Presentation

DOI: http :/ / dx.doi .or g/ 10.159 0/ 18 09 - 43 41 2 01 6 v 1 3 n2 p 02 7

Dossier

Animals in anthropology
Jean Segata
Graduate Program in Social Anthropology, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul,
Porto Alegre/RS, Brazil.

Bernardo Lewgoy
Graduate Program in Social Anthropology, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul,
Porto Alegre/RS, Brazil.

Animals are not new to anthropology. Since the early days of the discipline they appear in rituals,
classifications and symbols. Animals are hunted, raised, domesticated, eaten, feared and venerated. Of
course anthropology is generically defined as the discipline that studies “man”, and it is thus common that
animals only appear in a supporting role: they are part of the scenery described, assistants in activities or
a means to help understand how humans think and organize themselves in the world. One of the many
consequences of this attitude was to authenticate the generalized idea that animals are seen as resources
of all sorts of types, given that they only appear as part of ecosystems – cultures or societies – which are
anthropically centered. Animals have thus been relegated in the traditional anthropological project to
figurative functional or mediating roles in contrast to the majesty of human agency.1 To some degree,
this dossier is part of an agenda that is critical of this more traditional posture, and accompanies a
set of debates that have been expanding in the discipline and that shift animals from their position as
simple appendixes of humans or as elements in the environment, to position them in the foreground of
ethnographies, making more visible how the lives of animals and humans interact and are co-produced.
In this critical direction, Rebeca Cassidy (2007), when discussing the literature about domestication,
makes explicit references to how the anthropological tradition can be understood in terms of humans’
relationship with animals (and with plants). For Cassidy, the domestication of animals and the development
of agriculture were treated in the discipline in terms that are similar to the explanation of the passage
from savagery to barbarity and from the affirmation of civilization, to the defeat of a feminine mode of
the world, and the consolidation of private property. This anthropological posture mirrored zoological
thinking, which emphasized human control over plants, animals and “primitive” peoples and incorporated

1 The famous controversy between Marvin Harris (1976) and Claude Lévi-Strauss (1983a, 1983b) emblematically illustrates this tendency. In Harris’ cultural
ecology, societies were understood as a cultural adaptation to pressures from their natural environments. In Levi-Strauss’s structuralism, we find the idea
that mythic thinking organizes certain salient elements of the empiric world in signifying systems. Thus, in a non-exclusive reduction, nature, including
animals, in both cases, are an objectifiable externality. For Harris they are inscribed in a naturalistic semantic (animals are good for the environment or
good for evolving) and in Lévi-Strauss’ structural semiotic they are good for thinking. A significant change in the anthropological perspective on animals
began to take shape with the work of Philippe Descola, in particular in the realm of his anthropology of nature. Dscola indicates that (i) nature cannot be
considered as a universal condition (or as a category) upon which is established cultural discontinuities and (ii) it cannot be understood, in general, as an
external ontological domain that is distinct from the world of humans. The forest is not a prosaic place – a source of food or of mental categories – but “the
stage of a subtle sociability [...]. What we call nature here is not an object that must be socialized, but the subject of a social relation” (Descola 1996:246-7).
In later work Descola (2005) systematizes what he calls modes of identification and relation to reposition the debate between nature and culture in terms of
continuities and discontinuities between the living. See also his well developed criticism of the concept of nature in Lévi-Strauss (Descola, 2011).

