Economic, Cultural
Economic, Cultural
Economic, Cultural
History and culture had always been my favorite subjects during my school days.
But these subjects had been the history and cultures of other places rather than my
own. My fascination to learn the richness of our culture was set aflame while working in
a special programme for almost 10 years that accorded me time and opportunity to
witness, in different places in the Cordilleras, the manifestations and expressions of
their own varied and distinct indigenous culture. These cultures are observed and
manifested in the different positive values and belief systems they hold in their heart,
the different social and political institutions they adhere, and the intricate and mystifying
dances, songs, chants and prayers they perform in community gatherings. As I
observed and enjoy the interplay of these cultures and in the different places I’ve
visited, I sense a familiarity and quaint quiver runs my spine remembering that my place
too had its own unique culture as pure and as dynamic as those that I have witnessed.
These cultures had nurtured and sustained them as community over the past eons of
time in their existence, these rich cultures preserved and inherited over the years were
not written. If I clearly remember, the only book I had read on Cordillera was written by
an outsider.
As providence has its own ways, I was extremely glad for the chance to work in
our place where I hope to observe the last remnant of our culture before they are fully
acculturated and adulterated, though I know it’s rather too late. My initial home
touchdown brought me back to childhood memories of innocence and freedom enjoying
perfect relationship with nature having no electricity, no disturbing mass media, no
transportation and no government but simply a community that shares together, stays
together and celebrates together, all locked in the same place.
I begin to search in the LGU for literature that may have captured a glimpse on
the culture of the place which are extremely helpful in my present work at the planning
office. Coincidentally, I come across a manuscript compiling different aspect on the
cultural traditions of the place. This was written by Ms. Godalive D. Gamonnac, an
authoritative writer on Sadanga culture being the eldest and longest to serve in the local
government as municipal secretary with more access and control to municipal
documents and information. My trust and respect for her has a credible writer comes
from the fact that she was a fellow recipient of a Gawad from the Provincial DILG for her
active role in the preparation of 3 LGU codes namely; code of general administration,
environment code and revenue code which was assisted by the special programme I
previously worked with. Aside from this, she was an active observer and participant on
most of the cultural practices she had compiled.
This book roughly titled “Socio-economic, Cultural, and Brief Political Profile of
Sadanga: A Compilation” contains a comprehensive wealth of information covered in 6
engaging chapters and written in a straightforward, logical and precise academic
research style.
As preliminary for better comprehension, chapter 1 included an overview on the
socio-economic, cultural and brief political history of the place. This chapter traced the
political development of the place in 1896 when the Spanish Regime attempted to
colonize the place by the establishing military outpost in Bontoc and a garrison at
barangay Sacasacan. She then browsed to the American period until the place became
a municipality under the established constitutional laws. Worth knowing in this narrative
is the account of the enduring loyalty of our people to their own village institutions which
became a big obstacle in the enforcement of laws under the American Regime. This
would only indicate the people’s enduring sense of independence and strong fidelity to
their own indigenous system.
In retrospect, Sadanga tribe has been isolated from the outside world for a long
time. The isolation provided the impetus for the evolution of the pure and unique
behavioral pattern, spiritual belief, institutional systems as well as indigenous
knowledge, skill and practices in the place. These systems, beliefs, and practices
functioned to maintain their social order and regulate their behavioral relationship within
and outside their tribe. Most of the important systems being practiced in Sadanga are
the subject of this book. Peden as one of the most important institutions was given more
space in this book. The peden played a major function in governing the diplomatic
relations between tribes. It governed the inter-tribal peace and order and served as
mechanism of the barter trade flourishing during those times. Chapter 2 presents the
peden as a Socio- cultural and Economic Institution in the community. The peden life
cycle from the process of forging it, sustaining it until the process of restoring it when
severed was elaborated. Reading this chapter serves as a constant reminder on the
sweat of our forefathers that bear fruits into our peaceful existence now.
Chaper 3 enumerated the list of peace pact holders and selected peace
agreement made under the peden. This chapter indicates the maintenance of peace as
continuing effort and a times a struggle which every person in the tribe has to contend
with.
The effects of peden on the life of the people were provided in Chapter 4. It was
an important reminder of those grim experience in our history when tribal war went
unabated inflicting heavy toll on the life of the people. Fortunately to some extent, these
experiences are instrumental in compelling the tribe to seek peaceful means of co-
existence thus strengthening this Peden Institution towards that end.
Tribal costumes and other institutions of the place were described in Chapter 5.
This includes religious holidays, social practices and family institutions bordering on life
cycles from birth to death, the belief system, values, and practices. Included in chapter
6 are indigenous dance, songs, and music that sustained the dynamic and evolving
culture before it was disintegrated by modern civilization brought by Christian
missionaries and the government.
The more I read this book, the more I appreciate the evolutionary history of our roots
and the more I am convinced that had Christianity, civilization and government not
intruded in our life and short circuited the natural process of our evolution as a race, we
might have developed a more advance culture respectful and more connected with
nature, closer with the life sustaining energy of the universe and spiritually anchored
with the inner truth while living in love and freedom oblivious of the materialistic culture
rapidly plaguing us now. Our identity crises should have never been there in the first
place.
I gratefully welcome this book and consider it with respect and admiration as a work of
an insightful insider who can comprehend and approximate the descriptions of our
cultures and express it with clarity from our own indigenous point of view. This is the
only book I came across recently, written by a native Igorot.
This book validly record in print the culture that was practiced inour place before they
were fully covered by the wind of change. Essentially, this compilation offers a wider
understanding of our own experiences distinct from mainstream culture. Indeed, this
book serves as invaluable resource book for students and interested readers and is
certainly helpful to our planners as well as external partners implementing development
interventions in our place who wishto harness existing positive values and cultural
dynamics to enhance better project implementations. Eventually in the long run, this
book serves as a lasting legacy and heritage for the challenging waves of generations
to come.
Let’s read this book for ourselves and penetrate the surface of our skin to explore the
depth and beauty of our cultural roots which, to some extent, are still running in our
veins. Reading this book is worth your time.
Jose F. Lampesa
Planning & Dev’t Coordinator
December 1, 2009
Sadanga, Mountain Province,
Preface
As part of the research project of the Sanguniang Bayan Committees on Peace and
Order and Culture, this book is compilation of customs, institutions, beliefs and practices
as lived by the Sadanga people. The customs and institutions described in this book are
those of the town of seeding itself which is the center of Sadanga Municipality. It is an
attempt to preserve and protect the locale indigenous knowledge,systems, and
practices against outside information “robbers” for commercial purposes. Moreover, it
shall serve as a resource book for researchers and a guide for the young while living in
harmony with the outside tribes.
This volumes contains a brief profile of each of the eight barangays of Sadanga
Municipality clustered under four sub-tribe groups. It highlighted on the peden with a
collection of about 27 written peace pact agreements. Other agreements are unwritten,
which nevertheless remain intact unblemished with no violations whatsoever between
the two tribes.
Equally realizing the importance of documenting and compiling the different tribal
customs and traditions, the compiler included unpublished materials and other writings
she could find, enriched by information shared by some living elders in the municipality.
It is hoped that this volume will help provide insights and mechanisms for policy and
decision makers, planners, academians, researchers and students through a thorough
understanding of the native life ways of Sadanga people which inevitably affect the
sustainability of development in the place if not utilized in the right time, step and
decision.
