmetic abilities (Larson 2006, p. 62).
Immediate, Short-Term, and Long-Term Memory

As the examiner asks questions, he or she should observe the child’s recall.
Children who ask their parent (or other caregiver) either for assistance or to
respond for them may have memory and language problems. Immediate
memory can be tested by asking the child to repeat a number of digits for
ward and backward. By age 8 years, a normally developing child is expected
to recall five digits forward and two or three digits backward; by age 10 years,
the child should be able to recall six digits forward and four digits backward
(Lewis 1996). Short-term memory can be tested by giving the child three
words and asking the child 5 minutes later to recall the words. This challenge
is increased when one of the words is abstract.
Executive Functions
Executive functions could be defined as a number of higher cognitive activ
ities (in an information-processing model) involved in self-managing in
cluding, organization, planning, initiating and completing tasks on a timely
basis, tracking and shifting tasks, self-monitoring, and self-inhibition (Solanto
2015, p. 256). Such functions are thought to be localized in the prefrontal
cortex, an area that is not functionally mature until young adulthood (Spreen
et al. 1995). Executive dysfunctions may be developmental in nature (e.g.,
because of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD], autism spectrum
disorder, Tourette’s disorder) or acquired (e.g., due to traumatic brain injury).
These dysfunctions may be manifested as problems with attention, impulse
control, perseveration, apathy, and emotional dysregulation. Students with
learning disabilities tend to display executive function difficulties, such as
problems with initiation, inhibition, and shifting (Lajiness-O’Neil and Beau
lieu 2006).
To assess executive functions, the examiner should ask the child to do a
puzzle, for instance. The examiner should observe the child’s behavioral or
ganization and his or her capacity to maintain and to shift attention while
performing the task. The examiner should also observe the child’s degree of
planning for and persistence with the given task and his approach to problem
solving. The examiner should note the presence of impulsiveness, disinhibi
tion, or perseverance.
Indications for Consultation and Testing

A variety of consultations may be useful in evaluating neuropsychiatric con
ditions. Pediatric neurological consultation may be requested to ascertain
the presence of neurological deficits and to pursue, when indicated, further
neurological workup, including neuroimaging studies (e.g., computed tomog
raphy [CT] scan, magnetic resonance imaging [MRI]) (see Note 5 at the end
of this chapter) or electrophysiological studies (e.g., electroencephalogram
[EEG], evoked potentials). Consultation with a speech-language pathologist is
mandatory when a child demonstrates language and communication defi
cits. This evaluation helps the clinician to diagnose the nature of the language
pathology and to determine an appropriate treatment. A geneticist should be
consulted when chromosomal or genetic factors are suspected.
Assistance from psychologists and neuropsychologists is indispensable
for both the evaluation and the treatment of neuropsychiatric conditions.
The psychologist provides invaluable assistance in determining the child’s
intellectual abilities and achievement levels. Intellectual assessment scales,
such as the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—4th Edition (WISC-IV;
Wechsler 2003), indicate the child’s Verbal IQ, which measures language-based
reasoning abilities, and the child’s nonverbal Performance IQ, which mea
sures visuospatial abilities. Test results may also suggest deficits that need fur
ther exploration through neuropsychological testing or speech and language
assessment. When a discrepancy exists between the child’s achievement level
(i.e., grade placement in reading, spelling, or math) and the child’s level of in
telligence, the determination of learning disabilities, for purposes of psycho
educational programming, should be made. This general determination does
not address the specific factors that contribute to the child’s underachieve
ment; elucidation of such factors requires neuropsychological testing.
The psychologist also assists in the determination of subjective and inter
personal issues that are associated with neuropsychiatric disorders. These
issues may precede, follow, or be concomitant with the evolution of neuro
psychiatric pathology. Projective testing (e.g., Thematic Apperception Test,
Rorschach Inkblot Test, Sentence Completion Test) helps the examiner to
understand the child’s ongoing psychological conflicts; to determine whether
reality testing is intact; to establish the presence of thought disorder; to eval
uate the child’s relatedness (attachment or object relations), coping mecha
nisms, and psychological resources; and to establish the degree of the child’s
depression or anxiety or the nature of his or her impulse control. The psy
chologist could help the examiner to determine whether secondary gain is
present as well.
Neuropsychological assessment, according to Berkelhammer (2008), is
a hypothesis-driven assessment of higher brain functions resulting in an in

tegrative analysis of findings in the context of a neurodevelopmental-systems
approach and detailing recommendations for addressing the presenting prob
lems as well as those that may be revealed in the course of the evaluation. At
an individual level, neuropsychological testing samples multiple cognitive
domains and contextualizes findings within a neurodevelopmental approach.
Indeed, skilled clinicians are able to translate test results into meaningful rele
vance for parents and educators such that the feedback sessions serve as a
therapeutic intervention. (p. 498)
Harris (1995a) states that neuropsychological testing has unique impor

tance and relevance in the diagnosis and treatment of neuropsychiatric dis
orders. It is “particularly helpful in appreciating those mental status items
that deal with speech/linguistic functions, memory, attention, executive func
tions (vigilance, set maintenance, planning, and inhibitory motor control),
praxis (learned motor behavior), and visuomotor and visuospatial functions.
In addition, the processing/production of social-emotional signals (including
vocal tone, facial expression, and ‘body language,’ or gesture) [are also ame
nable to testing]” (p. 20). Harris emphasizes that “the linking of test findings
to adaptive function is crucial because children may compensate for the brain
dysfunction in a way that the overall functioning is ‘better than they look’ on
the tests applied” (p. 20).
Neuropsychological findings assist psychiatrists in the process of devising
optimal rehabilitation programs for children who are recovering from brain
injury or brain disease. Such findings also help child psychiatrists to con
struct—with the assistance of experts in special education, speech-language
pathology, and other specialties—optimal psychoeducational and remedia
tion programs for children who develop neuropsychological deficits. Con
temporary neuropsychological testing is used to help understand the cogni
tive and behavioral phenotypes of a multitude of neuropsychiatric disorders,
with the goal of aiding in diagnosis and treatment, and of deepening the neu
robiological knowledge of these disorders. The data obtained from such testing
provides the clinician with a profile or pattern of strengths and weaknesses
from which to generate diagnoses, as well as compensatory, remedial, ther
apeutic, and rehabilitation recommendations (Lajiness-O’Neill and Beau
lieu 2006).
Indications for Neuropsychological Testing

Neuropsychological testing is not a uniform examination. Testing varies in
scope and depth, and there are many schools and methods of neuropsycho
logical assessment. Pendleton Jones and Butters (1991, p. 413) explained one
major difference: A major dichotomy in the field of neuropsychological as
sessment is characterized by the use of either a uniform battery for all patients
or an individualized approach. Practitioners of an individualized approach
usually administer a small, core group of tests to all patients, and then select
further tests for the optimal elucidation of the referral questions or issues that
may have been arisen during testing. Batteries undoubtedly have some advan
tages. These include comprehensiveness in the range of functions they sam
ple. They greatly facilitate the combination of research with clinical objectives
in that the same database will automatically be compiled for all patients. A
serious disadvantage of batteries is that they may be providing redundancy
of information in some areas of functioning while achieving insufficient ex
ploration of others.
Despite variations, a comprehensive neuropsychological evaluation at
tempts to measure all domains of neuropsychological functioning believed
to be important for supporting the child’s abilities for a successful interac
tion with environmental demands (Lajiness-O’Neill and Beaulieu 2006).
A number of indications for neuropsychological testing are listed in Ta
ble 12–4. In general, neuropsychological batteries are reliable for children
age 6 years and older. For younger children, neuropsychological testing in
volves combining a variety of age-appropriate motor, language, and cogni
tive tasks with various standardized assessments somewhat similar to those

used in neuropsychological batteries administered to older individuals (Hart
lage and Williams 1997). There are multiple misconceptions about neuropsy
chological testing (regarding the testing process or its interpretation) that
may lead to inaccurate expectations of the testing results in real-world settings.
These misconceptions are equally applicable to neuropsychological testing
and its interpretation in children and adolescents (see Note 6 at the end of
this chapter).
Table 12–5 summarizes the advantages and disadvantages of commonly
used neuropsychological batteries and individualized approaches. One of
the shortcomings of neuropsychological testing is the lack of ecological valid
ity, meaning that the results do not predict how the patient will perform in the
real world (Hartlage and Williams 1997).
Interviewing Children With Learning

Disabilities and Other Neuropsychiatric
Deficits
An inner language is necessary for the formation of self concept and for the
understanding of self in relation to others. Inner language facilitates self
awareness and conceptualization of problem solving. It permits transmission
of mental contents (e.g., thoughts, memories, emotions) in ways that can be
understood in interpersonal communication. Inner language allows trial ac
tion and planning, a prerequisite for understanding psychological and in
terpersonal problems. Verbalization, or the capacity to communicate inner
experience, is necessary for the process of psychological change.
Children with learning disabilities have problems processing information
and difficulties in encoding or decoding emotions (affects). As a consequence,
mood disorders in this population may have a different clinical outlook,
in particular in their nonverbal display. This difference may mislead diag
nosticians.
Children with language disorders or learning disabilities lack the capacity
to use language as an efficient and reliable information-processing tool; they
cannot use language for verbal or conceptual planning prior to action, and
for this reason they are prone to impulsivity. These problems contribute to
the child’s sense of isolation, personal inhibition, diminished sense of com
petence, and poor self concept. Rarely are these children able to convey their
inner lives satisfactorily. For children with language disorders, communicat
ing (or attempting to communicate) with others demands great effort, gen
erates anxiety, and brings disappointing results. For these children, putting
thoughts together and organizing thinking—in a relevant and meaningful
manner—is usually a difficult, laborious, and frustrating task.
Table 12–4. Indications for neuropsychological testing

Evaluating for neurodevelopmental disorders
Evaluating dysfunctional domains related to cognitive or behavioral disorders
(nonverbal disabilities are the most challenging)
Detecting conditions not demonstrated on standard neurodiagnostic testing
Assessing for lack of academic progress
Defining specific learning disorders
Identifying subtle brain trauma
Monitoring neuropsychological status
Assessing baseline and measuring recovery associated with therapies/
interventions
Characterizing patient strengths for planning rehabilitation programs
Determining suitability for educational or vocational programs
Assisting in medico-legal situations
Determining responsibility in forensic examinations
Assisting in research
Source. Adapted from Harris 1995a and Tranel 1992. Modified from Cepeda 2010, p. 328.
The challenge in the diagnostic assessment of these children lies in the timely
identification of their communication difficulties. The examiner must open
communication channels that compensate for the child’s language limi
tations. By creating such pathways, the examiner facilitates the child’s ex
pression of his or her psychological and interpersonal problems. Although
verbalization is the most efficient modality for self-revelation, the diagnostic
assessment of children with language impairments must be aided by a vari
ety of expressive, nonverbal techniques (e.g., drawing, playing, puppetry, ki
netic or mimetic enactments).
In cases of receptive language deficits, the examiner has the added chal
lenge of ensuring that the child understands what the examiner says or wants
to convey. The examiner must use simple, deliberate, and redundant lan
guage. The examiner also needs to verify on an ongoing basis that he or she
is being understood by asking the child, “What did I say?” or “What did I ask
you?”
Many children with language difficulties use pragmatic adaptational be
haviors (e.g., nodding to imply assent) to please others and to secure accep
tance. The naive interviewer may misunderstand this adaptive nonverbal
body language. For example, when the examiner is talking, the child may be
nodding as if conveying that he or she understands. The nodding misleads
Table 12–5. Advantages and disadvantages of commonly used neuropsychological batteries and
316
individualized approaches
Advantages Disadvantages
Batteries
Halstead-Reitan Has been adapted for use with children: the Reitan- As with other batteries, the accuracy of detecting
Neuropsychological Indiana Test Battery for Children may be used structural brain damage declines when applied to
Battery with children ages 5–8 years; the Halstead-Reitan psychiatric patients. Lacks measures of memory
Neuropsychological Test Battery for Children is used assessment. Is lengthy and costly to administer.
with children ages 9–15 years. Samples a wide range Contains a large element of subjective evaluation.
of functions. Can be used to make inferences as to Does not reflect progress in neuropsychological
lesion localization and chronicity. assessment during the past 40+ years.
Luria-Nebraska Brief and comprehensive. Complex functions are Serious questions exist regarding standardization,
Neuropsychological divided into simple components so that more validity, and reliability. It has been questioned
Battery information is gleaned about the precise nature of whether the assessment method developed by Luria
the deficits. Can discriminate between brain-injured can be operationalized as a fixed battery.
and control subjects and between brain-damaged
patients and schizophrenia patients.
Individualized approaches
Boston process approach Emphasizes higher cortical assessment and is flexible. Standardization and validation are incomplete. Testing
Focuses on the patient’s successes and failures. requires a high level of training and experience.
Emphasizes process and strategy; similar deficits
may reflect very different underlying processes. Is
comprehensive in the areas of language and memory.
Is useful and sensitive in rehabilitation planning.

Table 12–5. Advantages and disadvantages of commonly used neuropsychological batteries and
individualized approaches (continued)
Advantages Disadvantages
Individualized approaches (continued)

Muriel D. Lezak approach An individualized approach that emphasizes patient’s Test selection is critical. May require 6–9 hours of
successes and failures. Contains the most administration time.
comprehensive list of individual tests.
Arthur Benton approach An individualized and patient-oriented approach. Tester requires a high level of training and experience.
Sequential process leads to a diagnostic decision. In
80% of cases, experienced neuropsychologists may
complete testing in 60–90 minutes.
Source. Reprinted from Cepeda 2010, pp. 329–330.
Neuropsychiatric Interview and Examination
317
the examiner because it is a learned behavior the child has incorporated to fit
into the social milieu; nodding does not guarantee that the child under
stands. The examiner needs to break through this adaptive facade by repeat
edly asking for feedback until he or she is certain that the child is processing or
understanding what is being communicated. We have evaluated children
who have been referred because of apparent psychotic features. These children
were said to “talk to themselves” and so on. Careful observations revealed
that these children were thinking aloud or trying out ideas they wanted to ex
press. This self-talk was a trial speech.
The following case example involves a child with aphasia, profound neu
ropsychological problems, and global cognitive deficits whose interpersonal
behavior baffled her teachers.
Case Example 1
Frances, an 11-year-old Caucasian female, was referred by the school district
for assessment of “psychotic behavior,” specifically, because “the child talks
to herself frequently...she talks to imaginary friends ..she laughs inappropri
ately.” Frances had been diagnosed with global aphasia and was known to
have global cognitive deficits. She attended a special education program be
cause of demonstrated serious learning difficulties.
Frances’s mother alleged that Frances had developed satisfactorily until
age 2 years, at which time she sustained a severe head injury when her father,
who had been holding Frances on his back, lost his grip, and she fell on her head.
Frances forgot how to speak after the accident. Her mother spent a great deal
of time and effort teaching her to speak again and, later, to read.
Frances was born at full term but was delivered by forceps and may have been
oxygen deprived at birth. Frances’s mother described her as an easy-tempered
baby. She indicated that early developmental milestones had emerged at the
expected times. She reported that developmental delays began after her fall.
She had no history of seizures or of any other medical problems, and she had
no psychiatric history.
At the time of the evaluation, Frances’s parents were separated. Frances’s
father had abandoned the family some time earlier. Frances’s mother alleged
that her husband was mentally ill and that there was significant mental ill
ness on the side of his family. The family was experiencing significant eco
nomic stress and received assistance from charity organizations.
The mental status examination revealed an attractive and engaging pread
olescent female who appeared her chronological age. Frances was appropri
ately dressed and well groomed. She exhibited a significant degree of anxiety,
and although she appeared euthymic, she demonstrated some social-adaptive
but inappropriate smiling. Her affect was increased in range and in intensity.
As Frances began to talk, her dysprosody became apparent. Her voice was
hoarse and rasping, like that of an old woman. She had difficulties initiating
speech and frequently showed hesitancy and significant problems in the flow
of expressive language. Frances tended to perseverate, and the examiner fre
quently needed to repeat questions because Frances seemed to have problems
understanding speech, too. Frances’s sentences were short and simple, and she
had frequent problems with grammar and syntax, including improper use of
prepositions and conjunctions. The examiner noted that Frances had recent
and remote memory problems. Although she was coherent, she also displayed
dysnomia and some illogical thoughts. The examiner found no evidence of a
mood disorder, suicidal or homicidal ideation, or psychosis.
Summary of Positive Findings

Physical examination. Findings were unremarkable.
Neurological screening. Frances showed evidence of receptive and ex
pressive language disorders; she also exhibited some ataxia and frontal re
lease signs.
Neurological consultation. Frances’s left ear was mildly malformed, and
mild facial asymmetry was observed. There was no evidence of dysarthria,
but word usage and syntax problems were noted. Frances could not read at
her grade level, and her reading comprehension was poor. Visual perceptual
deficits were also observed. When she was challenged with commands of
medium complexity, Frances’s speech comprehension was below the expected
level. The diagnostic impression was of dysphasia (expressive-receptive
speech deficits). A tic disorder was also suspected. The examiner recommended
a speech evaluation and a sleep-deprived EEG.
Cognitive testing. Frances obtained a Full Scale IQ of 75, a Verbal IQ of
66, and a Performance IQ of 87. Frances’s scores on tasks requiring elaborate
explanations were quite impaired, reflecting her significant aphasic deficits.
Her scores on subtests associated with perceptual organization showed scat
ter (i.e., a large spread in subtest score values). She had borderline scores for
the arrangement of pictures to tell a story and the reproduction of designs
using patterned blocks. She exhibited an average ability to scan for visual in
congruities and a high-average ability to assemble puzzles. Her scores asso
ciated with attention and freedom from distractibility were average (repeti
tion of digit strings) and borderline (mental arithmetic). Processing speed
scores were average (visual target detection) and borderline (copying of sym
bols from a key). The pattern was consistent with a significant language def
icit in the presence of better-developed visuoperceptual abilities.
Projective testing. Findings were consistent with the diagnosis of
schizotypal personality disorder. Frances exhibited significant evidence of def
icits in perceptual accuracy but no evidence of a thought disorder. Frances’s
behavior during the evaluation aptly depicted her internal confusion: she had
difficulties interpreting the actions of others in a positive and caring way, and
she was uneasy in interpersonal relationships, expecting that she would be
misunderstood or that she would misunderstand others. Although she said
that she was unwilling to participate in the evaluation, Frances’s behavior was
generally cooperative and pleasant, but she had a tendency to become disor
ganized under stress.
Neuropsychological testing. The neuropsychologist reported that Frances
was an attractive, slim girl who was somewhat small for her age. She was ad
equately groomed and appropriately dressed. Her speech and language were
unusual in several regards. Frances’s word usage was quite concrete; she fre
quently used the word “thing” to refer to objects or made paraphasic errors
(e.g., “eyelashes” for eyebrows). Frances talked almost continuously and at a
rapid rate. Her spontaneous comments and questions appeared to reflect her
personal concerns and anxiety (e.g., she frequently expressed fear of punish
ment) and were frequently off topic. Frances tended to ask repetitive questions,
such as asking what time it was every few minutes. Her receptive language ap
peared impaired; she often had difficulty understanding spoken instructions
and needed more explanation and demonstration than expected based on
her age.
Frances’s motor activity and energy level were significantly increased. She
fidgeted, squirmed, and attempted to get out of her chair and explore the
room. Her motor activity increased every time she was faced with a task she
found difficult. She had significant problems maintaining attention. Frances
got off task frequently and required a great deal of redirection. Her approach
to various tasks was inefficient; for example, she often indicated that she was
finished with a task without checking it for accuracy. Her mood was anxious
and her affect incongruent. For example, even when obviously frustrated and
having protested that a task was too difficult, Frances continued smiling. Her
cooperation fluctuated. She was most cooperative on tasks she enjoyed, and
she appeared quite responsive to praise and encouragement. On tasks she
found difficult, she protested verbally or responded in a random or silly man
ner until redirected. On one task, she simply refused to continue.
Visuospatial skills. Right-left confusion and poor visuospatial construc
tion skills were revealed.
Language. Frances exhibited mild impairment in all aspects of language.
Her receptive vocabulary was in the first percentile: Frances had problems
understanding spoken questions and directions. Her expressive vocabulary
was in the impaired range, and her abstraction skills were in the borderline
range. Findings were consistent with a significant aphasic disorder.
Memory. Frances exhibited impairments in immediate memory recall
and learning. Her pattern of performance indicated poor initial encoding.
On a task of learning and recall for a set of spatial coordinates, Frances be
came extremely frustrated, responded randomly, and refused to complete
the task. The pattern of errors suggested inconsistent attention.
Executive functions. Frances exhibited severe deficits in executive func
tions.
Diagnostic impression. Tests were consistent with multiple neurologi
cal deficits, most notably in receptive and expressive language, psychomotor
coordination, and executive functions. These deficits significantly impeded
Frances’s ability to problem solve verbally or organize novel information,
leading to a reliance on repetitive and often inappropriate behavior. Frances’s
neurocognitive problems were exacerbated by anxiety. Frances was not con
sidered intellectually disabled. Her symptoms were consistent with perva
sive developmental disorder and appeared to be secondary to her neurocog
nitive deficits. For more findings in Frances’ evaluation, see Note 7 at the end
of this chapter.
Regarding localizing principles of aphasia in children, Cummings (1995b)
pointed out, “Children often exhibit nonfluent aphasia regardless of the lesion
localization in the left hemisphere” (p. 181). Severe linguistic deficits are rarely
isolated. These deficits are frequently associated with other neurocognitive
and neuropsychological deficits. Understandably, depression, anxiety, and

psychotic disorders are frequent comorbid conditions in children with lan
guage disorders and neuropsychological deficits. Receptive language disor
ders are frequently misdiagnosed as oppositional defiant disorders. In reality,
children with these disorders do not understand the oral commands they are
given and on the surface it appears that they are being oppositional. Impulse
control difficulties are common in these children.
Children with severe expressive language disorders display surface thought
disorders that are similar to those of individuals with schizophrenia (e.g.,
looseness of associations, incoherence, circumstantiality, neologisms). The
main differences are in the areas of relatedness and affective expression. In
general, children with language disorders are likable, have a strong interest
in people, and frequently display broad and congruent affect, as well as an
interest in communicating. Children with schizophrenia usually have schiz
oid behaviors and display blunt or inappropriate affect. Elaborate delusions
and multisensory hallucinations are characteristic.
Both Frances and Ruben (whose case is discussed later in this chapter) dem
onstrated significant mixed language impairment and moderate to severe
memory deficits, reflecting the close connection between language and mem
ory functions. Surprisingly, parents and even teachers failed to recognize
these language problems.
Patients with severe neuropsychiatric problems often grow up with deep
seated doubts about their competence and intellectual capacity. Because of
their communication difficulties, they develop a sense of defectiveness and
a poor self-concept. They may be demoralized or chronically depressed. Lan
guage limitations also interfere with their social relationships. These chil
dren have problems making friends and gaining acceptance from their peer
groups; usually they are isolated and insecure. Neuropsychiatric impairments
interfere with school and vocational achievement. Lack of achievement fur
ther interferes with these children’s overall adaptation (i.e., sense of compe
tence, self-esteem, and attitude toward life problems). Serious behavioral and
attitudinal difficulties develop in children in whom these disorders are not
properly diagnosed and treated.
In general, learning disabilities and related neuropsychological impair
ments represent cortical association disconnections or cortical-subcortical
disconnections caused by a variety of noxae, and even correlated with socio
economic status (SES). Singh (2012, p. 854) reported that higher socioeco
nomic status correlated with larger hippocampus volume and that higher
amygdala volumes correlated with lower SES. Furthermore, left temporal lobe
and left frontal gyrus size correlated with SES, and lower specialization of
left hemisphere correlated with low SES.
Specific Neuropsychiatric Symptoms

Attention and Concentration Deficits
According to Barkley (2015), ADHD is neurodevelopmental disorder and is
classified as such in DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013). Al
though there are multiple etiologies that contribute to ADHD, the greatest
contributors to the expression of the disorder are a) genetics, b) neurological
factors, and c) environmental factors (biohazards). Some issues with cellular
migration—termination and support (neuroglia) may also be implicated. There
is no credible evidence that ADHD can be caused by social factors alone.
Among the biohazards, prematurity, prenatal toxins and infections, and post
natal events such as lead poisoning, traumatic brain injury, and other inju
ries that interfere with brain development or that transact with genetic pro
pensities need to be considered (Barkley 2015b, p. 356–363) (see Note 8 at
the end of this chapter).
ADHD diagnosis assumes a developmental delay or an acquired impair
ment of the behavioral inhibition networks of the brain that control self
regulation; this theory links behavioral inhibition and executive functions.
Behavioral inhibition is the foundation of the relationship of self-control and
executive functions (discussed below). Self-regulation is defined as self
directed action to change one’s own behavior to alter the probability of a de
layed (future) consequence; executive functions are forms of self-behavior, that
is, the actions one uses to change oneself so as to change the future (Smith
et al. 2007).
The four executive functions (forms of self-directed actions) are as fol
lows (Smith et al. 2007):
1. Nonverbal working memory (covert self-directed sensing) represents hind

sight of the retrospective function of working memory; this contributes
to the subjective estimation of psychological time involved in forethought
or prospective function of working memory.
2. Verbal working memory (internalized self-directed speech) is involved in
self-control, planning, and goal-directed behavior.
3. Self-regulation of affect-motivation-arousal (self-directed emotion) is in
ner speech that is important in managing motivational states. (By pri
vately manipulating and modulating emotional and motivational states,
the child can induce drive or motivational states that may be required for
initiating and maintaining goal-directed behavior.)
4. Planning and reconstitution (self-directed play) involves inner speech
and imagery that permit analysis (deconstruction) and synthesis (recom
bination) of the world. Action-to-the-self is based on play in childhood
that progresses from manual-verbal play to private mental manipulations
of images and words that generate new ideas and related behaviors to use
in goal-directed problem solving.
Attention processes are fundamental executive and neurocognitive func

tions that entail a variety of capacities, including sustained attention, selec
tive attention, intensity of attention, and inhibitory control. Alertness, target
detection, and vigilance are major components of the attention processes.
Alertness refers to the readiness to process information and depends on the
intactness of the right hemisphere. Target detection, or selection, depends on
parietal lobe functioning and involves selective attention of a specific stimu
lus. The disengagement of attention from a given stimulus seems to be even
more specific for intact parietal functions. Vigilance refers to the mental ef
fort needed to maintain attention. This higher aspect of attention involves
effortless problem solving, motivation, and commitment to memory.
Up to 20% of children with ADHD may also have a severe social disability
(i.e., profound deficits in interpersonal and social functioning). Although
ADHD as a primary disorder can occur without other psychopathology, the
disorder may accompany many neurological, psychiatric, and psychosocial
conditions. Although distractibility and hyperactivity are the predominant
features of ADHD, these symptoms are also found in many medical and neu
rological conditions.
According to Criterion B of the DSM-5 criteria for ADHD, several inatten
tive or hyperactive-impulsive symptoms should be present prior to age 12 years
(American Psychiatric Association 2013, p. 60). Findings by Moffitt et al.
(2015), in the Dunedin, New Zealand, longitudinal cohort study, question the
dictum that ADHD starts in childhood. They found a small group of adults
with ADHD—representing de novo cases—that had not had ADHD as chil
dren. These group of patients had IQ scores comparable to those of controls
and showed negligible neuropsychological impairment (the opposite being
markers of ADHD beginning in childhood). The authors suggested that
their ADHD adult sample may have suffered from a different disorder (Mof
fitt et al. 2015, pp. 972, 975).
For many decades, it has been known that overcorrection of hyperactivity
with stimulants brings a decrement of concentration and other cognitive
dysfunctions. In this vein, Sarver et al. (2015) demonstrated that for children
with ADHD, hyperactivity is a compensatory adjustment that props up pho
nological neurocognitive function. High rates of gross motor behavior posi
tively predicted phonological working memory performance for children with
ADHD but not for the control children. This association was robust. The higher
rates of gross motor behavior were associated with improvement in phono
logical neurocognitive function but not with its normalization. It is well known
that children with ADHD display hypoactivation of the frontal and prefron
tal regions when they engage in cognitive activities. It is likely that the in
creased psychomotor activity increases the level of arousal of these areas,
resulting in an improvement in the neurocognitive function. Hyperactivity
in ADHD children do not improve visuospatial functioning. These observa
tions have important clinical and pedagogic implications.
Delirium
Delirium is usually a transient and reversible dysfunction in cerebral activity
that has an acute or subacute onset and is clinically manifested by a wide
range of neuropsychiatric abnormalities causing a confusional state. Intrin
sic predisposing factors for delirium include a previous delirium episode, a
preexisting cognitive impairment, a CNS disorder, blood-brain barrier per
meability, and the following environmental factors: social isolation, sensory
extremes (sleep and sensory deprivation and sensory overload), visual and
hearing deficits, immobility, and environmental novelty or stress (Williams
2007). In an analogy with other organ failures, delirium has been recently con
sidered as an indicator of brain failure. Although delirium occurs in children,
it is seldom identified. Delirium is potentially life threatening and requires
immediate medical attention. Patients are inattentive and disoriented and
display incoherent or rambling speech. They may appear to be in a stupor or
a state of restless agitation. Perceptual disturbances (e.g., illusions and vi
sual, auditory, or haptic hallucinations) are common. In addition, sleep
wake cycle disturbances or memory impairments may occur. Characteristi
cally, the patient’s level of alertness waxes and wanes: the patient may by ori
ented and alert at one moment and become disoriented and confused the
next; symptoms tend to worsen as the day progresses and sunlight wanes (the
so-called sundowning effect). Autonomic instability (changes in heart rate
and blood pressure, sweating, and pupillary changes), as well as mood and
emotional alterations are common in delirium. Delirium should be suspected
in patients who are taking psychotropic medications. Neuroleptic malignant
syndrome and serotonin syndrome are life-threatening complications of psy
chotropic use that must be timely identified.
The DSM-5 guidelines for the diagnosis of delirium (American Psychiat
ric Association 2013, p. 596) include the following criteria:
A. A disturbance in attention (i.e., reduced ability to direct, focus, sustain,

and shift attention) and awareness (reduced orientation to the environ
ment).
B. The disturbance develops over a short period of time (usually hours to a
few days), represents a change from baseline attention and awareness,
and tends to fluctuate in severity during the course of a day.
C. An additional disturbance in cognition (e.g., memory deficit, disorienta

tion, language, visuospatial ability, or perception).
D. The disturbances in Criteria A and C are not better explained by another
preexisting, established, or evolving neurocognitive disorder and do not
occur in the context of a severely reduced level of arousal, such as coma.
E. There is evidence from the history, physical examination, or laboratory
findings that the disturbance is a direct physiological consequence of an
other medical condition, substance intoxication or withdrawal (i.e., due
to a drug of abuse or to a medication), or exposure to a toxin, or is due to
multiple etiologies.
A number of mnemonics have been used to aid in the recollection of the

multiplicity of conditions that cause delirium. I WATCH DEATH (Infectious,
Withdrawal, Acute metabolic, Trauma, CNS pathology, Hypoxia, Deficien
cies, Endocrinopathies, Acute vascular, Toxins or drugs, Heavy metals) is
one such mnemonic for delirium. Williams (2007, p. 649) proposed PLASTRD
for the signs and symptoms of delirium:
• Psychosis: Perceptual disorders, visual illusions, hallucinations, meta

morphopsias. Poorly formed paranoid delusions. Thought disorder: cir
cumstantiality, tangentiality, loose associations.
• Language impairment: Word-finding difficulties, dysnomias, paraphasia,
dysgraphia. Altered semantic content; severe forms may mimic expres
sive or receptive aphasia.
• Altered labile affect: Moods incongruous to context or mood lability.
Hypoactive delirium may be confused with depression.
• Sleep-wake disturbance: Fragmented throughout 24-hour period; rever
sal of normal diurnal cycle. Sleeplessness.
• Temporal course: Acute, abrupt onset; fluctuation of symptom severity
during 24-hour period. Usually reversible. Subclinical syndrome may
precede or follow the episode.
• Reactivity altered: Hyperactivity, hypoactivity, mixed.
• Diffused cognitive deficits: Inattention, disorientation (time, place, per
son); amnesia (short and long term), verbal and visual. Impairment of
visuoconstructional ability; executive function deficits.
We suggest the mnemonic TRACK CHAOS as a probably easier-to

remember alternative:
• Thought disorder: circumstantiality, loose associations.

• Reversible, usually affect lability, incongruous mood, depression-like signs.
• Course: acute/abrupt onset, fluctuating signs and symptom during the day.
• Kinetics: hyperactivity, hypoactivity, mixed.

• Cognitive disturbances, inattention, disorientation, memory impairments.
• Hallucinations multisensory, paranoia, illusions, psychosis.
• Aphasia: language impairment, dysnomias, paraphasias, word-finding.
difficulties, receptive language difficulties.
• Orientation difficulties, confusion.
• Sleep disturbances, reversal of diurnal cycle.
See Table 12–6 for the differential diagnosis of delirium/psychosis.

The most common causes of delirium in children are head trauma, CNS
infections, and intoxication. In adolescents, the most common culprits are
CNS injuries caused by serious suicide attempts (e.g., from hanging, carbon
monoxide poisoning, psychotropic drug overdoses), and side effects associ
ated with abuse of hallucinogenic drugs and medications (including psycho
tropic medication side effects). Mortality from delirium in childhood could
be as high as 20% (Williams 2007).
Soft Neurological Signs

Soft neurological signs have nonspecific neuropsychiatric significance.
They are not localizing and are not invariably associated with specific struc
tural lesions. Their clinical significance has been variably interpreted by dif
ferent clinicians, and arbitrary hierarchical attributions have been assigned.
They are closely related to the child’s developmental status, because many of
these signs are present at an early age. Soft neurological signs are often con
sidered as evidence of developmental immaturity or of a developmental lag
as they persist in older children. Soft signs are slightly more common in chil
dren who have several different types of psychiatric disorders. Attaching a
well-defined clinical significance to soft signs is impossible. Within a specific
diagnostic group, soft signs may have some predictive value. Soft signs are
more prevalent in psychiatric patients. The Physical and Neurological Ex
amination for Soft Signs (PANESS; Guy 1976) is the preferred assessment in
strument for soft neurological signs.
Patankar et al. (2012, p. 2) studied the prevalence of soft neurological signs
in ADHD children. According to them soft neurological signs include poor
coordination; poor speed or accuracy of limb or axial movements, including
those required to keep balance; dysrhythmias; and overflow. Of the timed mo
tor movements, speed of movement and dysrhythmias are the most reliable
findings. Synkinesias, or movement overflow, are indicators of a developmen
tal delay of motor inhibition. Dysrhythmias and slow speed are an indication
of functional deficits of the cerebellum and the basal ganglia (see Note 9 at
the end of this chapter).
Table 12–6. Differential diagnosis of

delirium/psychosis
1. Toxic conditions
a. Alcohol intoxication and withdrawal
b. Substances of abuse: cocaine, amphetamine, MDMA, hallucinogens
c. LSD, mescaline, psilocybin, PCP, dextromethorphan
d. Acute lead encephalopathy
e. Neuroleptic malignant syndrome, serotonin syndrome
f. Drug-induced delirium
g. Lead, mercury, bath salts
2. Metabolic disorders
a. Electrolyte imbalances
b. Adrenoleukodystrophy
c. GM2 gangliosidoses
d. Niemann-Pick disease
e. Beta mannosidoses
f. Acute intermittent porphyria
g. Hemocysteinuria
h. Porphyria
i. Hypoxia
3. Endocrinological disorders
a. Thyrotoxicosis
b. Hypothyroidism
c. Addison’s disease
d. Cushing’s syndrome
e. Hyperparathyroidism
4. Infectious diseases
a. Viral encephalitis (HIV, herpes, rabies, measles)
b. PANDAS
c. Bacterial encephalitis
d. Post-infectious encephalitis
e. Fungal encephalitis (cryptococcosis)
Table 12–6. Differential diagnosis of

delirium/psychosis (continued)
4. Infectious diseases (continued)
f. Prion diseases
g. Spirochetal infections (syphilis, leptospirosis, Lyme disease)
h. Parasitic conditions: malaria
5. Structural and neurological lesions
a. Temporal lobe glioma
b. CTE
c. Subdural hematomas
6. Autoimmune disorders
a. Systemic lupus erythematosus
b. Multiple sclerosis, sarcoidosis
c. Limbic, anti-NMDA, anti-VGKC, ASL progressive multifocal
leukoencephalopathy
d. Paraneoplastic conditions
7. Paroxysmal disorder
a. Temporal lobe epilepsy (complex partial symptomatology)
b. Partial complex status epilepticus
c. Post-ictal psychosis
8. Specific genetic disorders
a. Huntington’s disease
b. Wilson’s disease
c. Parkinson’s disease
d. Fahr’s disease
Note. ASL=acute sclerosing leukoencephalitis; CTE=chronic traumatic encephalopathy;
LSD=lysergic acid diethylamide; MDMA=3,4,-methylenedioxy-N-methylamphetamine;
NMDA=N-methyl-D-aspartate; PANDAS=pediatric autoimmune neuropsychiatric disorders
associated with streptococcal infections; PCP=phencyclidine; VGKC=voltage-gated potas

sium channel.
Source. Modified from Towbin 2015, p. 458, and Sher et al. 2016, pp. 41–46.
Seizure Disorders
The psychopathology related to seizure disorders has multiple causes. Psy
chiatric morbidity related to seizure disorders is determined by several
factors, including underlying neuropathology, neural effects of ictal and in
terictal states, psychological effect of loss of consciousness or altered con
sciousness, family reaction to epilepsy, and psychotropic effects of
anticonvulsant treatment. According to Sankar et al. (2006, p. 872), mesial
temporal sclerosis is the predominant cause of complex partial symptom
atology. This entails damage to the hippocampus areas CA1, CA2, CA3 sub
fields and the granular dentate cells (p. 863). In a significant proportion of
patients with complex partial symptomatology focal abnormalities are
found outside the hippocampus: in the limbic system of the frontal lobes and
lateral temporal lobes, and in the nonlimbic areas of the temporal lobe. As
many as 85% of children with temporal lobe epilepsy had psychiatric disor
ders, including mental retardation (25%) and disruptive behaviors (includ
ing “hyperkinetic syndrome” and catastrophic rage), but only 30% had
psychiatric disorders when followed to adulthood (Cook and Leventhal
1992, p. 652). Epilepsy in childhood is a powerful risk factor for emotional
and behavioral disorders. Children with epilepsy have a three to four times
higher rate of psychiatric disorders than children in non-epileptic samples
(Heyman et al. 2015, p. 396). (Memory and attention are especially disturbed
in patients with complex partial seizures, even in those with subclinical epi
leptiform discharges, particularly if the left hemisphere is affected (Spreen
et al. 1995).
Aggressive behavior, mood disturbances, intolerance to frustration, poor
integration into social groups, and marked dependency are common in children
with seizures. Psychoses are more prevalent in children with left-hemispheric
seizure foci. The following case example illustrates psychiatric consequences
(i.e., aggressive behaviors and psychosis) in a child with poorly controlled sei
zures (see also Ralph’s case [Case Example 8] in Chapter 8, “Documenting
the Examination”).
Case Example 2
Ricardo, a 6-year-old Hispanic male, was evaluated for oppositional and ag
gressive behaviors at home and at school. His mixed seizure disorder (grand
mal and complex partial) was poorly controlled, primarily because of poor
compliance with the neurologist’s recommendations. Ricardo was in the care
of his maternal grandmother, who was frail, forgetful, and psychiatrically ill.
The school had reported Ricardo’s grandmother to the department of social
services because Ricardo had gone to school overmedicated on several occa
sions. When the school nurse checked on how much medication the grand
mother had given Ricardo, it did not match the doctor’s prescription.
The grandmother reported that Ricardo often stared into space and ap
peared confused. He would become unresponsive, his mouth would foam,
and his skin would become discolored. The grandmother was more alarmed
than the child; he often expressed fears that somebody was going to harm
him. He had plucked out his teddy bear’s eyes because, as Ricardo described it,
the teddy “was staring at me funny.” Ricardo’s sleep-deprived electroenceph
alogram (EEG) confirmed the diagnosis of partial seizure symptomatology.
Appropriate anticonvulsant medications and close monitoring ensured
seizure control and produced marked improvement in Ricardo’s aggressive
behavior, paranoid symptoms, and overall symptomatology.
Most paroxysmal events (i.e., seizures) are diagnosed by history and not
by laboratory studies (Larson 2006, p. 70). Neurologists use anti-epileptic
medications in cases in which the history is very suggestive of seizures, even
though the EEG is not confirmatory of seizures. Normal EEG findings are
common, however, during a single partial seizure and do not exclude the di
agnosis (Fenichel 2005, p. 30).
Regressive Behavior
The loss of cognitive abilities or of acquired personal, social, or behavioral skills
should call into question the integrity of the child’s CNS. Clinicians should
be cautious in making diagnostic closures in the assessment of regressive be
havior. The following case example is illustrative.
Case Example 3
Roger, a 7-year-old Caucasian male, was referred for a psychiatric evaluation
for regressive behavior. He had stopped talking and had problems eating. At
school, he seemed listless and had limited academic progress. Roger also had
problems with “enuresis and encopresis.” When Roger’s mother was asked
about a history of similar problems in the family, she casually commented
that many boys in her family had died at a very early age. Because the neuro
logical examination was positive for equivocal Babinski’s signs bilaterally,
and given that Roger had difficulties in feeding, he was referred to a univer
sity pediatric neurology clinic.
At first, a pediatric neurologist found no reason to consider a neurologi
cal disorder; she suspected a functional disorder. A pediatric psychiatric
consultation established that Roger had a psychotic disorder. Serendipitously,
another neurologist noticed hyperpigmented creases in Roger’s hands, after
which adrenal gland involvement (Addison’s disease) was confirmed. A brain
CT scan showed extensive demyelination in the frontal and temporoparietal
areas. A diagnosis of adrenoleukodystrophy was made. The dementing and de
teriorating course of the illness continued unremittingly until Roger became
bedridden a few years later.
What was initially interpreted as a lack of academic progress was early evi
dence of a progressive loss of cognitive faculties (dementia), and what was
initially called “enuresis and encopresis” was a loss of voluntary sphincter con
trol, a sign of frontal lobe dysfunction.
Investigations to detect organicity and appropriate referrals are indicated

if 1) the child loses well-established linguistic, academic, or self-help skills
and performs below previous levels; 2) features emerge that are suggestive
of brain disorder; or 3) risk factors for genetic or infectious disease are present.
The most common disorders that may manifest with dementing symptoms in
child psychiatric practice are Batten disease, Wilson’s disease, Huntington’s
disease, adrenoleukodystrophy, juvenile-onset meta-chromatic leukodystro
phy, subacute sclerosing panencephalitis, HIV encephalopathy, Rett syn
drome, convulsive disorders (e.g., Lennox-Gastaut syndrome, Landau-Kleffner
syndrome), cerebral palsy, and head injury (see subsection “Chronic Trau
matic Encephalopathy” later in this section).
Child psychiatrists have a key role in the identification of dementing dis
orders of childhood. Some of these disorders, like Wilson’s disease, are
potentially treatable. Prompt identification is important for timely clinical
management.
Some severely regressed patients may exhibit complex and confusing clin
ical pictures that mimic neurodegenerative disorders. An 11-year-old pread
olescent developed progressive speech difficulties and stopped eating. He
also had displayed extensive catatonic symptoms. He was referred to a uni
versity hospital. The neurological workup (including neuroimaging) was
negative. Under Amytal sodium, he talked about his history of severe phys
ical abuse. Acute regressive pictures with complex psychiatric symptom
atology have been observed in children with complex partial seizures who
did not have a history of seizures.
Traumatic Brain Injury