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them to the “civilized” world for purposes of exploitation. For Cassidy (2007), more recent anthropology
has substituted the unidirectional and progressive history of human relations with animals for a more
incomplete and hesitant version in which the experience of sheep and goats, for example, are confronted
with the more ambiguous stories of microbes and weeds. The emphasis on the mutual interaction between
humans and non-human species that reposition animals in the anthropological debate coincides with
a time of reconfiguration for the discipline since the 1970s. The publication of important works such as
Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, edited by Talal Asad (1973) and Women, Culture and Society, edited
by Michele Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (1974), are emblematic of the construction of new routes in
anthropology, due to their crucial role in decentering ethnocentric and androcentric premises that have
long been deeply rooted in the discipline. It is in this intellectual context that the seminal philosophical
essay Animal Liberation was published by Peter Singer (1975), which in addition to being a point of inflection
in animalist thinking, inaugurated the broad interdisciplinary field of Animal Studies. It became central
in the reformulation of the ethical and political horizon of the problem of animals in the West in the
late twentieth century, converging with the rising post-colonial feminist struggles. Since then, under
the influences of these debates, anthropological thinking has become less white, less male and less
anthropocentric.
Animal studies is a vast interdisciplinary field that in addition to anthropology includes sociology,
history, philosophy and literature. It is subdivided and disputed by fields of interest such as animal rights,
which advocates the moral recognition of animals and their conditions as subjects with rights on an
equality with humans; anthropozoology, which is concerned with the biological ties between different animal
species, including humans; ethology, which focuses on the study of their behaviors; and human-animal
studies, which focuses on the social relations between animals and humans (Demello, 2012).2 This broad
movement is a response to an epistemological and moral shift in the human-animal relationship, which
forms the base of the studies that compose this dossier. But, what is an animal and what does it do in
anthropology?
Ingold (1994) helps to locate the position of animals in the discipline based on a philosophical
question of broad scope in the West – the definition of the human. By asking what makes a human a
human? Ingold suggests that what we understand as characteristic of humanity is located to a large
degree in the negation of animality, which is always treated as deficient in relation to all that we
humans supposedly have – including language, reason, or moral conscience. The critical point is an
anthropomorphism that, on one hand, is characterized culturalistically, given that it supposes that
only humans have a capacity for symbolization and differentiation between each other through will and
consciousness. On the other hand, it appears in the naturalist definition of man as an animal species,
whose supposed difference resides precisely in the fact that he stands out from all the other animals,
which are treated as essentially equal and destined to follow genetic programming. In the final analysis,
it is a question of singularization. For this reason it is not difficult to understand how we are able to look
at other humans and see them, even if they are equal as a species, as perceptibly or completely different
from each other, given that we attribute to each one of us different and unique capacities of variation,
inherent to humanity. This is not a question of types, nor of essences, Ingold warns (1994): it first involves
the capacity of singularization that we attribute to ourselves. However, the difficult question is why

2 In human-animal studies the lives of humans and animals interconnect – they are relatives, friends, significant alterities. It is in this field, in particular, but
not exclusively, that we position anthropology. On this basis, it is understood that animals are socially constructed and for this reason are present in a wide
variety of contexts, as a form of thinking, interacting or serving human needs (Demello 2012). For good field sketches, in addition to Demello (2012), see also
Flynn (2008), Taylor & Signal (2011) and Taylor (2013). This dossier focuses in particular on anthropological production on the theme and although it does not
have a well-defined agenda in the discipline, works such as that of Vialles (1987), Ingold (1988), Willis (1990), Digard (1990, 1999), Bernardina (2006) and Keck
(2010) guide many researchers interested in the field. Meanwhile, Hurn (2012) offers an important overview of the human-animal relationship in anthropology.

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we do not perceive cats or dogs or any other animals, especially those more distant from conviviality
with humans, to be distinct from each other. We attribute to them a homogeneity specific to an essential
biological programming – that of a species - whose small differences fall within a limited possible range
of variation in genetic arrangements, which we call race. In other words, non-human animals are, for us,
naturally biological, while humans are biological and something more. The critical point, is the recalcitrant
idea of a human exceptionality.3
On the other hand, there is a second issue that arises from this first: what makes a human being a
being? In response, Ingold (1994) suggests a shift from ontology to ontogenesis. He does not speak of
human beings, but of human becomings (Ingold 1994; Descola & Ingold 2014). He affirms that ontology is
part of an ethnocentric project, which as can be expected from “philosophers of philosophy”, results from
considering texts from that discipline without considering the world. For this reason, lines occupy an
important place in his lexicon, given that they allow thinking in incessant crossings, in a wide variety of
webs, in an insistence to the devir. In other terms, the composition of worlds cannot be considered as a task
of representing life based on beings as if they preexisted (ontology). It must be based on their production in
a continuous event in their environment and in their entanglements (ontogenesis). Therefore, and taking
another route, more than a definition of borders between humans and animals, anthropology has been
interested in the joint forms of conviviality. In general lines, this is the position defended in the work of
Carlos Sautchuk, Eating (with) piranhas: an untamed approach to domestication, which brilliantly opens this
dossier. Based on an instigating ethnography among fishermen in the Amazon estuary, the author shows
us how the proximity between the fishermen and the piranhas can be understood as a type of conviviality
related to the production of a shared environment. This is shown in the presence of children in fishing
activity – the development of technical abilities requires a type of plunge into the world – the “gestures” of
the fish, the ondulations of the water, the moment of capture – require an interlinking that causes learning
to be conducted in terms of an ontogenesis.
In the early 1960s, a seminal text by Haudricourt (2013), entitled Domestication des animaux, culture
des plantes et traitement d’autrui, offered an alternative vision to the unilateral model of exploitation of
nature and animals, emphasizing the symbolic and relational character of the domestication process.
Haudricourt was a disciple of Marcel Mauss and inherited some of the principle ideas developed by this
master in his celebrated work Les techniques du corps, such as traditional/social character of technique. That is,
it cannot be reduced to the condition of the biology or psychology of man, nor by the determinations of his
environment. Technique is thus learned and transmitted by means of prestigious and collective imitation.
Another influence from Mauss concerns how Haudricourt observes technical innovations. This involves
how domestication, culture, nature and body are articulated within each culture (Bechelany 2012). In this
sense, Haudricourt emphasizes how relations with plants, animals and things express the development
and socialization of the human being, much more than when attention is focused only on humans or on
technique itself.4 In Haudricourt’s classic text (2013), the two examples presented – the yam and the sheep
– reflect two types of mentalities. On one hand is the farmer from the Far East who operates by means of