Godeliva D. Gamonnac
Republic of the Philippines
Mountain Province
SADANGA
OFFICE OF THE SANGGUNIANG BAYAN
MESSAGE
The observation and analysis of the late rebel-priest Conrado Balweg of the peace pact
practicing communities or the Binodngan tribe of the Cordillera notably the highland
tribes of Abra, Northern-Eastern and Cenyral part of Mountain Province and the whole
Kalinga are that they are considered the “Nations within a nation”. This is so because of
their peace pact agreements governing their harmonious co- existence with their
neighboring tribes which are embodied in their usually unwritten and now being written
agreements called “pagta”. The characteristics of a pagta is that it is agreement defining
the relationship of a distinct group of people considered a tribe with other tribes which
are recognizable by their dialect, having a defined territory or ancestral domain where
other tribes having peace pact which are protected, and providing penal provisions or
any violations or crimes, among others, would indeed prove to any students of history
that the Binodngan tribes are tiny nations with the Philippine nation.
This compilation of available written peace pact agreements or pagtas of the Sadanga
tribes people aims to provide incoming generations with reading materials to understand
better and appreciate their past and present culture and actively initiate changes or
ammendments to improve these pagtas to make them relevant to present realities
brought by Christianity, education, and modern living in this global community. These
pagtas are actually our customary laws and cultures but some practices has lost their
relevance especially our culture of making revenge. This practice is the biggest
stumbling block why the Binodngan communities are the most backward in terms of
development and prosperity in the Cordillera Region. We therefore need to replace
these with Christian values and beliefs so that any wrong doings should be settled
amicably if not through the legal justice system. If we cannot do away with these peace
pact practices at this point in time let us work at least to make them Christian
agreements.
In the realization of this document, we give credit to the previous members of the
sangguniang bayan spearheaded by SB member Fausto Morareng, the SB staff and the
present officialdom of this municipality and of course to the Japan Social Development
Fund for their financial support to this project.
FRANCIS D. DANGIWAN
Municipal Vice Mayor
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The researcher/ compiler expresses her praise to the Lord, the God Almighty, for
His boundless love, abiding grace, blessings and directions which made this project
possible. Likewise, acknowledgment is accorded with sincere gratitude to all those who
contributed in its realization despite financial constraints. Specifically, this compilation
project is with the support of the following:
Hon. Fausto Morareng, chair of the SB Committee on rules and peace and order
and security, for inviting the barangay Councilor’s League to give an initial fund
counterpart support to start the project and his continuous encouragement to come out
with an output before their term of office ends.
The members of the Barangay Councilors League, for their generous support to the
project;
The key elder- informants, for their diligence, patience, and sincerity in providing the
needed information.
The LGU Officialdom, term July 2004- June 2007, for their support and the gathering of
some copies of the peace agreements and term 2007-2010, for their continuing support
in completion of the project;
The family of the compiler, for their understanding, support and inspiration; and
Compiler/ Researcher
CHAPTER I
The Municipality: Its’ Brief Socio-Economic, Cultural Profile, and Brief Political
History
Godeliva G. Gamonnac
1. Socio-Economic Profile
The land area of the Municipality is estimated to be about 38,128 hectares as per
Ancestral Domain description of the people, its land area comprises
approximately 47,266 hectares. In a communicationdated February 26, 2008
from the Land Management Bureau, DENR,Manila the new land area of
Sadanga has been adjusted from NAMRIA 8, 330 hectares to 25, 183 hectares
as per updatd political boundary map. The terrain is rugged and mountainous as
it is part of the Grand Cordillera Forest Reserve.
Sadanga tribe has an actual total population of more or less 7, 937 as of second
quarter of 2009 as per record of Municipal Health Office. As per NSO update, the
total population is about 10,467.
More than half of the working population earns Php. 1, 105.00 and below per
month per household. Household income is still mainly derived from farming but
a significant number (382) are employed in the government and private
enterprise. A small number are engaged in business. Hunting and fishing are
seasonal sources of viand for some tribes living along the rivers and those at
mountain borders.
An average of about 3-5 parcels of rice fields and swidden garden are being tilled
per household that are mainly planted to rice, camote leaves, and vegetables.
Pigs, carabaos,cows, dogs, and chickens are main livestocks raised to sustain
the practice of its customs and traditions.
2. Culture Profile (Customs, Traditions, Language, and Ethnic Grouping)
The customs and traditions of the people are rich and have been preserved over
the centuries. Most of the agricultural activities, ceremonies and other community
affairs are centered in the ator (sleeping quarter of the old men, single men,
young boys; the center of the most activities happening in the community—be it
agricultural, cultural, religious or political activites). The Ator is the indigenous
government with complete set of laws to govern a community. It is the elders with
moral standing who are legislative and executive body of the ator.
One of the noted traits(custom) of Sadanga is their hospitability and selfless act
of assuming physical security and providing food and accommodation to visitors
and strangers. The burden of these will be borne by the first family who has
invited or offered food or water to the visitors. After partaking of the food, the
visitor is assumed of security from physical harm as long as he is within the
locality.
Sadanga is classified under the Bontoc tribe and the language dominantly
spoken is classified under “Khankana-ey”, other languages spoken are Ilokano,
Tagalog, English, and other Cordillera dialects.
Since there was no written record about the history of the Municipality, the
researcher has to depend on the oral old folk’s story and the other pre-war men
who still remember some of the dates and important events.
Sacasacan was established as the seat of Government of the town and the
center of trade and commerce of the populace. The political leaders that time
were designated by the Spanish local Colonial government, namely:
i. Tad-ao-Fiador
ii. Pandagor-Fiador
iii. Aka-ak-Fiador
iv. Rombot- Fiador
v. Winnie-Fiador
vi. Kepesan-Fiador
vii. Labfotan-Fiador
viii. Kadatar-Fiador
Traditions of Spanish origins are not evident in the place since the Spaniards
were never able to subjugate the tribes’ people. There were several unsuccessful
forays into the place but the hostile tribes had intimidated the colonizers. Sooner,
they realized that the Igorot people became an economic burden to Spain so
they abandoned the place for some time.
Later, when the Municipality was yet under the Municipality of Bontoc, the first
councilor was Abe (one name). When it was separated from Bontoc, the
councilmen were:
a. Chao-ay
b. Mangertag
c. Ao-as
d. Segnaben
e. Paor
f. Fallitang
g. Padkayan
During the American Regime, one big obstacle in the enforcement of the laws of
the new government was of course the enduring loyalty of the natives to their
own Village Institutions of tribal leaders who controlled their actions and gave
directions of what to be done. The American authorities adopted the unorthodox
rule that a village was responsible for the act of an individual who was delivered
to the authorities to be dealt with according to law. It took many patient years,
frequent meetings and bold actions to convince the people that the new
government was for the people. Furthermore, the American Lieutenant Governor
urged the Institution of the “peden” or peace pact among feuding Villages.
At the inception of the Commonwealth of the Philippines still under the United
States of America in 1934, the municipal districts in the sub-province had their
first informal election. The candidates were voted upon by colored cards. The
voter would pick up the corresponding candidate color and dropped in the box.
Whoever had the highest number of colors was the winner.
The election was held in Poblacion. Only to literate or otherwise those paying
property taxes to the government were allowed to cast their votes. The first
informal elected Municipal District president were:
During this era, the town of Sadanga has five barrios namely: Belwang, Bekigan,
Sacasacan, Saclit and Sadanga. Anabel and Betwagan were under the Municipal
District of Bontoc.
Sometime in 1934- 1935, the town hall from Sacasacan was brought down to
Sadanga with the following succession of leaders:
a. Gangngangan – President
b. Jose Limmayog – Military Mayor
c. Pac-eo- Military Mayor
The other leaders at Sacasacan during the transfer of the town hall were:
a. Fadosan Gepped – Konsehal
b. Sianen Engwa – Konsehal
c. Maguiwe
d. Ardog
By the close of the three- year term of the first informally elected presidents in
December 1937, their titles as Municipal Executives, was changed to Municipal
District Mayor.