Birmaher and Williams (1996) have highlighted risk-taking behavior as one
of the causes of traumatic brain injury. Risk-taking behavior is an etiologic
contributor to traumatic brain injury among children and adolescents. A
number of studies point to the elevated incidence of documented alcohol
use, preexisting cognitive deficits, preexistent deviant behavior, and dimin
ished parental emotional stability among youths who sustain a traumatic
brain injury. Children with head injuries have tended to be impulsive, ag
gressive, attention-seeking, and behaviorally disturbed, engendering a
greater probability of being in dangerous situations likely to result in acci
dents. Frequently these children are in the wrong place at the wrong time.
Families of children experiencing accidents show more parental illness and
mental disorders, more social disadvantages of various kinds, and less ade
quate supervision of children’s activities than is found in the general popu
lation (Birmaher and Williams 1996, pp. 370–371).
Table 12–7. Sequelae of traumatic brain injury

Major cognitive sequelae
Decrease in speed and efficiency of information processing
Difficulties with attention and concentration
Learning and memory problems
Perception difficulties
Language and communication problems
Problems with executive functions
Decrease in level of intelligence
Major affective and personality sequelae

Organic personality changes
Reactive personality changes
Noncognitive sequelae
Sensory complaints
Posttraumatic headaches
Posttraumatic epilepsy
Sleep disturbances
Psychotic features
Psychological reaction to the brain injury

Adjustment to adaptive impairments
Changes in self-concept and body image
Source. Reprinted from Cepeda 2010, p. 345.
It is not a simple matter to disentangle the sequelae of traumatic brain

injury from antecedent deficits. Bennet et al. (1997) classified the sequelae
of traumatic brain injury into four categories, as shown in Table 12–7.
Many of the complications and sequelae of brain injury are illustrated in
the following case example.
Case Example 4
Abe, a 13-year-old Caucasian male and the son of two physicians, was eval
uated for depression, suicidal behavior, and increasingly aggressive dyscon
trol. He had hit a child with a rock, and on another occasion he had to be
separated from the same child. Eighteen months earlier, on the first day of a
vacation, he was “accidentally hit” with a golf club in the left frontotemporal
area. X rays demonstrated a depressed frontotemporoparietal skull fracture.
Abe was comatose for 10 days. He sustained an intraparenchymal hematoma
(bleeding within the brain) and lacerations of the frontal and temporal lobes.
After neurosurgical intervention, Abe experienced expressive aphasia and
right-side hemiplegia (paralysis). He also had difficulties swallowing and
controlling his bowel functions. By the time of the psychiatric evaluation, Abe
had achieved a “wonderful recovery:” most of the overt aphasia and hemiple
gia had resolved. However, subtle impairments remained: he had difficulty
writing due to loss of a fine motor coordination of the right hand, and he had
episodic difficulties in word finding. Problems with concentration had also
been observed.
Abe had been an honor student but was struggling to catch up at school
and complained that the school’s demands were harder to meet than before.
Abe’s parents noticed that he was painfully aware of his limitations and func
tional loss. They also noticed significant personality changes. Abe had become
more irritable, and he was prone to angry outbursts and frequent confronta
tions with his father. On one occasion, he pushed his father and hit him on the
chest. He also became destructive and self-abusive (he engaged in head bang
ing). Abe became progressively more demoralized and began to show evidence
of withdrawal and loss of motivation and interest.
The mental status examination showed a handsome teenager who was small
for his age and was uncooperative and unfriendly during the interview. When
Abe talked, he seemed to be making a deliberate effort to communicate. His
difficulties with word finding and his loss of fluency of speech emerged in
termittently. His sensorium was intact, and his intellectual function was as
sessed as above average. No disturbance in thought processes was detected.
Abe endorsed auditory hallucinations in the form of voices that talked to him
and put him down; he denied other hallucinatory experiences. Abe denied
paranoid ideation and denied suicidal thinking at the time of the evaluation.
His judgment and insight were considered fair. Abe tended to argue and dis
agree with most of his parents’ concerns.
Eighteen months after the trauma, a new neuropsychological assessment,
done before the psychiatric evaluation, showed a dramatic recovery from
most of the cognitive, language, and motor deficits seen 15 months earlier.
Abe demonstrated some speech hesitancies but none of the dysfluencies and
paraphasias observed earlier. He had motor-related problems in writing, but
his problems with spelling and reading (e.g., pronunciation) had resolved.
Motor coordination in his right hand had improved to the point that he
could write slowly and perform many fine motor tasks. His measured intel
ligence had increased to the superior range on subtests that did not require
fine motor responses. The tactile response in Abe’s right hand was mildly re
duced. Abe was cooperative and easy to manage during a full day of testing,
in contrast to problems seen earlier. Rapport with the tester was appropriate
even though Abe had reported auditory hallucinations. The neuropsycholo
gist suggested that the hallucinations could be related to the lesion of the
temporal lobe and that the lack of motivation for reading could be related to
residual language impairments.
Abe received the diagnosis of a mood disorder with psychotic features as
sociated with a medical (neurological) condition. He was referred to a residen
tial therapeutic program for him to learn to cope with anger and frustration
in more adaptive ways, and to help him to deal with issues of chronic demor
alization and ongoing problems with his parents.
Patients who have sustained severe traumatic brain injuries have demon
strated significant improvement in social, physical, and emotional function
ing 2 years after an injury (Sbordone 1997). Recovery from brain injury does
not stop after the first years of the injury. Patients have shown significant im
provements in cognitive functioning even 5–10 years after the injury.
In the case examples of Frances and Abe, postnatal brain injuries involv
ing neurocognitive and linguistic sequelae had a prominent role in each pa
tient’s dysfunction. In general, the prognosis after traumatic brain injury
depends on the degree of intactness of the CNS (or on the degree of structural
damage), as demonstrated by neuroimaging studies, and to a certain extent
on the integrity and resources of the family environment.
Chronic Traumatic Encephalopathy

A new condition, chronic traumatic encephalopathy (CTE), initially identi
fied in boxers, is now recognized as a chronic and cumulative brain injury in
a variety of contact sports, including football and soccer. CTE causes a pro
gressive cognitive deterioration and may occur years after retiring from the
sport. The clinical features include parkinsonism, pyramidal signs, psycho
motor slowing, memory difficulties, and attentional problems. Recent neu
ropathological studies associate this condition with a tau abnormality, and as
such it is considered a progressive tauopathy (Flanagan 2015, p. 307). CTE is
a controllable condition; there is an increasing awareness of this disorder, and
incipient steps are being taken to decrease the prevalence and the progression
of this disorder. Identifying a brain concussion and providing appropriate
management of it is becoming a welcome practice in contact sports (see
Note 10 at the end of this chapter).
Cognitive Impairments
Cognitive impairments are either congenital or acquired. Congenital impair
ments contribute to intellectual disabilities (previously, mental retardation).
Children with congenital cognitive impairments exhibit delays in neuromus
cular and postural milestones, and disturbances in attachment and social
relational behaviors, in language acquisition, and in communication compe
tence. Children with congenital cognitive impairments demonstrate aca
demic difficulties and problems in the rate of acquisition of new skills. A
number of congenital, cognitively impairing syndromes are potentially treat

able (e.g., phenylketonuria, fetal alcohol spectrum disorders); early identifi
cation is essential.
Ninety-five percent of genetic intellectual developmental disabilities are
associated with the X chromosome. The most common causes of intellectual
disability are Down syndrome, fragile X syndrome, and fetal alcohol syndrome.
These conditions account for as many as 30% of the identified cases of intel
lectual disability (King et al. 1997).
Because of diagnostic overshadowing, many psychiatric disorders are un
recognized in children with intellectual disabilities. Psychiatric disorders that
go unrecognized include psychotic, mood, and anxiety disorders, as well as
ADHD and stereotyped habit disorders. Furthermore, gullibility and lack of
awareness of risk may result in exploitation by others and possible vic
timization—fraud, unintentional criminal involvement, false confessions, and
risk of physical and sexual abuse (see American Psychiatric Association 2013,
p. 38).
Learning Difficulties
Learning difficulties are rarely the primary reason for initial consultation
with a child psychiatrist; however, they are common comorbid conditions for
a number of psychiatric disorders (e.g., autism, ADHD, Tourette’s disorder,
conduct disorder, mood disorders and anxiety disorders). Language disor
ders are commonly associated with learning problems; some experts believe
that language deficits are the underlying cause of most learning disabilities.
Positron emission tomography studies in men with persistent develop
mental dyslexia demonstrated a failure to activate “the left temporoparietal
cortex during a phonological task, and in the right temporal cortex during a
rhyme-detection, non-language task” (Rumsey 1998, p. 12). These abnor
malities are in contrast to a “robust activation of the left inferior frontal re
gions during a syntax task involving sentence comprehension” (p. 12). The
posterior portion of the large-scale language networks may be affected in
dyslexia. Convergent findings indicate that the posterior temporal and nearby
occipital and parietal regions are involved in dyslexia and in phonological def
icits (Rumsey 1998).
Language Disorders
Because language disorders have far-reaching implications for children’s
cognitive, social, and learning competencies, early identification and treat
ment are of the utmost importance (Bishop 2002). Speech apraxias, dysno
mias, and other production or expressive disorders need proper and timely
identification. Among the expressive disorders, the examiner must distin

guish dysfunctions secondary to neuromuscular control and coordination
(i.e., dysarthria), defects at the motor level of speech production (i.e., aprax
ias), and defects in the production of language at the semantic level (i.e., lex
ical and syntactic deficits; Spreen et al. 1995). There is a high degree of co
morbidity between language disorders and a range of other psychiatric and
learning disorders, including ADHD, learning disabilities, and conduct dis
orders. However, language impairments in children referred for psychiatric
problems are frequently undiagnosed in as many as 40% of cases. For these
reasons, school-age children referred for or suspected of having a psychiat
ric or learning disorder should be assessed for language disorder (Frazier et
al. 2015, p. 689). Receptive language disorders include a congenital word
deafness (verbal auditory agnosia), which entails an inability to differentiate
speech sounds from other environmental sounds (so-called auditory imper
ception). Neologisms and idioglossia (unintelligible verbal utterances) are
common problems in individuals with receptive language disorders (Spreen
et al. 1995). Receptive language disorders have the worst prognosis among the
language disorders.
The diagnosis of aphasia needs special consideration. The consequences of
childhood-acquired aphasia appear to be longlasting and extend in time far
beyond the disappearance of aphasic symptoms. Even when clinical signs of
aphasia abate, full and functional pragmatic language will not necessarily be
acquired or restored. Academic achievement continues to be poor, and failure
to accrue new knowledge may be more pronounced over time, perhaps be
cause of the increasing demands in higher academic grades (Dennis 1997).
A close association exists between language disorders and psychopathol
ogy. At least 50% of children with language disorders have associated psycho
pathology. In a study by Cohen and Horodezky (1998), teachers and parents
rated children with unsuspected language impairments as having more ADHD
symptoms and more severe problems with aggression and delinquency than
children with previously identified language impairments or children with
normal language development. Parents of children with unsuspected language
impairments rated their children as more delinquent than did the parents of
children with previously identified language impairments across all ages.
The parents of children with previously identified language impairments
appeared to make accommodations for their children’s communication dif
ficulties, which apparently protected these children from being blamed un
necessarily for some of their behaviors (Cohen and Horodezky 1998). Early
identification is important because it seems to improve the parents’ level of
empathy toward the child and may decrease the frequency of negative inter
actions. Language disorder diagnosed by 4 years of age is likely to become
stable over time and typically persist into adulthood, although the particular
profile of language strengths and deficits is likely to change over the course
of development (American Psychiatric Association 2013, p. 43).
Memory Impairments (Amnesias)

Harris (1995b) stated that various forms of memory are mediated by sepa
rate brain systems. Conscious memory (declarative or explicit memory) and
nonconscious memory (nondeclarative or implicit memory, which is in
volved in acquisition of skills, habits, and other procedures) involve different
neuroanatomical systems. The hippocampus and its related structures are
essential for declarative or explicit memory. Other structures are necessary
for nondeclarative or implicit memory. The hippocampus and related struc
tures are needed for the establishment of enduring memory, although long
term memory storage is believed to involve the neocortex. Nondeclarative
memory appears to be stored in specific sensory and motor pathways. The
cerebellum seems to be an important site for classical conditioning of skele
tal musculature (Harris 1995a). The role of the hippocampal region (medial
temporal lobe) in amnesia was defined by Zola (1997, p. 458). The findings
show that circumscribed bilateral lesions limited to the hippocampal region
are sufficient to produce amnesia. Additional findings indicate that the corti
cal regions adjacent to and anatomically linked to the hippocampal region—
the perirhinal, entorhinal, and parahippocampal cortices—are also important
for memory function.
Heindel and Salloway (1999) expanded on the above concepts: “Studies
have convincingly demonstrated that memory should not be thought of as a
single, homogeneous entity, but rather as being composed of several distinct
yet mutually interacting memory systems that are mediated by specific neu
roanatomical substrates” (p. 19). The authors integrate four memory systems:
1) working memory (involving information that is stored and manipulated
for a very short period of time [20–30 seconds]), which is under central exec
utive control and neuroanatomically based in the prefrontal cortex; 2) episodic
memory (involving information that is remembered within a temporal or
spatial context), which is mediated by the medial temporal lobe and the di
encephalon; 3) semantic memory (involving the fund of general knowledge
not dependent on contextual clues for retrieval), which is mediated by the
temporoparietal association cortex; and 4) procedural memory (an uncon
scious way of remembering that is expressed through the performance of
specific operations constituting a particular task), which is mediated by the
basal ganglia (Heindel and Salloway 1999).
Children with static encephalopathies or with anomalies in brain embryo
genesis may experience serious memory dysfunction. Learning or language
disorders in some children may be the result of memory difficulties. These def
icits can be demonstrated with careful testing and must be confirmed with per
tinent neuropsychological testing. Memory difficulties are caused by encoding

difficulties or by retrieval problems. The following case example illustrates a
predominant encoding memory disturbance in a child who has multiple neu
ropsychiatric and neuropsychological problems.
Case Example 5
Ruben, a 12-year-old Hispanic male, was evaluated after his teacher over
heard him saying that he had a person inside him who talked to him and told
him to harm himself and others. During the evaluation, Ruben claimed he
had had this person inside him since he was 4 years old. He claimed that the
person had asked him not to tell anyone and had even threatened to throw
him in front of cars or trains if he were to do so. Ruben’s mother learned about
the “person” 2 days before the psychiatric evaluation, when Ruben had been
intercepted running toward railroad tracks, intending to kill himself. Appar
ently, he was responding to commanding hallucinations telling him to get run
over by the train.
Ruben had a history of self-abusive behavior and had also displayed sui
cidal behavior. Three months earlier, Ruben’s self-abusive behavior took a
turn for the worse. He had a number of unexplained accidents over the pre
vious months. These incidents included cutting his finger, burning his left
forearm, and falling frequently.
Ruben revealed that he had hurt a baby and another boy and that he had
sexually abused a 7-year-old boy. He also disclosed episodes in which he had
sexually molested his 9-year-old brother, and had also displayed sexual be
havior toward his babysitter.
According to Ruben’s mother, he had been retained in school for 4 years
in a row because “he didn’t seem to be able to learn anything.” He attended a
special education program for second grade.
When Ruben was born, doctors discovered that he had a heart murmur
and operated on him, after which he remained in an incubator for 3 months.
He also had three eye surgeries. He had no history of seizures but had a his
tory of significant neurodevelopmental delays: he sat at age 12–14 months,
walked at age 3 years, and began talking between ages 3 and 4 years. He had
been toilet trained by age 3 years and had no history of enuresis. When Ruben
was asked to do a chore, such as taking the trash out, he repeatedly came back
to ask what he was supposed to do. Any expectation of him had to be re
peated many times.
Ruben’s mother had attempted suicide in the past, had a history of psychi
atric hospitalizations, and had ongoing problems with alcohol. Ruben’s father
had never cared for or provided for Ruben or his brother. During the family in
terview, Ruben and his mother related positively.
The mental status examination revealed a child who appeared his chron
ological age. Ruben wore glasses and displayed a serious countenance. He
endorsed auditory and visual hallucinations, saying that he heard and saw
Robert, or Robbie, the person inside him. He also acknowledged hearing
voices telling him to do bad things to himself and to others. He said that 2 days
earlier, he had seen Robbie: he was all red and had horns. Ruben also heard
people other than Robbie; these people were with Robbie. Robbie was real to
Ruben, but Ruben acknowledged that at times his actions were the result of
his own thoughts. He claimed that sometimes he was able to put Robbie away
from his mind for a little while. Ruben disclosed sexual excitement and preoc
cupation. He was oriented to time, place, and person. As Ruben began to relax,
he became more pleasant. Ruben also exhibited expressive and receptive lan
guage problems and a limited vocabulary. The examiner had to repeat many
of the questions more than once before Ruben could attempt to answer them.
Ruben’s intelligence, insight, and judgment were considered impaired.
Summary of positive findings1:
Physical examination. Ruben exhibited synophrys (eyebrows meeting in
the middle) and hypertelorism (eyes appreciably more separated than nor
mal). A periscapular surgical scar, related to the neonatal heart surgery, was
present. Heart auscultation was unremarkable.
Neurological consultation: Ruben exhibited dysmorphic features (e.g., hy
pertelorism, prominent ears, fragmented and abnormal palm creases).
He had global difficulties with reading, writing, and mathematics and had
multiple perceptual deficits, including sequential memory deficits (auditory
and visual) and right-left disorientation. His human drawing showed a lack
of detail, consistent with important body-schema deficits. Cranial nerves,
muscle power, tone, deep tendon reflexes, gait, and stance were all normal.
Multiple scars were noted, as was a birthmark on the left side of the neck.
The diagnostic impression was of static encephalopathy (rule out chromo
somal abnormalities, or a genetic disease) and possible fragile X syndrome.
Chromosomal studies, a sleep-deprived EEG, and an MRI were recommended.
The chromosomal analysis showed a normal chromosomal count (46XY)
and no fragile X abnormality. The EEG showed no focal or paroxysmal ab
normalities. The MRI showed evidence of striking cell migration deficits, a
fissure in the right temporoparieto-occipital area, another milder cleft to
ward the central fissure, and evidence of pachygyria (abnormal clustering of
gyri) and microgyria (gyri smaller than normal). The neuroradiological diag
nosis was schizencephaly and cell migration defects.
Cognitive testing. Ruben’s scores on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children—3rd Edition (WISC-III) were as follows: Full Scale IQ 73, Verbal IQ
58 (intellectually deficient range), and Performance IQ 93 (average range).
Neuropsychological testing:
LANGUAGE: Ruben’s language skills were generally impaired. His sentence
construction was below average. His overall verbal abstraction and expres
sive skills were within the intellectually deficient range, and his receptive vo
cabulary was below expectations based on age.
ATTENTION AND MEMORY: Significant auditory and visuoperceptual deficits
interfered with Ruben’s concentration and encoding into memory. Ruben per
sisted at tasks but his distractibility score on the WISC-III was in the intellec
tually deficient range, reflecting his perceptual processing problems. Ruben’s
immediate recall of digits was substantially below average, and his immediate
recall of sentences was in the second percentile. His delayed recall for a story
1For additional testing results and other findings, see Note 11 at the end of this chapter.
was below the first percentile; however, the difference between Ruben’s im
mediate and delayed memory for the story was minimal, indicating a prob
lem with encoding rather than with retrieval. Ruben’s learning and recall for
a word list was also below expectations; he did not appear to use organizational
strategies to enhance learning. This pattern of performance further indi
cated encoding problems. In addition, Ruben’s short-term memory for spa
tial coordinates was impaired. His visual reproduction memory, as assessed
by drawing geometric designs, was in the ninth percentile for immediate re
production.
EXECUTIVE FUNCTIONS: Ruben’s executive functions were mildly impaired.
He had some difficulty maintaining a cognitive set and generating new strat
egies when needed. His cognitive flexibility was mildly impaired. Diagnostic
impressions of the neuropsychological testing: Ruben’s memory difficulties
were more related to encoding difficulties secondary to attention-concentra
tion deficits. Ruben also had broad language and cognitive impairments.
These deficits disorders were probably related to impairment of cell migration
and other disturbances during cortical embryogenesis.
Although problems of retrieval are a common cause of memory difficul

ties, deficits of encoding need to be ruled out in children who demonstrate
memory impairments. Ruben is a case in point (see also the case of Frances
earlier in this chapter).
The DSM-5 criteria for mild neurocognitive disorder may be applicable to
children and adolescent with losses in neurocognitive functioning—complex
attention, executive function, learning and memory, language, perceptual mo
tor, or social cognition (American Psychiatric Association 2013, p. 605).
Antisocial Behavior
The DSM-5 category of disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders
includes oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), conduct disorder, antisocial
personality disorder, pyromania, kleptomania, among others. Of particular
relevance for child psychiatrists are the specifiers for conduct disorder: child
hood-onset type (when at least one symptom of conduct disorder is present
prior to age 10 years) and adolescent-onset type (if symptoms of conduct dis
order start after age 10). The examiner needs to ascertain the lack of prosocial
emotions (American Psychiatric Association 2013, pp. 470–471):
1. The child has a lack of remorse or guilt: he or she shows no concerns for
negative consequences of behavior.
2. The child is callous or lacks empathy: (disregarding or being unconcerned
with the feelings of others; he or she and is considered cold and uncaring.
3. The child is unconcerned about performance: he or she does not show con
cern with poor/problematic performance at school, work, or in other im
portant activities and blames other for poor performance.
4. The child is shallow or deficient in affect: he or she does not express feel
ings or emotions to others. The child is unable to make rapport and is in
sincere or superficial. He or she quickly turns emotion on and off and uses
emotions to manipulate or to intimidate others.
Several studies have related antisocial behavior to low serotonin levels,

high testosterone, and low epinephrine. Low arousal is related to antisocial
behavior, and sensation seeking is conceived as a means of increasing arousal
to a normal or optimal level (fearless individuals such as bomb disposal ex
perts have particularly low heart rate levels and reactivity). Lack of fear pun
ishment in early childhood may contribute to disturbed fear conditioning
and lack of conscience development (Popma and Vermeiren 2008).
Low heart rate is the most frequently replicated biological correlate of an
tisocial behavior in children and adolescents. Low heart rate predicts anti
social behavior. Resting heart rate as early as age 3 years has been found to
be related to aggressive behavior at age 11 years. Social factors also play a role.
Boys with low heart rate were more likely to become violent adult offenders
if they had poor relationships with their parents and if they came from a large
family. Also, boys with low heart rate were more likely to be rated as aggres
sive by teachers if their mother was a teenager, if they came from a low socio
economic background, or if they were separated from the parent by age 10
(Popma and Vermeiren 2008).
The psychophysiological response patterns among aggressive girls with
conduct problems are dissimilar from those of aggressive boys with conduct
problems. Conduct disorder behaviors in females may be driven by stronger
socioenvironmental influences (Beauchaine et al. 2008).
Lack of empathy response to the suffering of others (callous-unemotional)
is related to antisocial behavior. This deficit appears to reflect structural and
functional deficits in neural circuits, such as the amygdala and the anterior
insular cortex, that are involved in the recognition of emotional distress in
other people. A structural study in adolescents showed a significant reduc
tion in gray matter in bilateral anterior insular cortex and left amygdala in
subjects with conduct disorder (Popma and Vermeiren 2008). Amygdalar dys
function may be a key neurodevelopmental etiological factor in understand
ing callous-unemotional traits, and callous-unemotional symptom severity
may reflect reduced connectivity between the amygdala and the ventromedial
prefrontal cortex (Dolan 2008).
Blazei et al. (2008) reported strong evidence for the transmission of anti
social behavior from father to child. In both preadolescence and late adoles
cence, a father’s antisociality significantly predicted all measures of a child’s
externalizing behaviors. The presence of an antisocial father in the child
rearing environment had a particularly detrimental role on a child’s antisoci
ality in late adolescence, whereas the correlation was weak during preado
lescence. When the father was not present for most of the child’s life, no as
sociation was found between his antisociality and the child’s antisocial
behavior. When the father was present for most of the child’s life, a strong
positive association was found between father’s and the child’s antisociality,
suggesting that the transmission of antisocial behavior from father to son is
not entirely genetic. The study only explained 11% of the variance at age 11 and
21% of the variance at age 17, leaving 79%–89% of the variance unexplained
(Blazei et al. 2008).
Adolescents with callus-unemotional (CU) traits—those lacking empathy,
guilt, and being unmoved by the suffering of others—show particular neuro
psychiatric features. They engage in proactive, instrumental aggression, seem
ing to be impervious to sanctions (they are unable to learn from reinforcing
information), and do not seem to share the affiliate need and goal of typical
children (Viding and McCrory 2015). Recent functional MRI (fMRI) findings
show low amygdalar reactivity to fearful faces in children with CU traits. This
finding extends to more complex forms of social judgement with regards to
other’s distress, such as categorization of legal and illegal behaviors in a
moral judgement task. Two recent studies reported atypical neural activity
to other people’s pain in children with CU traits. There in a reduced activity
in a brain network areas associated with empathy for other’s people pain: an
terior insula, anterior cingulate cortex, and amygdala (Viding and McCrory
2015, pp. 972–973).
Impulse-Control Difficulties
Many children with neuropsychological deficits demonstrate impulsive be
haviors and a low tolerance for frustration. They become readily aggressive
when things do not go their way; they demand immediate gratification and are
intolerant of postponement of any of their wants. When their wants are not
gratified, they throw tantrums (or lose control; they become threatening or
become destructive of the surrounding environment) or use intimidation to
impose their wills. In these situations parents feel helpless and feel unable to
assert themselves. Many parents feel that the only option left is to seek the help
and protection of the police. Because of their aggressive behavior and lack of
other social-interpersonal skills (e.g., sharing, empathy, reciprocity), these
children have problems making and maintaining long-term friendships.
Impulsive behaviors reflect deficits in executive functions, and they may be
a consequence of disinhibition secondary to brain impairment. These chil
dren show no sense of propriety or judgment regarding sexual, aggressive, or
appropriate social behaviors. Impulsive behavior is common in children who
have ADHD, conduct disorder, or psychotic disorders. Impulsiveness is also
a prominent feature of bipolar disorders, particularly mania.
Mood and Affect Dysregulation

Impairments in the expression, stability, and appropriateness of affect are
common disturbances in neuropsychiatric patients. Moria (i.e., an abnormal
tendency to joke), apathy, and brain-stem emotional lability are several ex
amples of well-known adult emotional disturbances that are associated with
specific neurophysiological or neuroanatomical impairments.
Depression and mania can be secondary to brain disorders (see Note 12 at
the end of this chapter). Explosive or blind rage in great disproportion to the
eliciting situation is a common after lesions of the frontal or temporal lobes.
Damage to the medial aspects of the frontal lobes renders the person incapa
ble of initiating even primitive behaviors, such as getting out of bed or eating;
the person also becomes devoid of affect or emotional responsivity (apathy).
Even mild damage to this region produces a loss of spontaneity and creativity,
accompanied by flattening of affect; these symptoms may be misinterpreted
as depression by well-meaning but uninformed psychotherapists.
According to Dickstein (2015), Leibenluft defined irritability in 2003, in
neuroscience terminology, as a markedly increased reactivity to negative
emotional stimuli that is manifested verbally or behaviorally; this definition
facilitated research distinctions between children with chronic irritability
and hyperarousal (“severe Mood Dysregulation”) with those with clear epi
sodes of euphoria (“narrow phenotype bipolar disorder). This resulted in the
inclusion of the diagnosis of disruptive mood disregulation disorder (DMDD)
in DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013, pp. 603–604), to be dis
cussed in the next paragraph.
In part, to counter the overextension of the bipolar disorder diagnosis,
which spurted the use of polypharmacy in children so diagnosed, DSM-5 in
troduced the diagnosis of disruptive mood disregulation disorder. The diag
nostic criteria for this disorder could be applied to many of children and
adolescents who had previously been diagnosed with bipolar disorder. The
criteria for DMDD include the following (American Psychiatric Association
2013, p. 156):
A. Severe recurrent temper outbursts manifested verbally (e.g., verbal rages)

and/or behaviorally (e.g., physical aggression toward people or property)
that are grossly out of proportion in intensity or duration to the situation
or provocation.
B. The temper outbursts are inconsistent with developmental level.
C. The temper outbursts occur, on average, three or more times per week.
D. The mood between temper outbursts is persistently irritable or angry
most of the day, nearly every day, and is observable by others (e.g., par
ents, teachers, peers).
E. Criteria A–D have been present for 12 or more months. Throughout that
time, the individual has not had a period lasting 3 or more consecutive
months without all of the symptoms in Criteria A–D.
F. Criteria A and D are present in at least two of three settings (i.e., at home,
at school, with peers) and are severe in at least one of these.
G. The diagnosis should not be made for the first time before age 6 years or
after age 18 years.
H. By history or observation, the age at onset of Criteria A–E is before 10 years.
I. There has never been a distinct period lasting more than 1 day during which
the full symptom criteria, except duration, for a manic or hypomanic epi
sode have been met.
J. The behaviors do not occur exclusively during an episode of major depres
sive disorder and are not better explained by another mental disorder
(e.g., autism spectrum disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, separation
anxiety disorder, persistent depressive disorder [dysthymia]).
K. The symptoms are not attributable to the physiological effects of a sub
stance or another medical or neurological condition.
This diagnosis excludes ODD, intermittent explosive disorder, and bipo

lar disorder but can coexist with major depressive disorder, ADHD, conduct
disorder, and substance use disorders.
Bipolar Disorder
Axelson et al. (2015) reported, in a longitudinal study, that bipolar spectrum
disorders (bipolar I, bipolar II, and bipolar not otherwise specified) were sig
nificantly more prevalent in high-risk offspring as compared with commu
nity controls even before the offspring had reached young adulthood. The
high-risk offspring had higher rates of depressive episodes, and nearly all
nonmood Axis I disorders were more prevalent in the high-risk cohort. Ma
nia and hypomania in high-risk offspring were almost always preceded by
identifiable mood episodes and non–mood disorders. Distinct subthreshold
episodes of mania or hypomania were highly specific to the high-risk offspring
cohort and were the strongest predictors of progression to full threshold
mania and hypomania. Identifiable depressive episodes preceded the onset
of mania/hypomania above and beyond subthreshold of mania/hypomania
in about two-thirds of the cases, but only major depressive episode specifically
predicted the onset of mania/hypomania above and beyond sub-threshold of
mania or hypomania and the presence of a disruptive behavior disorder (Axel
son et al. 2015, p. 644). The prognostic significance of subthreshold mania
or hypomania may not be limited to youth, as subthreshold symptoms of
mania and hypomania have been found to be predictive of future conversion
to bipolar disorder in adults diagnosed with unipolar depression. Given the

clear prognostic significance of subthreshold mania or hypomania in youth
at familial risk for disorder, more research is necessary given that both major
depressive disorder and disruptive behavior disorders also indicate risk for
future bipolarity (Axelson et al. 2015, p. 645).
Children with bipolar disorder show significant neurocognitive impair
ment in areas of attention, working memory, verbal memory, and executive
function (Pavuluri and Bogarapu 2008; see Note 12 at the end of this chap
ter). The neurocognitive deficits are present during the acute state and re
main during remission. Cognitive flexibility is greatly impaired in children
with narrow-phenotype bipolar disorder. Children with bipolar disorder also
display social cognitive deficits in facial emotion recognition and emotional
processing difficulties. Youths with bipolar disorder were particularly prone
to misread peers’ but not adults’ expressions of happiness, sadness, or fear
fulness as being angry (Pavuluri and Bogarapu 2008). This finding was corrob
orated by Perlman et al. (2013, pp. 1314–1325), who reported emotional face
processing impairments in pediatric bipolar disorder, reflecting a functional
impairment in the fusiform gyrus. Brotman et al. (2008) concluded that def
icits in facial emotion labeling may be a risk marker for bipolar disorder.
Irritability is a very prominent symptom in pediatric psychiatry. It is a sig
nificant component of a number of DSM-5 pediatric disorders: bipolar dis
order, anxiety disorders, PTSD, major depressive episode, and oppositional
defiant disorder. Chronic irritability is the hallmark of DMDD. Youths with bi
polar disorders and DMDD have similar levels of parent-reported irritability
and did not differ in their behavioral accuracy in identifying emotional faces.
They did differ in the relationship between irritability and neural activity.
Neural activity in the amygdala was found to correlate with irritability across
all intensities of all emotions in DMDD subjects, whereas in bipolar subjects,
irritability correlated with amygdalar activity only in fearful faces (Dickstein
2016, pp. 653–654).
Children of mothers with bipolar disorder, when compared with children
of mothers with major depressive disorder and psychiatrically healthy con
trol subjects, demonstrated impairment in executive function and selective
deficits in spatial memory and attention (Klimes-Dougan et al. 2006). Chil
dren of mothers with bipolar disorder differed from psychiatrically healthy
control subjects in that the former had a greater number of ADHD symp
toms and depression, as well as lower IQ scores. Deficits are unrelated to the
presence of manic or depressive symptomatology. Neuropsychological defi
cits may be a trait factor (Klimes-Dougan et al. 2006). It is generally accepted
that bipolar disorders with mixed states carry a poor prognosis and a high
burden of associated comorbidities, including anxiety, substance abuse, and
suicidality (Castle 2014, p. 39). Bipolar disorders with mixed features are
particularly susceptible to worsening of manic-like symptoms upon exposure
to antidepressants (Castle 2014, p. 40).
The strongest predictors of developing bipolar disorder were baseline de
pression/anxiety, baseline and proximal affective lability, and proximal sub
syndromal manic symptoms. Having all these risk factors conferred a 49%
predictive chance of developing bipolar spectrum symptoms compared with a
2% risk for those without these risk factors (Dickstein 2016, p. 654).
Depression
Of high relevance in the expression of depression are a number of psychoso
cial factors. The inner and outer stability of the child’s role model is influenced
by that person’s chronic history of medical or psychiatric illnesses, including
substance abuse or history of alcohol abuse, anxiety disorders, psychosis, and
personality disorders. In addition, intrafamilial interactions and communi
cation are important in the development of affective disorders. Emotional and
physical deprivation, physical and sexual abuse, parental divorce, dishar
monic communication in the family, sibling density, and family stresses such
as change of employment, migration, and poverty increase the risk of depres
sion. Personality factors such as emotional instability, interpersonal depen
dency, and aggressiveness indicate a high risk for depression (Bark and Resch
2008). All of these negative factors increase the allostatic load (Kapczinski et
al. 2008). A traumatic experience in early childhood produces an increased
risk of a depressive syndrome and an increased risk of suicide at a later stage
of development (Bark and Resch 2008). The highest rate of depression oc
curs in traumatized children without social support and with a short allele (S
polymorphism) rather than in children with an LL genotype (Bark and Resch
2008). An association exists between the short allele and the hyperactivity of
the amygdala, as well as between the hippocampus and anxiety. Children are
at high risk of developing a major depressive episode if they have poor or un
reliable psychosocial support, in addition to a high number of mistreatments.
The risk is higher if the amygdala is hyperreactive in response to adverse
stimuli and a high release of adrenocorticotropic hormone occurs as a reaction
to experiences of separation (Bark and Resch 2008) (see Note 13 at the end of
this chapter).
Dysthymia is not a circumscribed condition and seemingly captures persis
tent depression and anxiety as well as a personality contribution (Rhebergen
and Graham 2014). It is imperative to differentiate unipolar from bipolar de
pression. The old term, melancholia, is still relevant in psychiatric practice.
DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013, p. 185) describes melancho
lia with a specifier—with melancholic features—as follows:
1. One of the following is present during the most severe period of the cur
rent episode:
a. Loss of pleasure in all, or almost all, activities.
b. Lack of reactivity to usually pleasurable stimuli (does not feel much
better, even temporarily, when something good happens).
2. Three (or more) of the following:
a. A distinct quality of depressed mood characterized by profound de
spondency, despair, and/or moroseness or by so-called empty mood.
b. Depression that is regularly worse in the morning.
c. Early-morning awakening (i.e., at least 2 hours before usual awaken
ing).
d. Marked psychomotor agitation or retardation.
e. Significant anorexia or weight loss.
f. Excessive or inappropriate guilt.
Melancholia has biologic markers: 1) a hyperactive hypothalamic-pituitary
adrenal (HPA) axis, producing high cortisol levels, and 2) reduced change in
cortisol levels throughout the day. A positive dexamethasone suppression
test was the first biomarker investigated in melancholia, but this finding is
inconsistent. Research has also demonstrated increased plasma arginine va
sopressin levels, corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) dysfunction, and
basal hypothalamic-pituitary-thyroid ultrasensitivity (Parker and Paterson
2014, p. 3). Also elevated in melancholia are tumor necrosis factor–
(TNF) and 5-hydroxytryptamine antibodies, indicating a relationship with
the immune inflammation system. These findings are also inconsistent. Some
investigators have found decreased white matter in the DLPFC and in re
gions associated with the limbic system, thalamic projection fibers, and the
corpus callosum (Parker and Paterson 2014, p. 3).
Regarding mood disorders in adults, depression is most common in dis
orders that produce dysfunction of the left frontal lobe, the temporal lobes,
and the left caudate nucleus (Cummings 1995a). Most of the focal lesions
that produce mania involve the right hemisphere: the inferior frontal lobe,
the temporobasal region, or the thalamic-perithalamic areas. Degenerative
and infectious illnesses that affect the frontal lobes or frontal-subcortical sys
tems are also associated with mania (Cummings 1995a). Analogous lesions
and symptom expression in children await substantiation.
Depressive symptoms are frequent precursors of or a common trait at the
beginning of adolescent schizophrenia. About 20% of adolescent schizo
phrenia cases are preceded by a depressive episode (Remschmidt 2008).
There is an increasing recognition of the role of inflammation in a num
ber of psychiatric disorders. Soczynska et al. (2012) ask, “Are psychiatric dis
orders inflammatory-based conditions?” A preliminary pro-inflammatory

gene expression signature has been reported in the offspring of individuals
with bipolar disorder, and elevated mRNA levels, as well as protein expres
sion levels of interleukin 1B, interleukin 6, and TNF, have been reported
in the prefrontal cortex of adolescent suicide victims (see Soczynska et al.
2012).
Anxiety
Early manifestations of anxiety are conceptualized through the presence of
a temperamental trait called behavioral inhibition. Behavioral inhibition re
fers to the inherent tendency in young toddlers and children to display with
drawal and autonomic arousal in the face of novel situations and unfamiliar
persons. Behavioral inhibition is a well-known precursor of later anxiety and
is a rather specific antecedent of social phobia. When toddlers with behav
ioral inhibition are followed over time, they develop separation anxiety and
performance anxiety and also show an increase of social anxiety by adoles
cence. In studies of children at high risk for anxiety disorders, agoraphobia
and panic in the parents were associated with the same disorders in children,
and major depression in parents increased the risk for social phobia in chil
dren. Parents’ panic and depression were also associated with increased risk
for separation anxiety disorder and anxiety disorders in children. An im
portant realization is that a substantial number of at-risk children will not
develop anxiety disorders in adulthood, whereas another group will develop
mood disorders in adulthood. Threats of smothering and smothering sensa
tions are associated with panic disorder in adults and anxiety in children.
This physiological reflex is more common in separation anxiety disorder
than in social phobia. A study of high-risk children demonstrated that early
separation anxiety disorder led to specific phobias, agoraphobia, panic dis
order, and major depression, whereas early agoraphobia led to generalized
anxiety disorder (GAD) (Grados 2008).
Fear conditioning is a basic underlying mechanism in pathological anxi
ety. A conditional fear response may develop to a neutral conditioned stim
ulus. The basolateral complex and the central nucleus of the amygdala play
a role in the generation and perpetuation of conditioned fear responses. The
orbitofrontal cortex is likely to be a part of the neural circuitry that underlies
the manifestations of anxiety in children and adolescents. The insula plays
an important role in the process of body orientation and subjective emotional
experience and may play a role in processing visceral states important for
feelings and emotions. Hippocampal structures appear to play a central role
in the contextual modulation of the acquisition of conditioned fear and of its
renewal or reinstatement following extinction (Grados 2008).
Three processes are considered to encompass the range of anxiety reac

tions in children: attentional systems, threat appraisal, and learning. For the
pathological anxiety response sequence to become established, an initial
vigilant-monitoring tendency (automatic reactivity) needs to occur, determin
ing a lower threshold for the appraisal of the threat. These findings support
the notion that a stable general hypersensitivity to environmental stimuli in
children with behavioral inhibition exists in the form of an enhanced reac
tivity of the fear circuitry of the brain to novel stimuli (Grados 2008). Elevated
levels of CRH in early age may be involved in the reduction of hippocampal
volume found in early trauma-related posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
This is not a consistent finding; other studies have demonstrated that patients
with PTSD show small intracranial volumes, cerebral structures, and corpus
callosum, but no differences in the hippocampus or the amygdala (Monk and
Pine 2009). Neurocognitive impairments, mostly in learning and memory
impairments, have been identified in subjects with PTSD.
Alterations in the circuit involving the amygdala, stria terminalis, and the
HPA axis are implicated in the fear response and in the elicitation of anxiety
symptoms. On the other hand, anxiety is related to difficulties of disengag
ing attention from threatening stimuli; thus, children’s amygdala activation
does not appear to discriminate between fearful and neutral facial expres
sions. Patients with GAD display enhanced activation in the ventrolateral pre
frontal cortex, and adolescents with GAD and social phobia show enhanced
engagement of the amygdala when viewing negative-valence face emotion
photographs and rating experienced levels of fear. This enhancement is also
observed in the medial and ventral areas of the prefrontal cortex when at
tention is directed toward experienced levels of fear (Monk and Pine 2009).
Latas and Milovanovic (2014, p. 58) report that 85% individuals with bor
derline personality disorder have a co-occurring lifetime anxiety disorder, and
that there is a high proportion of personality disorders in all types of anxiety
disorders: 35% in PTSD; 41% in panic disorder without agoraphobia; 47% in
panic disorder with agoraphobia; 48% in separation anxiety disorder; 52% in
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) (now classified on DSM-5 as an ob
sessive-compulsive and related disorder); and 47% in GAD. The prevalence of
personality disorder is: Cluster C: 39%; Cluster B: 19%, and Cluster A: 13%.
Aggressive Behavior
Aggressive behavior may have a neurological cause when 1) the patient shows
personality change and dyscontrol not shown prior to the event; 2) the indi
vidual’s aggressive behavior is extreme in intensity and frequency; or 3) the pa
tient’s rage, violence, or destructive behaviors are unprovoked. Sometimes,
aggressive patients have a history of or indication of brain injury (e.g., chil
dren who have been physically abused may have sustained a brain injury). About
3,000 children sustain hemispheric damage every year as a result of physical
abuse. If the patient is remorseful and expresses disbelief about the loss of
control, a neurological cause needs to be considered and an appropriate refer
ral should be made. Although complex partial seizures are frequently impli
cated in intermittent aggressive dyscontrol, limited evidence is available to
support this claim.
PTSD, childhood bipolar disorder, DMDD, borderline personality disor
der, and intermittent explosive disorder are associated with an increased
risk for reactive aggression; disorders associated with reactive aggression are
also associated with a dysfunction of the frontal systems involved with affect
regulation. There are four systems that allow the control of emotional respond
ing and, consequently, reactive aggression: 1) frontal cortex, via excitatory
projections on inhibitory interneurons within the amygdala; 2) attentional
manipulation of emotional responses; 3) detection of reinforcement of con
tingency changes mediated by the ventromedial prefrontal cortex; and 4) so
cial response reversal mediated by the ventrolateral and other regions of the
prefrontal cortices (Blair 2009).
Social and Interpersonal Difficulties