3 For a broader critical review of this point, see Lewgoy and Segata (forthcoming). Also about this issue, the finding is interesting that in the universe of
veterinary medicine studied by Segata (2012; 2015a, 2015b), cats with renal problems, dogs that are constipated, obese or have cancer or depression, are
diagnosed and treated with the biomedicine used for humans. To this corresponds the provocation that if dogs and cats are “other humans” who share our
lifestyles, our eating habits or our diseases, we would thus be “other animals” because we share with them the same organic properties. This humanization
of animals appears to be assured by our animality, and vice versa.

4 Most of these ideas were in the volume Des gestes aux techniques: essai sur les techniques dans les sociétés pré-machinistes, where the emphasis was not on
technique as something abstract or the technical object as an isolated entity but on the gesture that it involved, which he called the technical act. His analysis
is focused on the relations lashed together by a subject, which is different on one hand, from instrumentalism, which focuses on external purposes, and
on the other, from utilitarianism, which concentrates on the observation of the exclusive product of technique. See Bechelany’s important review (2012).

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indirect negative action when dealing with others (plants and animals). On the other hand is the European/
Western pastor who is guided by positive direct action, which refers to the mode of governamentality, in
which a distinct individual (man, pastor, as sovereign) leads others (sheep, society). Overlapping materials
from various contexts and epochs, Haudricourt (2013) show how elements such as taking walks, or the
rigidity or lightness of certain human gestures, were produced in co-participation with animals that were
hunted and domesticated, or with plants that require certain care for their cultivation.5
The recent proposal for a “multispecies ethnography” has various points of contact with Haudridourt’s
(2013) reflection, especially concerning the emphasis on relationality. This instigating proposal considers
the importance of including and symmetrizing creatures that had been marginalized in anthropological
thinking “as part of the landscape, as food for human beings or as symbols – [which] become shifted to
the foreground in recent ethnographies” (Kirksey & Helmreich 2010:545-546). Thus, “animals, plants,
funguses and microbes that were customarily confined to an anthropological inventory of the ‘bare life’,
began to appear together with humans in the sphere of the bios, with legible biographies and political life”
(emphasis ours). Multispecies ethnographies expand the scope of interest of the field of human-animal
relations by including a wide variety of organisms as active builders of shared worlds. At the same time,
they support an analytical gain by shifting the line of demarcation between humans and animals, to focus
on the encounter, the sharing and the crossing of these lives. In this way, the question arises: how can
anthropology pay attention to the zones of contact and rupture of the multitudes of creative agents whose
ecological niches are co-produced along with humans? Recent ethnographies have shown, for example,
how microbes are social agents on earth, in the sea, in food (Tsing 2015; Helmreich, 2013; Haraway 2008).
They thus reveal relations with biopolitics, biocapital or biodiversity (according to Michel Foucault, the
optimization, coercion and control of biology in favor of regimes of domination of life or how nature has
been modified in favor of biopolitics apud Rabinow 1999). How is it that anthropology can follow (in the
sense of a multispecies ethnography) animals, invasive plants or microbes, given that they act in different
environments? How can humans and animals be linked, through politics or ecologies?
Another important classic theme of anthropology that has been revisited in the debate of the sphere
of human-animal relations is that of kinship. Nerissa Russell (2007) suggests that social anthropologists
can profitably increase their understanding of the domestication of animals by articulating it as the
theoretical domain of kinship. Appropriating the contributions of recent studies and criticisms of
kinship in anthropology, from authors such as Marilyn Strathern, Janet Carsten, Sarah Franklin and Susan
McKinnon, Russell (2007) calls attention to a combination of biological and social relations involved in
the way of thinking of domestication, arguing that domestic animals also occupy the frontiers of being,
nature and culture. Combining elements of archeology and anthropology, Russell proposes thinking of
the domestication of animals as a type of classification, a social act which invokes intimate and unequal
relations between animals and people and among relatives. She suggests that this overlapping of prominent
questions can be more evident in the phenomenon of bride purchasing, a process that often implies
both relations between people and between people and animals. Russell (2007) concludes by arguing that
domestication can be better thought of as a varied set of practices with intentional and non-intentional
consequences, which may or may not create biological changes in the animals themselves. These practices
are better studied at certain times and places, because the meanings of terms and of the domesticated
relations (such as that of relatives) will vary over time and space. Another important (and disturbing) issue
raised by Russell (2007) concerns domestication as a relationship among relatives; in more precise terms,
kinship with other species.