During this American period, the Roman Catholic religion was established in all
barangays including barrio schools. The first school was put up in Sadanga
proper. Road was widened.
After the bombing of Clark Field, Pampanga and Camp John Hay, Baguio City
and in early February, Bontoc, the capital of the Mountain Province was under
control. On the same year, the Japanese forces came to Barangay SAcasacn at
about noontime coming from Wakaran, Malegcong towards Danano to spy. They
stopped ther and rested at the granary of Winnie. Passing farmers who saw them
got frightened and scared that they ran away leaving their “baon” (food), others
hid among bushes. Because the Japanese soldiers were hungry, they ate the
food left behind. The first runner who nearly reached Sacasacan shouted
(nenfetad) ti inform the people that their enemies were at Danano. The people
prepared, got their spears, bolos, and shields and ran to the direction of the
“fetad” (warning emergency call). Upon arrival at Dananao, all the Japanese
soldiers to drink wine. Because of thirst and hunger, they enjoyed the drinking
spree till they got drank. At 9:oo o’clock in the evening, when everybody were
fast asleep, each man guarded one soldier and as the signal was given by the
leader to eat, they killed 24 soldiers but three (3) escaped. Two were wounded
but died upon arrival at their camp at Wakaran. The lone survivor was not
wounded because he ran away unnoticed when he felt they were to be killed.
During the ranging World War II, killings were rare except to soldiers. Properties
and livestock’s were damaged, stolen and killed. After the war, loses were
reported and paid.
In 1987, a group of Japanese led by the prior sole survivor came to Sacasacan
and retrieved the bones of the dead soldiers at sitio Danano and brought these
back home to Japan.
Several years after the war, the old Mountain Province, through the Provincial
Board Resolution No. 592, dated October 14, 1949 was modified; the barangays
of Anabel and Betwagan were added to the original five (5) barangays to
constitute the Municipal District of Sadanga.
On July 1, 1956, Sadanga Municipal district was classified as second class
municipal district in accordance with Executive Order No. 235, dated February
13, 1957 by the President Ramon Magsaysay.
Iin early 1959 under the able administration of Provincial Governor Bado
Dangwa, the undivided Mountain Province was elevated from special to a regular
first class province with revenues comparable to many provinces in the lowlands
under the same category. It followed that the Municipal District of Sadanga in the
sub-province became a regular municipality by virtue of Executive Order No. 42
on June 25, 1963 by the then President Diosdado Macapagal by operation of the
provisions of Section 2 R.A. No. 1515. The informal elections then for the local
executive ceased as such.
D. Landing (Betwagan)
4. Local Governace
Definition:
In the municipality of Sadanga where the residents are natives of the place, their affairs
are governed by a set of indigenous customary laws which interplay with the national
and local laws.
The power of governance resides not only in the duly constituted local authorities but
also in the Council of Elders. The exercise of government functions and services are the
concerns of the local officials but the observance of their customs and traditions,
religious beliefs and agricultural practices are the jurisdiction of the council of elders and
some elderly barangay officials. These two sets of authorities compliment each other
because they have separate and distinct functions and responsibilities.
The Governance of the Elders
The older men and some ex-officials called the “pasados” who are recognized as born
leaders by virtue of their wisdom and impartial decision-making compose the council of
the elders in every community or barangay of Sadanga municipality. The seat of the
indigenous elders in the “ator”. It is in this “ator” where any concern or problem affecting
any person, family or community is publicly discussed, discerned and collectively
decided based on available facts, proofs or evidences when it come to cases like land
disputes and others. The elders exercise control over the following:
1. The declaration and observance of the indigenous rest-day or holiday called “te-
er”, “to-or” or “tengao”. This “te-er” is the solemn practice of giving honor and
thanks to Kabunian (God) by way of abstaining from working in the fields or
asking His blessings for a bountiful harvest or to implore His mercy in the
[revention of anybad event or calamity.
2. To ensure obedience or observance of the “te-er”, the elders designate the
member of the different “ators” in taking turn going around the village to collect
fines called “rapat” from those individuals who went to the fields or farms to work
during the “te-er”. Part of this collected fines will be used to pay park meat or
chicken to be served as offering to Kabunian at the last day of the “te-er” in a
sacred place called the “papattayan”.
3. Acts of the members of the Lupon to assist the local officials in arbitrating
disputes.
4. Play viral role in matters or peace pact problems, boundary disputes and the
general protection of the communal properties and resources of the community
found within their ancestral domain.
5. The influence of the elders upon the young generations in adhering to the
customary laws and make anyone who does not comply with the indigenous laws
an outcast.
The leaders, the ators and the customary laws are the cornerstone of the intact unity of
the people to think as one and to place the interest of the majority over the few. The
indigenous political and religious system should be recognized and supported and
should be adopted by the government in formulating laws for the indigenous people.
However, there are cases or matters that the governance of the duly constituted
authorities should prevail over the customary practices especially in the settlement of
tribal conflict where tribal pride and tribal war mentality of the people are to be properly
addressed for the interest of peace and general welfare of the majority. The government
should interfere in ending tribal war to avoid unnecessary loss of life and dislocation of
the economic activities of the people.
The powers and functions of governance in the municipal level are exercised by the
local municipal officials headed by the Municipal Mayor, the Vice- Mayor, Sangguniang
Bayan, the Municipal Treasurer, the Municipal Accountant, the Budget Officer, the
Municipal Assessor, the Municipal Planning and Development Coordinator, the
Municipal Engineer, the Municipal Health Officer, the Municipal Agriculturist, the
Municipal Social Welfare and Development officer and the Municipal Civil Registrar.
Under the supervision and control of the municipal government are the eight barangays
namely: Sadanga Poblacion, Demang, Sacasacan, Anabel, Betwagan, Belwang,
Bekigan, and Saclit. These barangays have their own set of barangay officials who will
look after their immediate needs.
Basically, the functions and responsibilities of the local government is to render services
to the constituents and to implement all the programs of the government for the welfare
of its people.
Chapter II
The i-Sadanga which comprises 6.12% of the total population of Mountain Province
occupies 14.04% of the total land area of the Province. They reside along mountain
slope areas where their forefathers struggled and succeeded in carving their cultural,
political, and economic base, which they call this day their “Ancestral Domain”. Here,
their ancestors grew and developed their forest from where they cut woods for housing
and which gave them food and medicine. Their wood land became watershed from
which springs flow to the numerous rivers teeming with fishes. It provided waters not
only for the low lying areas occupied by the Ilocanoes and Tagalogs. Amidst also the
Sadanga comes in the spiritual world of the spirits and the sky that bring rains.
Peace among the i-Sadanga and neighboring tribes is kept through the peden system,
an indigenous system of governance and justice under the administration of the Council
of elders. This system recognizes three basic structures namely: the tribe/ people/
residents; territory or jurisdiction (kedeng/bogis); and peace pact laws (pagta). They
enter into a bilateral tie with other tribes and are enjoined to protect each other’s life,
property, and honor. Violationof these three-peace pact components would mean a
break in their relationship, which might lead into a bloody tribal war. Restoration of the
relationship has always been a long and costly process.
The Sadanga peace pact was painstakingly developed through the centuries out of a
need for collective security which is the basis for founding viable communities. It is
conceived from the desire to live in peace and social security so that advances towards
economic progress and social stability might be attained according to the people’s
concept of wealth and well being. Peden therefore, is a socio-cultural and economic
institution that has for many years bound the I-sadanga or Sadangganians to live in
peace and security. Through this inter-village miniature pact or treaty, boundaries of the
individual Sadanga “ili” are established. The original Sadanga “ili” was comprised of
either a single group of dwellings or sitios scattered in a certain area to which the
inhabitants owe a deep sense of belonging or to the entire occupying a certain territory
they call their own. The “kedeng” or boundaries of ancestral abodes are definitely
delinated not only of responsibility of the peace pact holder.
