In Response To Robert Kay: Luhmann's Ontology, Ontogeny, and Epistemology
In Response To Robert Kay: Luhmann's Ontology, Ontogeny, and Epistemology
In Response To Robert Kay: Luhmann's Ontology, Ontogeny, and Epistemology
conception is very powerful in explaining how reproductive processes, make selections that
society differentiates into subsystems: monetary, maintain and expand their meaning (their
bureaucratic, legal, romantic, etc. organized complexity). They manage this selec-
tion process through a system of graduated
expectations that they develop in processes of
Interactions trial and error, memory, and adaptation.
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Syst. Res.19, 599^602 (2002)
had by societal members about how to respond be so even though we do not know that they are,
to them. thus creating asymmetries (things outside of our
In dealing with their many expectations, autopoietic circle). Then we test whether they
societies and individuals develop generalized account for our experience. If an asymmetry is
contingency plans that enable them to harbor confirmed in our experience, it is incorporated
improbable expectations. Using cognitive and into an enlarged autopoietic circle. Then the
normative strategies for dealing with disappoint- process begins again. In academic psychology,
ment, they create social structures that intertwine this process is dubbed the ‘theory-theory’ of
risk and security. Their cognitive openness to learning.
new information embodies their acceptance of
risk. Their normative rejection of unacceptable
and dangerous information expresses their Redundancy
regard for security. Normative behavior reflects
the necessary circularity of living systems. Risky As hypotheses prove themselves to work time
behavior reflects the asymmetry that is necessary and time again, they become redundant and
for growth. attain practical certainty. The more redundant
In this ontogenic manner, Luhmann builds the the hypothesis, the greater is its certainty and the
major parts of his thought in Social Systems. likelihood that it is a ‘fact’.
It seems that Luhmann has the ontology and Facts have degrees of redundancy and cer-
ontogeny of society correct in large measure. In tainty based upon the number and variety of
the domain of ontology, he has it right on both trials to which they are subjected. Some facts—
extremes—global (society as a whole) and such as ‘We need to eat to stay alive’—approach
particular (interactions)—a great accomplish- absolute certainty because of organic evolution-
ment. He does not, however, deal extensively ary experience over millions of years and our
with the messy in-between of pragmatic histor- own personal experience. Many physical and
ical reality. Everyday reality escapes his clear biological laws fall into this category.
formulations. It is likely that autopoiesis is a too Other ‘facts’—such as ‘Johnny has ADHD’—
narrow theoretic basis for pragmatic social have infinitely less redundancy and certainty
theory. because the concept ‘ADHD’ is ill defined and the
In the area of ontogeny, he offers a convincing diagnosis is only an opinion. Social statements
narrative. He presents a methodology that can be generally fall into this less redundant category.
employed to deal with real-world theory and
practice.
Ways to Assure Greater Certainty
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Syst. Res.19, 599^602 (2002)
revision, it becomes more improbable that such testing one’s ideas in dialogue with other
an edifice could have been constructed without thinkers and cultures.
reference to reality. The circularity is not elimi- Luhmann’s epistemology, therefore, seems to
nated. It is used, unfolded, de-tautologized’ provide a solid basis for more detailed episte-
(Luhmann, 1995, p. 479). mological elaboration. The bases of certainty that
Luhmann also answers a similar question: he lays down are not merely the best that are
‘How can one guarantee that observation main- available to autopoietic animals, but are very fine
tains contact with reality when it claims to be indeed. For a more complete explanation, see
knowledge, even scientific knowledge?’ Bausch (2001).
First, one can move the site of knowledge I believe that this exposition of Luhmann’s
claims from psychic systems to social systems. thought fits comfortably within Kay’s autopoie-
Social systems can be made independent of tic framework.
individual motives and reputations. The knowl-
edge of social systems ‘‘can be subjected to its
own conditionings, perhaps in the form of REFERENCES
‘theories’ and ‘methods.’ ’’ Knowledge can also
be evaluated on its productivity and its ability to Bausch K. 2001. The Emerging Consensus in Social
generate new knowledge. Second . . . One could Systems Theory. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Press:
force global theories ‘‘to test on themselves New York.
everything that they determine about their object’’ Habermas J. 1987. The Philosophical Discourse of
Modernity (Lawrence FG, trans.). MIT Press:
(Luhmann, 1995, pp. 484–485). Cambridge, MA (original work published 1985).
In these passages, Luhmann offers reasons for Kauffman SA. 1993. The Origins of Order: Self-Organiza-
certainty that are consonant with his own tion and Selection in Evolution. Oxford University
thought and the general wisdom of philoso- Press: New York.
phers. One offers reasons, tests them, and hopes Kay R. 2001. Are organizations autopoietic? A call for a
new debate. Systems Research and Behavioral Science
to approximate reality ever more closely. As this 18: 461–477.
process goes on, one has good reason to believe Luhmann N. 1995. Social Systems (Bednarz J, Baecker
that one’s cognitive edifice is constructed with D, trans.). Stanford University Press: Stanford, CA
reference to reality. One enlarges certainty by (original work published 1984).
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Syst. Res.19, 599^602 (2002)