Some children have selective deficits in social behavior secondary to an in
ability to process and understand affective cues or nonverbal behavior. These
deficits produce the so-called social and emotional learning disabilities.
Children with receptive aprosody cannot read affect or other nonverbal cues
in social contexts and thus do not respond appropriately in social situations.
Children with expressive aprosody are unable to display or express emotion
concordant with the meaning they want to convey or the affective norms of the
social circumstances in which they find themselves. These children also have
difficulties understanding jokes and metaphorical language.
DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013) recognizes social (prag
matic) communication disorder with the following criteria:
A. Persistent difficulties in the social use of verbal and nonverbal commu

nication as manifested by all of the following:
1. Deficits in using communication for social purposes, such as greet
ing and sharing information, in a manner that is appropriate for the
social context.
2. Impairment of the ability to change communication to match context
or the needs of the listener, such as speaking differently in a classroom
than on a playground, talking differently to a child than to an adult,
and avoiding use of overly formal language.
3. Difficulties following rules for conversation and storytelling, such as tak

ing turns in conversation, rephrasing when misunderstood, and know
ing how to use verbal and nonverbal signals to regulate interaction.
4. Difficulties understanding what is not explicitly stated (e.g., making
inferences) and nonliteral or ambiguous meanings of language (e.g.,
idioms, humor, metaphors, multiple meanings that depend on the
context for interpretation).
B. The deficits result in functional limitations in effective communication,
social participation, social relationships, academic achievement, or occu
pational performance, individually or in combination.
C. The onset of the symptoms is in the early developmental period (but def
icits may not become fully manifest until social communication demands
exceed limited capacities).
D. The symptoms are not attributable to another medical or neurological
condition or to low abilities in the domains of word structure and grammar,
and are not better explained by autism spectrum disorder, intellectual
disability (intellectual developmental disorder), global developmental
delay, or another mental disorder.
Children with affective aprosody may have problems with the motor pro
gramming of affective gesturing and, as a result, exhibit an emotional flat
ness, robotic speech, and an array of atypical social behaviors. They may be
inappropriately affectionate and “sticky.” Their lack of normal affective ex
pression, their gaze disturbances, their tendency to violate social space, and
their “stickiness” all contribute to the oddness of their speech and behavior.
It is likely that these children do not understand the perspective of others
and are apt to make disastrous social faux pas (Voeller 1997). In adults, these
deficits frequently represent nondominant hemispheric dysfunction. The
situation in the developing brain may not be as straightforward. These defi
cits may be dissociated from other academic and neuropsychological defi
cits associated with right-hemisphere impairments.
Psychosis
Psychotic symptoms are commonly observed in child and adolescent psy
chiatric practice. The significance of psychosis is not clear. In some cases it
is a severity marker. Psychosis is more common in mania than in depression,
but bipolar depression with psychosis is not rare, and psychotic depression
in adolescence may be the harbinger of a future bipolar course (Carlson 2013,
p. 570). In young people, a first episode of psychotic depression may portend
a bipolar course; psychotic symptoms in a nonbipolar depression may por
tend a schizophrenic course (Carlson 2013, p. 571).
A variety of hallucinatory and delusional symptoms are caused by demon

strable neurological dysfunctions. Temporal lobe epilepsy (complex partial
symptomatology), although elusive in its detection, must be considered in
the differential diagnosis of psychotic disorders. As far back as 1987, Taylor
et al. stressed this issue in adult psychiatry: “Even in the absence of a classic
epileptic picture and course, temporal lobe disease should be considered in
the differential diagnosis of psychosis” (p. 10). This is equally true in the dif
ferential diagnosis of psychosis in children and adolescents (see the case ex
amples on Ralph [Case Example 8] in Chapter 8, “Documenting the Exami
nation”; Myra [Case Example 10] in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms”; and Ricardo [Case Example 2] earlier in this chapter). Rick’s and
Troy’s case examples [Case Examples 8 and 9, respectively, also in Chapter 9,
involve a variety of neuropsychological deficits. See also Abe’s case (Case Ex
ample 4), earlier in this chapter, for a connection between temporal lobe in
jury and psychosis.
When performing the perception portion of the mental status examination
(see Chapter 8), the examiner should go beyond the customary questions re
garding the presence of auditory and visual hallucinations and inquire about
the presence of olfactory, gustatory, haptic, sensory, somatic, and other per
ceptual disturbances (e.g., out-of-body experiences, derealization, premoni
tions, déjà vu, jamais vu) and delusional symptoms.
For a comprehensive differential diagnostic list of medical, genetic, and
neurological conditions in childhood, see the article by Benjamin et al. (2013)
on congenital and acquired disorders presenting as psychosis in children
and young adults.
Remschmidt (2008) recommended use of multiple sources to validate
the diagnosis of schizophrenia; he recommends the use of the mnemonic
PLASTIC: for Prospective, Longitudinal, All source, Treatment, Impair
ment, and Clinical presentation. When the clinician is considering the clinical
presentation of very-early-onset schizophrenia or early-onset schizophre
nia, Remschmidt recommended a dimensional approach that attends to the
following areas:
• Cognitive symptoms: distortions of thinking, delusions, hallucinations,

and thought distortions (thought insertion, breaks and interpolation in
the train of thought, thought echo, incoherent or vague thinking).
• Delusions: ideas of reference, persecutory beliefs, bodily changes, delusions
of control, and others. Systematized delusions are uncommon in child
hood but become more frequent in adolescence.
• Hallucinations: threatening voices, command hallucinations, and hallu
cinations without a verbal structure (humming, laughing, or whistling).
Auditory hallucinations are by far the most frequent. Visual hallucinations
are more common before age 13. They are also common in intoxications
and delirium.
• Emotional issues and changes in social functioning: blunted affect, mood
disturbances (irritability, fearfulness, and suspicion), negative symptoms
(apathy, paucity of speech), and incongruity of emotional responses re
sulting in social withdrawal and lowering of social performance. Positive
and negative symptoms may be present years before overt manifestations
of the disorder.
• Disturbances of speech and language: paucity of speech or logorrhea,
perseverations, speech stereotypes, echolalia and phonographism, and
neologisms.
• Motor disturbances: clumsiness, motor disharmony, strange postures
(rocking), stupor or catatonia, bizarre movements or motor stereotypies
(finger stereotypies), and compulsive acts or rituals.
According to Remschmidt (2008), various disorders should be considered

in the differential diagnosis: autism (autism spectrum disorder), multiple
complex developmental disorder, multiple developmental impairment,
affective psychosis (psychotic depression, bipolar disorder), drug-induced
psychosis, and organic brain disorders (in addition to DMDD). Remschmidt’s
constructs of multiple complex developmental disorder and multiple de
velopmental impairment appear to be similar to the concepts of pervasive
developmental disorder and schizophrenia, respectively. About 20% of patients
with multiple complex developmental disorder develop schizophrenia later
in life (Remschmidt 2008).
For a summary of the structural abnormalities in childhood and adoles
cent schizophrenia as described by Remschmidt (2008), see Table 12–8.
Recent studies suggest that microglia activation with ensuing neuro
inflammation is a key mechanism dominantly affecting neuronal networks,
brain morphology (e.g., oligodendrocyte alterations), white matter damage,
and so on, as well as impairments in learning, memory, and behavior in schizo
phrenia (Debnath and Venkatasubramanian 2013, p. 433). A range of char
acteristics of schizophrenia, such as progressive structural brain changes, cog
nitive and functional decline, poorer treatment response, and increased
vulnerability to relapse, now seem to be under the control of immune deter
minants (Debnath and Venkatasubramanian 2013, p. 434)
Zhang et al. (2015) studied a cohort of 25 unmedicated persons with chronic
schizophrenia to ascertain the degree of neurodegeneration and to deter
mine if the lack of antipsychotic treatment changed the findings of previous
observations. In comparison to control patients, patients with schizophre
nia showed less cortical thickness in the ventromedial prefrontal cortices
bilaterally extending laterally to the orbitofrontal areas, in the left superior
Table 12–8. Structural brain abno rmalities in very-early-onset

schizophrenia (childhood-onset schizophrenia)
and early-onset schizophrenia
Reduction in total brain volume. The left hemisphere is smaller in males.
Reduction of the left hemisphere in males and a decrease in rightward
hemisphere asymmetry in females correlates with decreased IQ.
Decreased total cerebral volume in siblings with childhood-onset schizophrenia
(COS); decreased frontal and parietal gray matter volumes.
Minor physical anomalies associated with ventricular enlargement, indicating an
early prenatal developmental disturbance.
In COS, a progressive loss of cerebellar volume during adolescence.
Specific abnormalities in COS subjects: small brains, smaller amygdala and
thalamus, and a large caudate.
Progressive brain volume loss, correlating with premorbid impairment and
baseline symptom severity.
Gyrification abnormalities in COS (common).
temporal gyrus extending to the occipital lobe area, and in the right pars tri
angularis. There were faster age-related cortical decrements in the right
ventromedial prefrontal cortex, left superior temporal gyrus, and right pars
triangularis. These findings have also been observed in childhood-onset
schizophrenia, in which the cortical decrements occur at a faster pace
(Zhang et al. 2015).
Meier et al. (2014, pp. 98–99) demonstrated a substantial neuropsycho
logical decline in schizophrenia from premorbid to the post-onset period.
The extent of the developmental progression of decline varies across mental
functions. These authors’ findings suggest that different pathophysiological
mechanisms may underlie deficits in different mental functions.
Genome-wide association studies show the strongest signal for schizo
phrenia on chromosome 6p22.1 in a region related to the major histocom
patibility complex (MHC) and other immune functions such as the human
leukocyte antigen (HLA) alleles (Sperner-Unterweger and Fuchs 2015, p. 201)
(see Note 14 at the end of this chapter).
Is schizophrenia an autoimmune disorder? A recent publication by Sekar
et al. (2016) links a number of genes in the major histocompatibility complex
(MHC), on chromosome 6, with an increase in the risk for developing schizo
phrenia. The association arises in part from many structurally diverse alleles
of the complement component 4 (C4) genes, mostly CSMD1, which encodes
for a regulator of C4. The alleles generate diverse expression in the brain, C4A
and C4B, secreted by neurons. The association of common C4 allele with
schizophrenia is proportional to its tendency to generate greater C4A ex
pression. Human C4 proteins localized to neuronal synapses, dendrites, ax
ons, and cell bodies. In mice, C4 mediates synapse elimination during post
natal development. These results implicate excessive complemental activity
in the development of schizophrenia and may help to explain the reduced
numbers of synapses in the brains of individuals with schizophrenia. This risk
is linked to the natural process of synaptic pruning, by which weak or redun
dant connections are discarded as the brain matures (Carey 2016). Genes lo
cated in the MHC get activated during adolescence and early adulthood to
carry out synaptic pruning primarily in the prefrontal cortex (PFC). Persons
who carry the genes that accelerate or intensify the pruning are at a higher risk
of developing schizophrenia. These persons have diminished connections in
the PFC in comparison with non-affected persons. It has been proposed (Carey
2016) that in persons with schizophrenia there is a group of genes that causes
an aggressive “tagging” of connections and other neuronal structures for
pruning, effectively accelerating the process, thus, suggesting that schizo
phrenia is an autoimmune disorder. Persons with schizophrenia have higher
levels of the variant C4A protein than do control subjects. Sekar et al. sug
gest that too much C4A protein leads to inappropriate pruning during this
critical phase of development (Carey 2016).
Cornblatt et al. (2015) proposed a predictive profile for the accurate iden
tification of young people at risk for the development of schizophrenia and
related illnesses. This profile consists of four variables: disorganized com
munications, suspiciousness, verbal memory impairment, and declining so
cial functioning. The authors claimed that their profile increased the risk of
positive prediction from 30% with the high-risk criteria alone to 81.8% with
the predictive profile. The authors stated that contrary to expectations, de
pression, anxiety, role functioning, duration of symptoms, substance abuse,
medications, or very young age (12–14 years) had a limited predictive value.
Adolescents with a low risk index score would be considered to be at a low
level of risk, whereas adolescents with a high risk index score would be con
sidered to be at the high end of risk.
Autistic Behavior
Autism (now classified as autism spectrum disorder [formerly autistic dis
order]), is one of the most severe psychiatric disturbances and is a particu
larly dehumanizing neuropsychiatric condition. Autism is characterized by
1) a lack of communication language, 2) a lack of interpersonal relatedness,
3) an unusual preoccupation with inanimate objects, and 4) a need for same
ness. DSM-5 conceptualizes autism spectrum disorder as a broader diagnosis.

The traditional triad of impairment domains—social interaction, communi
cative behavior, and repetitive and restrictive behaviors (RRBs)—was collapsed
into two domains. RRBs remain separate and intact, with the addition of atypi
cal sensory experiences. The social and communicative domains have been
merged. Diagnostic specifiers include 1) known etiological factors (medical,
genetic, environmental); 2) severity and level of support needed; 3) intellec
tual impairments; 4) language impairments; and 5) presence of catatonia
(Foss-Feig and MacPartland 2016, p. 41). We should add the presence of a
neurological condition (seizures or other).
The abnormal development of social reciprocity is one of the most strik
ing features of autism and that the social, communicative, imaginative, and
cognitive elements of the disorder are inextricably linked. The discovery by
Bauman and Kemper in 1985 of a reduction in the number of Purkinje and
granular cells in the cerebellum was a “clap of thunder.” This unexpected find
ing, amplified in 2003, opened the gates to a flood of morphometric studies
of the cerebellum and to a reconsideration of its role not only in autism but
also in other complex human behaviors like language, attention, and affect.
Overconnectivity of some cortical circuitry, and underconnectivity in others
involved in subcortical relays, such as the basal ganglia, amygdala, and other
limbic areas, and in the cerebellum, are at the forefront of current research
(Rapin 2011, p. 7).
Autism is usually accompanied by a variety of profound neurodevelop
mental problems. Brain anomalies and brain dysfunction(s) are considered
the main cause of this perplexing syndrome. Kinsbourne and Wood (2006)
stated that autism spectrum disorder represents a behaviorally defined set
of developmental disorders that result from diverse biological, genetic, and
ecogenetic factors. Research in autism spectrum disorder is complicated by
the broad heterogeneity in clinical and biological characteristics. Intellectual
disabilities are present in about 80% of patients with autism, and neurologi
cal findings are present in about 60%–70% of autistic children. By adoles
cence, up to 30% of children with autism have developed a seizure disorder.
Autism is associated with conditions such as phenylketonuria, fragile X syn
drome, varicella infection in utero, toxoplasmosis, cytomegalovirus infec
tion, and many other identifiable illnesses.
The discovery of the mirror neurons (localized in the inferior parietal lobe
and inferior frontal lobe—areas related to speech, theory of mind, and imi
tation) has placed autism’s characteristic deficits of empathy and social rec
iprocity on a new neurobiological and evolutionary foundation. Mirror neu
rons are a group of cortical neurons that discharge when one executes a
movement, as well as when one observes another individual’s actions. The en
gagement of these cells is thought to reflect an understanding of others’ in
tentions. Abnormalities in the development of mirror neurons have been

proposed as the cause of autism (Moura et al. 2008). Hickok (2014), in his book
The Myth of Mirror Neurons: The Real Neuroscience of Communication and
Cognition, argues against the impairment of the mirror cells as a central te
net of the cause of autism.
Evolutionary theory posits the development of empathy as one of the
most important abilities developed by human beings; empathic relation
ships strengthen interpersonal connections and permit more complex social
organizations (Moura et al. 2008). The social brain is formed primarily by
the amygdala, which contributes to the expression of normal socioemo
tional behaviors; other areas in the temporal lobes also contribute to the so
cioemotional behaviors. Autism, therefore, is a disorder of the social brain.
Consistent with this theory, as well as the observation of an increase of brain
mass in individuals with autism, is the finding of increased neuronal packing
density in the hippocampus, subiculum, entorhinal cortex, medial septal nu
clei, and several amygdalar nuclei. Cerebellar abnormalities are also in
volved in children with autism (Moura et al. 2008).
Contrary to prevailing misinformation, vaccinations are not associated
with the etiology of autism. On the other hand, if one identical twin is autis
tic, the risk for the other twin to develop autism is between 36% and 95%. If
there is damage to the cerebellum at birth, the risk is 37%. If a fraternal twin
is autistic, the risk for the other twin is 31%. Other factors, such as prematu
rity, paternal age (>60 years), and maternal age (>35 years), have a low risk,
3% (Wang 2014).
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
DSM-5 includes, in the category of obsessive-compulsive and related disor
ders, the classic obsessive-compulsive disorder, body dysmorphic disorder
(BDD), hoarding disorder, trichotillomania (hair-pulling disorder), excoria
tion (skin-picking) disorder, substance/medication-induced OCD and re
lated disorder, OCD and related disorder due to another medical condition,
other specified OCD and related disorder, and unspecified OCD and related
disorder (American Psychiatric Association 2013, pp. 235–264).
OCD is not a unitary disorder; a number of studies have indicated that
OCD is a heterogeneous disorder with many possible subgroups. Epidemio
logical studies reveal that OCD has two peaks of incidence: one peak in child
hood with male predominance and a second peak in early adulthood with
female predominance. The course of OCD is also heterogeneous. Onset may
be insidious with a chronic waxing and waning course, and although symptoms
may change with time, they keep an enduring thematic consistency (Rosário
et al. 2008).
OCD in childhood is possibly more biologically driven or more genetic

than its adult-onset form (see Note 15 at the end of this chapter). Hoarding
is correlated with OCD measures of slowness, responsibility, and indecisive
ness; doubt and higher depression severity are more common in girls (Grados
and Riddle 2008; see Note 16 at the end of this chapter). We need to consider
a fifth factor, to incorporate somatic concerns (BDD) and skin picking (ex
coriation disorder), both not uncommon in childhood.
Developmentally, most children and adolescents engage in a significant
number of ritualistic, repetitive, and compulsive-like activities. For example,
young children need to repeat certain behaviors until the behaviors feels “just
right.” Children often feel uncomfortable when these behaviors are not per
formed the same way every time. During their school years, children commonly
collect items (e.g., coins, stamps, pens, CDs). For many adolescents, grooming
rituals take a long time. It is not clear how these normal obsessive-compul
sive behaviors relate to OCD. Research indicates that the earlier the onset of
obsessive-compulsive symptoms in children, the higher the morbid risk for
first-degree family members to develop obsessive-compulsive symptoms,
OCD, tics, or Tourette’s disorder. Family aggregation of OCD was largely con
centrated among families of probands with early-onset OCD who had a very
high comorbid risk (Rosário et al. 2008).
Clinically, children and adolescents show higher rates of aggressive and
harm obsessions than adults, but they have a lower frequency of sexual obses
sions. Religious obsessions are more frequent in adolescents than in children
and younger adults. Hoarding compulsions were the only symptoms that were
more frequent in children and adolescents. Also common in children and
adolescents were the fear of losing one’s parents and the need to perform rit
uals, such as reassurance seeking and asking the same questions repeatedly.
Younger children are more likely to suffer from compulsions than from ob
sessions and to display higher frequencies of repetition, hoarding, tic-like
compulsions, and sensory phenomena. The compulsions commonly precede
the obsessions by about 2 years. In patients with late-onset OCD, obsessions
and compulsions start at the same time (Rosário et al. 2008).
In the evaluation of sudden-onset OCD symptoms and tics, special attention
should be paid to history of infectious illnesses and chronology of symptoms.
PANDAS (pediatric autoimmune neuropsychiatric disorders associated
with streptococcal infections) is associated with the sudden, prepubertal on
set of OCD or a tic disorder that is characterized with the acute or episodic
appearance of symptoms that temporally coincide with Group A streptococ
cal infections. Questions regarding sore throats or recent strep throat infec
tions (especially with regards to completion of the antibiotic course) should
be examined. In addition, the examiner should pay close attention to the his
tory of symptom worsening and abatement in regards to the development of

infectious illnesses.
The broader PANS definition (pediatric acute-onset neuropsychiatric syn
dromes) helps to account for those cases that do not have an initially identi
fiable origin (Swedo et al. 2012). For the diagnosis of PANS, the acute onset
of OCD or severe restriction of food intake is accompanied by two or more
neuropsychiatric symptoms: anxiety, emotional lability/dysphoria, behavioral/
developmental regression, deterioration in school performance, sensory or
motor abnormalities, and regression in sleep and urinary continence. For
example, sudden-onset separation anxiety without any identifiable trauma
or change in environment may be observed. The handwriting of children
with previously legible and age-appropriate script may deteriorate to scrib
bles or disorganized drawings. Previously “good sleepers” may begin to display
sleep terrors or severe nightmares, difficulties with sleep onset, or frequent
awakenings. Children who had been previously potty-trained may begin to
display episodes of enuresis.
Sensory phenomena are defined as uncomfortable, disturbing sensations,
perceptions, feelings, or urges that precede or accompany repetitive behaviors
(compulsions or tics). Patients with OCD feel driven to repeat the compul
sions until they experience a sense of relief from the uncomfortable sensa
tions. The sensory phenomena could be physical or mental (e.g., sensations
in the skin, the “just-right” perception, feelings of incompleteness). Evalua
tion of the sensory phenomena is relevant because some studies report that
patients with early-onset and tic-related OCD have a higher frequency of
sensory phenomena and that these symptoms might cause more distress
than do compulsions for these patients (Rosário et al. 2008).
The following case example illustrates the development of OCD in a child.
Case Example 6
Donald, a 12-year-old Caucasian preadolescent male, was evaluated for possi
ble ADHD and for behaviors that included stealing, lying, and cross-dressing.
He had also voiced suicidal thoughts but had made no suicide attempts. Learn
ing disorders and expressive language difficulties were identified. Donald
was an adopted child. He lived with his mother and his brother, 4 years older,
who was his parents’ natural child. Donald’s parents had been divorced for
7 years prior to the evaluation, and they maintained a hostile relationship. Each
parent spoke badly about the other in front of the children. Donald’s mother
had been sexually abused as a child and had a mood disorder. She was in poor
health and at the time of the evaluation was receiving medical, psychiatric, and
psychotherapeutic treatment. She was frustrated with the uncertainties of
Donald’s diagnosis.
Donald had been mainstreamed at school. Teachers had made no serious
complaints about his behavior in the classroom. At home, however, Donald
created a great deal of distress: he procrastinated about his homework and

chores, irritated his brother by getting into his “things,” and frustrated his
mother by his persistent argumentative, oppositional, and defiant behavior.
Donald also had a history of fascination with fires.
The mental status examination revealed a small, meek, nonspontaneous
male. He had an air of immaturity. He displayed frequent tics in the upper left
side of his face. His speech was marked by significant hesitation and a con
siderable degree of stuttering. The examiner observed occasional grunting
and throat clearing. Donald’s mood appeared mildly depressed. His affect
was appropriate but constricted. There was no evidence of thought disorder
or of any perceptual disorder. Donald denied suicidal or homicidal ideation.
He indicated no concerns about his cross-dressing. His sensorium was intact,
and he seemed to be of an average intelligence. He displayed no insight into
his problems and demonstrated marked passivity about what was going on
with him and around him.
One year after the initial evaluation, Donald’s mother reported that he was
becoming progressively more preoccupied with sex. She suspected that he
masturbated frequently using stuffed animals. There were indications that
he used the dolls for his sexual practices because his mother frequently
found the dolls with openings that corresponded to the genital areas. On
more than one occasion, Donald’s brother and mother had seen him wearing
feminine undergarments. Donald’s mother often could not find some of her
pantyhose, panties, brassieres, or shoes. Furthermore, when trying on her
shoes, mother would sometimes notice that they were stretched out. She sus
pected that Donald had worn them.
When Donald’s mother received her latest telephone and credit card bills,
she became aware that Donald had charged thousands of dollars in calls to
various sex lines. Donald was obsessed with sex. Donald was experiencing
powerful sexual compulsions. He started taking fluoxetine with very positive
response; his sexual preoccupation lessened, and his compulsion to call the
sex lines decreased.
In general, OCD accrues significant comorbidity both in breadth and in se

verity. Common associated conditions include mood disorders, anxiety disor
ders, oppositional defiant disorder, intermittent explosive disorder, ADHD,
and psychotic disorders. Up to 60%–80% of children and adolescents with
OCD have a comorbid disorder: 51% have ADHD, 47% have ODD, and 5%
have pervasive developmental disorder (currently, autism spectrum disor
der). ADHD is more common in boys (53%) than in girls (24%). Comorbid
anxiety disorders not related to the OCD are common in all age groups but
occur more frequently in children (56%) and adolescents (35%) than in
adults (17%). However, major depressive rates are higher in adults (78%) than
in adolescents (62%) and children (39%). Rates of tics in children range from
20% to 60%, compared with 9% in adolescents and 6% in adults; 48% of sub
jects with early-onset OCD present with tics or Tourette’s syndrome, com
pared with 10% of subjects with late-onset OCD. A tic-related OCD subgroup
has been identified, with a higher risk of transmission of OCD, subclinical OCD,
and tics among first-degree relatives of OCD probands; higher male fre
quency; early onset of the disorder; and a different treatment response com
pared with other OCD patients (Rosário et al. 2008).
OCD occurs in conjunction with diseases of the basal ganglia. The cau
date nucleus or the globus pallidus may be involved. In adults, most disorders
that produce OCD symptoms affect the basal ganglia bilaterally (Cummings
1995a). Tourette’s disorder is associated with OCD in 20%–30% of cases. An
infection associated with the group A beta-hemolytic streptococcus
(GABHS), or other infectious processes, including Lyme disease and Myco
plasma pneumoniae, are implicated. Family studies show that first-degree
relatives of children with PANDAS have higher rates of Tourette’s disorder
and OCD, as well as an expanded expression of a trait marker for susceptibil
ity to rheumatic fever, the monoclonal antibody D8/17. Having multiple in
fections with GABHS during 1 year was associated with an increase of To
urette’s disorder, but the data concerning antibiotic prophylaxis have not
been compelling (Roessner and Rothenberger 2008). Two longitudinal stud
ies failed to show an association between GABHS infections and exacerba
tions of tics or OCD. The presence of antistreptococcal and antineuronal an
tibodies is inconsistent. However, immunological mechanisms seem to be
involved: levels of proinflammatory cytokines (TNF and interleukin-12) are
elevated, and regulatory T cells are decreased at baseline and during exacer
bations (Roessner and Rothenberger 2008) (see Note 17 later in this chapter).
In a large sample of children and adults with Tourette’s disorder, ferritin
and serum iron levels were significantly lower but still within the normal
range. Ferritin correlated positively with volumes of the sensorimotor, mid
temporal, and subgenual cortices (Roessner and Rothenberger 2008, pp. 107–
108). Lower iron stores appear to contribute to the hypoplasia of the caudate
and putamen, increasing the vulnerability to developing or having more
severe tics. Lower iron may also contribute to smaller cortical volumes,
decreasing control of the tics. “In a group of treatment-naïve boys with Tou
rette’s Disorder (TS), volumetric MRI revealed significantly larger left thal
amus in TS whereas no group difference was observed for the right thalamus.
The boys with TS also showed a significant reduction in rightward asymmetry
in thalamic volume compared with healthy subjects” (Roessner and Rothen
berger 2008, p. 107). There is an increase in the volume of the dorsal pre
frontal, parieto-occipital, and inferior occipital cortices and a decrease in
the volume of the premotor, orbitofrontal, and subgenual cortices in chil
dren with TS (Roessner and Rothenberger 2008).
OCD in childhood is a severe condition that rarely responds to single
treatments. OCD response to psychotropic medications is modest. Multidi
mensional treatments are mandatory.
Obsessive-compulsive personality disorder (OCPD) and traits of OCPD

were found to be relatively common among individuals with eating disor
ders, including those with anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and binge
eating disorder. Moreover, perfectionism was specially associated with eat
ing disorders and, perfectionism, and rigidity, as OCPD traits in childhood
were identified as important risk factors for the development of eating disor
ders, particularly anorexia nervosa (Starcevic and Brakoulias 2014).
Given the evidence that the glutaminergic system is involved in OCD, it
seems reasonable to target this system in pharmacotherapy (Kariuki-Nyuthe
et al. 2014) (see Note 18 later in this chapter).
Paraphilia and Hypersexuality

Regarding abnormal sexual behavior in adults, paraphilias have been associ
ated with frontal lobe disorders (e.g., frontal degeneration, multiple sclero
sis), basal ganglia diseases (e.g., Huntington’s disease, Tourette’s disorder,
Parkinson’s disease following treatment with dopaminergic agents), and epi
lepsy. Hypersexuality may be attributed to secondary mania, Klüver-Bucy
syndrome, or septal lesions (Cummings 1995a). Similar neuroanatomical
correlations in children need substantiation. In a number of cases described
in this chapter, like those of Ruben (see Case Example 5) and Donald (see
Case Example 6), there is a history of hypersexual and paraphilic behaviors.
Key Points
• The field of pediatric neuropsychiatry deals with the assess
ment and treatment of congenital or acquired neurodevel
opmental disorders.
• The elucidation of the biological basis of behavior and emo
tions is being carried out at an accelerated pace in the field of
child and adolescent psychiatry. Significant progress is being
made in establishing the genetic, biochemical, neurophysi
ological, and neuroanatomical bases of psychopathology.
• In contemporary psychiatric thinking, the neurobiological
basis of behavior is taking an increasing preeminence. Clini
cians/examiners, no matter what their field of expertise, need
to be familiar with basic neurobiological and neuropsycho
logical concepts.
• The neuropsychiatric examination includes the assessment
of attention, language, cognition, memory, visuospatial skills,
motor function, sensory functioning, and executive functions.
• Clinicians need to be informed of the basic tenets of the

most common neuropsychiatric conditions and be able to
detect signs and symptoms indicative of neuropsychologi
cal or neuropsychiatric impairments.
• Clinicians also need to be knowledgeable about the indica
tions and interpretations of neuropsychological testing.
• There is convincing evidence that socioeconomic disadvan
tage causes detrimental effects on the structure and func
tion of the brain.
Notes
1. According to Holz et al. (2015, p. 366), the new field of environmental im
aging is concerned with the impact of socioeconomic disadvantage (SED)
on the structure and functioning of the brain. Poverty is the strongest pre
dictor of SED. It has been known that SED increases the risk of psycho
pathology related to social defeat, the sense of being excluded, character
ized by being in a subordinate position characterized by increased stress
and isolation. Altered social stress processing may be the mediator. De
creased volume of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, and a male-specific
reduction in the perigenual anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), could result
in dopaminergic hyperactivity, a consequence of altered stress regulation
that also links with increased risk for psychosis. Poverty is a major public
health risk (physical and mental), particularly with disorders such as au
tism spectrum disorder and conduct disorder. Poverty entails exposure
to a number of covariant risks: life stress, substance abuse, poor social sup
port, and lack of access to resources such as nutrition, education, and med
ical services. In the past the concept of sociogenetic brain syndrome was
aptly applied. Individuals exposed in early life to poverty exhibit a decrease
in the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC), a key structure involved in emotional and
reward processing. The association between poverty and conduct disor
der is mediated by OFC volume. This finding cannot be explained by sex,
obstetric adversity, lifetime substance abuse, or genetic risk. Children in
SED have an overall reduction in gray matter (particularly in frontal and
parietal areas) and in amygdalar and hippocampal volumes (mediated by
support and stressful life events). Young adults followed since birth show
reduced activation in the basal ganglia, including ventral striatum, dur
ing reward anticipation as a function of early adversity. This hyposensi
tivity was accompanied by hypersensitivity in the basal ganglia during
reward delivery. The latter finding is linked to ADHD, explaining a con
nection of increased risk of externalizing behaviors following exposure to
early adversity. When the impact of early life stress, including adoption,
orphanage upbringing, physical abuse, and low SES background, on
limbic volume was compared, hippocampal volume was reduced only
following physical abuse and with low SES. Higher levels of behavioral
problems were mediated by decreased hippocampal volume but not
amygdalar volume. Right amygdala is increased in volume after verbal/
emotional abuse and physical mistreatment. Amygdalar volume is partic
ularly susceptible to stress during ages 10–11 years. Maltreated children
exhibit reduced cortical thickness in the ACC and OFC, and this is ac
companied by a reduced surface in the temporal and lingual gyrus and
by less gyrification in the lingual gyrus and the insula (Holz et al. 2015,
pp. 366–370).
2. Impressive gains in the understanding of a number of neuropsychiatric
conditions and technological advances in diagnostic testing have made
possible what in previous years would have been considered fantasy or
science fiction. Gothelf (2007) described the following scenario:
A 15-year-old male is referred for a neuropsychiatric evaluation because of

academic and behavioral problems at school. Psychiatric evaluation reveals
that the adolescent presents with psychotic features and an indiscriminate,
over-friendly approach to strangers. Upon neuropsychological evaluation,
he exhibits deficits in working memory and in object recognition pro
cesses. Functional MRI evaluation reveals increased activation in the cin
gulate gyrus and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex during performance of a
Go/NoGo task. There is also decreased activation in the region of the in
tra-parietal sulcus when performing a two-dimensional puzzle task. Based
in the multimodal assessment, the child psychiatrist suspects that variants
of several genes including COMPT, PRODH, elastin, LIM domain kinase 1
(LIMK1) are mediating the patient’s neuropsychiatric and neurocognitive
deficits. Consequently, a blood sample is drawn and a molecular work-up
reveals that the patient’s profile is consistent with the suspected high-risk
genetic variants. Variations in the COMPT and PRODH genes explain the
prefrontal cognitive deficits and psychotic symptoms, whereas variations in
the LIMK1 explain the dorsal visual processing stream deficits and the over
friendly approach of the patient. The child psychiatrist presents the results of
the clinical evaluation and laboratory tests to the patient and his family, and
suggests medications that will regulate the activity of the COMPT enzyme
and that will normalize the expression of the LIMK1 gene (p. xvii).
3. Shenton and Turetsky (2011, p. xiii) attribute most of the progress in the
understanding of the neuropsychiatric disorders to the dramatic im
provements in image resolution and the development of novel imaging
techniques: computed tomography, positron emission tomography, sin
gle photon emission computed tomography, MRI and functional MRI,
diffusion tensor imaging, magnetic resonance spectroscopy, ultrasound,

and magnetoencephalography.
4. Denckla (1997) has reservations about the diagnostic validity of graphes
thesia in children. She thinks that this may not be an efficient test because
little is known about the firmness of the association between mental image
or visual memory of a letter, the name of the letter, and the dynamic-tactile
experience of graphesthesia. The implication is that for these tests to be
valid, a certain cognitive developmental level is required. Tactile sensory
loss is common in children with cerebral palsy. Astereognosis and dysgra
phesthesia are specific agnosia deficits observed in children with cerebral
palsy. Denckla’s reservations about the validity of graphesthesia in children
may also be applicable to related tests.
5. According to Harris (1995a), “Neuro-imaging technology attempts to cor
relate specific aspects of information processing with specific brain re
gions. Structural imaging methods are used to link damage in particular
brain regions with behavioral deficits; functional brain imaging investi
gates physiological changes associated with brain activity. Links to brain
structure or physiology may validate neuropsychological assumptions
for the developmental disorders” (p. 24).
6. There are numerous misconceptions about neuropsychological testing
(Sbordone 1997), including that
• A detailed history and interviews of collateral sources are not neces

sary because such information may bias test interpretation. This is not
correct. The neuropsychologist can simply rely on the patient’s medi
cal records to arrive at an understanding of the type of brain injury the
patient sustained. This is not correct.
• Defective performances on neuropsychological testing indicate cog
nitive dysfunction and/or brain damage, and defective performances
on particular tests indicate dysfunction or damage to specific areas of
the brain. The neuropsychologist does not need to test or interview a par
ticular patient if he or she has access to the patient’s raw test data. This
is not correct.
• Collecting reliable test data is the neuropsychologist’s primary goal.
This is not correct. Careful interpretation of test data, using appropriate
norms, is essential in arriving at accurate opinions about the patient’s
cognitive impairments or the localization of brain dysfunctions. This
is not entirely correct.
• Changes in cognitive functioning are best determined by careful ex
amination of serial neuropsychological test data. It is unwise to con
tinue testing a brain-injured patient if the patient becomes fatigued
because the test data will become unreliable. This is not correct. Brain
damaged patients should be tested in relatively quiet settings that are

free from distractions or extraneous stimuli.
• The neuropsychologist’s primary responsibility is to record the patient’s
specific responses to specific test stimuli during testing. It is not nec
essary to record the amount and type of practice, cues, prompts, or var
ious strategies given to or used by the patient during testing, because
the raw test data are sufficient to determine the patient’s cognitive im
pairments. This is not correct.
• Test data can be interpreted accurately in the absence of information
from other sources (e.g., historical information, medical records, aca
demic records). Interpretations based on test data alone can predict
the patient’s ability to function at work, school, home, or in other real
world settings. This is not correct.
• It is not essential to observe the patient functioning outside the testing
(laboratory) environment because careful interpretation of the test data
will provide a sufficient basis for predicting how the patient is likely to
respond in real-world settings. This is not correct.
• Patients who sustain traumatic brain damage will make most of their
recovery during the first 6 months and continue to recover for up to
2 years after the injury. This is not correct. Intact performance on a stan
dardized neuropsychological battery (e.g., Wechsler Intelligence for
Children—4th Edition, Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological Battery,
Luria-Nebraska Neuropsychological Battery) rules out the likelihood
that the patient has cognitive deficits or has sustained a brain insult.
This is not correct.
• Neuropsychological test reports need to contain only a brief de
scription of the reasons for referral, identifying information about the
patient, the names of the tests administered, the raw test data, and in
terpretation of the test data. This is not correct.
• The neuropsychological test can reliably identify brain damage if it is
present. Intact performance in a variety of neuropsychological tests
(e.g., Category Test, Wisconsin Card Sorting, Trail Making Test) known
to be sensitive to frontal lobe damage rules out the likelihood of fron
tal lobe pathology. This is not correct.
• The results of neuropsychological testing should be consistent with
the patient’s complaints. This is not correct.
7. Other findings in Frances’s case.
Cognitive testing. Verbal test scores were below average; the highest
score was 8. Performance scores were higher than the verbal scores; one
subtest score was 9, whereas another was 13 (object assembly). These scores
indicated that Frances’s abilities based on visual perception and some
forms of motor response were substantially better than her language

based abilities. Because of the large discrepancy between Frances’s Ver
bal and Performance IQ scores, the Full Scale IQ was not considered a
meaningful descriptor of her cognitive abilities. She had below-average
(borderline) scores on tasks requiring verbal comprehension, reasoning,
and expression.
Sensory-perceptual functions. Mild difficulty in maintaining fixation
during visual-field tests was revealed.
Motor functions. Moderate to severe bilateral impairments were noted.
8. According to Barkley (2015, pp. 358–359), ADHD is highly hereditary: ge

netic factors account for more than 70%–80% of its expression. Family
studies show a marked elevated risk of ADHD among relatives of children
with ADHD (10%–35%), rising to as much as 55% risk if at least one parent
was affected or if there are two or more affected children. Parents with
ADHD convey as much as 57% risk to the offspring. The contribution of
shared environment is negligible (0–13%) and not statistically significant.
ADHD is polygenic. Genes that have reliably been identified include the
serotonin and dopamine transporter genes 5HTT and DAT1, respectively;
the dopamine receptor genes DRD4 and DRD5; the serotonin type 1B re
ceptor gene HTR1B; and SNAP25, a synaptic regulating protein gene.
There are many other genes under investigation that are suspected of hav
ing an influence in the expression of ADHD (p. 360). Children and adults
suffering injuries to the prefrontal regions have long been known to dem
onstrate deficits in sustained attention, inhibition, regulation of emotion,
motivation, and the capacity to organize behavior across time (dysexecu
tive syndrome, or “frontal lobe disorders”) with symptoms that overlap
with those of ADHD (p. 362). Some studies suggest that some cases of
ADHD may arise or may be exacerbated by streptococcal infections, per
haps via the damaging effects on the basal ganglia (p. 373). Smoking during
pregnancy is more frequent in mothers from low SES; smoking increases
the risk for the externalizing disorders ADHD and conduct disorder in the
offspring. Nicotine exposure may cause damage to the brain at critical de
velopmental periods and may chronically affect the cholinergic and dopa
minergic neurotransmissions. Subjects exposed to smoking during
pregnancy had a reduction in the inferior frontal gyrus (IFG). Activity in
the IFG was inversely related to lifetime ADHD symptoms, thereby closing
the gap between environmental adversity, neurobiological correlates, and
psychopathology. Cortical thinning in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex
has also been demonstrated in subjects exposed to cocaine in utero. Find
ings are more pronounced in the left hemisphere (Holz et al. 2015, p. 368).
9. According to Patankar et al. (2012), soft neurologic signs (SNS) are pres
ent in 84% of children with ADHD; of the timed motor movements, speed
of movement and dysrhythmias are the most reliable findings. Synkine
sias (movement overflow), which are present in 40% of cases, and mirror
movements, which are present in 30%, are indicators of a developmental
delay of motor inhibition. Dysrhythmias and slow speed are an indica
tion of functional deficits of the cerebellum and the basal ganglia. The se
verity of symptoms decreases with increasing age. By age 7 many of the
skills assessed by the Physical and Neurological Examination for Soft Signs
(PANESS) have matured—that is, reached “adult” level of proficiency.
Children with the predominantly inattentive type of ADHD have signifi
cant poorer fine motor skills, while children with the combined type have
greater problems with gross motor skills. Children with impulsivity have
more dysrhythmias indicative of cerebellar pathology.
10. The topic of concussion was the subject of a series of articles in The New
York Times on September 29 and 30, 2015. Belson (2015) noted that be
cause of concerns with brain injury, and “[d]espite the popularity of col
lege and professional football, the number of male high school football
players has fallen to about 1.08 million this year [2015], a 2.4% decline
from five years ago” (B11, B15). Some schools have shut down the football
programs all together. In a front page article, “Concussions in a Required
Class: Boxing at Military Academics,” Phillips (2015) brought the issue of
concussion in military academies to the forefront. Ninety seven concus
sions were reported at West Point, where boxing is a required training,
during the last three academic years for which data were available (2012–
13, 2013–14, 2014–15. The Air Force Academy reported 72 and the Na
val Academy 29 during that same period. Some medical experts say that
the risks of the boxing requirement outweigh the rewards, and that even
when there is no diagnosable concussion there can still be lasting brain
damage. The Department of Defense attempted to block or delay this re
porting.
11. Other findings in Ruben:
Physical examination. He had multiple self-inflicted bruises on the right

arm and right foot, plus an old irregular scar in the lateral aspect of the
right arm, corresponding to a self-inflicted burn.
Neurological screening. Ruben was left handed; he exhibited marked right

left disorientation and dysnomia (e.g., he called a cross “two lines,” called
a triangle “a rectangle,” and did not know the name of the diamond.) This
naming difficulty also reflected problems with abstract perception and
thinking.
Psychological testing. Verbal tests scores were very poor; all were below
4 (10 is average). Performance test scores were below average, except ob
ject assembly, which was 11. Academic test scores were below third
grade level in reading, spelling, and arithmetic. Ruben’s reading perfor
mance met the criteria for a diagnosis of a learning disability. His perfor
mance in spelling and arithmetic was substantially below expectations
based on age and grade placement.
Projective testing. Ruben’s performance was consistent with an affective

psychosis with depressive features; significant organic impairment was
present. He exhibited no psychosis at the time of testing, but his reality
testing showed a propensity to deteriorate under minor stresses. Schizo
typal personality features were suggested.
Neuropsychological testing. Ruben wore glasses throughout the testing.