B. SITUATIONAL BACKGROUND
Accordingly to the old folks, the very early settlers of Sadanga were two
orphaned brother and sister who survived the flood on earth. These two were
tricked by Kabunyan and commanded to marry and bear children. After
sometime, the couple had a daughter named “Fangan”. She grew up until she
was ready to marry one of the three brothers who got down from heaven to live
on earth. They were Lumawig (eldest), Amkabigat (second), and Pagrakayan
(third and the youngest). Lumawig settled down in bontoc and married Bogan,
Amkabigat settled in Sacasacan and married “Fangan” the daughter of the
orphaned couple, while Pagrakayan settled in Bekigan and also got married
there.
As the early settlers multiply, they encountered new intruders invading their
settlements; inter-village boundary dispute arose and the bitter rivalry for
supremacy over the bounties of the hinterland resulted to long years of bloody
strives. After years of tribal warfare, the struggling settlers ame to realization that
it was not possible to improve their lot insofar as one village threatened to
exterminate other. The “Pangat”, chosen leaders whose exercise of authority
emanated from the “ator” – a commonwealth of the groups, saw that the impacts
of inter-tribal warfare constantly taking place among the settlers was definitely
detrimental to the health and life and to the economic and social standing. This
realization, coupled with the desire to live in peace so as to enhance the quality
of their lives in terms of performance and material prosperity, the tribal leaders
living in different settlements, forged among themselves bonds of friendship and
brotherhood so that socio-economic prosperity might be achieved, and enjoyed
in tapping the virgin resources of their mountain abodes. Thus, was born the
peden for the Sadangganians/Bontoc and Bodong for the Kalingas. This made
possible free passages from villages to village in the neighboring localities within
the peden orbit. The exchange of domestic products flowed out among the
settlers which made life more bearable and pleasant. The village folks living in
peace with their neighbors diverted their energy and ingenuity to be painstaking
construction of controlling factor for peace and trade that nourished and
cemented the solidarity of the Sadangganians within and outside the tribe.
Just like other tribes of the Cordillera, the people of Sadanga believe that life is
sacred and that there is life and spirit in everything. In order to preserve and
enhance life, people must live in peace and harmony with each other. These
friendship and unity must be nurtured to maintain harmony and balance in the
land.
It is from the sacredness of life that the peden finds its meaning and value. The
peden has been instituted as ameans of securing life and well-being of the native
tribes now and for generations to come.
The indigenous people of Sadanga value their land, water, and other resources
as life. To them, these resources are considered inseparable and interrelated
elements that make up their ancestral domains. That is why boundaries were
established between tribes which are incorporated in their pagtas or laws that are
passed through word of mouth from one generation to another. They also
performed rituals and chant prayers to the gods and spirits whom they claimed to
be real owners of the natural resources which give life to human beings.
This deep respect for LIFE, which simply does not refer only to human life but to
the wholeness of all creation, radiate certain core values and beliefs of the
people of Sadanga a kin to the Kalingas, such as:
a. FA-IN – refers to the proper attitude towards other people. It mandates proper
respect to others especially to the kapeden.
b. PANIYEW – this belief is centered on the concept of a supreme being called
Kabunyan or God for the Christaians. It is Kabunyan who sets the parameters
of his relationship with man and regulates the relationship of man with Him
and other spirits as well as the relationship of man with his fellow man. For
the native people of Sadanga, to do harm to others is bad and evil. This
emanates from fear of a supreme being that can render punishment for the
evil acts. Thus, the peden is not to be broken lest badluck befall not only the
current generation but also future generations as well depending on the
gravity of violations. The belief is embedded in a system of reward and
punishment and the “fatedness” of its outcome. Thus, there are actions that
are taboo and should be shunned and sacred places that are forbidden from
the people.
c. NGILIN – refers to the relationship of man with his fellow men, strict
observance of the rites and rituals of the peden. Strict compliance with the
mandates of the peden is expected.
It is believed that punishment from kabunyan may befall anyone who does not
observe this values (fa-in, paniyew and ngilin).
According to Ex- barangay Captain Lucio Ab-abor, “there are three types of
processes in the peden System: (a) process in forging an entirely new peden
(two tribes had no previous peace pact), (b) process in restoring a peden and (c)
process in sustaining the peden. Some of the steps in the three proceses may
interlap but there distinct steps and rituals in each of the processes,” he said.
1) SIPAT- it is a process when two different tribes from the Binodngan areas
meet, their friendship usually begins by knowing each other, their tribes and
their systems. When they agree that their friendship will be extended to their
tribe members and formalized as peden, they then make the SIPAT, the
preliminary step in installing the Peden, which means “I-Forbid”. In here,
“Warang” is the act of exchanging the symbols of the sipat in the form of
valuable metals such as gaman (bolo), tubay (spear), pingki (lighter), coins, or
parting (metallic stone used to light up tobacco thru fiction). In the olden
times, metal was rare and valuable and the natives prized it. It symbolizes
hope for a lasting and enduring relationship between the two forging tribes.
Then both parties return to their tribe with the sipat. Upon arrival, they gather
the tribe and inform them of the new relationship forged. He shows the
weapon he has brought home as a sign of peace for which he assumes the
corresponding and binding responsibilities. Pending the formal celebration of
the peden so concluded by means of sipat, the members of the two tribes
may now mingle together without fear of the danger of being robbed, injured
or killed.
It may also happen that in certain critical situation between two hostile
villages,”Farangay” or emissaries from neighboring places do the negotiation
for peace.
This is not only because the Farangay have relatives living in the two villages
but also because when neighboring localities are in trouble, they will
somehow affect the socio-economic of activities of the others. If the
emissaries succeed in their mission, they will cause the exchange of
weapons between the two respected tribe members.
When the exchange of weapons is known to the other tribe and vice versa,
it assumes the nature of a “sipat”. But when the elders of two villages hostile
to each other called upon for a diplomatic conference in a neutral place and
when the conference succeeds, there shall be an exchange of weapons
between them known as “ALLASIW” for the Kalingas and “WARANG” for
the Sadangganians.
At this point, it is well to state, although often times than not the SIPAT or
WARANG negotiator remains the permanent peace pact holder, there are
instances where his place is taken over by another when the peden is finally
instituted by a formal celebration. In the name of peace, he does only the
preliminary negotiations where he gains recognition as a vessel of peace for
his community.
This proves to show that the rule of the majority holds, true. However, there
are also instances when a woman becomes the peace pact holder, she is
either chosen by the community people or she inherits the privilege from
her father when there is no male heir to whom the vested social destination
can be transmitted.
2) SINGLIP- Few months after the warang or sipat has been cocluded , the
forging partners involved will decide as to who of them will first invite the other
for the formal peden celebration. However, at times, this formality is delayed
due to unavoidable circumstances. Nevertheless, the peden so forged in any
of the two preliminary steps remains real and inviolable during the ad interim
period.
When one party is ready, the “kapeden” arrives for the first time in the
community of the other tribe. Then, the “singlip” is celebrated. The person
who initiated or made the sipat hosts the kapeden. After a short welcome
upon arrival, everybody shall proceed to the house or ator of the host peden.