5 Once again, the work mentioned by Sautchuk is emblematic for thinking of the currentness of this debate, given that fishing, as the author highlights,
presumes an involvement between man and fish, or in more explicit terms, requires a mutual domestication. At the same time, being configured as a model of
predatory sociality, it reinforces in both a proximity that is consolidated through carnivorous exchanges. Fishing, as technique, shapes the fish and the man.

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 For Russell, a new theory of kinship is based on at least two sources from classic approaches: a first
impulse is queer theory, which affirms the validity of other types of families and relationships in addition
to those that classically compose kinship structures. Another comes from scientific studies, in which
scholars contemplate the implications of new biological technologies. In-vitro fertilization, cloning
and transgenic chimeras create new types of relationships that in some way must be incorporated when
considering kinship. Theoreticians such as Donna Haraway embrace this indetermination. Strathern
(1992:16-17) observes that kinship represents a hybrid of different elements. Human kinship is considered
as a fact of society rooted in facts of nature. We recognize people as being divided between those related by
blood and those related by marriage, or that is, as the result of kinship or from a perspective of procreation.
Nevertheless, the process of procreation, as such, is seen as belonging not to the domain of society, but to
the domain of nature. Kinship thus connects the two domains and in this sense, it and domestication share
some common characteristics. Both involve classification systems, which are in turn related to questions
of power and affection. They are preferentially realized in the sphere of the family unit in the broad sense
(domus). Like human social relations, they are mediated by kinship structures, they are also negotiated by
means of domestic animals (through the interchange of animals, clientelistic relations based on loans of
cattle, etc.). The two interconnect in dowries, through transactions like those made with cattle in many
parts of Africa. The crossing and hybridization between biology and society create new challenges and
associations and continue to help us to understand the human-animal relationship in close and distant
contexts.
Also in favor of this general context of transformations in the debate about the human-animal
relationship in anthropology, it should be mentioned that a recent colloquium in France addressed the
emergence of this group of discussions under the idea of an animal shift in anthropology. The agenda
included the recent conjunction between the advances of the life sciences and their approximations
with ethology and cognition, the review of classic philosophical discussions about man and animals and
the sensibilities following from recent protectionist movements. According to the presentation of the
colloquium, “jusqu’à quel point l’intérêt pour ‘l’animal’ contribue-t-il à la connaissance des animaux
autant que des hommes en société, à la connaissance de la diversité et de la complexité de la cohabitation
des vivants? Peut-il constituer un objet d’étude à part entière? Les approches méthodologiques sont-elles
orientées, et si oui comment, par les formes d’engagement autour de ce qu’on appelle aujourd’hui “la
question animale”? Débouchent-elles sur des positions métaphysiques qui articuleraient de façon nouvelle
les formes du vivant”6. By questioning a certain lack of interest by the discipline for the “animal question”,
the shift that the Paris colloquium revealed is not reduced to explaining the interest of anthropology in
animals, but their presence as a significant alterity. However, Digard (2012), an important thinker in this
field, raised concerns about this movement. In a paper dedicated to criticizing some of the positions
presented in the Paris colloquium, he questioned the paradoxical place and status of the human-animal
relationship in the West: while some animals are consumed others are overprotected. For him, this is the
case of an animalitarian phenomenon that supposes animalism as an ontology.
Animalism is a quite diffuse term. According to Digard (2012), it is used to address both the inclusion
of animals in the human and social sciences, and in the case of ethnozoorarcheology, ethnosciences,
the ethnology of pastors and gatherers, among others. In another form, it appears as a movement – the
center of gravity of a type of animalitarian activism. Part of this movement began after World War II,
with the economic reconstruction in which traditional, familiar and polyvalent husbandry gave way to
concentrated, intensive and specialized processes. These changes altered the French way of life, and their