His fingernails showed signs of severe nail biting; otherwise, he was well
groomed and appropriately dressed. When approached initially, Ruben was
concerned he would receive an injection and said, “He is gonna kill me,”
but he didn’t appear nervous or frightened. He willingly accompanied
the examiner and was polite and cooperative throughout the test session.
Ruben related to the examiner in a friendly and outgoing manner. Ru
ben’s sentence organization was somewhat poor, although he managed
to communicate his meaning. For example, he defined a thief by saying,
“A thief is he’s stealing stuff.” Word usage problems contributed to his dif
ficulty organizing his verbalizations. For instance, when attempting to
communicate that a boy in the story wanted to be a violinist, Ruben said,
“He just wants to be a violin. He wants to be a musical instrument thing. He
wants to learn, I guess.” Through such attempts to restate his thoughts,
Ruben demonstrated awareness that his verbal communications were in
effective. The neuropsychologist elicited a history of head trauma at age
6 years, when Ruben fell from the monkey bars at school; Ruben did not
lose consciousness. Ruben’s speech and language were remarkable for
problems of syntax, grammar, word usage, and content organization. He
used the word “thing” when he did not know the correct name for some
thing or substituted a less accurate term (e.g., he called lightbulb filaments
“needles”). Ruben’s expressive language suggested occasional loosening
of the thought processes secondary to tangential thinking. His receptive
language also appeared impaired. Ruben frequently did not understand
instructions and questions. For example, when asked how many things
make a dozen, he replied “Eggs.” Ruben appeared to have difficulty remem
bering previously attempted combinations when using a trial-and-error
approach. He lost points on timed tasks because of task behavior due to
stopping to rub his forehead, and because he was overly concerned with
noncritical aspects of his performance (perfectly lining up cards on a timed
sequencing task). Although Ruben fidgeted and occasionally got out of his
seat, he was able to sit and attend for long periods of time. His mood was
cheerful and his affect congruent. Ruben’s approach to the testing was
varied but generally systematic and efficient. He appeared to use analysis
when solving visuoperceptual problems and worked systematically back
and forth across rows when doing a target detection task.
Visuospatial skills. Evaluation of visuospatial skills revealed impairment

of orientation judgment, spatial target detection, and visuomotor inte
gration. Speed and accuracy for detecting spatial targets were below nor
mal limits for all symbols except complex embedded figure. Performance
on constructional tasks using paper and pencil revealed very poor pres
ervation of the spatial elements of the designs; Ruben’s approach to this
task was hurried and notably impulsive. Construction using puzzles and
patterned blocks was within average range.
12. Pavuluri and Bogarapu (2008) described three pathways associated with
bipolar disorder: two anterior—the frontostriatal cognitive circuitry and
the frontolimbic affective circuitry—and one posterior—the face response
visual circuitry. The anterior circuits modulate affect and cognition, whereas
the posterior regulates the emotional facet. The frontostriatal circuit pro
ceeds from the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and projects majorly into the
anterior cingulate cortex with further relays into the basal ganglia, and
vice versa. The frontolimbic circuit comprises projections from the ven
trolateral prefrontal cortex into the limbic areas of the amygdala, hippo
campus, and cingulate and insular cortices. A significant amount of
information from the anterior pathways is relayed into the thalamus (the
so-called relay station). The deployment of the affective circuitry shuts
down the cognitive circuitry. The posterior pathway has its origins in the
primary visual area and in the visual association areas. Different emo
tional and expressive submodalities are relayed by feed-forward projections
through different lobes en route to the prefrontal cortex, with particular
projections to the amygdala and the superior temporal sulcus. Deranged
development and/or deviant inputs and outputs from these circuits, pres
ent in some patients with bipolar disorder, could be considered as the
neuroanatomical and neurophysiological basis for the dysfunctional dis
turbances in the affective, cognitive, and emotional areas common in this
illness (Pavuluri and Bogarapu 2008).
13. Patients with major depression and psychosis show greater hippocampal
and amygdalar volume reduction than do patients with major depression
without psychosis (Keller et al. 2008). Smaller amygdalar volume may be
a risk factor for future psychotic depression, and smaller hippocampal
volumes seem to indicate a risk factor for stress-related psychopathology
and therefore a greater likelihood of posttraumatic stress disorder (Keller et
al. 2008).
14. Recently published genome-wide association studies indicate that MHC
molecule–mediated glutamatergic receptor function may be related to
cognitive impairments in schizophrenia. There is a converging evidence that
interleukin-6 (IL-6), a predominantly pro-inflammatory cytokine related
to the type-2 T helper (Th2) immune response, might be involved in the
pathogenesis of schizophrenia. The relationship between functional IL
6 gene polymorphism and reduced hippocampal volume, recently observed
in naive patient with schizophrenia, supports this evidence (Sperner-
Unterweger and Fuchs 2015, p. 202). There is a correlation between IL-6
and tryptophan/kynurenine and kynurenic acid (KYNA) ratio, indicating
that IL-6 interferes with the kynurenine pathway; earlier studies indicated
that a shift in the kynurenine pathway toward enhanced KYNA formation
might be involved in the pathophysiology of schizophrenia. Findings of
low quinolinic acid/kynurenic acid ratio (QUIN/KYNA) in cerebrospinal
fluid of patients with schizophrenia support that hypothesis. Thus, it seems
that a shift from QUIN toward KYNA may represent a consequence of the
shift toward Th2-type immunity away from type-1 T helper (Th1)–type
immunity (Sperner-Unterweger and Fuchs 2015, p. 204).
15. Structural and functional neuroimaging studies in both pediatric and
adult OCD subjects suggest a dysregulation of the fronto-cortical-striatal
thalamic circuitry. Morphometric studies in children and adolescents
with OCD show reduced striatal volumes. Volumetric abnormalities in
the frontal and anterior cingulate cortices appear to be specific to the
gray matter in pediatric patients with OCD, whereas both gray matter
and white matter are affected in adult subjects with OCD. The anatomical
findings are consistent with anterior cingulate hypermetabolism, dem
onstrated in neuroimaging studies. Functional neuroimaging studies
suggest that the metabolism of the orbitofrontal cortex, anterior cingu
late, and caudate nucleus is abnormal in both pediatric and adult pa
tients. Growing evidence indicates that the dopamine system may be
involved in the pathogenesis of OCD. OCD frequently occurs as a comor
bid condition with Tourette’s disorder, Parkinson’s disease, and Hunting
ton’s chorea, diseases in which dopaminergic neurons play an important
role. Oxytocin might play an important role in late-onset OCD; neuro
peptides may play a role as well. Extensive interactions have been identi
fied in the brain between neuropeptidergic and monoaminergic systems
(Rosário et al. 2008).
16. Recent factor-analytic studies have reduced obsessive-compulsive symp
toms to four fairly consistent and clinically meaningful symptom dimen
sions: contamination/cleaning, obsessions/checking, symmetry/ordering,
and hoarding. Studies demonstrate that these dimensions are temporarily
stable and correlate meaningfully with genetic, neuroimaging, and treat
ment response variables (Rosário et al. 2008).
17. Knowledge of the etiology and immunology of Sydenham chorea spawned
the concept of PANDAS. There is considerable debate among experts
about the pathophysiological mechanism of PANDAS and the possible re
lationship to other movement disorder, including tics (Jankovic and Fahn
2010).
18. Potential glutamatergic agents include riluzole, memantine, and other
N-methyl-D-aspartate antagonists (e.g., amantadine, ketamine) and other
anticonvulsants with glutamatergic properties, such as topiramate, lamo
trigine, N-acetylcysteine, and D-cycloserine (Kariuki-Nyuthe et al. 2014,
p. 35).
CHAPTER 13
Comprehensive
Psychiatric Formulation
The comprehensive psychiatric formulation is a conceptual, multidimen

sional etiological understanding of a clinical case. In this chapter, we discuss
the different factors that are considered relevant in determining a clinical
presentation. The psychiatric formulation helps the examiner reach diagnostic
conclusions and understanding of the nature of psychosocial and cultural
stressors. The comprehensive psychiatric formulation is an indispensable skill
in clinical practice. The examiner should understand the concept of formu
lation and recognize common problems that are encountered in the formulat
ing process.
The ultimate objectives of the diagnostic interview are the development
of a psychiatric formulation and the creation of a comprehensive treatment
plan. These goals involve determining a DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Asso
ciation 2013) or an ICD-10 categorical diagnosis and developing an under
standing of the nature of psychosocial and cultural stressors that influence
psychopathology. The formulation process is an indispensable and over
arching conceptual exercise of the child and family’s functional level to gen
erate a treatment plan. Skills in comprehensive psychiatric formulation are
fundamental in clinical practice. In this chapter we focus on the psychoso
cial and cultural aspects of the psychiatric assessment.
In DSM-5, in the section “Use of the Manual,” the following assertions
about the approach to case formulation are made:
373
The symptoms in our diagnostic criteria are part of the relatively limited rep
ertoire of human emotional responses to internal and external stresses that are
generally maintained in a homeostatic balance without a disruption in normal
functioning. It requires clinical training to recognize when the combination of
predisposing, precipitating, perpetuating, and protective factors has resulted
in a psychopathological condition in which physical signs and symptoms ex
ceed normal ranges. The ultimate goal of a clinical case formulation is to use
the available contextual and diagnostic information in developing a comprehen
sive treatment plan that is informed by the individual [and family’s] cultural
and social context. (p. 19)
DSM-5 makes reference to the concept and importance of the comprehen

sive formulation multiple times throughout the text. Furthermore, the man
ual includes a new emphasis on the cultural aspects of norms and psychopa
thology. This emphasis is necessary in a multicultural milieu like the United
States, and in the context of the massive current waves of migration across
the world.
In the DSM-5 section on cultural formulation, we read:
Understanding the cultural context of illness experience is essential for the

effective diagnostic assessment and clinical management. Culture refers to
systems of knowledge, concepts, rules, and practices that are learned and trans
mitted across generations. Culture includes language, religion and spiritual
ity, family structures, life-cycle stages, ceremonial rituals, and customs, as well
as moral and legal systems. (p. 749)
The formulation process is a deliberate conceptual organization of the in

terview data with the purpose of understanding and explaining the different
perspectives of the child as a biological system, as a developing individual,
as a person, as a member of a family, as a school member, and as a member
of larger social systems (e.g., cultural and religious organizations). Formula
tions have an implicit philosophical grounding and are biased toward preferred
points of view and therapeutic practices; because of these varying viewpoints
and the lack of a unifying language, formulations are constructed with con
ceptual preferences and according to academic traditions. Against these draw
backs practitioners need to follow evidence-based practices and concepts
that have peer review consensus (see Note 1 later in this chapter).
Background of the Formulation Process

Child psychiatry is by definition a contextual enterprise. By necessity, the field
is attentive to developmental issues and incorporates explanatory concepts
related to psychological and interpersonal evolutions (its origins, vicissi
tudes, and conflicts) and the ecology in which these functions operate.
Achenbach (2008) clearly explained that the diagnostic formulation in
volves the putting together of various kinds of information about a case to form
Comprehensive Psychiatric Formulation 375
a comprehensive picture of the case. For children and adolescents, the infor
mation may include developmental history, family dynamics, physical liabil
ities, stressors, formal diagnosis, and prospects for change. In clinical prac
tice, the diagnostic formulation may say more about the child’s needs and
the indications for particular treatments than formal diagnosis does.
The formulation process is a baffling exercise for beginners in the field of
child and adolescent psychiatry. This is due in part to a progressively widening
schism between 1) the expectation—as espoused by a sound ethical practice—
that clinicians should have a comprehensive understanding of the child and
his or her family; 2) the pragmatics of contemporary practice, based primarily
on the descriptive psychiatric pathology, as espoused by DSM-5 and ICD-10,
and the emphasis on psychopharmacological interventions that have rele
gated psychosocial interventions to other mental health professionals; and
3) an unfortunate deemphasizing of the formulation and the formulation pro
cess in many training and academic centers.
Even though the child psychiatrist may not be involved directly in provid
ing individual or family therapies or other psychosocial interventions, he or
she should have an overarching understanding of the patient’s case and should
be able to offer appropriate input or guidance when is indicated by the ill
ness clinical course.
Some biologically oriented child psychiatrists pay lip service to individual
dynamic and systemic issues involved in child psychopathology. In this regard,
Muller (2008) argued that the concept of mind has been diluted in the DSM
classification system and that, at the most extreme pole of reductionism, all
psychopathology is explained as a result of a dysfunction or disease of the
brain. Many psychodynamically oriented child psychiatrists disregard he
reditary, constitutional, and organic factors that contribute to the child’s
dysfunction.
A conceptual polarity also exists between individual- and family-oriented
theorists. The former emphasize individual psychopathology with some dis
regard for family and other systemic factors; the latter overlook individual
characteristics (i.e., temperamental, hereditary, constitutional, and develop
mental factors) and focus exclusively on family systems points of view. For
tunately, the family field has begun to incorporate developmental thinking
in its theoretical concepts.
In the cognitive-behavioral therapy field, Tarrier and Johnson (2016, p. 2)
suggest that the clinician should collect and organize information from a
number of areas: analysis of the problem situation, motivational analysis (re
inforcers), developmental analysis (including “biological equipment” and
sociocultural experiences), analysis of self-control, analysis of social rela
tionships, and analysis of the sociocultural-physical environment. They rec
ommend an action-oriented approach to formulation.
Advances in developmental psychopathology will force an integration

among these conceptual approaches and will bridge these schisms. Research
indicates, for instance, that children of depressed mothers are more likely to
develop psychiatric illnesses, including depression, anxiety disorders, and ex
ternalizing disorders (Gunlicks and Weissman 2008), and that improvements
in parental depression from either medications or various forms of psycho
social therapies are positively correlated with child gains (i.e., reductions in
psychopathology and improvements in the level of functioning); (see also
Hinshaw 2008).
In this chapter, we introduce guidelines that attempt to bridge the gap be
tween descriptive psychiatry and the practice of psychosocial interventions.
More specifically, we consider developmental, psychodynamic, and sys
temic conceptualizations to be important components of overall diagnostic
assessment and treatment planning.
Psychiatric Formulation in the Child and

Adolescent Psychiatric Literature
The child and adolescent psychiatric literature contains limited references
to the topic of formulation. Anna Freud contributed greatly to the process of
child and adolescent assessment. On the basis of her father’s psychoanalytic
concepts, she developed the metapsychological profile, an exhaustive inven
tory of mind functioning from drive, structural, and ego perspectives. The
recommendations based on such an evaluation focus specifically on psy
choanalytic psychotherapy. Of particular importance in the area of develop
mental assessment is Anna Freud’s (1977, 1980) concept of developmental
lines. We will discuss the relevance of these concepts later in this chapter (see
also Rick’s case [Case Example 8] in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms”).
Cohen (1979) stated that “[i]n order to formulate and to make recommen
dations, obviously, one does not need to know everything. Indeed, a good
part of the information collected may not necessarily be relevant to decision
making and recommendation” (p. 634). Cox (1994) defended the need for the
formulation process and described its conceptual and therapeutic roles as
follows:
A further process of diagnostic formulation is required to bring the qualities

which are different and distinctive about the individual child and family. The
formulation puts forward ideas and suggestions about which psychological
mechanism might be operating, about underlying causes and precipitants of
the disorder of this child, about factors leading to a continuation of the dis
order and the potential strengths and ameliorating factors that could be used
in formulating a treatment plan. (p. 26)
Cox stressed what the formulation should or should not be: “It’s quite in
adequate merely to collect a lot of facts in the hope that some sense will
come of them when they’re put together. Rather the clinician must be for
mulating hypotheses to be tested from the very first moment he meets the
family. These hypotheses may concern family interactions or the nature of the
child’s problems” (p. 26).
Henderson and Martin’s (2007) conceptualization complements Anna
Freud’s concept of developmental lines. They discuss the four P’s of causality:
• Predisposing factors render the child vulnerable to the presenting symp

toms.
• Precipitating factors relate to eliciting or inciting factors of the present
ing symptoms
• Perpetuating factors favor endurance of the symptoms or condition.
• Protective factors address strengths, resilience, and supports.
The simplicity of this model’s mnemonic betrays its heuristic value, because
this model, more than any other, addresses head-on the issues of the origin
of pathology and symptom maintenance.
It is also recommended that the interview and observations be specifi
cally tailored to the relevant issues in each child’s problems. It is further
advised that the interview systematically cover a range of situations and dif
ficulties.
Shapiro’s (1989) contribution to the conceptual aspects of the formulation is
valuable because he attempts to integrate developmental psychoanalytic
thinking with descriptive psychiatry. He reviews the misconceptions applied
to adult and child formulations and disagrees with reservations about for
mulation, including the idea that the clinician will become too invested in
the formulation to permit change. Shapiro also counters the misconception
that “a formulation is only useful for those who are planning to do a dynamic
therapy with a child”; in Shapiro’s view, “dynamic understanding may guide
the clinician towards other therapies as well” (p. 675). In creating a formula
tion, Shapiro stresses the importance of psychoanalytic developmental psy
chology, particularly the three subsystems of ego psychology, developmental
lines, and separation-individuation theories. These points of view are of im
mense value in the developmental assessment component of a comprehen
sive formulation.
Relevant to the child psychiatry field is Henderson and Martin’s (2007) dis
cussion of the biopsychosocial model. This model is the best known and most
accepted comprehensive conceptual explanatory model and the one that has
gained application in a variety of medical fields: “Regardless of anatomical le
sions, or clear psychological or social etiologies, this model insists that all
three [realms] be accounted for, and in doing so has been a powerful and suc
cessful model for physicians in all fields of medicine” (p. 378). However, the
model does not guide the clinician in determining how to weigh or measure the
relative contributions of each realm in any given patient.
Pruett (2007) issued a warning about conceptual dissections: “It is extremely
shortsighted to dissect out the child—even intellectually—from the family
for diagnostic studies, economics of time, convenience of intervention or cost
containment” (p. 2). Unfortunately, the DSM-5 taxonomy does that to a very
large extent. The same reservations could be expressed about dissecting out
the family from the social milieu and from its cultural environment.
Theory of the Comprehensive Psychiatric

Formulation Process
The comprehensive psychiatric formulation serves as the integrative part of
the child or adolescent psychiatric evaluation. The goal is to synthesize the
collected information (e.g., referral information, patient and family inter
views, testing) to reach an integrated understanding of the data. The formula
tion creates hypotheses that need to be tested in clinical practice.
The formulation considers endogenous factors (hereditary, constitutional,
biological, developmental, intrapsychic) and exogenous factors (familial, in
terpersonal, social, cultural, and others) related to the chief complaint of the
disorder under discussion. Consideration and assessment of each factor are
essential in the diagnostic formulation and are relevant for the delineation
of a rational and comprehensive treatment program. Rarely is an illness or
disorder produced by one factor alone. Maladaptation and illness are fre
quently the result of an interaction of forces.
Explanatory models are being extended beyond a sole emphasis on the med
ical basis of individual pathology to acknowledge the importance of cultural
identity and other exogenous factors in a comprehensive assessment. Lewis-
Fernández et al. (2016, p. 13) state that many aspects of experience shape a
person’s identity and that the assessment of cultural identity should be com
prehensive. This assessment should document ethnicity, race, geographical
origin, language, acculturation, gender, age, sexual orientation, religious and
spiritual beliefs, socioeconomic class, and education. The authors stress that
personal identity may shift across time, context, and expectations and that
identity is always framed in relation to the person’s past history, current con
cerns, and future prospects. Furthermore, the way people talk about and de
scribe their identity depends on the setting and the interlocutor. According
to Kratochwill et al. (2008),
the medical model is a disease-based model, the pathology is assumed to be

within the individual, although the cause may be environmental. Some the
orists consider biological deviations to be necessary and sufficient factors in
the development of pathology; others claim that chemical or neurological
anomalies are necessary but not sufficient for pathogenesis. Here environ
mental conditions may or may not catalyze a constitutional predisposition to
pathology. (p. 14)
Applications of the medical model influence assessment and treatment in

various ways. Organic factors may not always be the cause of an observed
medical or physical problem. There is growing recognition that psychologi
cal factors may affect a physical condition and that physical symptoms may
have no known organic or physiological basis (Kratochwill et al. 2008).
In contrast to the medical model, the comprehensive formulation attempts
to explain the problems or issues of the child as an individual and as a mem
ber of a family and other systems. A complex dynamic interaction occurs
among the factors that contribute to the expression of an illness. All factors
need not be addressed in the formulation of every case; each factor plays a
role to a greater or lesser degree. In a given patient, certain factors are more
relevant than others, and factors combine in unique ways to express or main
tain a disorder. Factors cannot be understood in isolation, and for most dis
orders, research does not yet support granting central etiological status to any
single risk or causal factor (Mash and Dozois 1996).
A satisfactory formulation stresses both protective and risk factors. Pro
tective factors are those that promote normative development and optimal
adaptation; resilience allows a child to respond and to recover from stress
without significant or enduring loss of developmental acquisitions or adap
tive functioning. Risk factors create vulnerability to developmental psycho
pathology.
Tarrier and Johnson (2016, p. 4) assert that
case formulation is thus translation of theory into therapy, but it is the func
tion of all theories to be disproved if possible. The clinician should create ex
planatory structures or heuristics for understanding the client’s problems
but proceed with caution not to muster evidence selectively only in their
support but to examine critically why their heuristics and hypothesis may be
incorrect and can be shown to be so.
The diagnostic formulation has two objectives: one is diagnostic and the
other therapeutic. A comprehensive descriptive (syndromic) diagnosis is es
sential for a comprehensive psychiatric formulation and a valid treatment
plan. We focused on DSM-5-guided diagnoses in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of
Internalizing Symptoms”; Chapter 10, “Evaluation of Externalizing Symp
Table 13–1. Objectives of the comprehensive diagnostic

formulation
I. Descriptive (syndromic) DSM-5-based diagnosis
II. Assessment of intrinsic (endogenous) and extrinsic (exogenous) factors
(psychosocial assessment)
A. Intrinsic factors
1. Developmental factors
2. Psychodynamic factors
3. Other intrinsic factors
B. Extrinsic factors
1. Parental and family dynamics
2. Developmental interferences
3. Other extrinsic factors
Source. Adapted from Cepeda 2010, p. 390.
toms”; and Chapter 11, “Evaluation of Abuse and Other Symptoms.” The
evaluator should consider how the identified syndromes (e.g., mood distur
bances, anxiety, psychosis) organize and distort the patient’s perceptions about
his or her internal and external worlds. Table 13–1 summarizes the objectives
of the diagnostic formulation.
Finally, the formulation should be written in a flexible format and as a work
ing hypothesis; by no means should the formulation represent a fixed con
ceptualization or a negative prognostication. There is no such a thing as a
hopeless case, because the psychiatrist could contribute to improving the qual
ity of life and the level of functioning of any given patient. The psychiatrist
will make every effort possible “to help families grow with their vulnerable
[impaired] children” (Pruett 2007, p. 2).
Assessment of Intrinsic (Internal) Factors

Developmental Factors
Psychoanalytic developmental psychology concepts are relevant in the as
sessment of developmental factors. This assessment addresses the degree to
which the child is mastering the developmental tasks associated with his or
her developmental phase. For instance, in assessing a preadolescent, the ex
aminer notes the child’s adaptation to the extra-familial environment (e.g.,
school, neighborhood), the child’s progressive immersion in same-sex peer
ship, the child’s involvement in fantasy-oriented play, and the child’s progres
sive internalization of rules, among other tasks. When evaluating an adoles

cent, the examiner explores how the adolescent is coping with adolescent
developmental tasks, such as separation-individuation, sexual exploration,
identity consolidation, career orientation, formation of supportive groups in
the extra-familial social milieu, and so on.
The concept of developmental phases is broad and nonspecific; more rel
evant, specific and clinically useful is the concept of developmental lines,
which addresses the developmental vicissitudes of important ego-psycholog
ical and object relations functions. The assessment of developmental lines
provides clinical focus and assists in the identification of areas of disturbance.
Anna Freud added to Sigmund Freud’s implicit developmental lines (i.e.,
psychosexual development, maturation and development of ego defense
mechanisms, and anxiety transformation) the following: from individual de
pendency to self-reliance, from egocentricity to peer relationships, from in
ability to manage the body and its functions to the child’s control of them, and
from play to work. She also suggested a developmental line from anaclitic
(i.e., need-satisfying) relationships to object constancy. The number of de
velopmental lines is not complete, and the lines are not independent of one
another. Future progress in developmental psychology and child psychoanal
ysis may bring forward new developmental lines and conceptual refinement
of the ones already described.
Anna Freud (1965/1977, 1979/1980) suggested that the examiner should
pay attention to the harmony or disharmony of the progression of the devel
opmental lines. The following case example illustrates disharmony in the
developmental lines.
Case Example 1
Steve, a 14-year-old Caucasian male, who weighed 250 lbs. and was over 6 feet
tall, was being evaluated for suicidal behavior. He was in conflict with both
of his divorced parents but had received a great deal of nurturing from his
maternal grandfather, who died less than 1 month before the psychiatric ex
amination. Steve felt that there was no point in living after his grandfather
passed away. Steve appeared older than his stated age; he was intelligent and
a very good student and was also successful on his school’s football team. Steve’s
mother had limited emotional sources of support and attempted to lean on
him for emotional support.
Steve’s advanced physical development contributed to a major dishar
mony in the developmental lines: because he looked older than his chrono
logical age, his mother and other people had expectations of him that were
not congruent with his emotional or psychological development. This
misperception promoted pseudo-maturity and precocious ego development.
Steve had strong, ungratified dependency needs. He had ongoing power-con
trol fights with his mother; he opposed her rules, saying that he was too big to
depend on her. Because both parents were insensitive to his dependency needs,
Steve found a group of troubled adolescents to gratify his unmet narcissistic
needs and to provide him with modeling, guidance, protection, support, and
a sense of belonging that, he so much longed for. Behind Steve’s robust ado
lescent body was a big “needy baby.” His body size made him feel that expe
riencing dependency needs was proper only of a smaller or younger child. In
contrast, because of his large size, his parents overlooked that he was still in
need of tender and loving care.
Circumstances in which developmental disharmony is present (e.g., in pre

cocious puberty, delayed sexual development, precocious cognitive develop
ment, chronic medical illness) bring about psychopathological risks (see Rick’s
case [Case Example 8] in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms”).
If the child is at variance with developmental expectations, this variance and its
implications need to be explained. The developmental assessment will deter
mine areas of developmental progression, regression, or arrest.
The diagnostic formulation distinguishes between normative developmen
tal conflicts of a transitory nature (i.e., those commonly found at a given de
velopmental stage, such as enuresis after a prolonged separation, or limited
regressions, such as clinginess or attention seeking, after the arrival of a new
born) and internalized conflicts or character (personality) traits of an enduring
nature. The latter indicate problems in the mastery of previous developmen
tal tasks.
Pertinent questions in assessing internal factors or developmental areas
include the following: Is the child mastering the tasks appropriate to his or
her developmental state? Is the child progressing in the different develop
mental lines? Does the child show evidence of internalized conflicts? Does the
child demonstrate lags in development from previous phases?
An important evolving point of view is emerging from the field of develop
mental psychopathology. Longitudinal research has consistently demonstrated
that most of the adult disorders have childhood roots and that most child
hood disorders have sequelae that persist into adult life (Maughan and Col
lishaw 2015, p. 5).
Psychodynamic Factors
In the assessment of psychodynamic factors, the examiner evaluates the child’s
internal mental operations and corresponding dysfunctions. He also evaluates
the psychological forces that motivate the child’s behavior. This assessment
aids in the understanding of the quality and strength of the child’s personal
ity traits.
In the following sections, we discuss the dominant psychodynamic points
of view: ego psychology, object relations theory, separation-individuation
theory, self psychology, attachment theory, and interpersonal theory.
Ego Psychology
As its name implies, ego psychology emphasizes the ego. According to Sigmund
Freud’s (1923/1962) tripartite conception of the mind, commonly known as
structural theory, the ego perceives the physical and psychic needs of the self
and the qualities and attitudes of the environment (including objects), and it
evaluates, coordinates, and integrates these perceptions so that internal de
mands can be adjusted to external requirements. The ego accomplishes these
goals by utilizing the so-called conflict-free ego functions of perception, mo
tor capacity, intention, anticipation, purpose, planning, intelligence, thinking,
speech, and language, among others. The ego also deploys defensive mecha
nisms to protect the individual against the conscious awareness of the con
flictive demands of the id (e.g., primitive urges, impulses, biological needs) and
the superego, insofar as these may arouse intolerable anxiety (Moore and
Fine 1990).
Examiners who use ego psychology as the basis for the dynamic formula
tion should pay attention to the following ego functions:
• Ego boundaries
• Reality testing and preponderant ego defenses
• Impulse control and superego functioning
• Capacity for sublimation, insight, and verbalization
• Intelligence and other adaptive ego strengths
• Motivation and long-term planning
• Capacity to develop a therapeutic alliance
Object Relations Theory

Object relations theory bases its psychological explanations on the premise
that the mind is concerned with elements (issues) taken from the outside, pri
marily aspects of the functioning of other persons (objects). The processes of
internalization are emphasized. This mind model explains mental functions in
terms of relations between the various internalized elements (Moore and Fine
1990).
Examiners who use object relations theory as the basis for the dynamic
formulation should pay attention to the following functions:
• Quality of object relations

• Integration and stability of self and object representations
• Degree of guilt, envy, and reparation
• Degree of projective identification and splitting in psychological func
tioning
Separation-Individuation Theory
Separation-individuation concepts apply to a developmental theory, to a pro
cess, and to a complex stage of development. In the development of the in
dividual, Mahler et al. (1974) proposed normal, autistic, and symbiotic phases
and the separation-individuation process, which comprises differentiation,
practicing, rapprochement, and object constancy subphases (Moore and Fine
1990). Mahler’s autistic phase has been severely criticized because evidence
demonstrates that infants start relating to their primary objects beginning at
birth and probably before:
Contemporary developmental scientists are, by contrast, amazed by how

early and successfully the young child begins to grasp the mental states of
other people, even when those emotions, beliefs, and desires are different
from the child’s own, even infants begin to comprehend that subjective mental
states are the key to understanding people’s behavior. (Thompson et al. 2006,
p. 4)
Examiners who use separation-individuation theory as the basis for the

dynamic formulation should pay attention to the following functions:
• Evidence of progression throughout the separation-individuation process

• Evidence of a rapprochement crisis
• Evidence of object constancy
Self Psychology
Self psychology emphasizes the vicissitudes of the structure of the self and the
associated subjective, conscious, preconscious, and unconscious experiences
of selfhood. This point of view recognizes as the most fundamental essence
of human psychology the individual’s needs to organize his or her psyche into
a cohesive configuration, the self, and to establish self-sustaining relation
ships between the self and its surroundings; these relationships evoke, main
tain, and strengthen the coherence, energy, vigor, and harmony among the
constituents of the self (Moore and Fine 1990).
Examiners who use self psychology as the basis for the dynamic formula
tion should pay attention to the following functions:
• Self concept and self-esteem regulation

• Self-esteem stability
• Self cohesion versus self fragmentation
• Role of affirmation and twinship
• Nature of narcissistic injuries
• Nature of grandiose and exhibitionistic needs
Attachment Theory
Attachment theory has gained a great deal of interest because it has a strong
empirical foundation and its principles can be subjected to research—charac
teristics that set this model apart from its counterparts. John Bowlby (1969)
proposed that children have an innate (evolutionary) predisposition to be
come attached to a primary figure, usually the biological mother. The concept
of attachment describes both the underlying psychological constructs and
the selective patterns of proximity seeking that a young child strives to main
tain at times of stress. Although the process of attachment is clearly recipro
cal, the term attachment usually refers to the behavior of the child in relation
to the primary figure. Although patterns of selective attachment develop dur
ing the first year of life, the notion of attachment is applicable throughout the
life cycle (Volkmar 1995). In the research arena, the development of valid and
reliable instruments for assessing attachment patterns and psychological
constructs such as alexithymia (failure of symbolization and mentalization)
has led to many empirical investigations that have confirmed that interper
sonal relationships can influence illness behavior and physical health (Taylor
2008).
Examiners who use attachment theory as the basis for the psychodynamic
formulation should pay attention to the following functions (Bacciagaluppi
1994; Belsky and Cassidy 1994):
• Quality of the attachment experience provided to the infant

• Attachment-exploration balance
• Hierarchy of attachment to major caregivers
• Presence of a secure base
• Nature of internal working models
• Presence of a secure or insecure attachment
Please refer to sections on attachment and bonding and on maternal pa

thology and attachment subtypes in Chapter 7, “Psychiatric Evaluation of Pre
schoolers and Very Young Children.”
Interpersonal Theory
Interpersonal theory, originated by Herbert (“Harry”) Stack Sullivan, postu
lates that a person’s impulses, strivings, and personality patterns need to be
understood in the context of interpersonal relationships. Interpersonal rela
tionships are a human concern from the very beginning of existence. The
primary striving of the mind is the satisfaction of physical and emotional
needs, especially the need for human contact and the achievement of a sense
of security. Anxiety is aroused when these needs are threatened. Anxiety is
an interpersonal experience and the primary motivator of human behavior

(Weiner and Moll 1995). Specific therapeutic interventions based on Sulli
van’s concepts have been effective in the treatment of depression (Mohl 1995)
and other disorders.
Examiners who use interpersonal theory as the basis for the dynamic for
mulation should pay attention to the following functions:
• Sense of security or evidence of anxiety and loneliness

• Predominance of modes of experience
• Nature of the security operations
• Presence of consensual validation
Other Points of View

Alternatively, other conceptual frames, such as family therapy, cognitive
behavioral therapy (CBT), and other behavioral or ecological models, may
be used as the basis for the conceptualization of the formulation.
Other Intrinsic (Internal) Factors

The examiner must consider 1) other factors that influence the way the per
sonality becomes organized and 2) the manner in which the primary care
givers respond to the developing child (e.g., temperamental traits, other
individual qualities) (see Note 2 at the end of this chapter). The psychiatrist
also must explore other developmental acquisitions (e.g., psychosexual devel
opment, social and interpersonal functioning) and, when pertinent, other lev
els of functioning (e.g., physical functioning, motor coordination, cognitive
and moral development). Other skills and abilities that affect the child’s sense
of competence, adaptive capacity, and self concept should also be surveyed.
Competence in developing peer relations requires special attention. This
capacity is a good measure of a number of intrapersonal and interpersonal
skills such as self concept, level of self-esteem, problem-solving skills, and ca
pacity for reciprocity and empathy. Children’s peer relations serve vital func
tions, have important short-term and long-term consequences, are linked to
children’s competence in coping with major social tasks, and can be facilitated
by systemic interventions aimed at increasing social competence (Asher et al.
1994). Poor peer relations predict school dropout, whereas aggressive behav
ior predicts criminality (Asher et al. 1994).
When intellectual impairment, learning disabilities, or other handicaps are
present, the examiner must evaluate how these impairments affect the child’s
self concept and self-esteem regulation. For example, how do the child and the
family cope with these limitations, and what adaptive compensatory mecha
nisms are called into play? Denial of a handicap is a common phenomenon; of
ten, the denial in the parent is far greater than that in the child.
Adolescents with behavioral and academic difficulties require careful as

sessment. A number of psychiatric syndromes, including developmental
language and learning disorders and other neuropsychological deficits, need
to be identified. Frequently, emotional and behavioral difficulties at school
are merely surface behaviors caused by those unidentified problems. Adoles
cents with academic and learning disorders have low self-esteem and a deficient
sense of competence, among other problems. These children may require
speech and language assessment, psychological or neuropsychological test
ing, a pediatric evaluation, and other pertinent testing.
Assessment of Extrinsic (External) Factors

Parental and Family Dynamics
Assessment of parental and family dynamics relates to the degree to which the
parents or family as a whole promotes normative child development (through,
e.g., provision of basic care, nurturing, love, consistent limit setting, gratifi
cation of healthy narcissistic needs, support for autonomy, identity forma
tion) and the degree to which the parents or family provides a warm and
supportive environment with reliable and consistent boundaries. Issues re
lated to social learning, modeling, conditioning, and other behavioral aspects
within the family are relevant in this area (Mash 1989) (see Note 3 at the end
of this chapter).
When the examiner is assessing difficulties in the area of family dynamics,
the following issues could be addressed: Where is the preponderance of the
dysfunction—in the parenting function, in the marital subsystem, or in the
family system as a whole? Are the parents allied in the provision of disci
pline? How cohesive are the marital system and the sibling subsystems? Do
any of the parental figures have identifiable problems? Do any of the parents
exhibit overt psychiatric pathology? Is alcohol or drug abuse a problem in
the family? What are the family’s strengths? Is abusive behavior going on in
the environment?
Psychopathology in the parents (i.e., mood disorders, substance abuse) is
recognized as having a deleterious effect on the development of the child.
Because important gains in the child’s symptomatology and level of func
tioning have been demonstrated when the parent improves, it behooves the
psychiatrist to identify parental psychopathology and to implement a prompt
intervention.
Developmental Interferences
The concept of developmental interference relates to factors within the rear
ing, school, or social environment that are outside the child’s control and that
have a negative influence on the child’s psychosocial development. In addi

tion to marital or family dysfunction, such interference commonly includes
other adverse events, such as illness, trauma, or loss, as well as persistent
stresses in the physical, psychological, educational, or cultural environment.
Bullying at school is a common developmental interference (see Chapter 11,
“Evaluation of Abuse and Other Symptoms”). If the adversity is too intense
or prolonged (see related concept of allostatic load in Chapter 14, “Symptom
Formation and Comorbidity”), it may be internalized and transformed into an
internalized conflict—a destabilizing developmental factor that then be
comes part of the child’s psychopathological organization (Nagera 1966). A
developmental interference occurs when the child does not receive the care
needed at a given developmental phase or when the gratification goes beyond
what a particular phase requires. Each developmental stage, or each devel
opmental line, may be interfered with as a result of deprivation or overgrat
ification.
Research suggests a strong link between early trauma, loss, and family dis
turbance and later interpersonal dysfunction. Parents create developmental
interference by omission or by commission. Interference due to omission is
associated with situations of neglect, abandonment, or undue permissive
ness, at one extreme, or with the inability to set consistent limits (i.e., to
enforce rules and monitor boundaries through appropriate discipline and
consistent limit setting) at the other extreme. Interference due to commis
sion is secondary to physical, emotional or sexual abuse, to reversals of the
child and parent roles, or to overindulgence (now called “affluenza”). Physi
cal and sexual abuse, overindulgence, and lack of appropriate and consistent
discipline are common developmental interferences.
Other Extrinsic (External) Factors