Then the activities of the singlip promptly starts with a ritual called
“PARANGA”. A jar full of drinking water is brought out and the two peace pact
holder dips the tip of their spears into the water. In the absence of a spear or
a bolo, age-old flint or coin maybe used. This ritual is performed to assure
that foods or drinks served during the singlip are free from any sort of
poisoning. Right after the dipping of the spears into the water, a “SABOSAB”
(Prayer) is recited by an elder asking that peace, harmony and strength of
friendship shall always reign between the two tribes as generation go by.
After that, the Kasupang members may start drinking water from the jar.
While the two tribes are gettinh acquainted with each other, a pig is butchered
as “paranos” welcome the kapeden. The bile of the pig is read to determine
the prospects of the relationship. Dances and salidummay may begin at this
stage.
3) INUM- on the second day, the Pagta (by laws of the Peden) is discussed. The
lallakay of each tribe discuss the peace pact provisions in the presence of the
other tribe members. Discussion of the pagta starts from the major to the
minor provisions. It is within this process that corresponding responsibilities of
each tribe are defined, discussed and agreed upon. There is also a sharing of
both peden distinct practices. To show that the community people are one
with the Peden Holder as Kapeden to the other tribe, they bring with them
their contributions in cash or in kind to be used as token or food for the
guests.
4) GAMMID (GALIS) – in many cases, close relatives of the peden holder may
take turns in inviting the kapeden to their houses for meals until they go home
to their home tribe.
5) LINAY – the Singlip and Inum of the peace pact are culminated with the
acceptance of the Linay. To cite an actual example, the given Linay during
the Sadanga- Butbut Singlip held last January 25-26, 2006 at the Residence
of Mr. Moises Chalutag, Sr. were as follows:
Release at
1. Paranos P300.00
2. Lumalaki 300.00
3. Bumabai 300.00
4. Offering (patay) for wine (fayash) 200.00
5. Pffering (patay) for food (makan) 200.00
Total P1, 300.00
This happens when the peace pact is severed by any violation committed by any
member of the two tribes. The Sadanga process of restoring a broken peden is akin to
the Tongrayen Pochon process as follows:
1. SIPAT – the tribe who violated the Pagta selects a respected mediator, usually a
mestizo member or “pinakarso,” to deliver the sipat to the aggrieved tribe. It can
also happen that the aggrieved party may also initiate the offering of the sipat.
The community people or elders will look for somebody to receive the sipat,
usually from the aggrieved clan which serves both as a healing and
21pproval21atory between the two conflicting parties. It may also happen that the
sipat is refused. In this case, the Farangay or negotiator shall immediately return
back the sipat to the sending tribe for it will bring paniyew or bad luck to the tribe.
If accepted, the warang of the sipat occurs. Then the “damsak” shall be required
from the aggressor through the Farangay.
2. SINGLIP – upon arrival, the “nabuliti” / invited tribe shall go straight to the house
of the sipat holder or to whom “karon” (initiated) the peden. A pig shall be
butchred as a paranos to the visitors. As a belief to avoid “buy-ong” (bloating of
the stomach) a “paranga” is offered by the peden holder in the form of bolo to be
stepped on while eating. After eating, a community meeting shal be conducted to
decide who will finally hold the peden for the tribe. Once a tribe member accepts
to be the peden holder, the tribe visitors are led to his home. Both tribes then sit
down for the discussion of the violation. Damask is now given to the old peden in
the form of “martaba,” a big metal metal vat. For the umili, “parakod” in the form
of a carabao is given. If the victim is killed, “funibon”, also one carabao or in cash
is given to the victim’s family. Size of carabao or the amount of cash is
determined by the elders in accordance with the provisions of the Pagta.
If all in place, the renewal of peden takes place and advices are extended to the
assailant family/clan by the elders to prelude the repetition of the same incident.
3. INUM- Before the celebration starts, the “paranga” may sometimes be observed
as in the singlip to enable the members of the victims’ family partake in the eating
of the celebration.
If there are still sign of ill-feelings and reconciliation is not fully consummated, the
inum shall be set to another date. Usually, it is the aggrieved party who initiates
this with the help of the peden holder who calls for a community meeting to
inform them of the intention to invite the other tribe called “fulliti”.
They go straight to the other tribe peden holder who shall inform his tribe
members of the invitation.
4. LINAY- Just like in forging a new peden, linay is also observed in severed peace
pact to show that the renewed peace pact is fully accepted by both tribes.
“Palingay” token in the form of “tapis” or native blankets or clothings are given to
the wife or female guests. “Patubay” tokens are also given to the husband or
male guests in the form of spear, bolo, age-old flint or other metal implements of
value.
3. GALIGAD- it is the transfer of the peden to the nearest relative of either the
peden holder or his wife; it may be passed on to the first son in case of death to
both parents (PPH).
4. Death in the peace pact holder’s family – where the peace pact holder or his
wife or any of the parents die, the family assumes the customary obligation to
visit his “kapeden” or counterpart and his folks to come and pay the last
respect, then they come near the village of the peace pact holder to be
invited, they shout announcing the death of the kapeden called “inbegka”.
These emissaries are entertained by butchering; eating, and drinking and
each of the two messengers are given gifts in cash or in kind like g-string,
blanket or a costly material of practical use in the locality.
The invited peace pact holder and company carry along with them
material aid as assistance to the bereaved family of the dead. These material aids
maybe in the form of bolo, blanket or basi. Nowadays, material aids plus money
constitute what is called the “adang”.
B. DAMSAK – this is the case for mistaken identity or injured or killed innocently
mistaken as an enemy.
CHAPTER III
THE BARANGAYS: ITS PEACE PACT AGREEMENTS
Informant: Liga ng mga Barangay
1. Barangay Anabel
The first settlers came from Tallib, Betwagan. Tallib is aplce located
near the boundary of Mountain Province and Kalinga.
Since the people here is peace-loving, kind and thrifty, the reign of
peace is most essential to them. The local officials , elders and peace pact advocates
initiated the peace pact system, thus born the “Peden” with the outside intruders.
During the Spanish period, the name of the place “Enafor” which
means to weave or woven, after a woman weaver named Aforoy from the descendant
of Moyomoy. Again through the interventionof the foreigners, the word was modified into
“An-aber” which later was further modified into Anabel for convenience and easier
pronunciation
2. Barangay Bekigan
3.2.a. Brief Profile
Bekigan is the smallest barangay of Sadanga,Mountain Province
located just North of the Municipality. It is bounded by Belwanf, the most adjacent
barangay to the West, Saclit to the East, Demang, Sacasacan in the South, Abra to the
Northwest and Kalinga to the Northeast. The community of Bekigan is situated amidst
rice terraces curved along the Mountain slopes with an estimated land area of about 4,
173 hectares. The 91 households are distributed unevenly to its 8 sitios namely:
Tangadan,Sasa-ar,Pinakcher, Abew, Gawana, Panad, Fangayya, and Cabatto. Per
actual survey by the MHO, the population is about 437 as of 2 nd Quarter of 2009 and
694 as per NSO survey.
Long time ago, the tribes of Belwang and Bekigan were at war with
the Guina-ang tribe. One day, a group of tribal warriors of Guina-ang came to attack the
Belwang tribe but they were not able to catch one because the tribes-people had
already fled away before their arrival. They proceeded down to Bekigan where they
killed Asag at sitio Fasakang. After the burial of Asag, some tribesmen of Bekigan
started their revenge trek to Guina-ang. Upon arrival at the outskirt of Guina-ang, they
saw a woman pulling out riceplant seedlings but unfortunately, the woman saw them.