6 The complete program can be found at: <http://www.college-de-france.fr/media/philippe-descola/UPL23153_Tournant_animaliste_Animal_

Turn_11_06_22_24.pdf>. Accessed in November 2016.

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meat consumption rose from 50kg per person per year in the 1950s to nearly 100 kg in the 1980s, after which
it dropped to 90kg. This effectively changed the relationship with animals in the context of husbandry,
which became more impersonal and shaped by production pressures. Another question for Digard (2012)
concerns the number of pet animals that has also surprisingly increased in France – reaching 60 million.
They are now a part of the family – a cathartic solution to loneliness – something a middle class family
must have. No expense is too high for the food and care of these pets, which has led to the appearance of
many veterinary clinics. There is also an urbanization of the relationship – or that is, a distinction in terms
of human-animal relationships that profoundly distinguishes it from the rural form. While dogs and cats
appear in large numbers, pigs, rabbits, rats, lizards or snakes are also treated as pets. The appearance of new
pets has become common, Digard (2012) mentions, such as horses, which are less frequently used as draft
animals or for competitions. There has similarly been an increase in the number of documentaries in which
“wild fauna”, from sharks to bears or wolves, appear as innocent creatures that are threatened by man, who
is demonized in the relationship. The issue is that the relationship with wild animals (which the author
considers less wild because they are protected and handled by humans) has a symmetrical and inverse
status than the relationship with pets. The relationship is symmetrical because neither has utility and it is
inverse because pets embody a maximum of human intervention and are thus appreciated for proximity,
while wild animals incarnate the idea of being free of human intervention. Man is seen as an externality
to the natural environment. This difference is also noted in the French case by the gap found between pets
and farm-raised animals – where the first are considered to be an elite form of animal while the second case
involves the denunciation of exploitation. According to Digard (2012), the universe of animal protection in
France is a nebulous of nearly 280 associations, some created in the mid nineteenth century. Nevertheless,
it should be understood that the various emerging forms of animalitarianisms – like those of humanism –
are corollaries of Eurocentric philosophies and their generalizing formulas and for this reason the study of
human-animal relations must be ethnographically situated.
The constitution in Brazil of the field known as “human-animal relations” does not precisely follow
this disciplinary dynamic of Animal Studies. The reference is certainly present, but animals became
significant based on particular questions within other fields, such as the anthropology of science (with
its multiple analytical devices and experimental observation technologies, animal models, telemetry,
and veterinary sciences etc.) or of indigenous ethnology (in which cougars, turtles, capybaras, birds and
fish have a prominent presence in cosmology and mythology), in large- and small-scale husbandry, for
mass production and for subsistence, and last but not least in the multiple and heterogeneous presence
of animals in urban environments, in situations related to zoonoses, the pet market or animal protection.
In addition to the individual works of Bevilacqua (2011, 2013, 2014), Segata (2012), Vander Velden (2012), Sá
(2013) and Sussekind (2014), located in the continuum understood to exist between the “animalist shift” and
“Amerindian ethnology”, recent collections celebrate the appearance of the animal-subject in ethnography,
substituting the ancient animal-object of representation and use. Emblematic examples of this are found
in the works that compose the collection Parentes, Vítimas e Sujeitos [Relatives, Victims and Subjects],
organized by Vander Velden & Bevilaqua (2016), which to a large degree was inspired by ethnology,
especially by specialists in the Arctic circle (Ingold 2000) and by Amazon scholars (Descola 2005; Erikson
2012; Fausto 2004).
Following the route blazed by this first generation of researchers, new works have appeared that
emphasize animality as a theme of high interest in relation to the influences of globalization and science.
This can be seen in the strategies of distinction in the breeding and production of cattle in Leal (2016); in
the situation of wild boars that ignore borders and property lines presented by Sordi (2015); among the
lab rats in Souza (2013) that challenge moral indifference and evoke the biopolitical tattooing of Giorgio