Chronic illness in children has a major negative effect on the boundaries be
tween children and their parents, and it interferes profoundly with the process
of separation-individuation. Compensatory overdependency may develop
because of frequent separations (due to hospitalizations) or fear of death
(see Rick’s case [Case Example 8] in Chapter 9, “Evaluation of Internalizing
Symptoms,” and Cory’s case [Case Example 2] later in this chapter). Parents
may overindulge or overprotect the child, thus impinging on the child’s au
tonomy, self concept, and moral codes. This behavior has a negative effect
on the child’s sense of competence and on other adaptive functions. Parents
of handicapped children often feel guilty and responsible for their children’s
limitations. These parents have problems with self-blame and letting go and
with setting consistent limits.
School refusal problems have multiple causes, including separation anx

iety. Many children are afraid to attend school because they fear intimidation
by older children (see Chapter 11, “Evaluation of Abuse and Other Symp
toms”), pressure to join gangs or use drugs, or other factors. For example, an
intelligent 12-year-old boy began to skip school. After an intense exploration
of the reasons for his behavior, he confided that he had been beaten up reg
ularly by a group of children belonging to a gang.
Pertinent questions in assessing external factors include the following: Is
the school milieu favorable to learning and positive development? Is the school
system meeting the child’s psychoeducational and psychosocial needs? What
kind of influence does the peer group have on the child’s behavior? Is the
neighborhood safe, or is it infested with insecurity, drugs, and crime? Are the
child’s and the family’s behaviors culturally syntonic?
When a psychiatric syndrome is present, the formulation should postulate
what developmental factors and environmental circumstances are facilitating
the expression of the disorder in question. Precipitating and perpetuating fac
tors are important concerns.
No assessment of external factors is complete without an examination of
the child’s and family’s areas of strength. The assessment should include ob
servations on the regulatory functions within the child and within the family.
Answers to questions such as these are important: When the child or family
members are involved in a crisis, how do they attempt to solve it? What do
they do? Whom do they call for help? Is there any organized way of solving
the problem? What soothing mechanisms help the child or family to get back
on track? What mechanisms does the child activate to stop escalation of the
problem and to initiate its resolution? Is there any cognitive dissonance in
the parents’ approach to problem solving? Do the family beliefs in empirical
medicine get mixed with beliefs in spiritual medicine, supernatural or para
normal healing?
Pragmatics of a Comprehensive
Psychiatric Formulation
There is no standardized way to complete a comprehensive psychiatric for
mulation. Adherence to a particular explanatory model will influence the
way the formulation is conceptualized. The model used (e.g., biopsycho
social, psychodynamic, cognitive, behavioral, family-based) will influence
the emphasis of the formulation and generally reflects the conceptual pref
erences and practice modality of the formulator. The details and emphasis
of some aspects of the formulation vary, depending on the circumstances at
the time the formulation is done.
Coherence and comprehensiveness are two important elements in the

formulation. The formulation needs to be relevant to the presenting prob
lem(s) and to the most important developmental aspects of the case.
In this section, we suggest a format for a comprehensive psychiatric for
mulation, comprising six components, or sections; each section is illustrated
with case examples of three children of different ages.
1. A succinct explanatory statement that indicates the major psychopatho

logical issues. This statement answers the question “What is this case
about?”
John is an 8-year-old Caucasian male with a history of suicidal behav
ior, aggressiveness, and disorganized thinking.
Andrew is a 13-year-old African American male with a long history
of impulse-control difficulties and a recent history of violence, depres

sive affect, and suicidal behavior.
Maria is a 17-year-old Mexican American female with a long history

of major depressive disorder and borderline personality traits.
2. A succinct explanatory statement that indicates the perceived main
problem (i.e., core issue or conflict). This statement answers the question
“What are the main issues of the case?”
John’s main conflicts seem to be related to his perception of rejection
and the threat of abandonment by his very ill adoptive mother. He per
ceives this threat as a psychological death because, in his own words,
“There is no reason for me to live anymore.”
Andrew’s main conflict is confusion over his primary maternal
object.
Maria struggles with developmental issues of autonomy and individ

uation in a very pathological, nonsupportive environment: her father
was psychotic, and her mother (who also had psychiatric problems)
was controlling and lacked empathy for Maria.
3. A succinct explanatory statement indicating the hereditary, constitutional,

or organic factors related to the main problem. Any medical or neurolog
ical difficulties may be included here. This statement answers the ques
tion “What are the contributory biological factors of the case?”
John’s natural mother was a drug abuser. John was exposed to drugs in
utero. Previous psychological assessments had shown a disparity be
tween his verbal and performance abilities. He also exhibited language
deficits and electroencephalographic abnormalities and possibly had
poor nutrition. John had asthma and inconsistent bladder control.
Andrew’s mother had a background of alcohol and polysubstance

abuse, and she probably abused drugs during pregnancy. Genetic fac
tors were probably involved, because Andrew’s mother had a chronic
psychiatric disorder and his maternal grandmother had an affective
disorder.
Maria had a severe depressive disorder and strong anxiety disorder fea
tures. Management of the depressive syndrome with antidepressants
was difficult because of cardiovascular complications.
4. A succinct explanatory statement of the dominant intrinsic factors that
contribute to the problem(s). This statement answers the question “What
are the predominant developmental and psychodynamic factors of the
case?”
For John, the threat of parental loss had precipitated significant re
gression, including impairment of thought organization and reality
testing. He also displayed prominent somatization, which represented
an affective regression and identification with his very sick adoptive
mother (she had severe diabetes with multi-organ complications). Re
current somatic symptoms ensured gratification of John’s unmet nar
cissistic needs and likely represented an identification with his sick
mother. John sometimes expressed intense ambivalence toward his
mother and family as a whole. His self concept was very negative. He felt
hopeless and showed marked desperation and torment. He attempted
to take responsibility for the perceived rejection by psychotic guilt, the
latter secondary to his intense aggression. Anger against his rejecting
objects taxed his ego capacities and stimulated regression and seri
ous compromise of his adaptive capacity. John’s capacity to bond
emotionally to other people was also a concern.
Andrew’s loyalty conflicts were strong. His mother and grandmother
competed for his love and affection. Andrew displayed impairment in
the development of object constancy and lacked stable object and self
representations. Competition for Andrew’s love had blocked the res
olution of infantile omnipotence and facilitated the creation of ma
nipulative interpersonal traits. Lack of object constancy rendered
him vulnerable to separations and impaired the separation-individu
ation process; these difficulties also contributed to an unstable self
concept and to a faulty superego development. Parent-child role re
versal was a prominent feature in Andrew’s development; he worried
continuously about his mother.
Maria struggled with identity consolidation issues; she had a rigid
system of defenses and had very high expectations for herself. Her
strong defenses against sexuality appeared to be eroding. Control was
a major coping defense for Maria. Anger and hostility were pervasive
maladaptive features and highly valued coping mechanisms.
5. A succinct explanatory statement of the relevant extrinsic factors (e.g., de
velopmental interferences and other risk factors). This statement answers
the question “What are the detrimental factors (developmental interfer
ences) in the child or in the rearing environment that have a bearing on
the case?”
John had a history of multiple placements and ongoing rejection by his
adoptive mother (she had made explicit threats to reverse the adop
tion). Questions regarding abuse and neglect were ongoing. His adop
tive mother was very sick, and his adoptive father had been given the
diagnosis of organic affective disorder, secondary to a stroke. Other sib
lings also had emotional problems: a younger sister had a history of psy
chiatric problems and had been hospitalized previously.
Andrew’s family situation was extremely chaotic and confusing. His
mother was dysfunctional and had alcohol and drug abuse problems.
He had never had a male parental figure as a source of masculine iden
tification and as an appropriate model for aggressive expression.
Maria’s family was highly dysfunctional: violence, scapegoating, and
rejection were common. Parents and siblings had severe psychopa
thology.
6. A succinct explanatory statement of the protective factors—in the child,
within the family, or in the rearing environment—that promote normative
development and adaptive resolution of the problem(s) or conflict(s). Is
sues related to resilience and self-regulatory functions for the child or
the family may be mentioned here. This statement answers the question
“What are the strengths of the child or the family?”
John was likable and engaging; he was verbal and intelligent. He did well
in supportive and structured environments. He was attached, though
ambivalently, to his adoptive sister. Finally, John had a strong bond with
his natural sister, who had been adopted along with him.
Andrew was handsome and very intelligent and had some degree of
insight. His grandmother was genuinely involved with him. Appropri
ate placement of Andrew and stabilization of his rearing environment
were considered essential to regulate his inner world and to amelio
rate his pervasive psychological turmoil.
Maria was a likable, honest individual who displayed integrity. She was
tenacious and determined. She was intelligent, insightful, and very
committed to helping herself and her family. Although her father was
prone to intermittent psychotic functioning, he was the main source

of affection for the children.
While advancing in the formulation process from sections 1 through 6,
the clinician should gain a progressive understanding of the child or adoles
cent’s circumstances. Note that sections 2–6 address areas or factors that
could become the target of specific therapeutic interventions. These sections
could be considered to represent circumscribed or specific formulations
themselves.
After the examiner has identified the factors that contribute to the creation
and maintenance of symptoms, he or she should go one step further in the
formulation by making conceptual or explanatory bridges among the differ
ent factors. As the examiner advances through the six sections, he or she
should attempt to make relevant connections among the components of the
formulation. According to the clinical evidence and the examiner’s theoret
ical bias, any of these sections could receive particular emphasis or amplifi
cation; this format is flexible.
Brevity in the presentation of the formulation is stressed. A very long and
elaborate write-up renders this exercise impractical and clinically cumber
some. Because the formulation is offered as a conceptual guide to clinicians
who have different levels of sophistication and expertise, it should be written
without technical language.
The following case example demonstrates the six-section format for a
comprehensive psychiatric formulation of an adolescent with a definitive
neuropsychiatric disorder.
Case Example 2
1. Cory was a 15-year-old African American female who had significant

difficulties with anger control (she pulled a knife on her brother twice
and had done the same to her father 2 years earlier). She had poor inter
personal relationships and was oppositional and unruly toward her
mother.
2. The main issues in Cory’s case were 1) lack of stabilization of a partial
seizure disorder secondary to poor compliance with anticonvulsant
medications and 2) frequent power-control struggles with her mother.
3. Hereditary and constitutional factors were involved. Cory’s mother had
made a suicide attempt in her youth, and Cory’s brothers had problems
with aggression and impulsiveness. At birth, Cory almost died and un
derwent major abdominal surgery. More fundamental was the presence
of complex seizure symptomatology (i.e., a positive electroencephalo
gram with right-temporal spiking). Furthermore, features of a receptive
aphasia were present. Other symptoms, such as paranoia and perceptual
distortions, were compatible with complex partial symptomatology (psy
chomotor seizures). Cory would become disoriented in space; a number
of times, she lost her way home and would become helpless. She would
wander around and start crying.
4. Salient issues regarding Cory’s internal developmental factors centered
on massive denials and pervasive externalization of blame for her persis
tent and recurring problems. She did not take any responsibility for her ag
gressive and impulsive behaviors and was prone to blame others when she
lost control. Cory defended against strong dependency needs toward her
mother with hostility and was very ambivalent about her. Her feelings
toward her mother vacillated from open rebellion to regressive behavior
characterized by baby talk and the need for frequent body contact with
her. Somewhat aware of her perceptual inaccuracies, Cory relied on her
mother a great deal for consensual validation. Seizure phenomena and
twilight states contributed to her idiosyncratic experiences and her con
viction that what she felt and experienced was real. Cory felt that everyone
misunderstood her, and she was very suspicious of most people. Her lack
of insight was remarkable (anosognosia).
5. Cory’s mother had been overprotective and lenient with Cory because she
feared for Cory’s life. Her mother was also inconsistent with discipline.
Cory’s mother was a single parent with a limited support network. Because
of strong denial, Cory did not comply with her medications, which were
essential to control her seizure disorder, the main cause of a great deal of
her psychopathological functioning. Cory needed her mother’s supervision
and needed tighter controls because she was very impulsive, misjudged
situations, and was prone to distort interpersonal events. She regularly
broke her mother’s rules and failed to meet her mother’s expectations.
Cory was sexually active and had sneaked some partners into her bedroom.
She believed that people were out to get her.
6. Cory was a tall, attractive, and intelligent adolescent. In spite of her neu
ropsychological problems, which affected her learning, she liked school
and was motivated to do schoolwork. Cory’s developmental features and
her conflicts with her mother were major factors in her dysfunction. No
progress was possible with Cory until the therapist understood and val
idated Cory’s idiosyncratic experiences.
The case examples provided in this section could have been written with
a different emphasis or from other theoretical perspectives, or with a differ
ent systemic or ecological focus. The proposed model allows alternative
conceptualizations. No single theory supports the psychodynamic aspects
of the formulation. Each theory has an explanatory richness that needs to
be exhausted before using alternative theories to fill the conceptual gaps.
Knowing one theory in depth is preferable to knowing a variety of theories
superficially. The clinician needs to know the explanatory power and the
limits of a chosen theory, as well as the advantages of choosing one theory
over the others. When the limits of a theory are reached, the clinician can
appeal to other theories to satisfy explanatory gaps. For an example of a for
mulation based on self psychological concepts, see Note 4 at the end of this
chapter.
Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy
CBT is now broadly used as a conceptual model and as an intervention mo
dality. CBT evolved from behavior therapy with the addition of cognitive
theory. CBT emphasizes the importance of social information processing
(memory, attention, flexible thinking) and cognitive distortions in psycho
pathology. Thus, CBT brought “mind” back to psychology, positing that one’s
interpretation and processing of stimuli and events impacts behavior. Rigid
and distorted beliefs about oneself, the world, or the future are targeted in
CBT. Altering one’s belief system can modify behavior (Kendall et al. 2015,
p. 496).
The framework of CBT posits that patients with generalized anxiety dis
order overestimate the level of danger in their environment, have difficulty
with uncertainty, and underestimate their capacity to copy. CBT for gener
alized anxiety disorder involves cognitive restructuring to help patients un
derstand that their worry and avoidance are counterproductive; promotes the
practice of exposure therapy to enable patients learn that their worry and
avoidance behavior are malleable, and stimulates the practice of relaxation
training to counteract raising anxiety (Stein and Sareen 2015, p. 2065). The
following is a vignette illustrating the psychiatric formulation for an anxious
child as conceptualized in a CBT framework.
Case Example 3*
Philip, a 9-year-old male, was the youngest of three boys; his older brothers
were 8 and 6 years older than Philip. Philip was quite ill at age 2 years, and as
a result of meningitis, he required an extended stay in hospital. His mother
never left his side during his stay. Philip was very close to his mother, while
his brothers were closer to their father.
He was referred by his school counselor because of concerns about his
constant worrying and anxiety. These problems were manifested most often
in the classroom and when Philip was on the playground. Philip was academ
ically bright and tried very hard in his class work. Philip became upset when
he didn’t complete assignments perfectly. He felt particularly anxious with
his male math teacher, because the teacher often raised his voice in the class.
Philip didn’t want to complete math assignments fearing he would make
mistakes, and he was concerned that his teacher would yell at him.
Philip did not have any close friends at school. He was often teased by the
other boys, mostly name-calling; on one occasion, he received a physical threat
by a same-age peer. What bothered Philip more was that his two older brothers
were quite popular at the school when they had attended the same campus.
*
We thank Mr. Rick Edwards, Clinical Director of Inpatient Services at Clarity Child Guidance
Center at San Antonio, for this case illustration.
Incorporating CBT into the formulation, the therapist was able to outline
background information and experiences that caused Philip to be so anxious.
There was a gap in the ages of the boys, leaving Philip to feel like an only child.
Coupled with the lengthy illness at age 2 and his mother being quite pro
tective of Philip, he often saw the world as overwhelming, intimidating, and
challenging beyond his ability to be successful. With the increasing school
demands, both socially and academically, Philip developed a pattern of neg
ative thoughts and often anticipated failure; furthermore, his harsh and nega
tive view of himself interfered with his abilities to do well in school and being
successful at making friends.
Because Philip automatically anticipated potentially threatening scenar
ios (“the math teacher was going to yell at me”; “none of the boys liked me”),
he would do his math assignments over and over until he made sure they were
error free; he also avoided being in the playground altogether during recess.
Philip’s mother reinforced his beliefs by rewarding his efforts at having no mis
takes on his work and arranging access to solitary activities he enjoyed, such
as reading and video games.
Initial treatment sessions focused on common cognitive distortions that
Philip experienced. This was done in order to develop a better understanding
for the child, parents, and therapist about Philip’s causes of anxiety and worry
ing. Cognitive restructuring was used in sessions to change the cognitive dis
tortions and work to build positive self-talk. Although, the negative thoughts
did not occur in the actual therapy sessions, parents were present during
some sessions so they could recognize when the cognitive distortions oc
curred and could offer a countering realistic thought to replace the negative
thinking.
An anxiety ladder was used to formally outline the causes of Philip’s anx
iety and fears in an ascending order, starting with the least anxiety-producing
situation on the bottom rung and working up to the most challenging, the
most anxiety-producing situation, as the top rung of the ladder. From there
the therapist and Philip began the process of systematic desensitization,
whereby Philip could practice progressive exposures, with Philip and the ther
apist monitoring toleration of the anxiety-producing situation starting at the
lowest level and building up to the most anxiogenic one. The therapist worked
with Philip to visualize the first step, while discussing accompanying thoughts,
and encouraged positive self-talk and self-soothing until Philip could visual
ize the step without anxiety. After these exercises or training, Philip was ex
posed to the real-life situation. The process continued up the ladder progres
sively to the most challenging situation. Visualization practice was used to
provide relief from troubling thoughts or emotions. By imagining a safe, calm
place, and using as much detail and sensory information as was possible,
Philip could master any degree of emerging anxiety. “Finding a place” that
was stress free, where Philip could go to whenever he needed was of utmost
importance.
Phillip responded well to this therapeutic approach, and as a result his
anxiety and enduring worrying improved.
Common Problems in the Elaboration of a

Comprehensive Formulation
Common deficiencies may be encountered in reviewing formulations. Some
formulations
1. Recite or agglomerate the data without integration.

2. Lack an orderly presentation of the explanations. They mix concepts and
lack clarity or internal consistency.
3. Do not “grasp” or represent the core problem.
4. Overlook the patient’s subjective issues (i.e., internal factors). They over
emphasize external factors at the expense of developmental, intrapsy
chic, and interpersonal conflicts.
5. Are psychodynamically incoherent. Clinicians new to the formulation pro
cess frequently use a confusing mixture of concepts or explanatory mod
els to explain internal factors.
6. Fail to explain the presenting problem.
7. Are not comprehensive.
Reformulation
The formulation is a dynamic process. The psychiatrist needs to change the
formulation when new clinical data emerge, when a negative development
occurs in the clinical course, or when no progress is made after the treatment
plan has been implemented. Theresa A. Piggot’s (personal communication,
1996) approach to refractory obsessive-compulsive disorder is relevant in
cases that need reformulation as a result of lack of progress. When there is no
progress, she advised the following:
1. Review the accuracy of the diagnosis.

2. Review the comorbid conditions.
3. Review the adequacy of the treatment trials.
4. Review the integration of the treatment modalities.
5. Review compliance.
6. Review whether expectations about the therapeutic objectives are realistic.
To the preceding list, we add several additional recommendations:
1. Review the status of the developmental interferences.

2. Review the status of the therapeutic alliance.
3. Consider the possibility of countertransference factors (see Chapter 16,
“Countertransference”).
At times, a re-interview may provide data or observations that have pre

viously been missed and may allow a reconceptualization of the formulation.
Key Points
• The comprehensive formulation should be a component of
every diagnostic interview.
• The comprehensive formulation assists the psychiatrist in the
conceptualization of the presenting problem and in deter
mining the areas that need focused therapeutic attention,
both in the rearing environment and in the psychological
realm.
• The examiner needs to be familiar with child developmental
issues and with broad family concepts to determine the na
ture of the rearing environment.
• The examiner needs to explore for the presence of develop
mental interferences.
Notes
1. Kratochwill et al. (2008) explained the situation well:
Tremendous amounts of data have been accumulated concerning the ori

gins, development, influences, and variations of human behavior. Neverthe
less, the wealth of information has clearly not resulted in an integrated view
of human performance. Indeed, the current state of knowledge generated from
the various conceptual models has not only resulted in the lack of an integrated
view of human functioning, but has yielded various conceptual positions that
are diametrically opposed and has spawned debate in the evidence-based
practice movement....Because our understanding of human behavior is in
fluenced by the basic assumptions concerning the “why” of behavior, assess
ment and treatment practices often become inextricably interwoven with
the particular conceptual model of human functioning held by the psychol
ogist [or psychiatrist]. (p. 13)
2. Cloninger et al. (1996) defined temperament as “the dynamic organization

of the psychobiological systems that regulate automatic responses to emo
tional stimuli. Individual differences in temperament are known to be mod
erately heritable and stable throughout life regardless of culture or ethnic
ity” (p. 3). Cloninger (1987) proposed “three dimensions of personality
that are genetically independent and that have predictable patterns of in
teraction in their adaptive responses to specific classes of environmental
stimuli. The three underlying genetic dimensions of personality are called

novelty seeking, harm avoidance and reward dependence” (p. 574). Nov
elty seeking, which involves a dopaminergic pathway, is a behavioral ac
tivation system; harm avoidance is a serotonergic, behavioral inhibition
system; and reward dependence is a norepinephrine-mediated behavioral
maintenance system that facilitates the acquisition of conditioned signals
of reward or relief from punishment. Each system has discrete neuroana
tomical areas of influence. Cloninger developed a personality typology
based on these dimensions. For instance, antisocial personalities are high
in novelty seeking and low in harm avoidance and reward dependence, ob
sessive individuals are high in harm avoidance and low in novelty seeking
and reward dependence, and so on. According to Cloninger, advances in
gene mapping promise to elucidate the genetic architecture of a variety of
temperamental traits.
3. Concepts such as “the average expectable environment” or “good enough
mother” do not do justice to the role of the rearing environment. They im
ply that the developmental environment plays a passive, unimportant, and
often detrimental role. Rarely is there an explicit articulation or recogni
tion of the positive contributions of the environment in the developmental
process; the whole issue of the nature of the developmental environment
(the role of the mother or caregiver, in particular) seems to be taken for
granted. Neuroscience and developmental research are seeking to elucidate
the specificity of factors that promote optimal development. Schore (1994)
presented the following summary of evolving views on this subject:
We now know that the early environment is fundamentally a social environ

ment, and that the primary social object who mediates the physical envi
ronment to the infant is the mother. Through her intermediary action
environmental stimulation is modulated, and this transformed input impinges
upon the infant in the context of socioaffective stimulation. The mother’s
modulatory function is essential not only to every aspect of the infant’s cur
rent functioning, but also to the child’s continuing development. She thus is
the major source of the environmental stimulation that facilitates (or inhib
its) the experience-dependent maturation of the child’s developing biologi
cal (especially neurobiological) structures. Her essential role as the psycho
biological regulator of the child’s immature psychophysiological systems di
rectly influences the child’s biochemical growth processes which support the
genesis of new structure. (p. 7)
4. Rudolf, a 19-year-old Asian American male, exhibited poor self concept

and chronic self-esteem difficulties. His compulsive sexualization re
flected evidence of an ongoing narcissistic disturbance and a lack of af
firming and supportive self-objects. His compulsive anal masturbation
reflected the transformation of body functions into soothing self-objects
400
when supportive self-objects were not available to him. This autoerotic in
volvement represented a substitutive restorative (reparative) self-object.
His fantasies during masturbation expressed exhibitionistic gratification
of his arrested primitive grandiose self. His feeling that people were look
ing at him during his compulsive activities was another manifestation of
his projected grandiose self. Rudolf ’s need for a heating pack on his back
at night represented a longing for a restorative self-object (it stood for the
absent grandmother who used to warm his back as a child). A body sensa
tion was transformed again into a soothing self-object. Suicidal ideation
emerged when his sense of self was at risk of fragmentation. Because he had
not internalized his supporting self-objects, he was hopelessly dependent
on others for his self-esteem regulation. Rudolf ’s drug use was an addi
tional method with which he attempted to avert fragmentation of his en
feebled self. This formulation alternative is interesting; there is a sense of
coherence in the systematic application of self psychological concepts,
even though other psychodynamic propositions could be equally useful.
CHAPTER 14
Symptom Formation and

Comorbidity
Certain clinical syndromes are commonly associated with particular descrip

tive symptoms; they also have corresponding psychosocial contexts or psy
chodynamics. For example, patients who have panic attacks display traits of
helplessness, dependency, passivity, and behavioral avoidance. Similarly, pa
tients who are depressed feel unmotivated, devalued, and hopeless. When these
syndromes are clinically active, certain psychological and psychodynamic
traits are expected to be present. These traits are considered state dependent,
meaning that the traits are present when the patient becomes panicky, de
pressed, or the like. Those personality traits become submerged or are less
salient when the syndromes (e.g., depression, anxiety) are under control. The
intimate relationship between certain syndromes and associated psychody
namics (personality traits) is such that clinicians are advised to defer making
personality disorder diagnoses when dealing with active syndromes (for
merly, Axis I disorders) (see Note 1 at the end of this chapter).
Do psychodynamic constellations unleash clinical syndromes? This does
occur. The most common example is a person’s response to a loss. People
have different thresholds for and different ways of responding to loss. Many fac
tors, including constitutional and temperamental factors, family dynamics,
and other psychosocial variables, determine this variability. In the so-called
psychosomatic disorders, an intimate connection is assumed between the
somatic and mind realms. In these illnesses, people become ill in response to
401
a variety of stresses. The mechanisms implicating stress as a major factor in

the development of a number of diseases are yet to be determined.
The intricateness of the somatic and the psychiatric is described in the fol
lowing observations.
Hajek et al. (2016) assert that type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) or insulin
resistance affects not only somatic outcomes but also psychiatric outcomes.
Bipolar disorders complicated by T2DM are associated with greater morbid
ity, lower treatment response, and poorer outcome with greater chronicity
and disability (p. 2). Similarly, patients with hypercalcemia and insulin resis
tance (even without diagnosed T2DM) are at greater risk for developing mild
cognitive impairment or dementia (p. 3). The authors reported the effect of two
proof-of-concept studies demonstrating that 8–12 weeks of treatment with
pioglitazone in patients with unipolar or bipolar depression and metabolic
syndrome reduced depressive symptoms across clinician- and patient-rated
assessments. Furthermore, pioglitazone was associated with improvement
in inflammation, fasting glucose level, triglyceride level, and total body insu
lin resistance. The authors also mentioned that two double-blind, placebo
controlled trials showed greater reductions of depressive symptoms when pio
glitazone was added to citalopram in unipolar or to lithium in bipolar depres
sion. An emerging body of evidence shows that treatment targeting glucose
regulation, such as insulin, metformin, and glucagon-like peptide-1 agonists
(i.e., liraglutide, exenatide), have positive effects on brain-related outcomes
(Hajek et al. 2016, p. 4).
Stress could be defined as the imperative adjusting to change. The con
cept of allostatic load is germane to the present discussion. Allostatic (adap
tive) systems enable individuals to respond to a variety of situations other
than strictly physiological changes. Allostasis is defined as the capacity to
achieve stability through multi-systemic changes. This concept is akin to the
concept of resilience. A price is paid for the forced resetting of parameters
as a result of stress adaptation, particularly if the process becomes extreme,
persistent, or inefficient. The cost of these processes is called allostatic load.
Allostatic load is related to the cumulative, multi-systemic impact (the physi
ological toll) that is required for adaptation. It is the “wear and tear” of the
body and brain resulting from chronic overactivity or inactivity of physio
logical systems that are involved in adaptational change. (This is like an ex
haustion of the adaptive capacity.) When a person experiences too many
unpredictable events, the allostatic load can increase dramatically, causing
an allostatic overload (i.e., a “breakdown”) that is associated with patho
logical conditions (Kapczinski et al. 2008). In general, a breakdown is fol
lowed by regressive behavior. From this perspective, comorbidity could be
considered as the exhaustion or spilling over of the adaptive organismic
failures.
Symptom Formation and Comorbidity 403
Apparently, psychiatrists are failing to diagnose comorbidity; this is im

portant because patients often want help not for the primary condition but
instead for the associated morbidities (Zimmerman et al. 2008). Detecting
comorbidity is clinically important; a logical assumption is that this practice
will increase diagnostic accuracy, and a better diagnostic practice may result
in greater patient satisfaction, improved alliance with the treating clinician, and,
consequently, improved treatment adherence and better outcomes (Zim
merman et al. 2008).
The vulnerability to stress probably depends on response thresholds and
on individual organ stress targets. The coping dysfunction, or breakdown,
may be in the “somatic” realm or in the “mental” realm; either diathesis may
have an underlying genetic predisposition. When children break down, they
do it in different ways: one child may become depressed, another may be
come psychotic, a third may activate a psychosomatic illness, and a fourth
may evolve a mysterious inhibition of the release of growth hormone.
What happens when a chronic syndrome, such as anxiety or depression,
improves or remits? Common clinical observations show that control of
chronic mood disorders may produce only partial improvement in personality
functioning. Although the depression or anxiety may be controlled, many ar
eas of the patient’s personality dysfunction may remain. In chronically anxious
patients, patterns of avoidance or inhibition, pervasive doubting, and strong
dependency traits may remain. In chronically depressed patients, patterns of
passivity, inhibition, low self-esteem, and fear of failure outlast the improve
ment of the affective disorder symptoms. In either situation, patients have a
greater vulnerability to stress. The lasting dysfunctional traits may become
impervious to further psychopharmacological treatment. These observations
have made it mandatory to use a combination of treatment modalities. On
the other hand, the presence of major depressive disorder, a disruptive dis
order, or a substance use disorder in childhood or adolescence increases the
odds for personality disorder in adulthood (Schulenberg et al. 2008).
In persons with chronic conditions such as bipolar disorders, the concept
of allostatic overload is useful for understanding apparently unrelated find
ings, such as vulnerability to stress, cognitive impairment, and high rates of
physical morbidity and mortality (Kapczinski et al. 2008). The model of allo
static load predicts that increased vulnerability to environmental stress
would bring about an increased allostatic reaction: hypothalamic-pituitary
adrenal axis and circadian rhythm disturbances, abnormalities in the im
mune-inflammatory systems, and structural and functional brain changes
(Kapczinski et al. 2008). In the later regard, Mah et al. (2016, p. 58) pose the
question of whether anxiety can damage the brain. The authors note that in
a variety of anxiety disorders, the amygdala, which processes cues predicting
a threatening or aversive stimulus during fear conditioning, is hyperactive,
whereas the prefrontal cortex and the hippocampus, which play a key role in
down-regulating the amygdala, are hypoactive. Chronic activation of the stress
sensitive systems can lead to eventual “wear and tear” of the neuroendocrine
system, and over time this effect impinges on the functioning of other inter
connected physiological systems, including the immune, metabolic, and
cardiovascular systems.
This breakdown (i.e., allostatic load) is associated with an increased risk of
diseases, such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, metabolic syndrome, and
neuropsychiatric disorders. For a long time it has been appreciated that stress
exacerbates mental illnesses, contributing to a risk of depression and anxi
ety; it may also trigger the onset of schizophrenia or bipolar disorders or the
development of posttraumatic stress disorder. It has been recently reported
that women who experience significant psychosocial stress in middle age are
at increased risk of developing Alzheimer’s disease. Chronic stress and ex
cessive glucocorticoid exposure may compromise the integrity of the hippo
campus. This is evidenced by hippocampus atrophy and the decrease of the
hippocampus neurogenesis (Kapczinski et al. 2008).
In the etiology of mental disorders, the contribution of temperament is
infrequently considered in spite of the fact that this factor has an enduring
quality. To add to the complexity of the etiology of anorexia nervosa, as Rotella
et al. (2016) note, there is a large body of research showing that childhood
neurotic and anxious traits are frequently present in patients with anorexia
nervosa. Furthermore, perfectionism, neuroticism, obsessive-compulsive
ness, impulsivity, narcissism, and sensation-seeking have been demonstrated
to be more common in patients with eating disorders compared with healthy
individuals. The Cloninger model has been widely used in eating disorders,
and, generally, high harm avoidance, low self-directiveness, and low cooper
ativeness are associated with all eating disorder diagnoses (pp. 77–78).
What is the relationship between dysfunctional personality traits and af
fective dysregulation? One could postulate that chronic mood disorders pro
mote maladaptive patterns of coping that gain stability or even functional
autonomy. One could also argue that affective dysregulation and associated
personality traits have different but parallel origins. Alternatively, the affective
disorder could interfere with adaptive processes of learning and skill develop
ment in interpersonal relationships and in other areas; the unresolved symp
toms could represent lags in adaptational learning (see Note 2 at the end of this
chapter).
The precise nature of the phenomenon of comorbidity is a challenge in
the ongoing elucidation of the origin and expression of psychopathology (see
Note 3 at the end of this chapter). Is comorbidity, the presence of multiple
psychiatric disorders, a real phenomenon? Is it an artificial result of the DSM
taxonomies, DSM-5 (American Psychiatric Association 2013) included? The
concept has important implications for the understanding of the different fac
ets of illness and symptom formation, and of course for treatment. Without
a doubt, the concept of comorbidity is the major culprit for the polyphar
macy epidemic that is ongoing in contemporary clinical psychiatric practice.
There are many critics and detractors of this practice. According to Achen
bach (2008), DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association 2000) did not
have well-validated markers for distinguishing childhood disorders from
one other, and apparent comorbidity may reflect a lack of clear boundaries be
tween disorders (see Note 4 at the end of this chapter). We doubt DSM-5 is any
better in this regard. In other words, the diagnostic criteria for different no
sological categories may not accurately represent the true existence of differ
ent disorders. This controversy notwithstanding, the notion of comorbidity
has become reified in clinical practice.
Several studies suggest that certain psychopathologies precede early drug
experimentation (before age 13 years) or regular drug use. For example, op
positional defiant disorder in children is strongly associated with drug ex
perimentation with psychoactive substances, and the presence of a mental
disorder in childhood is associated with marijuana abuse in adolescence. De
pendency on psychoactive substances is higher in children and adolescents
with conduct disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, affective disorder, anx
iety disorder, and bipolar disorder. Debate is ongoing about the role of atten
tion-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in psychoactive substance abuse (Szobot
and Bukstein 2008). A diagnosis of conduct disorder between ages 11 and 14
years was found to be a strong predictor of substance use disorders by age
18, and children and adolescents exposed to trauma (physical or sexual) were
found to have a higher prevalence of substance use disorders (Szobot and
Bukstein 2008).
Factors that stabilize a syndrome or that are important in symptom ex
pression or maintenance may not have anything to do with the origin of the
disorder. The complexity of interactions in the process of symptom formation
and symptom maintenance can be observed in the following case example.
Case Example
Kirk, a 16-year-old Caucasian male, was being evaluated for depression and
suicidal ideation. Kirk’s mother had a history of chronic depression; she was
chronically suicidal and episodically self-abusive. His father, a scientist, qual
ified for the diagnosis of obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). He would re
peatedly check his laboratory door to ensure that it was locked, and in the
parking lot, he would walk around his car several times, checking all the door
locks. On occasion, he would return to the laboratory at night to ensure that
his lab had been securely locked.
Kirk’s parents were involved in an ongoing conflict over issues of power
and control. Kirk’s mother complained that her husband was tyrannical and
very controlling. When tension in the marriage increased, Kirk’s mother

would become depressed, self-abusive, and suicidal. At these times, Kirk and
his 13-year-old sister (who exhibited regression) would come to their mother’s
rescue and unite against their domineering father. Kirk’s father found him
self progressively isolated and felt rejected and undermined. At those times,
the father’s insomnia and OCD symptoms would worsen, and Kirk’s acting
out behaviors would escalate.
Kirk’s mother undermined his father’s efforts to set limits on the children.
Kirk, in spite of superior intelligence, was flunking most of his school classes.
School authorities earmarked Kirk as a problem child. He was very uncon
ventional in his manner of dressing and was associated with troubled peers;
he used drugs, too.
The preceding case example illustrates the additive influences of negative

factors. For Kirk, some psychiatric features (e.g., depression) had biological
hereditary contributory factors (probably coming from both parents). These
factors, added to prolonged exposure to parental psychopathology and marital
discord, created significant developmental interferences, promoting nega
tive social learning, negative internalizations and ultimately, a defective self
concept formation (see Note 5 at the end of this chapter).
A caregiver’s affective disorder may have multiple effects on his or her pa
rental functioning. Maternal depression is a very important diagnostic clue.
Keitner and Miller (1994) agreed with this conceptualization: “It is not cer
tain whether problematic family relationships predispose to or facilitate the
emergence of depressive illness or whether the depressive illness and its at
tendant impact on patients’ interpersonal styles create family difficulties in
coping. There is evidence to support both points of view. In addition, the com
bination of a number of different stressors can obviously have an additive ef
fect in leading to family dysfunction” (p. 22).
Kirk’s case example also demonstrates the formation and stabilization of
psychopathology in a developing child through concomitant parallel sys
tems. Although Kirk’s affective disorder improved, the developmental, in
ternalized conflicts and the negative learning persisted. A protracted course
of family therapy was required to disentangle Kirk from maternal enmesh
ment and to facilitate a closer relationship between Kirk and his father. The
improved relationship was necessary for the consolidation of Kirk’s mascu
line identity. The case example also showed mutual balancing, or stabiliza
tion, of the parents’ individual pathologies: the mother’s chronic affective
disorder with periodic acute reactivations and the father’s OCD and unre
mitting insomnia.
We have followed a number of adolescent patients who exhibited chronic,
stable, maladaptive regressions. Crucial in the stabilization of the psychopa
thology is the symbiotic link of these children to their mothers. Positive steps
in the treatment have been achieved every time the symbiosis has been frac
tured. A positive sign in this respect is the development of depression in moth
ers when their children begin to separate from the enmeshed relationship.
Negative factors in the development of psychopathology, as in Kirk’s case
example, may act additively or may potentiate themselves by synergism. An
example of the latter is that a criminal outcome at age of 18 years was found
to be more likely when the following two conditions occurred together in a
male infant: 1) complications at birth and 2) maternal rejection by age 1 year.
Neither condition in isolation produced the adverse development (Raine et
al. 1994). The aggregate of negative factors may unfortunately have com
bined results that are far more negative than the mere presence of the indi
vidual factors.
Contemporary conceptualization of the nature-nurture relationship es
tablishes a mutual influence between the factors. As Pike and Plomin (1996)
explained, environmental factors, both shared and nonshared, have been found
to be important to varying degrees. Parents who are negative cast a shadow
over their families and put all children in these families at risk for depression
in adolescence. Nonetheless, nonshared family environment also appears to
have some effect. Non-shared environment is a fresh way of thinking about
the environment of the family. It suggests that important experiences lie
within the families, not just between families. For example, adolescents who
are the object of more maternal negativity than their siblings are more likely
to be depressed, independent from the effects of genetics or shared family
environment (Pike and Plomin 1996, p. 568) (see Note 6 at the end of this
chapter).
Key Points
• Comorbidity is a very common finding during comprehen
sive diagnostic evaluations.
• Diagnosis of comorbid disorders is important because co
morbid symptoms may be more influential in maladapta
tion than the explicit presenting symptoms that prompt the
psychiatric evaluation.
• Comorbidity complicates the diagnosis and treatment of any
given disorder.
• Diagnosis of comorbidity enriches the evaluation and has a
positive influence on fostering engagement and therapeutic
alliance.
Notes
1. Lampe (2016) describes the characteristics and underlying development
and genetics of avoidant personality disorder (AVPD) and social anxiety
disorder (SAD). AVPD has been considered a more severe case of SAD.
Three groups have been studied: AVPD, AVPD associated with SAD, and
SAD without AVPD. Only about 25% of AVPD subjects have comorbid
SAD, but the two disorders share a genetic vulnerability: relatives of
subjects with SAD were frequently diagnosed with AVPD, whereas rela
tives of AVPD subjects received the diagnosis of SAD more frequently.
There is research supporting the distinction between SAD and AVPD
conditions and the decision not to consider them as part of a spectrum.
Individuals with AVPD have a background of attachment difficulties and
have poor self-esteem and a negative self-identity. Commonly, AVDP sub
jects have less experience of physical or sexual abuse but were raised in
homes who were exceedingly critical, neglectful, or emotionally cold. There
was a trend for more severe abuse than for persons with SAD. Avoidant
and anxious attachment styles were common in schizoid and AVPD; how
ever, social anhedonia was predictive of schizoid personality, and internal
ized shame (shame-aversiveness), heightened personal sensitivity, and
the need to belong were predictive of AVPD (Lampe 2016, pp. 65–66).
2. Kandel (1998) proposed that behaviors that characterize psychiatric dis
orders are disturbances of brain function, even in those cases in which
the causes are clearly environmental in origin. Genes and their protein
products are important determinants of the patterns of interconnection
of the neurons and the details of their functioning. Learning, including
learning that results in dysfunctional behavior, produces alteration in
gene expression. Kandel discussed the gene’s template and transcriptional
(phenotype) functions. The template function can be altered only by mu
tation and is not regulated by social experience of any sort. The tran
scriptional function, in contrast, is highly regulated, and this regulation
is responsive to environmental factors. This epigenetic regulation is in
fluenced by internal and external factors, including brain development, hor
mones, stress, learning, and social interaction. The regulation of gene ex
pression by social factors makes all bodily functions, including those of
the brain, susceptible to social influences. In humans, the modifiability of
gene expression through learning in a nontransmissible way is particularly
effective and has led to a new kind of evolution: cultural evolution (Kan
del 1998; see also Note 5).
3. In the 1970s, Puig-Antich and colleagues made interesting observations
concerning the association of major depressive disorder with the concom
itant manifestation of anxiety and conduct disorder (Puig-Antich and