They waited long for the woman to go home and kill her on the way but she continued
doing her work for fear of being killed once she got out of the field. Then one of the
Bekigan warriors went near her and asked why she would not retire from work and she
answered that she would be killed. The man moved by her response said they would
not kill her but instead they need food to eat. She led them to her house and they
partook of their food. After eating, one of the Bekigan warriors spoke to declare peace
for they had eaten their food. From there, peace accord was forged between the family
and the Bekigan warriors.
3.2.c. PAGTA
PREAMBLE:
We the tribe of Bekigan,Sadanga, Mountain Province and the tribe of Balatoc, Pasil,
Kalinga bind ourselves in the name of Peace Pact or Bodong. We agree this 22th day
of April 2004 that the following measures of penalty against person who shal violate the
Peace Pact by laws or PAGTA shall take effect upon approval by both tribes.
b. Fornication
The offender and victim will be forced to get married. However, if the
offender refused to marry the victim both tribes will file a criminal case against him to
the court.
Note: all of the above penalty measures are subject to ammendament upon approval of
both tribes.
C. But if the offender is poor of the poorest, both tribe will file a complaint against
him in court.
8. Insurgency:
a. No adda taga Bekigan wenno taga Balatoc nga natay iti encounter ti NPA
ken Military saan a maikamang iti Bodong.
b. No adda NPA nga taga Bekigan ket napan wenno naidistino idiay Balatoc
ket narastog ken agranggas iti Civilian masapol nga mapakaammowan ti
taga Bekigan tapno bagbagaan da weeno warningan da Vs. Balatoc.
c. Ngem no ti taga Bekigan nga NPA ket adda denangrana nga taga Balatoc
maikamang iti Bodong vs. Balatoc.
9. Hospitability:
a. No agkoyog ti taga Bekigan ken taga Balatoc nga nagbiyahe ket pinatay ti
kabusor ti Balatoc Tribe, ti taga Bekigan ket maapiktaran ti Peace Pact ti
Balatoc tribe iti Tribo a pinmatay. Vs. Balatoc.
b. No agbiyahe ti taga Balatoc nga umay agilako wenno gumatang iti anya
man nga alikamen iti ili a Bekigan ket masapol nga agsubmitar iti Peace
Pact Holder. Vs. Balatoc.
IN WITNESS THEREOF, the parties have here unto set their hands this
23th day of April 2004 at Bekigan, Sadanga, Mountain Province.
SIGNATURES:
Bekigan Tribes Balatoc Tribes
Sgd. Sgd.
CHRISTOPHER FAGUINGAS STANLEY TONGAO
Peace Pact Holder Peace Pact Holder
PREAMBLE
We, the Bekigan and Boliney tribes imploring the guidance of the Divine
Providence have come together in order to establish a great Bodong (Feden) of
the people bind themselves to this Pagta which we promulgate in the name of all
the people of Bekigan and Boliney Tribes for their common fundamental laws,
this Pagta of Bekigan and Boliney Bodong.
Article I
A) Boliney Territorial boundaries fron the Western part starting from Bobon to
Balasig crossing Ikmin River following the Kibalat Brook to Malyeng all part of
Barangay Dumagas; passing thru Tapocan ridge approaching Mt. Bonbon; to
the South starting from Bonbon following the Langalang Ridge (all parts of
Barangay Baoyan) going down to Tomoy-oc crossing the Damanil river then
follows Domyaap ridge going up following Amcali river up to Bay-yaosen; in
the Eastern side starting from Bay-yaosen to Galiwgiw to Cabatog then
crossing Damanil river a part of Sabangan Katonggid following Damanil river
then follows the trail of Dalligan going up to the ridge then going down Aldat
Creek crossing Ikmin River approaching Sabangan Lawed then goes up
following Lawed ridge up to Mt. Matocotok; in the Northern part from
Matocotok to Matingiting passing Palpalayan Ridge to Bal-Baliw-an
approaching Lantagan ridge then going down to Bobon.
ARTICLE II
Subject of Bodong
ARTICLE III
- Bog-oy will be executed if the offended will not pay the amount
stated in the Bodong.
C. Special Provisions:
-If the carabao is dead, a change(sucat) is required. All other forms or cases
of stealing are subject for negotiation.
2. Intentional Pretention
- The penalty shall be determined by both tribes during a conference
conducted for the purpose.
ARTICLE IV
ARTICLE V
(Special Provisions on Military and NPA)
a. All military units such as Army, PNP,CAFGU,CPLA,PAF and other military units
to be created in the future are covered by the Bodong.
Exceptions
- Where a Binodngan military, NPA dies in an encounter or combat operation-
the Bodong has no jurisdiction.
b. All acts contrary to the terms of the Bodong committed by NPA and Military- is
punishable by the Bodong.
Example:
1. When a Binodngan is taken out of his residence by force and
intimidation, is sanctioned by the Bodong.
2. When a binodngan is taken forcibly inside a vehicle, bus, or any
form of transportation, the Bodong will cover the case.
c. Squatting:
- The Bodong condemns squatting of property of a Binodngan.
1. The Bodong strictly prohibits any stolen animal to pass a Binodngan area.
2. The Bodong strictly prohibits a stolen animal to be sold to a bindongan.
3. The Bodong never entertain illegal business like; marijuana, shabu, and others.
4. Breach of contract committed by Binodngan is punishable by the Bodong.
Approved this 8th day of 1997, at Bekigan, Sadanga, Mountain Province by the
Peace Pact Holders, Tribal leaders, professional, Barangay and Municipal Officials of
Bekigan and Boliney.
3. Barangay Belwang
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS:
Barangay Belwang is situated atop a mountain and often times blanketed during
wet season. One can reach the place within an hour uphill hike from Poblacion.
Belwang, in terms of land area has the highest hectorage of about 12, 332 as per
latest perimeter survey. It has a population count by the Municipal Health Office of 886
as against the NSO population census of 1, 499. It consists of four (4) puroks namely:
purok 1- Filig, purok 2- Chetar, poruk 3- Gawana, and purok 4- Lamokay.
Just like other barangays of the municipality, belwang social life is anchored on
traditional customs, beliefs and cultural practices from birth to death. Unique to Belwang
is the celebration of the SE-EB rite which other barangays have discarded long time ago
due to economic crisis. This is celebrated by couples as blessing for their male children
only. According to the old folks, boys blessed by this rite become healthy, strong, and
later become prosperous, brave, and undaunted warriors in their tribe. *( History of the
barangays of Sadanga SY1988-89 p. 34)
ECONOMIC LIFE:
Living on Mountain slopes, the people of Belwang engaged in rice farming as their main
source of livelihood. They also plant beans, squash, sweet potatoes, and other
vegetabls. From sugar cane they raise, basi is made which they sell and drink
occasions. Other source of living is from hunting wild animals and selling bundles from
the forest.
POLITICAL LIFE
The Agogowan or ator constitute the central place of gathering among men.
Perhaps, it is equivalent to the Kapihan in Metro manila and Dap-ayan in Western
Bontoc. In here, all news, stories, gossips, and community problems are talked, spoken
and discussed by the young and elders of the agogowan. Again, it is from here that
leaders emerge to become barangay and municipal officials.
The village people are by naturepeople loving. The peace pact called Peden is
maintained with the tribes of Kalinga, Abra, and some distant places of Mountain
Province like Bontoc. This customary practice of Peace Pact was initiated in the place
during the American Period. It waws then Kayyasa (one name) and Apao from the tribe
of Belwang who first went to Tinglayan, Kalinga with American officials to forge peden.
When the two died after how many year of Peace pact holding, the peden was
transferred to their grandchildren up to the present time. Years passed when others
follow suit after realizing the benefits and advantage of peace pact making.