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Agamben and the ethics of Emmanuel Levinas; in the transnational mosquito that mobilizes biopolitical
emergencies in studies by Segata (2016a, 2016b); in the dogs with leishmaniosis on Brazil’s “triple frontier”
with Paraguay and Argentine, addressed by Argentine anthropologist Andrea Mastrangelo (2016); and
in the urban animal – a bastard child of this venerable line – which is treated as a child by middle class
families, yet which as a victim is deserted at the metropolitan peripheries (Fudge 2014; Lewgoy, Sordi &
Pinto 2015). This second group, is in general dedicated to investigating animals in less exotic contexts than
those commonly emphasized in the discipline, but which equally place anthropology in limit situations, by
inserting themselves in the crossing of effects and influences of broad geopolitical, global and local trends,
with highly complex urban and rural realities.7
In relation to Brazil it is also important to mention that the imminent expansion of the field is indicated
by working groups and round table discussions at events such as the Reunião Brasileira de Antropologia [The
Brazilian Anthropology Meeting]- RBA, Reunião Equatorial de Antropologia/Reunião de Antropólogos do Norte e
Nordeste [The Equatorial Anthropology Meeting/Meeting of Anthropologists of the North and Northeast] -
REA-ABANNE, Reunião de Antropologia da Ciência e da Técnica [The Anthropology of Science and Technology
Meeting] - REACT, Reunião de Antropologia do Mercossul [Anthropology Meeting of Mercosur] - RAM and
Encontro Anual da Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais [The Annual Meeting of
the National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in the Social Sciences] - ANPOCS and research
groups such as Espelho Animal [Animal Mirror] at the graduate program in social anthropology at UFRGS
and thematic dossiers in journals such as the Anuário Antropológico (UnB), the Revista Anthropológicas
(UFPE), the R@U (UFSCar), CADECS (UFES), as well as other forthcoming dossiers, such as that of Iluminuras
(UFRGS), Vivência (UFRN) and Horizontes Antropológicos (UFRGS). Moreover, it is notable that in recent years
theses and dissertations have been produced based on studies of this issue (Calmon de Oliveira 2006; Segata
2012; Matos 2012; Pastori 2012; Sordi 2013; Franco 2015; Teixeira 2015), some of which have been published,
(Sá 2013; Vander Velden 2012; Süssekind 2014; Leal 2016). Therefore, it should be recognized that Brazilian
anthropological production about the issue is emergent and pulled between various intellectual influences
and styles (in a continuum between ethnology and urban anthropology, which is the source of its wealth).
This is shaping a problematic that, despite the variety of publications, working groups and research
projects, is consolidating this line of research in institutions and support agencies.
It should also be emphasized that authors such as Philippe Descola and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro are
references with a constant presence in the field, particularly, in relation to the epistemological issues they
raise. Animals have long been omnipresent in the daily life and mythology of the indigenous world, but
upon following the more recent theories and recognizing the agency of non-human animals, ethnology
became, alongside animalism, one of the strong inductors and matrixes of transformation of the human-
animal connection in anthropology. This domain is represented in this dossier by the works of Vander
Velden “Village Ornaments: Familiarization and pets as art(ifacts) in Amazonia” and by Arisi “Matis Animal
Feasts: Minimal mimesis for social relations weaving”. Together with Bevilaqua, Vander Velden was one of
the pioneers in the agencying of an intellectual and institutional locus for the encounter and dialog with
researchers interested in human-animal relations. His study among the Karitiana, the source of the article
published here, reveals the place of animals raised among this indigenous group, emphasizing the aesthetic
of human-animal conviviality in houses and villages. Arisi shows the socio-cosmological role performed

7 For example, in a recent presentation of the issue of R@u - Revista de Antropologia da UFSCar, dedicated to plural animalities, which combined works
of young Brazilian anthropologists with foreign interlocutors, Felipe Vander Velden (2015) emphasized the importance of reviving elements of symbolic
anthropology (it can be helpful to think about those animals) along with recognition of the agency of animals. This revival of the theoretical heritage of
symbolic anthropology is strategic for dealing with situations where animals arouse the native imagination and establish a relationship with other domains
of social life, such as morality, politics, magic and kinship, indicating a more serene relationship with the “anguish of influence” in the sense used by Harold
Bloom (1991).