Gittelman 1982; Puig-Antich et al. 1978). For the latter association, they
noted that in a group of depressed preadolescents, the conduct disorder
features waxed and waned, according to the reactivation or improvement of
the affective disorder. When the depression was active, the conduct dis
order features were active, and when the depression was in remission, the
conduct features were also in remission. In the same vein, a strong asso
ciation exists between conduct disorder and bipolar disorder: the con
duct disorder may precede, be concurrent with, or follow the onset of
bipolar illness. According to Kovacs and Pollock (1995), conduct disor
ders are equally likely to antedate or postdate the onset of the first epi
sode of bipolar disorder.
4. According to Achenbach (2008), “If formal diagnosis of behavioral, emo
tional, social, and thought problems validity discriminate between disor
ders that are as distinct as physical diseases such as cancer, measles and
diphtheria, it would make sense to use multiple specific treatments for
children who qualify for multiple diagnoses. However, because neither
physical etiologies nor other physical abnormalities have been identified
as underlying nosological categories for children’s behavioral, emotional,
social, or thought problems, treatments cannot be aimed at different
physical abnormalities marked by different formal diagnoses. Instead,
treatments are aimed at altering behaviors, feelings, and thoughts that
may overlap among nosological categories. Consequently, research is
needed not only in the effectiveness of specific treatments for specific di
agnoses but also on the effectiveness of treatments for the many children
who qualify for multiple diagnoses” (p. 443).
5. Epigenetic factors (physical abuse) influence the gene coding for neuro
peptide S receptor (NPSR1). The more active T (“risk”) allele has been
linked to panic disorder in women, induces increased heart rate and se
vere behavioral avoidance in panic disorder, and is related to environmental
risk factors: T/T homozygosity has been shown to interact with child mal
treatment experiences and result in higher scores in the higher sensitivity
index (i.e., Anxiety Sensitivity Index [ASI]) (Gottschalk and Domschke
2016, p. 33). This allele causes significant amygdalar activation and is
correlated with harm avoidance and increased activation of the locus
coeruleus; high ASI scores were negatively correlated with prefrontal ac
tivity, suggesting corticolimbic dysfunction of the inhibitory cortical
control over subcortical circuits (Gottschalk and Domschke 2016, p. 34).
In line with the hypothesis of a dysfunctional corticolimbic interaction,
NPSR1 T allele carriers display lower glutamate/glutamine-to-creatine
ratios in the anterior cingulate cortex during a cholecystokinin tetrapep
tide (CCK-4)–induced episode of panic. The oxytocin receptor gene

(OXTR) has received increased attention in the study of anxiety. Homo
zygous A/A carriers predicted high scores of negative affectivity and
neuroticism (Gottschalk and Domschke 2016).
6. Pike and Plomin (1996) summarized a number of concepts related to be
havioral genetic research: Quantitative genetic theory postulates that vari
ation observed among individuals in a population can be ascribed to
genetic and environmental sources; this stems from individuals’ genetic
variability and the variability of the environments experienced by the in
dividuals. Genetic effects can be either additive or non-additive. Additive
genetic influence refers to genetic effects that add up linearly in their effect
on the phenotypic variance. Non-additive genetic influence refers to ef
fects caused by interactions among the genes. Environmental influences
consist of two categories: those shared by siblings reared in the same
family (i.e., shared environment) and those not shared by siblings in the
same family (i.e., non-shared environment). Environment in behavioral
genetics is defined more broadly than is typically the case. It includes all
sources of variations not explained by heritable genetic effects. In addition
to psychosocial experiences, the environment includes perinatal factors,
accidents, illnesses, and even chromosomal events, such as chromosomal
anomalies, that are not inherited.
CHAPTER 15
Diagnostic Obstacles
(Resistances)
When an examiner encounters difficult or complex situations during a psy

chiatric examination, he or she might appeal to the concept of resistance.
Only by making a dedicated effort to understand the patient’s circumstances,
no matter how complex, daunting, intractable, frightening, or hopeless they
may appear, the examiner will aspire to deal with issues surrounding diffi
cult and complex diagnostic presentations. If the examiner simply appeals to
the concept of resistance every time difficulties are encountered during the
psychiatric examination, he or she will lose many opportunities for both pro
fessional and personal growth. The statement “the child is resistant” could eas
ily be transformed into “the examiner is unable to engage the child” (see Note 1
at the end of this chapter). In the same way that a good chess player knows
different openings and knows how to respond to the opponent’s moves, the
psychiatrist should know different strategies for responding to diverse clin
ical presentations (see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques”). The
psychiatrist needs to have a variety of engagement skills and other rapport
enhancing strategies readily available to meet difficult clinical challenges
during the diagnostic examination.
Katz (1990) suggested a number of skills or qualities the examiner needs
to have at his or her disposal. These include knowledge, understanding, em
pathy, and a positive and warm approach toward patients. To these, we add
equanimity and a solid awareness of the child’s developmental level.
411
The psychiatrist should remember that challenging or difficult children

(and their families) are not creating difficulties anew for the examiner; the
pathology that children and their families display during the psychiatric ex
amination represents enactments or scripts of long-standing patterns of
maladaptive behaviors (e.g., internalized conflictive relationships). These
patterns require elucidation and understanding.
Resistance is a paternalistic concept. It implies that the mental health pro
fessional is right about the theory of disease that afflicts the child or the family,
or worse, that the expert knows best about what to do regarding the problems
that have been identified. Both assumptions may be incorrect. The concept of
resistance is easily applied when the child or the family did not follow the ex
pert recommendation and particularly when there is a lack of medication com
pliance. Arthur Kleinman (2016, p. xvii) introduced the concept of category
fallacy, which results from the application of professional biomedical cate
gories in places where those categories had no local cultural significance but
instead imposed an alien ideology on indigenous illness experiences and
treatment practices, thereby distorting both.
Technically, the concept of resistance relates to intrinsic protective factors
that block an individual (group, system) from self-awareness of patterns of
behavior or internal conflicts and/or from a willingness to change. Because
the concept of resistance puts the burden of the diagnostic difficulties on the
patient (discounting the contextual factors or the examiner’s shortcomings
in the interview process), and because this concept somehow conveys that
the patient is somehow opposing the psychiatrist’s efforts, we prefer the terms
interviewing difficulties or interviewing obstacles.
A child who is not verbally productive is not necessarily resistive. Condi
tions such as deafness, elective mutism, communication and language deficits,
attachment disorders, and developmental learning disorders may interfere
with optimal verbal communication. Language and communication disor
ders, intellectual limitations, or other neuropsychological deficits also impair
receptive or expressive communication processes.
If a child indicates that he or she does not want to participate in an interview,
the examiner should review with the child what the examiner knows about
the reasons for the evaluation (i.e., the so-called contractual aspects of the
examination) and should invite the child to explain what he or she thinks is
the reason for the evaluation. Children are often cajoled or manipulated into
a psychiatric evaluation by deceptive means. For example, parents may say to
a child, “Let’s go see a doctor” or “We’d like you to see a counselor.” Correspond
ingly, the child may go to the evaluation intending to “get mom or dad (or
both) off my back.” In circumstances of passive compliance, the examiner is
uncertain whether the child is aware of any emotional or behavioral problem
Diagnostic Obstacles (Resistances) 413
or if the identified patient acknowledges any feeling of internal distress or

that his or her behavior is maladaptive.
In each diagnostic interview, the examiner needs to ascertain how the
child was prepared for the examination. If the examiner suspects deception,
he or she should attempt to understand why the family needed to manipu
late the child. If deception has been identified, the examiner should attempt
to discover other patterns of manipulation or communication deviancy within
the family; family deception may be secondary to the power and control the
child has gained over the family.
The challenge with a defensive and uncooperative child is to transform the
child’s mistrust and defensiveness into a working alliance so the examiner
can conduct a productive diagnostic interview.
If the examiner needs to release information to the authorities (e.g., police,
school officials, abuse investigators) or other agencies, he or she needs to let
the child and family know the need for such a disclosure. The examiner should
also convey that he or she is working on the child and family’s behalf and that
no step in the evaluation process will be taken without their participation.
The examiner needs to continually safeguard the purpose of the interview
ing process. If the patient is uncooperative or plainly antagonistic, the ex
aminer may be greatly tempted to plead for cooperation. Pleading is not
recommended; the patient will likely react by providing only partial or even
deceptive information, which will leave the nature of the difficulty unclari
fied and unresolved, and the obstacles of the communication unexplored.
A better approach is for the examiner to attempt to understand every obsta
cle presented. Clarifications and interpretations are the optimal means for
dealing with any difficulties with communication or rapport, or any obsta
cles in building an alliance.
The following vignette illustrates a novice examiner’s inadequate man
agement of interviewing obstacles:
A 14-year-old Caucasian female with a history of conduct problems, self-abuse,

suicidal behavior, and polysubstance abuse entered the interviewing room
and sat facing away from the examiner. The examiner asked the patient to “sit
more appropriately”; she complied. The examiner then pleaded for cooper
ation and received passive compliance on a number of occasions. The quality
of the ensuing interaction was bland and detached; no rapport was established.
In this vignette, the emotional tone of the evaluation could have been dif
ferent if the examiner had addressed the resistance from the very beginning
by saying, for example, “It seems you do not want to talk to me” or “It doesn’t
seem that you want to participate in the interview.” This approach also ad
dresses negative affect that motivate the patient’s lack of cooperation. The
same approach should be taken when a patient acts out during the interview.
Novice examiners take what seems to be the easiest way out approach when
they simply ask the child to stop misbehaving. The preferable approach is to
say to the child, “Now I am beginning to understand why your parents are
concerned about your behavior” or “Now you are showing me why your par
ents brought you to see a psychiatrist [or other mental health professional].”
Effective and therapeutic interventions connect the child’s acting out
with the presenting problem and appeal to the child’s adaptive ego (the part
of the ego struggling for optimal adaptation). These approaches help the child
to improve his or her participation in the examination by increasing the pa
tient’s self-awareness of what he or she is doing and by stimulating the pa
tient’s internal self-controls. A better intervention than asking the child to
stop misbehaving would be for the examiner to make the child aware of an
overall pattern of maladaptation by saying, for example, “The way you are
behaving during this examination makes me wonder if this is the way you
behave in other situations. I am beginning to understand why people com
plain about you.” Demanding passive acquiescence or taking over the patient’s
controls is an intervention of last resort. Occasionally, the interviewer has
no alternative but to take over the control of the situation for the sake of the
patient’s or the examiner’s safety.
Classification of Interviewing Obstacles

For clinical and practical purposes, interviewing obstacles may be classified
as either pseudo-resistances or true resistances. The latter category may be
subdivided further into categories of superficial, moderate (approachable),
or severe (insurmountable) interviewing obstacles.
Pseudo-Resistances
Pseudo-resistances are obstacles to the interviewing objectives that are not
created by the child’s defensiveness or unwillingness to participate. Pseudo
resistances can be considered from both the examiner’s and the child’s per
spectives. A failure in the interviewing process may occur secondary to the
examiner’s inability to engage the child, lack of skill, lack of sensitivity to the
child’s problems, or lack of attunement to the child’s developmental level.
For example, the examiner may not be attentive or sensitive to the presence
of language disorders or neuropsychological deficits. In these cases, the ob
stacles are apparent only because the communication deficits interfere with
the child’s ability to participate in the diagnostic interview. An attentive ex
aminer should notice the child’s efforts or attempts to communicate. Other
factors may obstruct the process of establishing an alliance and ensuring a
productive interview. As Lewis-Fernández et al. (2016) note, “Despite clini
cians’ best efforts, the [initial] medical encounter may be influenced by stereo
typing, discrimination, racism and subtle forms of bias” (p. 18). To this list we
need to add the interviewer’s countertransference.
When the child obviously does not understand what he or she hears or
seems to have a hearing deficit, the examiner should attempt to ascertain the
child’s communication intent by paying special attention to the child’s non
verbal behavior (e.g., pointing, signaling, gesturing) or to the child’s use of
elementary vocabulary. If the examiner concludes that the child has commu
nication difficulties, he or she should try to maximize the use of nonverbal
media (e.g., play observation, drawing) to attain access to the child’s internal
world. If the child is hearing impaired, the presence of a qualified sign lan
guage translator is mandatory.
Other pseudo-resistances may occur in psychiatric practice. Abused chil
dren often act “dumb” and learn not to say anything that might bring the
family in contact with the law or other agencies. These children appear su
perficially to be resistant; they have learned that being silent prevents them
from getting into further trouble. On the other hand, children who are very
anxious frequently become inhibited and freeze in the presence of strang
ers. Elective mutism should also be considered in the category of pseudo
resistances (see Pedro’s case [Case Example 10] in Chapter 3, “Special Inter
viewing Techniques”).
The examiner needs to be sensitive to each child’s inner sense of internal
disorganization and chaos. A child who is on the verge of a psychotic break
down displays strong denials and avoidance, with all the external appearances
of resistance; this is the patient’s attempt to cope with impending psycholog
ical fragmentation.
True Resistances
Superficial Interviewing Obstacles
Interviewing difficulties that are readily amenable to cognitive, educational,
or reassuring interventions are classified as superficial. They may be ap
proached in the following ways:
1. The examiner clarifies the reasons for the evaluation (i.e., the contractual
elements, see above), if these reasons are unclear.
2. The examiner stresses the importance of the child’s participation.
3. The examiner deals with deceptive issues and openly and honestly ex
plains to the child what the evaluation entails, what may be gained by it,
and how the examination may help the child.
4. The examiner expresses concern and empathy for the child’s plight.
Children and adolescents who display superficial obstacles commonly use

a number of avoidant strategies. For instance, they commonly or repeatedly
say, “I don’t know,” “I don’t remember,” “I forgot,” and so on. In general, these
responses indicate a deliberate decision not to participate in the interview
or not to tell the truth. The examiner should not take these statements at
face value. Suggested responses to these evasive and avoidant statements are
“Tell me what you know,” “Tell me what you remember,” or “Let’s talk about
what you’ve forgotten.” Frequently, the child may give an opening after these
simple interventions, and the interview may be elevated to a more produc
tive level; the child may become more revealing or more straightforward,
and the new material may improve the diagnostic alliance.
Children who respond to prompts or questions with repetitive and unpro
ductive answers such as “I forgot” and “I don’t remember” are frequently avoid
ing, lying, or hiding or distorting the truth. The examiner should attempt to
transform lying into a problem for the child or into an issue that may cause
problems for the child. For example, the examiner may state, “It seems to me
that you do not want to participate in the interview” or “I have the feeling you
don’t want to tell the truth.” The examiner could also ask the child, “What
happens when you don’t tell the truth?” or “What happens to you when you lie?”
When children respond with meaningless shrugs or other nonverbal behav
iors, the examiner can respond by saying, for example, “My ears cannot un
derstand what your shoulders are trying to say” or “Can you tell me what your
shoulders are trying to say?”
Sometimes children become evasive and selective about information shared
because they do not want to say anything that may jeopardize their signif
icant others. They do not want to get anybody into trouble. Some children
have been ordered not to disclose what is going on in their homes or in their
lives. Abused children may have been threatened by the perpetrators not to
tell anybody about the abuse. The examiner needs to be aware of these pos
sibilities.
Moderate Interviewing Obstacles

Moderate interviewing obstacles involve situations characterized by a great
deal of externalization of blame and responsibility, overt oppositional stance,
bullishness, scapegoating, and intimidating and aggressive behaviors. These
obstacles may be approached as follows:
1. The examiner should follow steps 1–4, listed above in the subsection
“Superficial Interviewing Obstacles.”
2. The examiner attempts to help the child gain insight into her current be
havior. In a calm, nondefensive manner, the examiner asks the child what
happens at home, at school, or in other places when the child behaves as
she is behaving in the office. The examiner also asks how the child feels
while behaving this way and how other people react. The child may gain
some awareness of how much she enjoys upsetting people. The child may
also state that she likes to be in control or that she protects herself against
the anticipation of being controlled by others. These new observations may
provide an understanding of the child’s problems and may provide new
opportunities to establish or further the diagnostic alliance.
3. If the previous approaches do not work, the examiner uses the opposi
tional behavior (e.g., bullishness) to make connections between the child’s
problems in the real world and the examiner’s observations of the child’s
behavior during the interview. The examiner attempts to connect the
provocative enactment in the interview with the presenting problem. For
example, if a provocative and oppositional child becomes defiant or eva
sive and keeps externalizing blame and responsibility onto others, the
examiner should make the child aware of the similarities between the pre
senting problem that others complain about and the provocative enact
ment during the interview.
As the oppositional patterns of behavior unfold or begin to be enacted

during the interview, the examiner must attempt to deal with such behavior
by pointing out, for instance, “I’m having a hard time trying to understand
you” or “You are giving me a very hard time.” Comments like these usually
elicit some affective response—a smile, a gesture of satisfaction, a sense of
control, or verbalizations indicating that the child likes to be provocative or
give people a hard time. When this issue is brought into the open, the examiner
interprets the child’s characterological trait or enactment and then attempts
to make the child aware of how acting out in that way can create problems
for her. The examiner can also attempt to connect the enactment with the
presenting problem, by saying, for example, “I imagine that when you act like
this, you may bring problems upon yourself” or “What happens to you when
you act like this?” The first statement is more empathic; the second is more
confrontational. These reflective statements place the examiner in the child’s
realm, in the sphere of the child’s subjective state.
A similar approach can be taken in dealing with openly aggressive, pro
vocative, or seductive children. The examiner can say, for example, “I am be
ginning to see why you are here. If you behave like this at school (or at home),
it’s no wonder that your teachers (or parents) are getting so upset or so mad
at you!” This approach is the most risky because it is the most confronta
tional; however, if done with compassion or tenderness, it may have a pow
erful effect.
The following case example illustrates a moderate but approachable in
terviewing obstacle.
Case Example 1
Carlos, a 14-year-old Hispanic male, had a history of severe neurodevelop
mental problems, including Tourette’s disorder and a developmental aphasia
(with speech apraxia and fluency difficulties), when he was evaluated. Carlos
also displayed psychotic features and had become aggressive at home. On sev
eral occasions, he had threatened to kill his mother and her boyfriend. Carlos
was interviewed because of complaints that he had molested a 5-year-old boy
and had attempted to bite the boy’s penis. In the past, allegations had been
made of homosexuality and inappropriate sexual behaviors.
During the interview, Carlos displayed a great deal of shame: he tried to
cover his face with either his T-shirt or his hands. Carlos was extremely self
conscious of his expressive language problems but had been able to respond
to most of the questions until the examiner chose to explore the molestation.
The examiner started by saying, “Let’s discuss what you did to the boy.”
Carlos exhibited signs of shame or embarrassment. The examiner proceeded,
saying, “I understand you bit his penis.” Carlos took a defensive stance and
said, “I don’t remember what happened.” The examiner quickly replied, “I don’t
see any reason why you can’t remember. You don’t want to discuss this ...
There is no reason why you can’t remember what happened.” The examiner
asked again, “What happened?” Carlos began to report what happened with
the boy. He said that he had tried to molest a number of children before, add
ing, “I was going to do to other kids what was done to me.”
Carlos then reported that when he was 7 years old, five or six men had
raped him on a number of occasions. He said that no one knew; he had not
told his mother, fearing that the disclosure could send her to the hospital. He
showed significant relief after revealing this victimization.
The examiner’s confrontations and challenges to Carlos’s defensive denials

were effective and quite productive. Issues related to sexual abuse, posttrau
matic stress disorder, and enactment of sexual abuse with other children had
been previously missed.
The following case example illustrates the management of a moderate to
severe interviewing obstacle through the use of confrontation, interpreta
tion, and humor.
Case Example 2
Jackie, a 12-year-old Caucasian female with cerebral palsy, was evaluated for
suicidal behavior. She was wheelchair-ridden. She had been living in a group
home for a number of months prior to the assessment. During the 48 hours
preceding the psychiatric evaluation, Jackie had put a knife, a screwdriver,
and a fork to her neck. She had tried to kill herself many times before.
Jackie was not living at home because of her violent behavior toward her
mother and younger sister. She also had attempted to fall from her wheel
chair in an effort to harm herself. The staff at the group home felt they could
no longer take care of Jackie because she was very disruptive to other chil
dren and to the program in general. Jackie claimed that she was hearing
voices telling her to kill herself. She had been hospitalized a number of times
previously for similar suicidal and aggressive behaviors. Jackie also had mild
cognitive impairment and some degree of language disorder—in particular,
expressive language difficulties related to cerebral palsy.
Jackie came to the evaluation accompanied by her mother and two female
staff members from the group home. She had dictated a suicide note to one
of the staff members the night before. When a child psychiatry resident
fellow entered the room, just before the attending examiner arrived, Jackie
gave the suicide note to her. The fellow advised Jackie to give the note to the
examiner, at which time Jackie crumpled up and destroyed the note.
As soon as the examiner entered the evaluation room, he became aware
of a very small, spastic child in a big wheelchair. The examiner had many feel
ings and intuitions about Jackie’s situation and about how much Jackie hated
to be a person with disabilities.
After the examiner sat down and began the interview, Jackie kept making
eye contact with one of the group home staff members, ignoring the examiner.
When the examiner called her attention to this behavior, Jackie said that she
was hearing voices and added that the voices were telling her not to listen to the
examiner. She told one of the staff members that she could not understand
the examiner because of his accent. To this, the examiner replied that he also
had problems understanding Jackie (because of her expressive language dif
ficulties), saying, “We are in the same boat.” Jackie smiled and made direct
eye contact with the examiner. The examiner realized that the child was very
manipulative and that she could be deceptive and “tricky.”
As the examiner began to explore Jackie’s suicidal behavior, Jackie said again
that the voices were telling her not to pay attention. The examiner countered,
“The voices do not want you to get any help. I expect you to block the voices
so we can go ahead with understanding what is the matter with you!” The “al
leged voices” stopped interfering.
When the examiner asked Jackie why she was not living with her family, she
ignored the examiner again. The examiner said to Jackie in a humorous man
ner, “You are full of tricks” and “You are a tricky girl.” Jackie smiled and began
to talk about her violent behavior, emphasizing with emotion that this was why
she was not living with her mother.
When the examiner asked Jackie why she was mad at her mother, Jackie
became evasive and turned her head away. The examiner proposed that Jackie
was mad at her mother for a number of reasons. The examiner suggested
that Jackie blamed her mother for her being in the wheelchair. Jackie smiled
and renewed eye contact. By this time, she had begun to use the word “trick”
and “tricky” in a playful and insightful manner. For example, she said, “My mind
plays tricks on me,” to which the examiner replied, “Like when your mind
tells you that the reason you aren’t living with your mom is because she doesn’t
love you?” Jackie said that she wanted to go home. The examiner asked Jackie
what was expected of her before she could go home, and Jackie said she didn’t
know. The examiner then advised Jackie that she could ask her mother what
she was supposed to do. Jackie’s mother said that they had already discussed
this issue and that she expected Jackie to control her temper before returning
home.
The examiner then focused on why Jackie wanted to kill herself. The group
home staff members indicated that they had the distinct impression that Jackie
believed that if she were to be expelled from the group home, she would be re
turned home automatically. “That’s not the right way to return home,” the ex
aminer told Jackie, adding, “You need to learn to control yourself first.”
The examiner explored Jackie’s problems with self-concept and her sense
of hopelessness. He said, “You probably feel that you’re worthless and not
good for anything because you’re in a wheelchair.” He then asked Jackie, “What
kinds of things are you good at?” Jackie immediately replied that she liked
to take care of plants. The examiner praised her for that. The staff members
added that Jackie liked listening to the radio and watching television, espe
cially a couple of comedy programs. The examiner asserted that the reason
Jackie felt worthless and suicidal was that she blocked the positive qualities
she had and paid attention only to her limitations. The examiner added that
in the same way that Jackie was able to block the voices, she would have to
learn to block bad feelings about herself. The examiner continued, saying that
instead of focusing mainly on her limitations and bad aspects of herself, Jackie
needed to pay more attention to her positive qualities and the things she could
do.
Humor was used a number of times during the interview, especially when
the examiner discussed how “tricky” Jackie could be and when he discussed
Jackie’s current use of blocking and the other kinds of blocking she needed
to do. Although this interview started out with a negative, resistive, and aver
sive tone, it changed into a very productive exchange. Major gains were
made in the therapeutic alliance. The examiner’s active stance against a va
riety of obstacles (e.g., avoidance, denial, opposition, manipulation, dissoci
ation, and activation of “psychotic symptoms”) was very productive.
After Jackie was admitted to an acute psychiatric program, her case was as
signed to another psychiatrist. Jackie’s mother complained about the change
and asked that the attending examiner be in charge of the case. The examiner
thought the mother was satisfied with the way he had conducted the evalu
ation, but he felt that Jackie should have a say in this matter. The examiner
went to the unit to speak with Jackie and told her that her mother was upset
because of the change of doctors. The examiner asked Jackie, “What do you
have to say about this?” Jackie replied, “I kind of...want you to be my doctor.”
The examiner responded with humor, “But I gave you a hard time!” To this
Jackie replied, “You helped me!” This response seemed to confirm that the in
terview had been effective and had promoted insight.
Clinicians are very apprehensive about using confrontational techniques

(see Chapter 3, “Special Interviewing Techniques”). Clinical observations
are reassuring in this regard. Older, experienced clinicians often found, as
Anderson (1968; quoted in Hopkinson et al. 1981, p. 413) notes, that “[c]on
frontations given by warm, empathic interviewers increased self-exploration,
whereas this was not the effect with the interviewers who lacked these qual
ities.” Turner and Hersen (1994) agreed with the value of confrontation dur
ing the clinical interview: “Mild confrontation, when accomplished with skill
and interviewer openness, will also prove to be beneficial in cutting through
patient denial and defensiveness. However, the clinician will realize, with in
creasing experience, how far to push a given patient. Of course with aggres
sive patients, the issue may become one of safety, for the interviewer and those
others in the surroundings” (p. 16).
Confrontational techniques are usually contraindicated in children with
severe oppositional traits and in those with very strong passive-aggressive
features. In these cases, there is a risk of a hostile withdrawal or, worse, an
unleashing of overt aggressive behaviors. In either situation, the diagnostic
alliance will be lost. Attempts to reengage these children after an episode of
lack of control are very trying. Confrontation should not be used in working
with children who have psychosis or prominent organicity.
Children with a long-standing history of encopresis use marked denial,
splitting, omnipotent control, isolation of affect, and dissociative defenses to
deal with this humiliating symptom. Confrontation should be avoided with
these children, as the following case example illustrates.
Case Example 3
Billy, an intelligent 14-year-old Caucasian male, presented for a clinical con
sultation at the local state hospital. The consultation was requested because
of Billy’s lack of progress in the adolescent acute program and because of con
flicts between the program staff and Billy’s mother regarding discharge cri
teria. Billy had been admitted to the program because of suicidal behavior
and serious conflict with his siblings. Encopresis had been a significant com
plaint, and both Billy’s mother and his siblings were upset over the offensive
smell and the associated behaviors. Billy had been in the hospital for almost
4 months, an unusually long stay for an acute admission. Two weeks before the
consultation, Billy had been furloughed home; he was returned to the hospital
1 week later because of the encopresis. During the time that Billy stayed in the
hospital, encopresis had not been active, and he had denied having such a
problem.
The examiner had difficulty engaging Billy during the individual inter
view; Billy came across as passive and distant. He denied knowing why he
had been in the hospital in the first place and denied knowing why he was
back. The examiner’s efforts to find out what was going on at home were un
successful. The only thing Billy was clear and explicit about was that he didn’t
like the hospital and wanted to go home. During the interview, Billy’s only
active behavior was frequent glancing at his watch. Sensing a major resistance,
the examiner promised that Billy would be allowed to leave in about 15 min
utes. Billy responded by turning around his chair to face away from the ex
aminer. He slouched and stretched out in his chair, clearly conveying that he
was going to sleep and that he did not want to be bothered. As Billy started
to withdraw, he began to breathe deeply.
The examiner interpreted these behaviors as involving self-regulating
mechanisms and acknowledged to Billy that he understood that he was try
ing to calm himself down. The examiner took advantage of Bill’s behavior
and reframed and redefined his behavior as an adaptive attempt, thus
removing its provocative and confrontational connotations. The examiner
began to direct Billy’s breathing, asking him to breathe deeply in and out.
The examiner also periodically informed Billy how soon he could leave. Billy
remained calmed. When the time was over, he stood up and left right away.
The examiner stayed calm throughout the session and did not respond to or
confront Billy’s passive-aggressive and provocative behaviors.
Adolescent patients with encopresis are very passive-aggressive and mark

edly oppositional. In discussing the case with the staff, the examiner agreed
that the best way to deal with Billy’s encopresis and denial was for Billy’s mother
to take him on leaves of absence, making it explicitly clear to Billy that he
would be taken back to the hospital every time he became encopretic. It would
thus be very hard for Billy to hold on to his tenacious denial and blame the hos
pital for his separation from his family.
Severe Interviewing Obstacles

Children and adolescents with major behavioral and emotional problems
display severe resistances. These children externalize blame and responsi
bility for their actions and defend themselves with very strong denials and
projections. They are also mistrustful, if not overtly paranoid. The following
is an example of a patient with severe resistance.
Case Example 4
Johnny, a Caucasian adolescent male, was 14 years old at the time of his diag
nostic psychiatric evaluation. He had been in an unending conflict with his
parents during the previous year, and the situation had deteriorated during the
previous 4 months. In spite of ongoing outpatient therapy for Johnny and his
family, no significant progress had been achieved. Johnny had been in a child
psychiatric hospital twice when he was 8 years old. He had received antide
pressants in the past but had stopped taking medications 3 months earlier.
A couple of days before the evaluation, Johnny announced to his family
that he was going to orchestrate his getting kicked out of school, and he ac
complished this goal a day before the examination. Johnny had been extremely
provocative at school; he had a history of multiple school suspensions for
behavioral and aggressive problems. At home, he was unruly: during the pre
vious week, he had come and gone as he pleased. He was defiant and had
threatened to kill his mother and father many times. Two months earlier, he
had taken his grandparents’ van without permission and had stolen a gun from
them.
During the previous 3 months, Johnny’s parents had carried out the fol
lowing routine before retiring at night: they unplugged the phones, collected
their money and other valuables, and put a theft-deterrent device on the car
to ensure that Johnny would not call gang members to steal it during the
night. Johnny’s parents suspected that he was associating with gang mem
bers. His mother had discovered aerosol cans in his room, and the day before
the psychiatric examination, he was found with evidence of spray paint
around his mouth and nostrils. When confronted, he cried and appeared re
morseful, claiming that this had been the first time he had done something
like this.
At age 10 years, Johnny had sustained a brain injury in a car accident. Af
ter the accident, Johnny forgot and had to relearn many things.
At the time of the evaluation, Johnny was very angry and contemptuous.
He constantly externalized blame for his conspicuous acting out, not taking
responsibility for his multiple transgressions. He pinned all the blame for his
problems on his parents, accusing them of not loving him. He had felt un
loved all his life and was quite jealous and hostile toward his younger sister;
he was convinced that his parents favored her. His parents were at their wit’s
end and didn’t know what to do about their son’s behavior. They felt totally
helpless in the face of Johnny’s provocative and defiant behaviors. They also
feared for their lives.
Johnny’s father had been a peripheral figure in the family and in Johnny’s life.
He had delegated all forms of discipline to his wife, and to make matters worse,
she had been incapacitated because of a fractured foot. Doctors were not op
timistic about her prognosis for unassisted walking. Johnny believed that his
father was his ally, and he boasted that he could manipulate his father. Johnny’s
father undermined his wife’s efforts to provide consistent discipline. Partly be
cause of this perception, Johnny’s hostility, antagonism, and vicious verbal
attacks and intimidations of his mother were limitless.
The family’s financial situation had worsened since Johnny’s mother had
become ill. She had had a highly paid skilled job before becoming incapaci
tated. Johnny seemed oblivious to economic realities and continued making
demands the family couldn’t meet. Finally, Johnny’s parents were concerned
that he was turning into a delinquent and anticipated that he would end up
in jail.
One might suspect that this child was anxious to leave home and that he
would welcome any placement recommendations, but that was not the case.
Johnny strongly rejected any suggestion of placement. Whenever placement
was suggested, Johnny would blame his parents for wanting to get rid of him;
obviously, this reaction baffled his parents. He threatened suicide when place
ment was discussed, because he wanted to continue living at home.
Johnny said that the examiner didn’t like him either. From the start, he
didn’t believe that the examiner was on his side. He doubted the examiner
could help him. The examiner sensed that Johnny wanted to get into a con
flict with him from the very beginning.
Johnny seemed angry; he was also depressed, and his mood was labile. He
denied suicidal ideation but acknowledged homicidal intentions against his
parents. Johnny displayed a very rigid projective system, refused to acknowl
edge any responsibility for his behavior, and perseverated in blaming every
thing on his parents. The examiner was unable to engage Johnny and couldn’t
undermine his projective system.
This is a severe example of a child caught up in a very conflictive, deeply

ambivalent relationship with his parents. Strong dependency and regres
sive tendencies opposed separation-individuation strivings. Jealousy of par
anoid proportions was present. Furthermore, the previous brain trauma had
left Johnny cognitively impaired, which was reflected in his rigid and narrow
cognitive coping style and in his primitive defense mechanisms. Other fac
tors such as discord within the family and stressors in the marriage, as well
as the mother’s recent incapacitation, contributed to Johnny’s maladapta
tion. In spite of the examiner’s efforts, the child rejected his suggestions of
help.
The following example illustrates another adolescent’s marked denial and
severe “resistance.”
Case Example 5
Robert, a 17-year-old Caucasian male, was evaluated after making a suicidal
gesture. He had cut his right wrist, expressing a desire to kill himself. Six
months before the evaluation, Robert had undergone an above-the-knee am
putation of his left leg to prevent the spread of bone cancer (osteosarcoma).
The cancer had been discovered when he was examined in an emergency room
after his left foot was run over by an all-terrain vehicle. X rays taken at the time
revealed the malignancy. Robert had received chemotherapy treatment, and
he was using a prosthesis at the time of the psychiatric examination.
Robert had been very athletic and had participated in track and field events
at school. He dropped out of school after the surgery. According to Robert,
the school objected to his presence because a boy on crutches “could pose li
ability risks.” Robert had always been in special education classes for learn
ing disabilities. When Robert was 10 years old, Robert’s brother (who was
5 years his senior) “accidentally” shot Robert in the abdomen with a gun. The
circumstances surrounding the accident were unclear. One year before the
evaluation, Robert’s father had left home. Robert explained that his father
was gay.
Robert limped into the interviewing room, sat quietly, and displayed a po
lite, pleasant demeanor. When Robert was asked to explain why he was in the
hospital, he said that he had tried to cut his wrist “to stop his mother from
threatening suicide.” He displayed an anxious and peculiar smile that had an
inappropriate quality; this smile resurfaced frequently throughout the eval
uation. He denied any previous suicide attempts. He added that his mother
was “crazy,” reporting that she yelled at herself in the mirror and had threat
ened suicide many times before. He made all of these statements while ex
hibiting bland affect and his peculiar smile.
Because the loss of his leg seemed to be such an important issue, the ex
aminer asked Robert to describe what it was like for him to hear about the
cancer. He responded in a nonchalant manner, “It was okay.” When the ex
aminer encouraged him to discuss the loss of his leg or the changes that it
brought to his life, he blandly answered, while smiling, that he could no lon
ger run or do a number of things he used to do.
The examiner’s multiple attempts to draw from Robert any emotional re
action regarding the loss of his leg and the impact that it had on his self
concept and self-image were met with strong denials. The examiner’s use of
countertransference (e.g., the sense of loss, of being handicapped, of being
unattractive to the opposite sex) met with no success.
The examiner was not surprised, then, that his attempts to explore with
Robert the accidental shooting by his brother, having a gay father, having a
“crazy” mother, and other potentially emotion-laden experiences were met
with the same blandness encountered when the examiner probed Robert’s
emotional response to the loss of his leg. Robert displayed massive denials,
marked isolation of affect, affect reversal or reaction formation, and repres
sion (of aggression). He was also a very immature adolescent. Factors that may
have contributed to Robert’s affective disturbance were severe learning dis
abilities, expressive affective aphasia, and cognitive impairments, plus major
developmental problems associated with defective parenting (Robert’s mother
had alcoholism and had abused alcohol throughout her pregnancy with
him). A fetal alcohol syndrome was considered.
Building a diagnostic and therapeutic alliance is impossible with patients

who show intense mistrust (and are unable to believe in the goodness, or at least
in the neutrality, of the examiner) as a result of strong psychopathology (e.g.,
severe trauma, fears of psychotic disintegration, or suspicious-paranoid be
havior). When the examiner senses panic of fragmentation in prepsychotic
children, he or she should respect the adaptive defenses and support reality
testing and any efforts at self-control. Abused adolescents are very apprehen
sive about psychological evaluations, and this makes any trustful engagement
difficult. The examiner should empathize with the adolescent’s feelings about
previous betrayals of trust and should encourage verbalizations regarding mis
use (or abuse) of prior psychological or psychiatric evaluations.
If an adolescent persists in being resistive and remains uncooperative, the
examiner should be wise to “lose a battle” rather than to “lose the war.” When
the accounts about the adolescent do not raise questions regarding safety to
self or others, the examiner should concede that no understanding or con
clusions can be reached without the adolescent’s participation. The exam
iner should indicate to the adolescent that without his participation, there is
no point in continuing the process. The examiner should tell the adolescent
that as soon as he is willing, the examiner will be available for further contact
and work. However, when the examiner is dealing with an uncooperative ado
lescent who is suicidal or homicidal or who has severe functional impairment
secondary to mental illness, the examiner is obligated to pursue involuntary
commitment.
If the examiner concludes there are not risks of safety, he might opt to tell
the child that since the child does not see the need for any help right now, the
examiner would like to check bases with the adolescent in an agreed period of
time: a month? 2 months? and so forth.
On the other hand, the examiner needs to tell the family that safety is par
amount: parents should not hesitate to call the police if they feel that their
child may endanger them or if they feel that he may harm himself. In such a
case the parents need to call an ambulance or the police to ensure a prompt
admission to an emergency room or a child psychiatric unit. Furthermore,

the interviewer may consider contacting Child Protective Services (CPS), to
alert the agency that there is an impaired parent that may be at risk by her
own son or daughter. CPS also needs to be informed when a child is suicidal
or homicidal, or is making terroristic threats, and the parents are unwilling
to take action.
Obstacles in Interviewing Families