3.3.c. PAGTA
I. PANAGTAKAW:
i. Maiparit ti agtakaw, Siasino man nga maduktaran nga
agtakaw iti sanikua ti binudngan, medusa kas iti
sumaganad:
II. PANAGPATAY:
III. PANAGKAMALALA:
A. Maiparit ti aginnarem nga adda asawana nga babai wenno
lalaki nga taga-Belwang ken taga-Balatoc ta makaperdi ti
Bodong. No adda lalaki nga iyotenna ti naasawaan nga
binudngan nga babai mamulta iti panagisubli da iti gastos ti
panagasawa ket agbayad iti tallo nga nuang no adda
naduktaran a kasta. Ti dua a nuang , mapan kadagiti
nangeggem ti bodong. Ti maysa sidaen dagiti mangsulbar iti
kaso. Ket no kapangarigan pinatay ti lalaki ti nga asawa ti babai
isuda a dua nga nagtrimaan nga agpaimas, awan aniaman ti
bodong. Ket no maysa laing ti pinatay na, kasoen ti Bodong.
B. No adda maduktaran nga inasawaan nga taga-Balatoc wenno
taga-Belwang, mamulta metlaeng kas iti multa ti aginnarem nga
babai wenno lalaki nga taga-Belwang ken taga-Balatoc nga
inasawaan.
C. No baroken balasang ti naginnarem nga taga-Belwang ken
taga-Balatoc, aglalo no nalps dan nga naginnala ket nasikog ti
babai, masapol nga agtuloy da nga agasawa. Ket no panawan ti
lalaki ti babai nga nasikogan na oray iti sabali nga ili kas iti
Baguio wenno Manila, mamulta dayta nga lalaki a baro sa
maipilit nga agasawa da tapno saan a maperdi ti Bodong.
D. Siasino man nga maduktaran nga lalaki wenno baro nga
binudngan a mangpilit a mangrape iti balasang, akmena ti dusa
kas iti dusa ti pumatay.
Sgd. Sgd.
FRANCISCO MATA-AG LISALIS LAMAO
Peace Pact Holder Peace Pact Holder
(Belwang) (Balatoc)
Ket iti bulan ti Mayo 10-13 1988 immay met ti taga Belwang Mountain
Province tapno mapaneknekan ti kinapudno ken singalot ti panagcacabsat
ti Belwang ken Dagiuoman. Bayat ti uppat nga aldaw nga ragragsak ti
celebrasyon ti Budong naadal dagiti panglacayen ti PAGTA nga naaramid
idiay Belwang ket adda dagiti mainayon addo nga paglintegan nga
impacat napilis nga nagpanday ti PAGTA.
III. Panagkamalala.
a. MAiparit ti aginarem nga adda asawana, babai wenno
lalaki nga taga Belwang wenno taga Daguioman ta
makaperdi iti budong. Adda lalaki nga iyotena ti
naasawaan nga binudngan a babai mamulta iti
panagisubli da iti gastos ti panagasawa ket agbayad iti
tallo nga nuang no adda maduktalan a kasta. Ti dua nga
nuang mapan kadagiti nangeggem iti budong ti maysa
sidaen ti mangsulbar ti caso. Ket caspangarigan pinatay
ti lalaki nga asawa ti babai isuda nga dua mangtrimaan
nga agpaimas awan aniaman ti budong. Ket no maysa
laeng casuen ti budong.
b. No baro ken balasang ti naginarem binudngan a taga
Belwang wenno tag Daguioman aglalo no kalpasandan
nga naginnala ket nasikog ti babai masapol nga
agtuloyda nga agasawa. Ket no panawan ti lalaki ti babai
nga siniokog na uray iti sabali nga ili cas iti Baguio wenno
Manila mamulta dayta nga lalaki a baro sa maipilit nga
agasawada, tapnu saanna perdeen ti budong.
Daytoy nga PAGTA ti Budong naaramid idiay Belwang, Sadanga, Mountain Province,
May 24, 19887 naamendaran ditoy Daguioman, Abra may7 12, 1988.
4.Barangay Betwagan
There are two major rivers and seven tributaries, which serves as water sources
for domestic and agriculture use.
Demography:
The latest survey by NCSO indicated that barangay Betwagan has a total
population of 2404 as of 2nd quarter of 2009 while the actual count of occupants by the
Municipal Health Office is 2021 with 400 households and more than 432 families.
Transportation:
Barangay Betwagan has no road access. It takes one-hour hike from sitio Tigil
along Bontoc- Tabul national road to the barangay or about 21/2 kilometers from the
main road.
The people of betwagan are originally settlers of Angkallim, the northern part of
Betwagan. Due to continuous intrusion of tribal enemies, sickness and the coldness of
the place, some migrated to Fayyocao in the Southern part of Betwagan. They
protected each other during invasions made by tribal enemies.
In due time, they decided to unify themselves or ”fometwacan” into a strong ili by
occupying the grassland of Sun-ay and Karwa which are potential areas for settlement
and agriculture. Thus, ili Betwagan was born, the people defined their inherited rice
fields, communal lands or ancestral domain.
Betwagan like other indigenous communities have evolved structures of
governance that have sustained its people and community. This indigenous way of
governance has remained effective through generations and lately now being interfaced
with the local governance of the government. Hand in hand with government laws, such
customary laws have governed the tribe’s social relationships through its ator in the ili
and PAGTA of the Peace Pact with the adjoining tribes.
3.4.c. PAGTA:
Article I
Section 1. A. the Territorial Jurisdiction of Barangay Salegseg, Balbalan, Kalinga
Province comprises the following:
ARTICLE II
Murder and Accidents/Physical Injuries
Section 1. Murder case done by the Peace Pact Holder shall be subjected to Umili’s
decision. He shall be automatically kick out as Peace Pact Holder. However, if the case
resulted to physical injuries, the pechen shall be as is, but his penalty shall be subjected
to umili’s decision- through amicable settlement.
Section 2. In case of Intentional murder, the peace pact holder, the Pechen shall be
broken.
Section 3. Murder which was not avenged by the peace pact holder, the Pechen shall
be broken.
Section 4. Accident resulted to the loss of life, all expenses shall be shouldered by the
accused or the one who caused the accident. Indemnity payment shall depend on the
nature of the accident through amicable settlement.
Section 1. Married person who were caught on the act having sexual play shall be both
killed.
Section 2. Rape- Victim not satisfied with amicable settlement shall be elevated to court
with the certification of both Peace Pact holders.
Section 3: If the victim accepts amicable settlement, the accused shall provide three (3)
carabaos.
ARTICLE IV
ILLEGITIMATE CHILD
Section 1: The man who does not want to marry the woman whom he impregnated, the
former shall shoulder the following:
ARTICLE V
STEALING/ROBBERY/HOLD UP
Section 1: Any item/ property that was stolen or taken illegally when discovered shall be
returned to the owner aside a penalty that corresponds to the value of the item/property
stolen.
Section 2: in the hold up case, the imposition of penalty/ies shall be determined by the
concerned peace pact holders. However, if the hold-uppers shall be injured or killed in
the encounter does not affect the existence of the pechen.
ARTICLE VI
CONCLUDING STATEMENT
Section 1: we, Salegseg and Betwagan people do hereby abide with the provisions of
the PAGTA not only within the territorial jurisdiction of both tribe but to include any place
wherever we may happen to meet.
ARTICLE VII
AMENDMENTS
These aforementioned provisions shall be subjected for amendments during
peace pact celebration if the situation demands.
Sgd. Sgd.
Subscribed and Sworn to before me this 20 th day of April 2001 at Betwagan, Sadanga,
Mountain Province
Sgd.