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by animals at banquets where a relationship with different types of alterity is agencied by the projection of
zoological classifications. The two works share an emphasis on the aesthetic dimensions of the indigenous
relational universe, not a segmented dimension, as in the West, but a mode of collective being that, as Joana
Overing affirms, is also a poetic.
It is also possible to perceive the interlinking of the various ethnographic contexts that form the scope
of interest of the field of anthropology of human-animal relations in Brazil from the works of Natacha Leal,
Flávia Rieth, Daniel Vaz Lima and Marília Floor Kosby, as well as those of Felipe Süssekind, who look at
different rural universes of husbandry in rural Brazil. Focused on elite cattle auctions in the Minas Gerais
city of Uberaba, in the study entitled About Zebus and Zebuzeiros: Value and price, influences and substances
in elite cattle auctions, Natacha Leal analyzes the economic, political and symbolic relations among men
and cattle that compete to produce products and intellectual capital in this species that is Brazil’s leading
animal export. Leal shows how cattle are much more than a good, but multidimensional and complex
beings, which agency relations, knowledge, identities and representations. Meanwhile, in the study The
Way of Life of the Brazilian Pampas: an ethnography of the Campeiros, Rieth, Lima & Kosby operate in the
register of heritage, investigating the relationship between humans and animals in the rich pampa culture
of Rio Grande do Sul. Then, in Notes on the Bagual: Cattle raising, hunting and conservation in the Brazilian
Pantanal, Süssekind analyzes cattle raising in the Pantanal of Mato Grosso and considers cattle as a key link
in an articulation between ecology, economics and experimentation. He finds cattle are also the focus of
various classification systems, based on contrasts between “tame” and “fierce” and “domestic” and “wild”,
pretexts he uses to discuss the modalities of practice in the human-animal relations in the region.
As a counterpoint, but equally immersed in the complex situations that the field has explored, is
Andrea Osorio’s study Sociabilities and Sensitivities: Recruitments in caring for homeless animals. Osorio
interviewed people who protect animals to analyze their trajectories, dispositions and values. She shows
that animal protection has various modalities of recruitment and participation, and that the conversion
to the struggle is a heterogeneous and varied process, which takes form as a type of “high cost citizenship,
which at times flerts with religious inclinations.
In another direction, addressing a quite controversial theme in the field of human-animal relations – is
the work of Marcos Carvalho, Producing Chimeras: Lineages of rodents, laboratory scientists and the vicissitudes of
animal experimentation. Considered as model animals that are constantly desubjectivated by the hegemonic
discourse of official science, guinea pigs were discovered by veterinary science, by bioethics and by laws
about the ethical use of animals. Beyond the focus on well-being, and the specific fascination of the
anthropology of science for “non-humans” in laboratories (with their clocks, walls, smocks, clipboards,
chemicals, surgical materials and instruments and test tubes) Marcos Carvalho asks in his ethnography
about the singularity of guinea-pigs. Integrated with other work, like that of Souza (2013), Carvalho focuses
on the relationship between humans and guinea pigs to go beyond a residual humanist tie, emphasizing the
agency of these animals in the result of the experimental studies.
Finally, the dossier concludes with the graphic essay by Aina Azevedo and Sara Asu Shroer. The authors
use graphic art to take an unprecedented look at falconry inspired by Tim Ingold’s phenomenological
anthropology. The impressionistic designs of Aina (who also illustrated the cover of this dossier) show
the agency of the falcons and the falconers, as well as the role of climate, earth and air in the readings and
dialogs between each other and the environment. The text’s dissatisfaction with the traditional conventions
of anthropology for considering the human-animal connection and the new routes offered to represent it is
emblematic of the methodological, conceptual and poetic challenges that this volume modestly sought to
bring together.

Jean Segata, Bernardo Lewgoy Vibrant v.13 n.2 34

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Jean Segata
Graduate Program in Social Anthropology, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul,
Porto Alegre/RS, Brazil.
jeansegata@ufrgs.br

Bernardo Lewgoy
Graduate Program in Social Anthropology, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul,
Porto Alegre/RS, Brazil.
mlewgoy.bernardo@gmail.com

Jean Segata, Bernardo Lewgoy Vibrant v.13 n.2 37