Families and other complex systems also present obstacles to interviewing.
The next case example illustrates the phenomenon of defensiveness within
the family system.
Case Example 6
Marta, a 15-year-old Mexican American female, was referred to an acute psy
chiatric program after an almost successful suicide attempt. She had decided
to hang herself with a dog chain after a fight with her boyfriend. She was un
conscious for an undetermined amount of time before she was found. Marta
had neither a history of suicide attempts nor a psychiatric history. She was
admitted to a pediatric hospital for a complete neurological assessment. A
computed tomographic scan of the brain was unremarkable, and a cervical
spine series was normal. The extent of the neuronal damage caused by hypoxia
was uncertain. A psychiatric consultation in the pediatric ward indicated se
vere thought disorganization and severe impairment of the sensorium, com
patible with delirium.
After Marta was stabilized, she was referred to the acute psychiatric unit.
The referring physicians met a significant obstacle when they requested family
permission for the transfer. The family insisted that there was nothing wrong
with Marta, that this was an accident, that she didn’t mean to try to kill her
self, and so on. Only by using strong persuasion were the physicians able to
convince the family to agree to the transfer.
Marta spoke blandly about the events preceding the suicide attempt. She
referred to the incident nondefensively and without any emotion. The most
striking results of the mental status examination were abnormal findings in
mood and affect: her affect was markedly blunted, and she was not dysphoric
in any significant way. Her thought processes were unremarkable, but Marta
was concrete. She denied suicidal ideation and denied that she would ever try
to kill herself again. Marta did not endorse any feelings of sadness or any other
depressive feelings. Her sensorium was intact at the time of the assessment.
When the family came to the acute unit, they demanded that Marta be re
leased. They stressed once again that nothing was wrong with her. They said
that if she were to need treatment, they would take her to the local mental
health center. Any attempt to diminish the family’s resistance was unsuccess
ful. Marta was discharged from the acute program against medical advice
but the physician contacted CPS to let them know of the adolescent’s ongo
ing risk, the adolescent’s need of psychiatric care, and the parent’s lack of re
sponse to the child’s suicidal circumstances.
Cultural issues may have an important bearing in cases like Marta’s. Shame
about accessing psychiatric help is common in Mexican American families and
families from nonmajority cultural and ethnic backgrounds. Some religious
groups believe that God can take care of psychiatric problems, and others do
not have any trust in Western medicine. The uninsured, out of desperation,
may resort to indigenous and unreliable practices.
Marta’s family is by no means an exception. In this case, denial within the
family was as prevalent and as impervious as it was within the child. In se
vere family resistance, the identified or symptomatic child is likely a stabiliz
ing figure in the dysfunctional family. In such cases, the family will interfere
with any change in the child that may jeopardize the family’s homeostasis.
Gross denials are common in dysfunctional families in which the family’s
parental subsystem is impaired and the child is necessary to keep the family
together. In severe cases of family “resistance” (see Johnny’s and Robert’s cases
[Case Examples 4 and 5, respectively] earlier in this chapter), the examiner of
ten encounters families that display multidimensional problems.
Key Points
• During psychiatric examinations, children (and families) are
often defensive or wary about revealing personal informa
tion; commonly, these apprehensions are resolved when a
positive engagement is achieved.
• During the diagnostic assessment, a number of obstacles im
peril the objectives of the psychiatric examination. Denials,
dissociation, projects, and paranoia are factors that com
monly mediate obstacles during the psychiatric evaluation.
• Examples of good and inadequate management of the diag
nostic interview can help the examiner learn how to approach
difficult situations during the psychiatric examination.
Notes
1. Marianne Eckardt, the daughter of the famous and influential psycho
analyst Karen Horney, who, at over 100 years of age, is still a practicing
analyst, contended in one presentation at the American Academy of Psy
choanalysis and Dynamic Psychiatry annual meeting in 2014, in New
York City, that the term “resistance” should be substituted for a “lack of
therapeutic resources.”
CHAPTER 16
Countertransference
The topic of countertransference is discussed last in this book because it is

the most subjective and probably most complex area of the psychiatric ex
amination. Although the ideas presented here are tentative, we hope they
will stimulate examiners to think about these difficult, intriguing, and inter
esting (and sometimes mystifying) factors of the diagnostic interview. These
suggestions may help evaluators to improve their own introspection and in
sight while conducting diagnostic interviews; this, undoubtedly, will result
in improved interviewing skills and elaborating unfettered formulations.
The diagnostic interview is a transactional process between the child and
family and the examiner. During the interview process, the examiner may be
stimulated by a number of emotions or affective states. Sometimes, patients
can “infect” examiners with positive or negative emotions. At other times,
the examiner unexpectedly experiences unwelcome emotions or negative
ideation during the diagnostic assessment. Countertransference difficulties
are at the root of engagement failures and many diagnostic and therapeutic
mistakes. The experienced interviewer uses the understanding and articula
tion of his or her own personal affective or cognitive responses during the
interview to increase diagnostic information and to further the diagnostic
and therapeutic alliance.
A professional attitude, the wish to help, compassion, sensitivity, and
other empathic emotions are positive affective states that aid or assist the in
terview process. Technically, these positive emotions would not be termed
countertransference. In this book, we define this term as the emotions or
affective states that interfere with the goals of gathering diagnostic informa
tion, establishing a diagnostic and treatment alliance, developing a treat
429
ment plan, or helping the patient and family. Any emotional state or thought
process that diverts the examiner from helping the patient and family in the
diagnostic process or formulating process will be designated as counter
transference.
Countertransference occurs, for instance, when the examiner, out of frus
tration with the child or family, makes a hasty diagnostic closure or overlooks
important diagnostic data. Countertransference is present when the examiner
assigns a poor prognosis to a child because of an aggressive counterresponse
to the child or family, or when the examiner interrupts the diagnostic pro
cess and dismisses the child and family. Prejudice related to socioeconomic
status, race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, political orientation, or feel
ings about a child/family’s country of origin, and others, could become the
sources or negative countertransference.
For the purposes of this chapter, we will consider the concept of counter
transference in a broader sense, paralleling Khan’s definition of the term, as a
nonpathological incapacity of the interviewer’s affectivity, intelligence, and
imagination to comprehend the total reality of the patient (and family). Khan’s
definition of the concept corresponds to a contemporary meaning of the term.
Weinshel and Renik’s (1996) considerations regarding the analytic process
are applicable to the psychiatric diagnostic examination. A broader defini
tion of countertransference is considered advantageous. It is now assumed that
the entire array of an examiner’s emotional responses—those specifically in
duced by the child and the family and those brought by the examiner from his
personal background—must be taken into account in studying the diagnostic
and therapeutic process.
Children with aggressive, provocative, and negative defiant behaviors tend
to elicit primary responses in examiners; the same is true of children who are
callous, narcissistic, and manipulative. Parents who are physically or sexually
abusive and those who are overtly neglectful also elicit strong negative affec
tive responses in the examiners.
Parents who are provocative and challenge the psychiatrist’s expertise and
experience, questioning any advice or suggestions, elicit defensiveness and
annoyance in the interviewer.
Simplistic notions of the psychopathological process increase the risk of
countertransference. The examiner may attribute the child’s problem to the
parents, thinking, for example, that the parents are bad. Alternatively, the ex
aminer might think that the child is constitutionally defective (i.e., “a bad
seed”). However, psychopathology is complex and multidetermined. Another
conception that promotes primary responses is the attribution of linear cau
sality. In examinations of interpersonal psychopathology, circular causality
has a better heuristic value.
Countertransference 431
The emotions that most frequently interfere with the diagnostic interview
are anger, frustration, boredom, and dislike toward the patient or family.
These emotions are not difficult to identify and could be transformed and
worked through productively for the benefit of the patient and family; how
ever, these same emotions may interfere with the thoroughness of the diag
nostic process and may contribute to diagnostic and therapeutic mistakes.
Other emotions (e.g., sexual feelings, desires to obtain gratification from the
patient) are more insidious and subtler to detect, and their negative influ
ence may be more difficult to identify, understand, and transform. The ex
aminer has more difficulties acknowledging and working through these
emotions, which may be ego-syntonic (i.e., related to the psychological prob
lems of the examiner).
Lewis (1996) discussed a number of issues that may elicit countertransfer
ence in clinicians working with children and adolescents; he also indicated
common difficulties in these transactions. Aggressive children tend to mobi
lize strong defenses (or counterresponses) in clinicians. Children with intel
lectual disability (or other neurodevelopmental disabilities) are often over
looked and inadequately served, and children with physical deformities may
repel some examiners. Lewis listed a number of diagnostic circumstances in
which the examiner’s countertransference may become problematic (Table
16–1). The list by no means exhausts the range of complexities or potential
complications of countertransference responses.
The management of countertransference responses is complex. Good in
trospective capacity and self-awareness, equanimity, and extended supervision
are fundamental requirements for mastering this problematic area. In this
chapter, we sketch only a few practical ideas for dealing with negative coun
tertransference responses that may occur during the interview process.
Beginning interviewers tend to avoid or put aside any feelings or emo
tional reactions that patients evoke in them. When emotional reactions are
stimulated, these reactions are commonly disregarded because the inter
viewer finds these feelings unacceptable to her professional or moral stan
dards. The feelings thus evoked are dissociated from the diagnostic process.
In contrast, experienced interviewers pay close attention to their subjective
responses and attempt to use them to gain further information about the pa
tient’s problems. In this manner, the experienced examiner deepens his or
her emotional understanding of the patient or family and increases his or
her knowledge of the patient’s pathology.
To be able to accomplish this process in an effective and sensitive manner,
the examiner needs to have a good level of self-awareness and satisfactory
emotional self-knowledge. The examiner must be familiar with his or her
usual affective range and emotional tone so that when this range or tone level
Table 16–1. Diagnostic circumstances in which

countertransference may be problematic
Persistent difficulties in understanding the child’s point of view
Failure to recognize the child’s developmental level
Expectations that are not commensurate with the child’s developmental
level
Regressive pull; identification with the child’s acting out; wishes to encourage the
adolescent to act out against parents or other authority figures
Failure to understand the child’s transference enactments (i.e., misperceiving the
child’s relationship with the examiner or failure to detect the child’s seductive
behavior toward the examiner)
Reactivation of previous conflictive areas in the examiner’s life (i.e., problems with
aggression or sexuality or prior problems with parents)
Reactivation of affective states in the examiner (e.g., depression or activation of
affective states such as frustration, boredom, anger)
Projection of prior psychological or interpersonal problems onto the child or the
family
Need for approval from the child or the parents and repeated arguing or
competing with the child or parents
Negative response to children with certain personality traits (e.g., conduct
problems, drug abuse, promiscuous behavior)
Negative reaction toward children with deficits or handicaps
Lack of understanding or dislike for parents who are abusive or neglectful
Lack of sensitivity to gender, racial, cultural, or religious differences
Counterresponding to parents’ devaluating attitude
Source. Lewis 1996. Modified from Cepeda C: “Countertransference,” in Clinical Manual
for the Psychiatric Interview of Children and Adolescents. Washington, DC, American Psychi
atric Publishing, 2010, p. 446.
changes, the examiner will register the change and note that a particular emo
tional or affective state has been activated during the examination.
The examiner masters the countertransference through introspection.
When the examiner’s emotional tone changes in quality or intensity, the ex
aminer needs to wonder whether he or she is taking part in a patient’s or
family’s emotional enactment. The examiner may suspect, then, that the pa
tient is dramatizing or enacting an emotional transaction with the examiner.
The patient may be unaware of this interpersonal influence on the examiner. In
other words, the patient may be completely unaware that he or she is reliving
an emotional script (a pattern of interaction) with the examiner. In these cir

cumstances, the patient attempts to provoke particular emotional responses
from the examiner. This occurs most frequently because the child or the
family projects certain emotional states onto the examiner (i.e., projective
identification).
The examiner could attempt to integrate the information gathered from
his subjective response and introspective awareness with the data obtained
throughout the interview process; this is accomplished by bringing the elic
ited emotions into a contextual understanding. When the examiner takes into
account the context in which these emotions have been activated, he or she
may gain an understanding of the patient’s conflictive emotions and may gain
further meaning from the intruding affective states.
Countertransference feelings are helpful in aiding the patient to verbalize
and to understand certain emotional problems. Some patients are unable to
verbalize their emotional problems for a variety of reasons; they act them out
or dramatize them instead. Technically, they act out the emotional conflict
with the examiner rather than expressing it verbally. By verbalizing the how
the examiner feels when the patient talks about a given problem, the exam
iner helps the patient become aware of affects or emotional states that the pa
tient may be unaware of or be disconnected (dissociated) from. The examiner
may state openly that he or she feels a particular way when the patient talks
about a given subject. The patient usually responds productively to this inter
vention, abreacting an emotion that had been difficult for the patient or fam
ily to put into words, making connections with other aspects of his or her life,
bringing forward new material, or reaching a new level of understanding.
Whatever feeling is evoked during the interview (e.g., fear, anger, anxiety,
sexual arousal), the examiner should attempt to make sense of it within the
context of the interview. Frequently, the examiner is able to feel or experience
affects that the patient has difficulties acknowledging and verbalizing.
Several situations present an opportune time for the examiner to use sub
jective responses to help patients find meanings or connections that have eluded
them. These include instances when the examiner notices that the patient is
struggling to find the words to verbalize a problem or to express what he or
she feels, or when the patient does not make connections that are rather obvi
ous to the examiner.
If the experienced interviewer becomes aware of a change in his or her
normal affective tone, he or she may begin to ask a number of private questions:
I am feeling overwhelmed, why is this happening right now? What is the rea
son I am feeling angry or anxious now? What is it about what the patient is
saying or attempting to say that makes me feel fearful or bored? In trying to
make sense of these questions, the examiner gains important information
about the patient’s inner conflicts.
How does the interviewer move from his or her subjective realm to the in
teraction and reality of the interview? When the examiner is contaminated
or infected by the patient’s prevailing affect, a simple sharing of the examiner’s
emotional state may be productive. Thus, if the examiner begins to experi
ence depression or hopelessness, he or she may disclose these feelings to the
patient and may wonder aloud what they have to do with the patient’s cir
cumstances, with what the patient is talking about, and with the way the pa
tient is feeling or with what the patient or family has difficulties talking
about. The patient’s response may help illuminate his or her conflicts or the
source of the patient’s emotional problems. If the examiner feels drawn to the
patient’s emotional state, senses compassion for the patient’s situation, or ex
periences a need to save or to rescue the patient, the examiner may wonder
about the patient’s sense of helplessness and a dire need for help. If this pro
tective feeling is activated by preschoolers or by children who have difficulties
verbalizing their needs, the examiner needs to consider deprivation, neglect,
or abuse in the rearing environment.
At times, the understanding and handling of the countertransference re
sponses is more complex, requiring careful introspection, discrimination of
the examiner’s affective state(s), assessment of the context of the examiner’s
responses, and the choice of an appropriate language to stimulate the patient’s
own introspective abilities.
If, for example, an interviewer begins to feel scared, and this feeling rep
resents a change from his normal affective tone, he can take one of the fol
lowing approaches to dealing with this emotional response. In the first, an
indirect, approach, the interviewer reflects on his fear, becoming aware that the
patient has limited control over her aggressive impulses. The examiner pro
ceeds with the interview, inquiring whether the patient feels any sense of con
trol when she becomes angry, how close she feels to losing control when he
gets upset, what things would help her to stay in control, and so on.
In the second approach, which is a direct approach, the interviewer becomes
aware of his fear and tells the patient the feeling he is experiencing by saying,
for example, “As you talk about this, I am feeling scared” or “You are making me
feel scared.” Depending on the patient’s response, the examiner may connect
his response with the presenting problem or with responses that people have
when they feel scared or intimidated by the patient. For example, the exam
iner could say, “I wonder if this is the way some people feel about you,” or,
better, “I wonder if that is the way you make people feel.” These first two ap
proaches are helpful when the patient is provocative or is acting out during the
interview.
An even better direct approach, which is applicable when the patient has
difficulties connecting her feelings with her thoughts, is for the examiner to
pay close attention to his own emotional reactions and attempt to link those
responses to the patient’s narrative. For example, if the patient begins to talk
about problems with her father and the examiner senses fear, he may approach
the awareness of his emotional response in the following manner: “As you begin
to talk about the problems you have with your father, I began to feel fearful. Is
that the way you feel about him?” Or the examiner might say, “I am feeling
fearful. Is that the way your father makes you feel?” Notice that both responses
are very empathic; they connect with the patient’s emotional responses. In
terventions like these improve the patient’s trust and engagement with the
examiner and build the therapeutic alliance. This tentative exploration could
be continued in many alternative ways.
When the intervention is correct and timely, the patient’s response or the
information that follows may validate the interviewer’s assumptions through
the emergence of new data. Such data may provide new diagnostic evidence,
which, of course, enriches or broadens the interview process.
Sometimes, the examiner is overcome by subjective responses with mean
ings that may be somewhat familiar. The following is an example of an exam
iner’s drowsiness response to an overwhelming, probably hopeless, clinical
situation.
Case Example 1
Martin, a 14-year-old Hispanic male, was brought for a psychiatric evalua
tion because of progressively worsening difficulties at school, including
academic and behavioral problems. According to Martin’s mother, school of
ficials were fed up with Martin’s lack of response to progressively harsher
disciplinary measures. Martin was now scheduled to attend an alternative
middle school, the most restrictive and structured form of special education
programming. According to his mother, this was the last step the school would
impose on him prior to expulsion. Martin’s mother believed that her son was
no longer welcome at school because he had been relentlessly provocative
and didn’t seem to care about the consequences of his behavior. He had earned
such a poor reputation that whenever something bad happened at school, his
name was at the top of the list of suspects. Martin also had a problem with
stealing, and the school had pressed theft charges against him; because of the
latter, he was on probation. In one of the walls of her home, Martin’s mother
had found a hiding place where Martin kept money he had taken from her.
To complicate matters, Martin was experimenting with drugs, and his mother
was unaware of the extent of his experimentation. He also was running around
with troublesome peers and was failing most of his classes.
Martin continually argued with his mother about her rules. He told the ex
aminer, “I would be better off if my mother stopped bothering me.” His mother
was concerned that he had become more isolated, that he stayed in his room
a great deal, and that he appeared withdrawn and sad. He cried when he
talked about his father’s death. His father had died in a plane crash 3 years
prior to the examination. Apparently, his father was an experienced pilot and
was giving flying instructions at the time of his death. The circumstances of
the crash were unclear and were the subject of ongoing litigation. Martin had
been a marginal student before his father’s death, and he and his father re
portedly had a close relationship. After his father’s tragic death, Martin’s life
began a progressive decline: he was asked to leave a private school because
of poor academic achievement, and he was placed in a public school with the
expectation that more psychoeducational resources would help him with his
learning difficulties. Instead, his behavioral problems worsen.
Understandably, Martin’s father’s death had been a shocking experience
for the whole family. Martin’s parents had marital difficulties and had been
separated prior to the accident. Martin’s mother had been devastated by the
accident; she struggled with the loss and had attempted to reorganize her life
by going to college. She also had started working on a law degree. Martin’s
only sibling was his 21-year-old sister, who was married and doing well.
Martin had a limited grief reaction after his father died. His mother had
complained that Martin had not cried during the funeral and that he was averse
to talking about his father’s death.
The examiner had evaluated Martin 6 months earlier for oppositional be
haviors and limited interest in schoolwork. At that time, his symptoms were
not as severe as they appeared during the new evaluation.
Martin’s mother was very confused and was feeling overwhelmed by her
son’s problems and by his lack of response to the school’s and the family’s ef
forts. She had some unrealistic academic expectations for him and was hop
ing that putting Martin back in a structured private school would get him on
the right path. Martin had told his mother that he wanted to quit school. At
some point during the interview, Martin’s mother started crying; she con
fessed that she feared Martin could end up in jail.
At the time of this examination, Martin and his mother displayed be
haviors that had been observed during the previous assessment: Martin sat
impassively and quietly, offering no comments about any of his mother’s
concerns. His mother cried frequently, conveying a sense of helplessness and
confusion. She was puzzled over Martin’s lack of any interest to change. This
small adolescent’s passivity, his silent opposition, and his lack of introspec
tive capacity had struck the examiner before. After hearing about the wors
ening of the overall symptomatology, the examiner asked Martin’s mother to
leave. The examiner then made an effort to engage Martin.
Soon after beginning the individual interview, the examiner began to feel
so drowsy that he had difficulty staying awake. He was aware that he was prone
to experience drowsiness when 1) the clinical situation was overwhelming
(hopeless) or 2) the patient was actively opposing or resisting his efforts (see
Note 1 at the end of this chapter). After the examiner recognized his drows
iness, he attempted to understand and to mobilize the drowsiness to con
tinue with the clinical reexamination. The examiner said to Martin, “You
don’t want to be here.” Martin responded, “I’d rather be at home playing.” The
examiner asked, “What is your view? What is going on?” Martin said, “If only
my mother were to leave me alone, everything would be okay.” The examiner
asked, “How come you are getting into so much trouble?” Martin said that he
didn’t know. There was a pause, after which Martin displayed a brief smile.
The examiner wondered what had made him smile, what had gone through
his mind. He said, “It was funny the way you are looking at me.” Martin re
sponded, “Maybe I am running around in circles, maybe I’m confused.” The
examiner praised Martin for saying this. He told Martin, “This is the most
honest and positive thing you have said today.”
When the examiner recognized the emerging drowsiness and began to
connect it to Martin’s passive-resistive behavior, his drowsiness started to
clear. He began to refocus his cognitive, diagnostic, and therapeutic func
tions on the case. In this manner, by dealing with the overt obstacle to the
examination (i.e., Martin’s resistance), he was able to resolve his drowsiness
and regain his optimum level of awareness. The examiner was able to pro
ceed with this difficult examination.
Patients with obsessional personalities have difficulties communicating

emotions and often display marked isolation of affect during the psychiatric
examination. They evoke a variety of countertransference responses from
the examiner, as illustrated in the following case example.
Case Example 2
Amy, a 15-year-old Caucasian female, was evaluated for aggressive and de
structive flare-ups. She had a history of suicidal behavior at age 11 years, and
before the evaluation she had overdosed on fluoxetine. Amy was intelligent
and had been in the gifted and talented program at school; however, her ac
ademic performance had deteriorated during the preceding year. When Amy
was 3 years old, her 8-month-old brother survived a near-drowning experi
ence; he was comatose for 18 months and sustained severe and permanent
brain damage; he continued to require intensive daily care. She was 8 years
old when her parents divorced. She believed her father divorced her mother
because he couldn’t stand to see his “brain-damaged child.” Apparently, Amy’s
father complained that after the accident, his wife focused so exclusively on
the injured child that he and their other children were neglected. Amy had
displayed some antisocial acting out during the previous year.
Amy was an attractive and articulate adolescent. She elaborated her thoughts
with extreme ease, used sophisticated language, and described events with great
detail. After interacting with her for a while, the examiner began to feel bored
and became aware that he was not listening. The examiner realized that the
patient was not expressing any emotions (the examiner considered that his
boredom was a sign that the patient was not communicating affectively). Her
productions were filled with rationalizations, marked isolation of affect, dis
placements, intellectualizations, and strong denials, common defense mech
anisms in patients with strong obsessional features.
When the examiner became aware of his boredom, he began to pay closer
attention to the process of Amy’s communications and commented on it. He
told Amy that she had problems expressing emotions. Amy responded posi
tively to this simple intervention: the emotional tone of the interview changed.
She began to place less emphasis on factual issues and began to verbalize more
affect-laden communication. Her stiff posture, rapid speech, and dry tone
changed; her demeanor softened; and she became more at ease and more an
imated. Also, the quality of her speech improved, becoming more melodious
and lively.
Thereafter, the examiner emphasized questions with affective content, and

Amy rose to the task; however, she sometimes reverted to affectless commu
nication and to her circumstantial verbalizations. Amy displayed no emotion
when narrating her brother’s accident, her parents’ divorce, or her problem
atic behavior. She displayed more affect when asked what kind of help she
needed. She said, with lots of emotion, that she needed individual therapy
and therapy with her mother. She explained that she and her mother de
pended too much on each other. Amy struggled with her mother around is
sues of control and Amy’s increased need for autonomy.
The preceding case example demonstrates the constructive use of coun

tertransference. The case also exemplifies the importance of providing feed
back about the patient’s communication style or communication process
(see the subsection “Process Interviewing” in Chapter 2, “General Principles of
Interviewing”). This approach of indicating to the patient that she had prob
lems expressing and verbalizing emotions helped to make the interview more
productive.
In the next case example, the examiner experiences anger and transforms
this dystonic feeling into a therapeutic understanding.
Case Example 3
Britt, a 13-year-old Asian American female, was experiencing hallucinations
and was talking about killing herself. Her school counselor called the examiner
to request an emergency evaluation. The examiner experienced anger upon
the impromptu request, and instead of personally evaluating Britt, whom he
had seen before, he delegated the examination to a fellow trainee in child psy
chiatry. After the fellow examined Britt, she concluded that Britt needed to be
in an acute psychiatric program. The fellow presented this recommendation to
Britt and her mother. Upon hearing this, Britt began to cry and pleaded that
she didn’t need to be in the hospital. Her mother’s demeanor was bland and
passive, but she expressed concerns about Britt’s fear of hospitalization. Be
cause Britt was so distressed about the possibility of hospitalization, the fellow
presented partial hospitalization as an alternative. Britt’s mother remained im
passive. Britt said that she wanted to see her classmates, hinting that she didn’t
like the partial hospitalization option either. The examiner asked the fellow to
write an appropriate prescription and refer Britt for outpatient therapy. The
examiner remained highly aroused with anger toward Britt’s mother.
The following night at 3:00 A.M., the examiner was awakened by a call not
related to Britt. After the examiner answered the call, Britt’s case came to his
mind. He began to explore why he was so angry at Britt’s mother.
The examiner had evaluated Britt for the first time 6 months earlier for
severe depression and a severe obsessive-compulsive disorder. At the time of
the evaluation, Britt was experiencing auditory hallucinations commanding
her to kill herself. Britt had severe school difficulties centered on profound im
maturity and regressive behaviors; her classmates regularly teased and ridi
culed her. Britt’s mother was skeptical of her suicidal intentions and didn’t
give any credence to her hallucinations. Britt made allegations of physical abuse
by her father and claimed that her father abused alcohol. Her mother denied
these complaints.
Britt was a small, unattractive, inhibited, anxious, and immature adoles
cent. She displayed a regressed demeanor and a somewhat inappropriate
affect. She had marked behavior inhibition and endorsed a number of com
pulsive features, including nail biting and compulsive eating of the skin of the
knuckles of both hands. The look of her palms was remarkable: the backs of
both hands had large areas of denuded skin. The examiner reflected that
Britt’s mother had rejected acute care or partial hospitalization options. The
examiner had prescribed an antidepressant and a neuroleptic and arranged for
Britt to report back a few weeks later.
When the examiner saw Britt the second time, Britt denied suicidal ide
ation, but she continued complaining of psychotic features and prominent
obsessive-compulsive disorder and anxiety symptoms. No significant symp
tom changes had occurred, partly because Britt had not taken the antide
pressant on a consistent basis and because her mother had refused to give
her the neuroleptic. The examiner experienced irritation about the lack of
compliance.
Britt’s school continued to express concerns about her inappropriate be
haviors. School officials had also heard Britt’s complaints about her father’s
alcohol abuse and physically abusive behavior. When Britt’s mother was pre
sented with these allegations, she explained that these allegations were a
thing of the past, that her husband had stopped drinking a number of years
earlier, and that he was not physically abusive. She also reported that her
husband did not believe that Britt’s condition was serious or that she needed
psychiatric help. Britt was seen two more times before the latest crisis.
The examiner’s introspection in the middle of the night threw light on the
intense anger he had felt toward Britt’s mother. He was aware that he tended
to respond with anger in situations of passivity and helplessness. He came to
understand his anger and frustration at the mother as a response to her passiv
ity and helplessness regarding her husband’s and daughter’s difficulties. The
examiner recognized that Britt’s mother had been hoping that her husband’s
alcohol abuse and physically abusive behaviors would go away. She was also
hoping that Britt’s symptoms were not serious and that they would go away.
The examiner realized that Britt’s mother had difficulties asserting herself,
and this explained her passive and ineffectual behavior with her husband and
her daughter.
This insight dissipated the examiner’s anger. Armed with these under
standings, he approached the mother in a constructive and positive manner.
He made her aware of her passive and ineffectual behavior, of her wish that
the problems with her husband and her daughter would go away, and of her
fears of confronting her husband and her daughter. For some reason, she was
afraid of asserting herself with her husband and hesitated to fight for what
she felt her daughter needed. She gained an understanding of her difficulties
in dealing with her husband’s and daughter’s problems, changed her attitude,
and began to approach these difficulties in a more resolute manner.
The examiner did not direct his raw, “unmetabolized” anger at Britt’s mother.
Instead, he used private, introspective work to transform the anger into a
therapeutic tool. The transformation of a raw feeling (i.e., anger) into a ther
apeutic insight helped the examiner to help Britt’s mother become a more
competent parent and a more effective wife.
By using subjective feelings skillfully, the interviewer learned something
new and important about the patient’s problems. A similar approach may be
used when attempting to understand other feelings elicited during the inter
view (e.g., sadness, anger, sexual feelings). The examiner needs to integrate
the subjective responses evoked during the psychiatric examination and
make use of the understanding of these responses in configuring the pa
tient’s comprehensive diagnostic formulation.
Key Points
• Countertransference can be defined as any emotional state
or thought process that diverts the examiner from the goal
of helping the patient and his or her family in the diagnostic,
prognostic and treatment planning process.
• Negative countertransference responses may occur in any
psychiatric diagnostic encounter. For the most part, exam
iners have difficulties identifying emotional responses that
have negative influences in the diagnostic evaluation, such
as negative prognostications and incoherent treatment
planning.
• The examiner can benefit from learning introspective ap
proaches to gain insight and to help avoid intruding and
derailing emotional states during the diagnostic and formu
lating process.
Notes
1. In rereading this chapter, we think now that the evocation of drowsiness
by the child could also be connected to the child’s father’s death. By in
ducing sleep in the examiner, the child was enacting the father’s death
and his sense of abandonment. This connected to the examiner’s stated
responses with drowsiness when he faced situations in which he felt over
whelmed; in short, when the father died, a part of his son died too. This
illuminated that the patient did not care anymore—that he was in a pro
gressively deteriorating course, in a path of death.
APPENDIX
Sample Format/
Protocol for
Documentation of
Psychiatric Evaluation of
Children and
Adolescents
Reprinted with permission from Clarity Child Guidance Center, San Antonio, Texas.
441
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Index
Page numbers printed in boldface type refer to tables or figures. Page num
bers followed by n indicate note numbers.
Abstracting ability, 310

identified member of the family,
during psychiatric examination,
104–107
188–189, 180
case examples, 105–109
Abuse. See Child abuse; Physical abuse

metaphors by, 181
Academic problems. See School

nonverbal interviewing techniques,
N-acetylcysteine, 372n18
67–69
Acute psychotic episode
observations of family with suicidal
case example, 18–19 adolescent
A/D (Anxious/Depression), 156–157 case example, 105–107
Additive genetic influence, 410n6 physical contact with, 40–44, 43
ADHD. See Attention-deficit/ prevalence for drug use, 271n5
hyperactivity disorder rapport with, 3
ADIS-IV-CP (Anxiety Disorders role reversal during interview, 62–63
Interview Schedule for DSM-IV: strategies in examination of, 41
Child and Parent Versions), 51n1 technical issues in evaluation of,
Admission, review, and dismissal 39–40

(ARD), 118
Affect
Adolescent Drug Abuse Diagnosis, 271n6

description of, 176
Adolescents. See also Children;

dysregulation of, 201, 343–348
Preadolescents regulation in sexual abuse, 288
assessing risk for violence, 245–246 Affective disorder

elements of appearance, behavior, of caregiver, 406
and speech for, 167

Affordable Care Act, 100
with encopresis, 422

Aggression, 244–253, 349–350
facade of bravado attitude, 248

bullying as form of, 274–275
family during interview involving

adolescent threatening suicide

cyber, 275
case example, 107–109

electronic, 275
first drug contact, 268

propensity for violence, 248
477
Agitation Associations, 184–185
during psychiatric examination, description of, 184
172
flight of ideas, 184
Akathisia, 172
loose, 184
Alcohol, 118
Alertness, 323
184–185, 180
Allostasis
word salad, 184
definition of, 402

Ataxia-telangiectasia, 303
Allostatic load, 103, 402

Attachment
bipolar disorder and, 403–404 ambivalent style, 147
Amantadine, 372n18 avoidant style, 145
Amnesia. See Memory, impairments definition of, 145
AMSIT, 165–166 disorganized style, 147
elements of appearance, behavior,

disoriented style, 147
and speech for children and

normative, 288
adolescents, 167
secure style, 145, 148
elements of thought section for theory, 385
children and adolescents, Attachment disorders

180
bonding and, 145–148
Angelman syndrome, 131–132
concept, 161n1
Anhedonia, 203
development of insecurity,
Anorexia nervosa, symptoms, 221
162n4
Antisocial behavior, 340–342

differential diagnosis, 149
low heart rate with, 341

stressors and, 162–163n5
susceptibility for, 270, 270n2

Attachment Doll Play Assessment,
Anxiety disorders, 173, 335, 348–349,
162n3
408–409n3
Attachment Story Completion Task,
internalizing symptoms, 209–214
162n3
Attention
Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule distractibility and, 174
for DSM-IV: Child and Parent disturbances of, 174
Versions (ADIS-IV-CP), 51n1 Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder

Anxiety ladder, 396
(ADHD)
Anxiety Sensitivity Index (ASI),

assessment, 241–242
409–410n5
behavioral inhibition and, 239
Anxious/Depression (A/D), 156–157

versus bipolar disorder, 243–244
Aphasia, 336
depression and, 240–241
case example, 318–320, 366–367n7 differential diagnosis of, 149
Appearance, 166–169, 167

in DSM-5, 239–240
gait and posture, 168–169

hereditary factors and, 367n8
physical, 167–168
hyposensitivity and, 363–364n1
ARD (admission, review, and

length of interview for evaluation of,
dismissal), 118
243
ASI (Anxiety Sensitivity Index),

psychomotor activity and, 172
409–410n1
symptoms, 241
Index 479
Autism Diagnostic Observation Scale,

Behavioral disinhibition, 267
160
Behavioral inhibition, 348
Autism spectrum disorder, 363–364n1

Behavioral rating scales
differential diagnosis of, 149

advantages and limitations of, 33
Autistic behavior, 355–357

Bereavement
Avoidant personality disorder (AVPD),

suicide risk after parental death, 197
408n1 Binge eating
AVPD (avoidant personality disorder), definition of, 221–222
408n1 Bipolar disorder, 344–346

allostatic load and, 403–404
Behavior. See also Obsessive versus attention-deficit/
compulsive behaviors hyperactivity disorder, 243–244
advantages and limitations of case examples, 47, 255–261
behavioral rating scales, 33

common comorbidities, 263
aggressive, 244–253, 349–350

developmental factors in evolution
aggressive and oppositional case

of, 255
example, 6–8
diagnosis of, 253–254, 270n3
aggressive case example, 25–26

in DSM-5, 254
antisocial, 340–342
history, signs, and symptoms
autistic, 355–357
associated with, 262–263
behavioral organization, 171

pathways, 370n12
children with deviant social

symptoms, 253–261, 263
behavior, 168
type 2 diabetes mellitus and, 402
cooperative, 171–172
BITSEA (Brief ITSEA), 160–161
dealing with nonverbal behavior dur Blocking, 184
ing diagnostic assessment, 37–38

Body dysmorphic disorder, 236–237n5
dysfunctional, 162n4
Body image, 236–237n5
during the examination, 169–176

disturbance of perception of, 186
exploratory, 169
Borderline disorder psychopathology,
homicidal, 244–253
253
hyperactive, 239–244
Brain
impulsive, 239–244
anterior cingulate cortex,
inhibition, 211
363–364n1
maladaptive, 132
cerebellar function, 307
midline, 306
depression and, 371n13
observations of family behavior

imaging, 365n5
during family interview, 103–111

injury, 368n10
oppositional patterns of, 417

orbitofrontal cortex, 363–364n1
playfulness, 169–170
pathways, 370n12
questioning behavioral incidents, 24

psychiatric disorders and, 408n2
regressive, 291, 330

structural brain abnormalities in
case example, 330

very-early-onset and early
repetitive, 149
onset schizophrenia, 354
self-abusive, 290
traumatic brain injury, 331–334,
sexual, 30
332
Brief ITSEA (BITSEA), 160–161 of chronic affective psychosis, 20

Bruxism, 134 of cognitive-behavioral therapy,
Bulimia nervosa 395–396
symptoms, 221 of confrontation as engagement
Bullying, 273–280 technique, 57–58
behaviors that indicate a child may of countertransference, 435–440
be experiencing, 274 of creating engagement, 20
case examples, 276–280 of delusions, 187–188
cyberbullying, 275 of depression, 208–209
as developmental interference, 388 of disharmony in developmental
as form of aggression, 274–275 lines, 381–382
in school, 273–274 of drawing techniques, 69–84,
suicides involving, 295n1 73–77, 79–84
as trigger for mental symptoms, of elaborating the presenting
278–279 problem, 25–26
Burn trauma, 124–125 of enactments during psychiatric
examination, 47–48
Calculating ability, 178, 310 of engagement, 6–9
Callus-unemotional (CU) traits, 342 of enuresis, 47
Carbamazepine of family during interview involving
adverse effects, 120 adolescent threatening suicide,
Care 107–109
basic issues, 120–121 of format for comprehensive
Caregiver psychiatric formulation of
affective disorder of, 406 adolescent, 393–394
Caretaker of goal directedness, 181–182
assessment, 150–152 of guilt, 202–203
Carrying, 46–47 of illnesses in the family, 101–102
CAS (Child Assessment Schedule), of interviewing children with
51n1 learning disabilities and other
CASE (Chronological Assessment of neuropsychiatric deficits,
Suicide Events), 23, 194 318–320
Case examples of interviewing families, 426–427
of academic problems, 364n2 of interviewing in displacement,
of acute psychotic episode, 18–19 60–61
of aggressive and homicidal of limit setting during psychiatric
behaviors, 249–251 examination, 54–55
of aggressive and oppositional of maintaining dependency ties
behavior, 6–8 during interview, 18–19
of aggressive behavior, 25–26 of mania, 255–256, 256n1
of anxiety, 209–211, 214 of memory impairments, 338–340,
of attachment disorder in 368–370n11
preschooler, 153–154 of metaphors by adolescents, 181
of bipolar disorder, 47, 258–261 of moderate interviewing obstacles,
of bullying, 276–280 418–422
Index 481
of nonverbal techniques when Cassidy-Marvin Assessment of Attach

interviewing children and ment in Preschoolers, 162n3
adolescents, 68–69 Category fallacy, 412
of observations of family with Causality, 377
suicidal adolescent, 105–107 CBT. See Cognitive-behavioral therapy
of obsessive-compulsive behaviors, CD. See Conduct disorder
216, 219–220 Central nervous system (CNS)
of obsessive-compulsive disorder, dysfunction, 302
359–360 sleep and, 163n6
of oppositional behaviors, 263, Cerebral palsy, 128–129
265–266 Child abuse, 117–118
of paranoia, 8 Child abuse, evaluation of, 273–295
of physical holding during bullying, 273–280
diagnostic assessment, 56–57 behaviors that indicate a child
of play techniques, 85–90 may be experiencing, 274
of preschooler evaluation, 110–111 case examples, 276–280
of preschooler with hallucinations, developmental consequences of,
153–154 287–288
of process interviewing, 38–39 dissociative symptoms, 288–290
of pseudologic phantastica, 293–294 overview, 273
of psychiatric formulation for pervasive refusal, 290
anxious child, 395–396 regressive behavior, 291
of psychiatrist’s role enactment during self-abusive behavior, 290
psychiatric examination, 63–64 sexual abuse, 121n2–3, 213, 480–490
of rape, 47 case example, 208–209
of reality disturbances, 182–184 children’s false reports, 286
of regressive behavior, 330 developmental disruptions
of role reversal during a child of fostered by, 288
adolescent interview, 62–63 example of interviews with,
of schizoid symptoms, 233–234 285–286
of schizophrenia, 229–232, first interview with, 286
237–238n7 interviewing sexually abused
of seizure disorders, 329–330 children, 282–286
of severe interviewing obstacles, moral and legal implications of
422–426 patient’s disclosures, 284
of sexual identity, 47–48 in preschoolers, 157
of suicide, 38–39 psychiatric disturbances
of suicide attempt, 426 observed in, 289
of symptom formation and symp questions representing issues to
tom maintenance, 405–406 be resolved in validation of,
of systemic questioning, 185–186 281–282
of traumatic brain injury, 332–334 reliability of child, 284–295
of truthfulness assessment in abused truthfulness assessment in abused
children, 291–294 children, 291–294
of VEOS, 226–233, 237n6 case examples, 291, 293–294
Child and Adolescent Psychiatric

nonverbal interviewing techniques,
Assessment, 229
67–69
Child Assessment Schedule (CAS),

with obesity, 159
51n1
in out-of-home placement, 136–138
Child Behavior Checklist, 160

with posttraumatic stress disorder
Childhood schizophrenia. See Very related to terrorism, 139–140
early-onset schizophrenia rapport with, 3
Child Protective Services (CPS), 55

role reversal during interview, 62–63
medical neglect, 116

self-image, 129
reporting abuse to, 282

with serious acute or chronic
safety issues of the child, 116

medical illness, 123–124
Children. See also Adolescents; of undocumented immigrants,
Preadolescents 140–141
with borderline disorder Children’s Psychiatric Rating Scale—
psychopathology, 253
Child, 229
building rapport with, 3

Children’s Psychiatric Rating Scale—
with burn trauma, 124–125

Interviewer, 229
with cerebral palsy, 128–129

Chromosome 22q11.2 deletion
developmentally appropriate terms

syndrome, 133
and phrases for communicating

Chronic affective psychosis
with, 37
case example, 20
development of insecure
Chronic traumatic encephalopathy
attachments, 162n4
(CTE), 334
with deviant social behavior, 168

Chronological Assessment of Suicide
displaced and refugee, 138–139

Events (CASE), 23, 194
elements of appearance, behavior,

Circumstantiality, 181
and speech for, 167

Citalopram, 402
elements of child’s subjective world,

Clang associations, 87, 87n2
85
Classification of Violence Risk,
factors that facilitate engagement 269–270n1

with child and family, 10–11
CNS. See Central nervous system
friends of, 53
Cognition
growth retardation, 134
negative, as symptom of depression,
identified child as a preschooler,

205
109–111 Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT)

institutional rearing, 149
comprehensive psychiatric
with intellectual disability, 126–128
formulation and, 395–396
living in poverty, 135

as conceptual model, 395
migrant, 138
as intervention modality, 395
from minority populations, 135–136

Cognitive dyspraxia, 226
with neurodevelopmental disorders,

Cognitive impairments, 334–335
126
Coherence, 49
with neurogenetic disorders,

during psychiatric examination, 180,
129–135
180
Index 483
Communication, 308
Concentration, 178
Comprehensiveness, 49
Conduct disorder (CD), 12, 155–156,
Comprehensive psychiatric
335, 408–409n3
formulation, 373–400 aggressive and violent behaviors
assessment of extrinsic (external) and, 247
factors, 387–389 Confabulation, 292
developmental interferences, versus pseudologia phantastica, 293
387–388 Confidentiality, 114
other factors, 388–389 Confrontation
parental and family dynamics, as engagement technique, 57–59

387
assessment of intrinsic (internal)
techniques, 421
factors, 380–387
Consensual validation, 185
attachment theory, 385

Corticotropin-releasing hormone
developmental factors, 380–382

(CRH), 347

Countertransference, 429–440
ego psychology, 383

interpersonal theory, 385–386

death and, 440n1
object relations theory, 383

definition of, 429–430
other factors, 386–387

management, 431
other points of view, 386

occurrence, 430
psychodynamic factors, 382

problematic diagnostic
self psychology, 384

circumstances, 432
separation-individuation theory,
role of examiner and, 433–435
384
CPS. See Child Protective Services
background of formulation process,

CRAFFT questioning, 267
374–376
CRH (corticotropin-releasing
in child and adolescent psychiatric

hormone), 347
literature, 376–378
CT (computed tomography), 311, 364n2
cognitive-behavioral therapy,
CTE (chronic traumatic
395–396
encephalopathy), 334

CU (callus-unemotional traits), 342
common problems in elaboration of,

Culture
397
multicultural perspective in
in DSM-5, 373–374
psychiatric assessment, 144
human behavior and, 398n1

Custody
objectives, 380
concerns, 113–114
overview, 373–374
Cyber aggression, 275
pragmatics of, 389–394

Cyberbullying, 275
case example, 393–394 D-Cycloserine, 372n18
components, 390–394
reformulation, 397–398 Dating violence, 244–245
theory of the process, 378–380 Day care, 147
Computed tomography (CT), 311,

DDST II (Denver Developmental
364n2
Screening Test II), 160
Death Diagnostic closures

of children, 124 premature, 115
countertransference and, 440n1 Diagnostic formulation sample
in the family, 98 formats/documentation, 447
parental, 197 Diagnostic Interview for Children and
response to loss, 401 Adolescents (DICA), 51n1, 229
by suicide, 235n1, 295n1 Diagnostic interviewing, 15–52
Deficits interview process, 17–20
attention and concentration, caveats, 17
322–324 conducting individual interview, 19
interviewing children with, 314, 315, creating engagement, 19–20
318–321 case example, 20
Deliberate lying, 292 maintaining dependency ties
Delirium, 324–326 during interview, 18–19
differential diagnosis of, 327–328 case example, 18–19
DSM-5 guidelines for diagnosis of, interview setting, 15–16
324–325 overview, 15
head trauma and, 326 parents’ role in, 16
Delusions, 292, 352 preparation for psychiatric
case examples, 187–188 examination, 16–17

delusional thinking, 186 psychiatric examination, 21–50
ideas of reference, 186 activity, structuring, and support
during psychiatric evaluation, during, 45–46
186–188, 180 beginning (engagement), 21–23
Denver Developmental Screening Test carrying, 46–47
II (DDST II), 160 coherence, 49
Depression, 173, 346–348 completing the mental status
attention-deficit/hyperactivity examination, 30–31
disorder and, 240–241 comprehensiveness, 49
brain and, 371n13 efficiency, 50
depressive symptoms, 200–209 enactments during, 47–48
cardinal features, 200 case examples of, 47–48
constitutional factors, 201 extending the exploration,
feeling unloved, 201 26–30, 28–29
guilt, 202 meaningfulness, 49
case examples, 202–203 modalities of, 31–32
irritability, 201–202 advantages and limitations of
overview, 200 behavioral rating scales,
maternal, 100, 206, 236n3, 236n4, 33
406 highly structured interviews,
prevalence in preschool-age 51n1
children, 157 semistructured interviews,
Developmental lines concept, 376–377 51n1
Developmental scales, 160–161 structured interviews, 31–32,
Dextroamphetamine, 122n4 51n1–2
Index 485
unstructured interviews, 31, Diagnostic Interview Schedule for
51n1 Children (DISC-IV), 51n1
phases of, 21–31, 22 Diagnostic Interview Schedule for
case example, 25–26 Children—Revised (DISC-R), 52n2

elaborating the presenting Diagnostic obstacles (resistances),
problem, 23–26, 25 411–427
physical contact, 40–44 classification of interviewing
principles of, 43 obstacles, 414–426
process interviewing, 38–39 pseudo-resistances, 414–415
case example, 38–39 true resistances, 415–426
qualities of diagnostic interview, moderate interviewing
48–50, 49
obstacles, 416–422
specificity, 49
severe interviewing obstacles,
strategies for evaluation of
422–426
preadolescents, 32–34 superficial interviewing
toys required for diagnostic obstacles, 415–416
examination, 33, 34 in interviewing families, 426–427
strategies in examination of case example, 426–427
adolescents, 41 resistance terminology, 427n1
technical issues in evaluation of Diagnostic overshadowing, 127
adolescents, 39–40 Diagnostic presumption, 127
technical issues of diagnostic DICA (Diagnostic Interview for Chil
inquiry, 34–38 dren and Adolescents), 51n1, 229
dealing with nonverbal DID/MPD (dissociative identity
behavior during disorder/multiple personality
diagnostic assessment, disorder), 350–351
37–38 Disabilities
developmentally appropriate intellectual disability, 126–128
terms and phrases for neurodevelopmental disorders, 126
communicating with neurogenetic disorders, 129–135
young children, 37 DISC-IV (Diagnostic Interview
open and leading questioning, Schedule for Children), 51n1
34–35 DISC-R (Diagnostic Interview Schedule
use of developmentally for Children—Revised), 52n2
attuned language with Disinhibited social engagement

preadolescents, 36–37 disorder, 12
validity of, 50, 52n2
construct, 52n2
Displacement
content, 52n2
interviewing, 60–61
convergent, 52n2
criterion-related, 52n2
Disruptive disorders, 235n2
description of, 52n2
Disruptive mood dysregulation
divergent, 52n2
disorder (DMDD), 207,
versatility, 49–50
270–271n3
safety and, 15–16 criteria in DSM-5, 343–344
Dissociation, 295n4
criteria for social (pragmatic)
description of, 142n1
communication disorder,
memory disturbances and, 290
350–351
Dissociative disorders
criteria for symptoms of mania, 244
sexual abuse and, 288–290

guidelines for diagnosis of delirium,
Dissociative identity disorder/multiple

324–325
personality disorder (DID/MPD), 288

intellectual disability (intellectual
DMDD. See Disruptive mood

developmental disorder), 126
dysregulation disorder
nightmare disorder in, 158
Documentation psychiatric formulation
of psychiatric examination, 165–190 development in, 373–374
sample formats/documentation, sleeping disorders in, 158
439–451 types of attention-deficit/
initial psychiatric assessment, hyperactivity disorder, 239–240
440–449
Dysmorphic features, 303
Domestic violence, 162–163n5

Dysphoria, 199
Dominance, 306
Dysregulation, 201
Double chair interviewing technique,

personality traits and affective
64–67 dysregulation, 404

Dysthymia, 346–347
Down syndrome, 130–131, 303, 335
Drawing techniques, 69–84

Eating disorders
case examples, 70–84, 73–77, 79–84

anorexia nervosa, 221
sequence of requested diagnostic

binge eating, 221–222
drawings, 71
bulimia nervosa, 221
Drug use
Cloninger model, 404
prevalence in adolescents, 271n5

evaluation of internalizing
screening instruments, 271n6

symptoms, 220–222
as symptom of depression, 205
Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale,
Drug Use Screening Inventory—Revised, 100, 112n2
271n6 Education
DSM-IV of family, 114
Anxiety Disorders Interview of patient, 114
Schedule for DSM-IV: sample formats/documentation,
Child and Parent Versions 449
(ADIS-IV-CP), 51n1 EEG (electroencephalogram), 311
DSM-IV-TR
Efficiency, 50
childhood disorders in, 405

Ego psychology, 383
DSM-5
Elation, 262
category of oppositional defiant

Elective mutism, 213
disorder, 340
Electroencephalogram (EEG), 311
criteria for bipolar disorder, 254

Electronic aggression, 275
criteria for disruptive mood

Electronic medical record (EMR),
dysregulation disorder, 112n1
343–344 disclosure, 122n3
Index 487
Emotions Environment
behavioral evidence of, 173–174 “average expectable,” 399n3
callous unemotional traits in behavioral genetics, 410n6
differential diagnosis of, 149 influences, 410n6
changes in social functioning and, as stimuli, 398–399n2
353 susceptibility for antisocial behavior,
interference with diagnostic 270n2
interview, 431 Environmental imaging, 363–364n1
withdrawal, 203 Epigenetic regulation, 409n2,
Empathy 409–410n5
evolutionary theory and, 357 Executive functions, 322–323
lack of response to suffering of assessment of, 311
others, 341 definition of, 311
EMR. See Electronic medical record Experts
Enactments multiple, 144
during diagnostic interviewing, Externalizing symptoms, evaluation of,
47–48 239–271
case examples of, 47–48 aggressive and homicidal behaviors,
Encopresis, 421–422 244–253
in adolescents, 422 case examples, 249–251
Endophenotypes, 129 bipolar symptoms, 253–261
Engagement, 1–13 case examples, 255–260
beginning phase of, 21–23

developmental factors in
case examples of, 6–9

evolution of bipolar
conduct disorder, 12
disorder, 255
conjoined meetings, 4–5
history, signs, and symptoms
creating
associated with bipolar
case example, 20 disorder, 262–263
description of, 1, 2 hyperactive and impulsive
diagnostic, 1 behaviors, 239–244
facilitation of, 3–4 oppositional behaviors, 261–266

factors facilitating engagement of case examples, 263, 265–266
child and family, 5 productive and counterproductive
factors that facilitate engagement of approaches in dealing with
family, 9–11 children with, 264–265
goals of, 11 substance abuse, 267–268
ingredients of, 4 Eye contact
obstacles to development of, 11–12 during psychiatric assessment, 11
quality of relationship between during psychiatric examination,
examiner and patient, 1 170–171
reverse, 12–13
techniques not considered helpful Family
for fostering, 6 diagnostic obstacles in interviewing,
Enuresis 426–427
case example, 47 dynamics of, 387
Family (continued)
deaths in the family, 98
education sample formats/

family conflicts with other systems,
documentation, 449
102–103
family organigram, 96, 97, 98, 99
symptoms, 213
financial stressors, 102
case example, 214

illnesses in the family, 101–102
factors as symptoms of depression,

206
intergenerational boundaries,
factors that facilitate engagement of,

95–96
9–11
marital subsystem, 95
factors that facilitate engagement

maternal depression, 100
with child and, 10–11

observations of family behavior
organization of, 151

during family interview,
positive history, 262
103–111
post-evaluation feedback to,
when identified child is a
113–122 preschooler, 109–111
abuse issues, 117–118 case example, 110–111
balanced stand regarding nature when identified member is an
and nurture, 115–116

adolescent, 104–107
basic care issues, 120–121

confidentiality, 114
overview, 93–94
consideration regarding health
presenting problem, 94–95
resources/finances and Fantasy, 292
other family issues, 114–115 lying, 292
diagnostic reasoning, 121n1 Father, mood disorders in, 206–207
education of patient and family, Fears, 212
114
Feedback
families’ reaction to diagnostic

families’ reaction to diagnostic
feedback, 119
feedback, 119
issues with alcohol and illegal

Fetal alcohol syndrome, 303, 335
Firearms, 191–192
drugs, 118
threat of violence and, 246
legal/custody concerns, 113–114
fMRI (functional magnetic resonance
need for combination of
imaging), 342, 364–365n3
treatments, 119–120
Fragile X syndrome, 129–130, 299, 303,
option of doing nothing, 119
335
overview, 113
Freud, Anna, 377
premature diagnostic closures,
Freud, Sigmund, 383
115
Functional magnetic resonance
psychiatrist interface with school
imaging (fMRI), 342, 364–365n3

and other systems, 118
safety issues, 116–117
GAD (generalized anxiety disorder),

tenets, 93
348
Family assessment, 93–112
Gait, 168–179
areas that need special inquiry,
Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD),
111–112
348
Index 489
Genetics Holding, during diagnostic assessment,

additive genetic influence, 410n6 55–57
environment in behavioral genetics, Homicidal behavior, 244–253
410n6 Hopelessness, 203–204
epigenetic regulation, 408n2, 409n5 Hospitalization sample formats/
hereditary factors of attention documentation, 449
deficit/hyperactivity disorder, Human behavior
367n8 comprehensive psychiatric
non-additive genetic influence, formulation and, 398n1
410n6
Huntington’s disease, 362
quantitative genetic theory, 410

Hypersexuality, 362, 262
schizophrenia and, 371n14

Hypochondria, 186
susceptibility for antisocial behavior,

Hysteria, epidemic, 292
270n2
X chromosome in intellectual
ICD-10, psychiatric formulation
development disabilities, 335
development in, 373
Glutamatergic agents, 372n18

Ideas of reference, 186
Goal directedness
Ideo-affective dissociation, 184
case examples, 180, 181–182

Ideokinetic praxis, 307–308
Grandiosity, 257, 262

Ideomotor praxis, 307–308
Graphesthesia, 365n4
ID/IDD. See Intellectual disability
Guilt, 202
(intellectual developmental
case examples, 202–203 disorder)
Guns. See Firearms Illness
children with serious acute or
Hallucinations, 185, 189–190n1, chronic medical illness,
352–353
123–124
auditory, 290
in the family, 101–102
autoscopic, 186
case example of preschooler with,

Illusion, 185
153–154
Immigrants, children of
command auditory, 288

undocumented, 140–141
Halstead-Reitan Neuropsychological
Impulse-control difficulties, 342
Battery
Inattention, 149
advantages and disadvantages, 316

Infant-Toddler Social and Emotional
Harassment, online, 275

Assessment (ITSEA), 160, 164n8
Hare PCL: Youth Version, 270n1
Informants
HCR-20, 269–270n1
multiple, 143–144
Health Insurance Portability and

Inhibition, 211
Accountability Act of 1996

Inner language, 314
(HIPAA), 122n3
Innocent lying, 292
Highly structured interviews, 51n1

Insight
examples of, 51n1

HIPAA (Health Insurance Portability and

180, 189
Accountability Act of 1996), 122n3

Institutional rearing, 149
Insulin, 402 psychomotor activity, 205

Intellectual disability (intellectual psychotic features, 205–206
developmental disorder; ID/IDD), sleep problems, 204
126–128 weight changes, 204
differential diagnosis of, 149 eating disorders, 220–222
in DSM-5, 126 neurological screening, 237n6,
Intelligence, 167, 179 237n7
Intergenerational boundaries, 95–96 obsessive-compulsive behaviors,
Internalizing symptoms, evaluation of, 214–220
191–238 case examples, 216, 219–220
anxious symptoms, 209–214 common symptoms in children
case example, 209–211 and adolescents, 219
elective mutism, 213 obsessive-compulsive disorder
fears, 212 spectrum, 217–218
features within the family, 213 occupational therapy assessment,
case example, 214 237n6
mood disorders, 214 overview, 191
physical and sexual abuse, 213 physical examination, 237n6, 237n7
separation anxiety, 212 projective testing, 237n6, 238n7
social phobia, 212–213 psychological testing, 237n6, 238n7
somatization, 213 psychotic symptoms
worrying, 212 case example, 226–233
cognitive testing, 238n7 developmental events and
depressive symptoms, 200–209 precursors of very-early
academic problems, 205 onset and early-onset
anhedonia, 203 schizophrenia, 224
cardinal features, 200 differential diagnosis between
comorbidities, 205 pediatric mania and very
constitutional factors, 201 early-onset schizophrenia,
differential diagnosis, 207–209 225
case example, 208–209 instruments used in diagnosis of
emotional withdrawal, 203 schizophrenic disorders in
family factors, 206 childhood and adolescence,
feeling tired, 204 229
feeling unloved, 201 schizoid symptoms, 233–234
guilt, 202 case example, 233–234
case examples, 202–203 suicidal behaviors, 191–200
hopelessness, 203–204 areas of inquiry in examining
illegal drug use, 205 children who have
irritability, 201–202 attempted suicide, 199
maternal depression, 206 factors that affect bereavement
mood disorders in father, risk after parental death,
206–207 197
negative cognitions, 205 frequency of suicidal thoughts,
overview, 200 193–194
Index 491
nature of, 192–193 of children with posttraumatic stress

plans the child has conceived, disorder related to terrorism,
193 139–140
THIS PATH IS DEATH of children with serious acute or
mnemonic for suicidal chronic medical illness,
assessment, 195 123–124
time and place plan, 193 comprehensive psychiatric
Internalizing symptoms, evaluation of formulation, 373–400
psychotic symptoms, 222–233 countertransference, 429–440
Interpersonal skills diagnostic and therapeutic
difficulties with, 350–351 engagement, 1–13
Interpersonal theory, 385–386 in interviewing families, 426–427
Interviewer diagnostic obstacles (resistances),
bias, 285 411–427
Interview for Childhood Disorders and case examples of severe interview
Schizophrenia, 229 ing obstacles, 422–426
Interviews classification, 414–426
of children from minority in interviewing families, 426–427
populations, 135–136 case example of, 426–427
of children in out-of-home pseudo resistances, 414–415
placement, 136–138 true resistances, 415–416
of children living in poverty, 135 of displaced and refugee children,
of children with burn trauma, 138–139
124–125 documenting the examination,
of children with cerebral palsy, 165–190
128–129 emotional interference with, 431
of children with intellectual evaluation of internalizing
disability, 126–128 symptoms, 191–238
of children with neurodevelopmen family assessment, 93–112
tal disorders, 126 general principles of interviewing,
of children with neurogenetic 15–52
disorders, 129–135 of migrant children, 138
Angelman syndrome, 131–132 neuropsychiatric interview and
Chromosome 22q11.2 deletion examination, 297–372
syndrome/velocardiofacial process of, 1–2
syndrome, 133 psychiatric evaluation of
Down syndrome, 130–131 preschoolers and very young
Fragile X syndrome, 129–130 children, 143–164
overview, 129 sample formats/documentation,
Prader-Willi syndrome, 131 439–451
Rett syndrome, 133–135 special interviewing techniques,
Smith Magenis syndrome, 132 53–92
Turner syndrome, 132 confrontation as engagement
Williams syndrome/Williams- technique, 57–59
Beuren syndrome, 132–133 case example, 57–58
Interviews (continued) Involuntary movements, 173

special interviewing techniques abnormal posture and, 303–304
(continued) IQ, 127, 311–312, 323. See also Fragile
double chair technique, 64–67 X syndrome; Intellectual disability
case examples, 64–67 (intellectual developmental
drawing techniques, 69–84 disorder)
case examples, 70–84, 73–77, low, 155
79–84 Irritability, 156
sequence of requested as depressive symptom, 201–202
diagnostic drawings, 71 ISC (Interview Schedule for Children),
gathering collateral information, 51n1
53 ITSEA (Infant-Toddler Social and
interviewing in displacement, Emotional Assessment), 160,
60–61 164n8
case examples, 60–61 I WATCH DEATH mnemonic, 325
limit setting during psychiatric
examination, 54–55 Judgment
case example, 54–55 impairment, 262
nonverbal techniques when during psychiatric examination,
interviewing children and 180, 188
adolescents, 67–69
case example, 68–69 Ketamine, 372n18
overview, 53 KIDDIE–Positive and Negative
physical holding during Syndrome Scale (PANSS)
diagnostic assessment, Interviewer Parent/Child, 229
55–57 Klüver-Bucy syndrome, 362
case example, 56–57 K-SADS (Schedule for Affective
play techniques, 84–90 Disorders and Schizophrenia for
case examples, 85–90 School Aged Children), 51n1, 229
elements of child’s subjective Kyphosis, 134
world, 85
prospective interviewing, 90–92, Lamotrigine, 372n18
91–92 Language. See also Nonverbal
psychiatrist’s role enactment interviewing techniques
during psychiatric communication, 308
examination, 63–64 development, 162n3
case example, 63–64 developmentally appropriate terms
use of role reversal during a child and phrases for communicating
or adolescent interview, with children, 37
62–63 disorders, 234, 335–337
case example, 62–63 disturbances, s149, 353
of undocumented immigrants, inner, 314
140–141 receptive and expressive function,
Interview Schedule for Children (ISC), 308–309
51n1 receptive difficulties, 175
Index 493
unidentified disorders, 171–172 episodic, 337
use of developmentally attuned immediate, 310
language with preadolescents, impairments (amnesias), 337–340
36–37 case example, 338–340,

Laterality, 306
368–370n11
“Leakage,” 246
long-term, 310
Learning disabilities
procedural, 337
difficulties with, 335

semantic, 337
interviewing children with, 314, 315,

short-term, 310
318–321
working, 337

Mental status examination
Legislation
of child with neuropsychiatric
Affordable Care Act, 100

disorder, 302–303
Health Insurance Portability and

completing during diagnostic
Accountability Act of 1996

interviewing, 30–31
(HIPAA), 122n3
sample formats/documentation, 443
Limit setting, 54–55

Metaphorical thinking
Lithium, 402
during psychiatric examination, 180,
Logic, during psychiatric examination,

180
180, 180
Metapsychological profile, 376
Love, feeling unloved, 201

Metformin, 402
Luria-Nebraska Neuropsychological
N-methyl-D-aspartate antagonists,
Battery
372n18
advantages and disadvantages, 316

Methylphenidate, 122n4
Lying, 292
Migrants, 138
Minorities
Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), acculturation, 136
311, 364–365n3, 365n5

children from minority populations,
Major depressive disorder, 408–409n3

135–136
Mania, 172
Miscommunication, 292
case example, 255–256, 256n1 Misinterpretation, 292
diagnosis of, 270n3 Monoamine oxidase A (MAOA), 270n2
differential diagnosis between Mood disorders, 156–157, 335, 403
pediatric mania and very-early coherence, 180, 180

description of, 176
DSM-5 criteria for symptoms, 244

dysregulation, 343–438, 262
symptoms in children, 254

MAOA (monoamine oxidase A), 270n2 symptoms, 214
Marriage, as subsystem of family, 95. in father, 206–207
See also Parents

logic, 180, 180
Meaningfulness, 49
metaphorical thinking, 180, 180
Melancholia, 346–347
Mother
Memantine, 372n18
assessment, 150–152
Memory, 177–178
maternal depression, 100, 206,
disturbances, 290
236n3, 406
Mother (continued) elements of neurodevelopmental
maternal pathology and attachment evaluation, 303–311, 304
subtypes, 148, 150

abnormal posture and
psychological stability of, 151

involuntary movements,
unmarried, 151–152
303–404
Motor skills
abstraction ability, 310
disturbances, 353
calculating ability, 310
fine, 305
cerebellar function, 307
gross, 304–305
dysmorphic features, 303
MRI. See Magnetic resonance imaging

executive functions, 311
Multiaxial assessment, 144–145

information, 309
Multicultural perspective, 144

laterality and dominance, 306
Mutism, elective, 213

midline behaviors, 306
motor skills
Negative evidence, 121n1

fine, 305
Neurocutaneous disorders, 303

gross, 304–305
Neurodevelopmental disorders, 126

orientation to time and place,
elements of evaluation, 303–311 309–310
voice melody and, 176

praxis, 307–308
Neurofibromatosis, 303
receptive and expressive
Neurogenetic disorders, 129–135

language function, 308–309
Angelman syndrome, 131–132 sensory functioning, 305
Chromosome 22q11.2 deletion

writing and reading, 310
syndrome/velocardiofacial
elements of neuropsychiatric
syndrome, 133
history, 299–301, 300
Down syndrome, 130–131

immediate, short-term, and long
Fragile X syndrome, 129–130
term memory, 310
overview, 129
indications for consultation and
Prader-Willi syndrome, 131
testing, 311–313
Rett syndrome, 133–135
indications for neuropsychological
Smith Magenis syndrome, 132

testing, 313–314, 315
Turner syndrome, 132

interviewing children with learning
Williams syndrome/Williams-
disabilities and other
Beuren syndrome, 132–133 neuropsychiatric deficits, 314,
Neuroimaging studies, for obsessive 315, 318–321
compulsive disorder, 371–372N15

Neuroleptics, 172
mental status examination of child
Neuropsychiatric interview and
with neuropsychiatric disorder,
examination, 297–372 302–303
advantages and disadvantages of neuropsychiatry and psychosocial
commonly used neuropsycho factors, 302
logical batteries and individual overview, 297–299

ized approaches, 316–317 specific neuropsychiatric symptoms,
conditions indicating need for neu 322–362
ropsychiatric investigation, 301
aggressive behavior, 349–350
Index 495
antisocial behavior, 340–342 Neuropsychiatry

anxiety, 348–349 psychosocial factors and, 302
attention and concentration Neuropsychological testing
deficits, 322–324 misconceptions, 365–366n6
autistic behavior, 355–357 Nightmare disorder
chronic traumatic DSM-5 criteria, 158
encephalopathy, 334 NIMH Diagnostic Interview Schedule
cognitive impairments, 334–335 for Children–IV, 229
delirium, 324–326 Non-additive genetic influence, 410n6
differential diagnosis of delirium/ Non–rapid eye movement sleep
psychosis, 327–328 (NREM), 163n6
impulse-control difficulties, Nonverbal interviewing techniques,
342 67–69, 315. See also Language
language disorders, 335–337 case example, 68–69
learning difficulties, 335 nonverbal props, 286
memory impairments NREM (non–rapid eye movement)
(amnesias), 337–340 sleep, 163n6
case example, 338–340,
368–370n11 Obesity, in children, 159
mood and affect dysregulation, Object relations theory, 383
343–348 Obsessive-compulsive and related
bipolar disorder, 344–346 disorder (OCRD), 236–237n5
depression, 346–348 oxytocin and, 372n15
obsessive-compulsive disorder, Obsessive-compulsive behaviors,
357–362 214–220
case example, 359–360 case examples, 216, 219–220
paraphilia and hypersexuality, obsessive-compulsive disorder
362 spectrum, 217–218
psychosis, 351–355 Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD),
structural brain abnormali 100, 357–362
ties in very-early-onset case example, 359–360
and early-onset schizo neuroimaging studies, 371–372n15
phrenia, 354 symptoms, 371–372n16
regressive behavior, 330 Obsessive-compulsive personality
case example, 330 disorder (OCPD), 362
seizure disorders, 329–330 Occupational therapy
case example, 329–330 in evaluation of internalizing
social and interpersonal symptoms, 237n6
difficulties, 350–351 OCD. See Obsessive-compulsive
soft neurological signs, 326, disorder
368n9 OCPD (obsessive-compulsive
traumatic brain injury, 331–334 personality disorder), 362
case example, 332–334 OCRD. See Obsessive-compulsive and
sequelae of, 332 related disorder
Neuropsychiatric symptoms, 322–362 ODD. See Oppositional defiant disorder
Olweus, Dan, 295n2

indoctrination, 292
Online harassment, 275

legal/custody concerns, 113–114
Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD),

marital subsystem, 95
155–156, 261–266
maternal depression, 100, 206,

236n3, 406
DSM-5 category, 340

maternal pathology and attachment
productive and counterproductive

subtypes, 148, 150
approaches in dealing with misinterpretations and suggestions
children with, 264–265 from, 291–292
Organigram mood disorders in father, 206–207
family, 96, 98, 97, 99

overstimulation of children, 292
Orientation, 177
psychopathology in, 387
Out-of-home placement, children in,

quality of parenting, 162–163n5
136–138 response to child’s problems, 302
Oxytocin, 372n15 role in diagnostic interviewing,
late-onset obsessive-compulsive 16
disorder and, 372n15 self-dysregulation, 162–163n5
Parkinson’s disease, 362
Pain response, 134

Pathological lying, 292
PANDAS (pediatric autoimmune Patient
neuropsychiatric disorders education sample formats/
associated with streptococcal documentation, 449
infections), 358, 372n17 neuropsychiatric history, 98, 300
PANESS (Physical and Neurological

PATS (Preschool Attention-Deficit/
Examination for Soft Signs), 326,

Hyperactivity Disorder
368n9
Treatment), 240
PANS (pediatric acute-onset

Pediatric acute-onset neuropsychiatric
neuropsychiatric syndromes), 359
syndromes (PANS), 359
PANSS (KIDDIE–Positive and Negative

Pediatric Advisory Committee, 122n4
Syndrome Scale), 229

Pediatric autoimmune neuropsychiatric
Paranoia, case example, 8

disorders associated with
Paraphilia, 362
streptococcal infections
Parents, 236n4
(PANDAS), 358, 372n17
behavior, 252
Pediatric mania
chronic illness of, 100
differential diagnosis between
concept of bad parent, 203

pediatric mania and very-early
countertransference and, 430
death of, 197

Peers
delusions of, 292
contamination (co-witness
differing philosophies of, 151
contamination), 286
dynamics of, 387

development of relations, 386
examination of mental health of, 150

supportive relationships with, 288
with high-risk offspring, 271n4

Perceptions
history of domestic violence,

disturbance of perception of body
162–163n5 image, 186
Index 497
during psychiatric examination, Poverty, children living in, 135
185–186
Prader-Willi syndrome, 131–132, 303
Performance IQ, 312

Praxis, 307–308
Personal Experience Inventory, 271n6

Preadolescents. See also Adolescents;
Personality
Children
dimensions of, 398–399n2
strategies for evaluation, 32–34
traits and affective dysregulation,
toys required for diagnostic
404
examination, 33, 34
Personal Screening Experience

use of developmentally attuned
Questionnaire, 271n6
language with, 36–37
Pertinence
Preschool Age Psychiatric Assessment,
description of, 2
160
Pervasive refusal, 290

Preschool Attention-Deficit/
Physical abuse, 213

Hyperactivity Disorder Treatment
developmental consequences of,

Study (PATS), 240
287–288
Preschoolers
developmental disruptions fostered

depression in, 157
by, 288
identified child as, 109–111
interviewing physically abused

children, 282–286
physical abuse in, 157
in preschoolers, 157
psychiatric evaluation, 143–164
Physical and Neurological Examination

for Soft Signs (PANESS), 326, 368n9

sexual abuse in, 157
Pioglitazone, 402
Problem Oriented Screening
PLASTIC, 352–353
Instrument for Teenagers, 271n6
PLASTRD, 325
Process interviewing, 38–39
Playfulness, 169–170
Play techniques, 84–90. See also Toys,

Pseudologic phantastica, 292
required for diagnostic case example, 293–294
examination versus confabulation, 293
case examples, 85–90 Psychiatric assessment
elements of child’s subjective world, documentation, 11
85
eye contact during, 11
pretend, 149
limit setting during, 54–55
Positive evidence, 121n1

preparation for psychiatric
Positron emission tomography, 364n2

studies, 335
of preschoolers and very young
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)

children, 143–164
of children with burn trauma,
assessment domains, 146–147
124–125
assessment of mother or
caretaker, 150–152
related to terrorism, 139–140
attachment and bonding,
Posture, 168–169 145–148
abnormal, and involuntary common psychopathology in,
movements, 303–304 153–160
Psychiatric assessment (continued) diagnosis sample formats/

of preschoolers and very young documentation, 448
children (continued) documentation of, 165–190
case example, 153–154 mood and affect, 176–189
conduct disorder, 155–156 intelligence, 167, 179
mood disorders, 156–157 sensorium, 177–179
oppositional defiant disorder, calculating ability, 178
155–156 concentration, 178
psychosis, 159–160 memory, 177–178
sleeping disorders, 157–159 orientation, 177
developmental scales, 160–161 thought, 179–189
differential diagnosis of
abstracting ability, 180,
attachment disorders and

188–189
other psychiatric
associations, 184–185, 180
conditions, 149
coherence, 180, 180
maternal pathology and

content, 188, 180
attachment subtypes, 148,

delusions, 180, 186–188
150
goal directedness, 181–182,
multiaxial assessment, 144–145

180
multicultural perspective, 144

insight, 189, 180
multiple experts, 144

judgment, 188, 180
multiple informants, 143–144

logic, 180, 180
multiple modes of assessment, 144

metaphorical thinking, 180, 180
multiple sessions, 143

perceptions, 185–186
observations of child, 152–153

reality testing, 180, 182–184
sample formats/documentation, speech, 167, 174–176

440–449 disturbances of speech melody,
Psychiatric examination 175–176
appearance, 166–169, 167
using AMSIT, 165–166
gait and posture, 168–169
elements of appearance, behav
physical, 167–168
ior, and speech for children
behavior, 167, 169–176 and adolescents, 167
behavioral evidence of emotion, elements of thought section for

173–174
children and adolescents,
behavioral organization, 171
180
cooperative, 171–172
Psychiatric sessions, 143
disturbances of attention, 174

Psychiatrist
exploratory, 169
failure to diagnose, 403
eye contact, 170–171

interface with school and other
involuntary movements, 173

systems, 118
playfulness, 169–170
role enactment during psychiatric
psychomotor activity, 172

relatedness, 170
repetitive activities, 174

role in engagement, 3
countertransference and, 429–440 skills, 411–412
Index 499
Psychomotor activity, 172, 263

in sexual abuse, 283

stereotyped induction (vilification),
Psychosis
285
description of, 179

systemic case examples, 185–186
differential diagnosis of, 327–328

“yes” or “no” questions, 285
psychiatric assessment, 159–160

Rape, case example, 47
very-early-onset and early Rapid eye movement sleep (REM),

163–164n6
symptomatology for bipolar

Rapport
disorder, 263
with children and adolescents, 3
in violent youths, 252

description of, 2
Psychotic features
Reactive attachment disorder,
developmental events and precur differential diagnosis of, 149
sors of very-early-onset and

Reading, 310
early-onset schizophrenia, 224

Reality testing, 180, 182–184

Reasoning, diagnostic, 122n1
pediatric mania and very-early Refugees, 138–139

Relatedness, 170
Relevance, description of, 2
symptoms, 222–223
Religion, 95
instruments used in diagnosis of REM (rapid eye movement) sleep,
schizophrenic disorders in 163–164n6
childhood and adolescence, Repetitive activities, 174
229
Restlessness, 149
as symptoms of depression, 205–206

Retrograde amnesia, 177
Psychotic spectrum syndrome, 222

Rett syndrome, 133–135
Psychotropic medications, 119–120

Reverse engagement, 12–13
risks, 120
conduct disorder, 12
PTSD. See Posttraumatic stress

disinhibited social engagement
disorder
disorder, 12
Riluzole, 372n18
Quantitative genetic theory, 410n6 Role reversal
Questioning
use during child or adolescent
in assessing external factors, 389

interview, 62–63
behavioral incidents, 24
CRAFFT, 267
Rorschach Inkblot Test, 312
denial of specific questions, 24
gentle assumptions, 24
SAD (social anxiety disorder), 408n1
open and leading, 34–35
Safety, 116–117
repeated specific questions, 285
Schedule for Affective Disorders and
repeated suggestive interviews, 285
Schizophrenia for School Aged
representing issues to be resolved in
Children (K-SADS), 51n1,
validation of sexual abuse, 229
281–282 Schizoid disorders, 234
Schizophrenia Separation anxiety, 212
case examples, 229–232, 237–238n7 Separation Anxiety Test, 162n3
cognitive impairments in, 371n14 Separation-individuation theory, 384
developmental events and Sexual abuse, 121n2–3, 213, 480–490.
precursors of very-early-onset See also Child abuse
and early-onset schizophrenia, case example, 208–209
224
children’s false reports, 286

developmental disruptions fostered
pediatric mania and very-early by, 288

example of interviews with, 285–286
instruments used in diagnosis of first interview with, 286
schizophrenic disorders in interviewing sexually abused
childhood and adolescence, children, 282–286

229
moral and legal implications of
patient's disclosures, 284
very-early-onset and early in preschoolers, 157

psychiatric disturbances observed
symptoms
in, 289

questions representing issues to be
very-early-onset, 222
resolved in validation of,
School 281–282
academic problems, 364n2 reliability of child, 284–285
academic problems as symptom of Sexual behavior, 30
depression, 205
Sexual identity, case example, 47–48
bullying in, 273–274, 388

Single photon computed tomography,

364n2
grades, 278
Sleep. See also Nightmare disorder
“phobia,” 278
central nervous system and, 163n6
positive adaptation to, 288

disruption, 159
Scoliosis, 134
impaired, 134
SED (socioeconomic disadvantage),

NREM, 163n6
363–364n1
REM, 163–164n6
Seizure disorders, 329–330

slow-wave, 163n6

Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor

Sleeping disorders, 157–159
(SSRI) antidepressants, 172
in DSM-5, 158
Self-esteem, 288
Sleepwalking, 159
Self psychology, 384

Slow-wave sleep, 163n6
Self-regulation, 322
Smith Magenis syndrome, 132
Semistructured interviews, 51n1

SNS (soft neurological signs), 326,
examples of, 51n1

368n9
Sensory functioning, 305
Social anxiety disorder (SAD), 408n1
Sensory loss, 365n4
Social (pragmatic) communication
Sensory phenomena, 359
disorder
Sentence Completion Test, 312

DSM-5 criteria, 350–351
Index 501
Social phobia, 212–213 case examples, 38–39

Social skills
of family during interview
difficulties with, 350–351
involving adolescent
reciprocity, 356
threatening suicide,
strategies for teaching, 295n4
107–109
Socioeconomic disadvantage (SED), of observations of family with
363–364n1
suicidal adolescent,
Soft neurological signs (SNS), 326, 368n9
105–107
Somatization, 213
death, 295n1
Specificity, 49
involving bullying, 295n1
Speech, 167
multiple attempts of, 194
disorders, 308
risk assessment sample formats/
disturbances of speech melody,

documentation, 445
175–176, 353
statistics, 235n

symptoms of suicidal behaviors,
174–176
191–200
SSRI (selective serotonin reuptake
frequency of suicidal thoughts,
inhibitor), 172
193–194
Stimulants, 122n4
THIS PATH IS DEATH
Strange Situation, 145, 161–162n1

mnemonic for suicidal
Stressors
assessment, 195
attachment and, 162–163n5

Sullivan, Herbert (“Harry”) Stack
definition of, 402
interpersonal theory, 385–386
in displaced and refugee children,

Supernatural influences, 95
138–139
Symptom formation and comorbidity,
financial, 102
401–410
vulnerability to, 403

avoidant personality disorder, 408n1
Structured Assessment of Violence Risk bipolar disorders, 402
for Youth, 270n1

Structured interviews, 31–32, 511–2

failure to diagnose, 403
Sturge-Weber-Dimitri syndrome, 303

maternal depression, 406
Subaffective temperament, 201

personality traits and affective
Substance abuse, 118, 267–268

dysregulation, 404
examiner’s inquiry of, 29

psychodynamic constellations, 401
Substance Abuse Subtle Screening

response to loss, 401
Inventory, 271n6
social anxiety disorder, 408n1
Substance use disorders (SUDs),

stress, 402
267–268
type 2 diabetes mellitus, 402
SUDs (substance use disorders),
267–268
T2DM (type 2 diabetes mellitus), 402
Suffocation, 191
Tangentiality, 181
Suicide
Tarasoff vs. Regents of the University of
areas of inquiry in examining
California, 24, 117
children who have attempted

Target detection, 323
suicide, 199
Target selection, 323
Teen Addiction Severity Index, 271n6 Tuberous sclerosis, 303
Temperament, 404
Turner syndrome, 132
definition of, 398–399n2

Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM),
dysregulation, 201
402
Terrorism, children with posttraumatic bipolar disorders and, 402
stress disorder related to, 139–140
Thematic Apperception Test, 312

Unstructured interviews, 31, 51n1
Therapeutic monitors, 295n3
THIS PATH IS DEATH mnemonic,

Velocardiofacial syndrome, 133
195
VEOS. See Very-early-onset
Thought, 179–189
schizophrenia
abstracting ability, 180, 188–189

Verbalization, 314
associations, 180, 184–185

Versatility, 49–50
content, 180, 188

Very-early-onset schizophrenia
delusions, 180, 186–188

(VEOS), 237n6
goal directedness, 180, 181–182

insight, 180, 189

developmental events and
judgment, 180, 188

precursors of, 224
perceptions, 185–186
structural brain abnormalities in,
sample formats/documentation, 444

354
Thought disorder, description of, 179

symptoms, 222
Threats, 295n1
Vigilance, 323
Time and place orientation, 309–310

Violence
Tired, as symptom of depression, 204

dating, 244–245
Topiramate, 372n18
evaluation of potential, 245
Tourette’s disorder/Tourette’s
“leakage,” 246
syndrome (TS), 335, 361, 362

short-term, 246
Toys, required for diagnostic

Violence Risk Appraisal Guide,
examination, 33, 34. See also Play
269–270n1
techniques
TRACK CHAOS mnemonic, 325–326

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
TRacking Adolescents’ Individual Lives
Children—4th Edition (WISC-IV),
Survey (TRAILS), 275
311–312
TRAILS (TRacking Adolescents’
Weight, changes, as symptom of
Individual Lives Survey), 275

depression, 204
Traumatic brain injury, 331–334

Williams-Beuren syndrome,

132–133
sequelae of, 332

Williams syndrome, 132–133
Truthfulness differential diagnosis of, 149
assessment in abused children, WISC-4 (Wechsler Intelligence Scale

291–294
for Children—4th Edition),
311–312
description of, 2
Word salad, 184
TS (Tourette’s disorder/Tourette’s
Worrying, 212
syndrome), 335, 361, 362

Writing, 310
“Many worry that in modern psychiatry the compassionate and

in-depth interview of the child and family with mental
health issues will become a lost art. Dr. Cepeda’s excellent book will en
sure that this does not happen. Using engaging case histories, Dr. Cepeda
illustrates complex interview techniques in a way that makes them easy to
implement in the clinic. Those new to child and adolescent psychiatry can
learn all the basics of interviewing here, while the experienced clinician will
find new ways to hone their skills. The book provides a clear roadmap for
both a complete mental status examination and formulation. The book is a
great resource for seminars on diagnostic interviewing.”
Steven R. Pliszka, M.D., Dielmann Distinguished Pro

fessor and Chair, Department of Psychiatry, The University
of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio
Eliciting useful information from young patients and their fam

ilies is both a skill and an art, and Psychiatric Interview
of Children and Adolescents, an exceptionally practical and comprehensive
guide, enables mental health clinicians and trainees to first improve their
interviewing skills and then organize and integrate the information derived
from the interview to construct an effective treatment program. This book,
building on the success of its predecessor, Clinical Manual for the Psychi
atric Interview of Children and Adolescents, offers updated and revised
material, as well as expanded coverage that includes new findings and ad
dresses emerging issues in the field. For example, a new chapter focusing
on the psychiatric evaluation of preschoolers and very young children has
been added, and the section on bullying in the chapter on abuse has been
expanded to include cyberbullying. Clinical vignettes illustrate important
concepts and techniques, providing a real-world component that readers
will find both fascinating and instructive, and the key points at the end of
each chapter and numerous quick-reference tables facilitate consolidation
of learning.
Easy to read, yet rigorous in its clinical focus, Psychiatric Interview of
Children and Adolescents provides a solid foundation and expert guidance
for clinicians evaluating and treating this critically important population.
Cover design: Tammy J. Cordova

Cover images: © igorstevanovic
and Yuri Getanov
Used under license from Shutterstock

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PSYCHIATRIC INTERVIEW

Claudio Cepeda, M.D.

Claudio Cepeda, M.D.

Adjunct Clinical Professor, Department of Psychiatry,

University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio

Lucille Gotanco, M.D.

Clarity Child Guidance Center, San Antonio, Texas;

Adjunct Assistant Professor, Child and Adolescent

Psychiatry Division, University of Texas Health Science

Center at San Antonio

Books published by American Psychiatric Association Publishing represent the find­

Copyright © 2017 American Psychiatric Association Publishing

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

American Psychiatric Association Publishing

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Claudio Rene and Mary, Adrian and Michelle,

and Joe and Chante

Claudio Cepeda, M.D.

1 Diagnostic and Therapeutic Engagement. . . . 1

2 General Principles of Interviewing . . . . . . . . . 15

3 Special Interviewing Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . 53

5 Providing Post-evaluation Feedback

6 Evaluation of Special Populations. . . . . . . . . 123

7 Psychiatric Evaluation of Preschoolers

and Very Young Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

8 Documenting the Examination . . . . . . . . . . . 165

9 Evaluation of Internalizing Symptoms . . . . . 191

10 Evaluation of Externalizing Symptoms . . . . 239

11 Evaluation of Abuse and Other

12 Neuropsychiatric Interview and

13 Comprehensive Psychiatric Formulation . . 373

14 Symptom Formation and Comorbidity . . . . 401

15 Diagnostic Obstacles (Resistances). . . . . . . .411

Appendix: Sample Format/Protocol for

Documentation of Psychiatric Evaluation

of Children and Adolescents . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441

I asked my colleague and former pupil Lucille Gotanco, M.D., to join me in

Gratitude also goes out to the staff at American Psychiatric Association

Claudio Cepeda, M.D.

The diagnostic engagement relates to the rational and emotional involve­

Table 1–1. Ingredients of engagement

Table 1–2. Factors that facilitate engagement of the child

for further elaboration in follow-up individual interviews. In this regard, any

Table 1–3. Techniques not considered helpful for fostering

or in a developmentally appropriate manner or when the examiner praises the

Benny’s grandmother had previously brought her granddaughter for a psy­

By supporting this conflicted adolescent’s efforts at adaptive behavior with the

Factors That Facilitate Engagement

Other Factors That Facilitate Engagement

In an effort to achieve expediency in clinical practice, many practitioners

Diagnostic interviewing of a child or adolescent is a collaborative process that

The Interview Setting

Preparation for the Psychiatric Examination

or psychologically negative to the child, the end result may be detrimental

The Interview Process

Caveats of the Interviewing Process

A good-quality clinical assessment of children and adolescents and their

Maintaining Dependency Ties During the Interview

recognized and accepted the dependent relationship of this adolescent with

Books published by American Psychiatric Association Publishing represent the find

The diagnostic engagement relates to the rational and emotional involve

Benny’s grandmother had previously brought her granddaughter for a psy

professional demeanor) and make instantaneous adjustments when they in

The preceding case example illustrates successful engagement of a resis

The content of Donna’s delusional depression is presented as a case ex

communicated and in expressing herself. She spoke in broken English, say

This technique was successful because it reopened the channels of com

The preceding case example illustrates nonverbal engagement after unsuc