Matheo C. Fanao
Barangay Captain
A. Life
1. Intended Murder:
a) Witnessed Murder by the Peace pact holder – the peace pact holder will
seek justice for the sake of the victim. E.g. killing with the presence of the
peace pact holder.
b) Amicable settlement – is the best alternative way of settling dispute/
conflict between the two barangays. If it is agreed upon the penalty
imposed is P100, 000.00.
c) Undecided Heinous cases – subject to the peace pact holder’s decisions
whether to break the peace pact or not; if in case the case is not solved
the only solution is amicable settlement.
2. Physical Injury (intended)
-penalty is P50, 000.00
3. Accident:
-penalty/ies:
a. P50, 000.00 penalty for immoral act
b. hospitalization and other expenses incurred by the victim should be
shouldered by the accused.
PREAMBLE
We, the sovereign people of Betwagan and Talubin imploring the aid of almighty God in
order to build a just anf humanes society and establish a pechen that shall embody our
ideals and aspiration to foster, to promote the economic, spiritual/moral, and socio-
political relationship do ordain and promulgate this PAGTA.
ARTICLE I
TERRITORIAL JURISDICTION
ARTICLE II
CASES/CRIMES
Section 1. all heinous crime like murder, rape, drug trafficking, homicide, frustrated
murder, shall be thoroughly investigated before imposing fine/penalty/punishment
subject to the decision of the community or the “umili”.
The Peace Pact Holder shall be the lead/ point person in seeking justice for the victim.
Section 2. Murder cases done outside the territorial jurisdiction of Betwagan and Talubin
shall be entertained if referred to the Peace Pact Holder who in turn will subject the
case to the provision of the PAGTA.
Section 5. Murder case done by the Peace Pact Holder himself will automatically ease
him out from his responsibility as peace pact holder. He shall not be the Peace Pact
Holder already. However, if the case resulted to physical injuries only, he shall still be
the Peace Pact Holder but the corresponding penalty shall be imposed.
Section 6. Failure of the Peace Pact Holder seek justice for the victim or fails to initiate
any move towards the resolution of the case, shall result to the severance of the
Pechen.
ARTICLE III
STEALING/ROBBERY/HOLD-UP
Section 1. Any item that was stolen or taken illegally, when discovered, shall be
returned to the owner. Penalty shall be imposed subject to umili’s decision. The
robber/stealer will pay triple the value or worth of the stolen item. (e.g. 2 carabao for
every stolen carabao of which one carabao is for the peace pact holder who host the
amicable settlement and two for the owner.)
Section 2. In ESTAFA CASE, the Peace Pact Holder shall help in forcing the accused to
pay what was borrowed/loaned from the accuser.
ARTICLE IV
RAPE AND SEXUAL ABUSE
Section 1. Rape: When the victim is an adult, the penalty shall be fifty thousand pesos
(50,000.00). but if the victim is a minor the penalty shall be double.
Section 2. Rape victims not satisfied with amicable settlement shall be elevated to the
proper courts of law with the endorsement of both Peace Pact Holder.
ARTICLE V
CONCLUDING STATEMENT
All cases that are not identified shall be dealt with accordingly subject to amicable
settlements.
All cases that happened between two tribes before the signing of this pechen are all
deemed duly discussed and settled.
All provisions of this PAGTA shall be strictly observed and implemented.
ARTICLE VI
CONCLUDING STATEMENT
REMINDERS:
Drafted at Betwagan on August 31,2002 and signed this 29 th day of September 2002, at
Talubin, Bontoc, Mountain Province and witnessed by the community:
Sgd. Sgd.
JOHN A. KAWILAN MARCELO NGETTEG
Peace Pact Holder- Betwagan Peace Pact Holder- Talubin
5.BARANGAY SACASACAN
LOCATION:
LAND AREA:
It has a total land area of 2,155 hectares with 119 total households.
DEMOGRAPHY:
The barangay of Sacasacan has a total of 817 as per latest NCSO survey and
597 actual count by the Municipal Health office of Sadanga as of 2 nd Quarter of 2009.
The first seat of the Municipal Government was in barangay Sacasacan during
the Spanish Regime. Sometime in 1935, the two halls from Sacasacan were brought
down to Sadanga Poblacion together with the school. A few believed that the transfer of
the office was in 1939.
Due to lack of records, it is hard to trace the origin of the first Sacasacan settlers.
However, through oral transmission from generation, the inhabitants of Poblacion and
Demang originally came from Sacasacan due to a pig that gave birth at sitio Magoron,
now a sugar cane plantation of some big families of Demang and Poblacion, Sadanga.
Again, material evidence that they came from Sacasacan is the presence of ricefields
thereat, which are mostly owned by Poblacion and Demang residents.
Most of the residents are farmers, a few men are minors, some are wood
loggers, casual workers, carpenters, a handful of professionals and politicians. Just like
other tribes of the municipality, its socio-economic activities are synchronized in the
“ator” through observance of the te-er or rest days. This very ator has also a strong role
to play in settling of cases. These cases and other conflicts affecting the peace pact
done within the jurisdiction of the tribe are brought to the ator for discussion, decision
and settlement.
3.5.c. Pagta
(1.) Sacasacan – Guina- ang, Pasil, Kalinga PAGTA
Whereas, for sometimes during the 1940’s, Mr. Daluping, one among the
respected elders of Guina-ang tribe of Pasil, Kalinga Province had forged a peace pact
agreement of their respected tribes, and not both of them had passed away due to old
age.
6.Barangay Saclit
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS
Saclit, the farthest barangay is one of the eight barangays of Sadanga, Mountain
Province. It is locates at the boundary connecting Mountain Province and the Province
of kalinga. It is fifteen (15) kilometers away from Poblacion, Sadanga, which is twenty
minutes ride and an hour or more walk away for regular hiker.
1. Saclit-Butbut – from the national Highway, Mt. Makilo, Mt. Lagrakhan river up to
Makako-ong Mt.
2. Saclit- Tulgao- Mt. Futiliw up to Tinangfan, Mt. Arusod, and Mt. Kawitan
3. Saclit-Abra – Mt. Kakan
4. Saclit – Belwang- Lake Angtachan, Mt. Itang, Mt. Folifor
5. Saclit- Bekigan- Chalimon Mt., Mt. Kurus – Angtachan Creek
6. Saclit – Sadanga- Mt. Ridge of Maranas, Kimot, Kullawi, Fawak Tufo, Kilat
Chalimono
7. Saclit-Betwagan
DEMOGRAPHY:
At present day, Saclit barangay has six (6) puroks consisting of 1186 total
population according to the latest NCSO survey as compared to the Municipal Health
Office actual count of 845 population with 140 total households.
The second tribe was from Fato. This group of people came from Fasag, a place
situated between Bugnay and Basao. Due to poor harvest at Fato, they left the area.
They traversed the wide forest southward until they chanced to reach the upper portion
of the place occupied by the Paykek settlers. While this tribe was busy doing
improvement on their new settlement, the place they improved but abandoned was also
reoccupied by another tribe known as the Butbut which continued to improve the land
up to the present time.
ECONOMIC LIFE:
The natives live primarily on farming. Endowed with fertile soil, they cultivate their
rice fields by planting rice. They also raised root crops like gabi, camote, peanut, millet,
to augment their food supply. Being near the forest, some men do wild animals hurting
for meat supply aside from their astray domesticated animals.
Due to lack of job opportunities and slow economic progress, most of them
migrate to Baguio City or Tabuk in search for better living condition.
As to environmental sanitation, there are only four households in Saclit that has a
toilet (Antipolo Type). The rest of the community disposs their waste anywhere which is
later consumed by astray animals (pigs, dogs, and chickens). This unsanitary condition
makes the community prone to various epidemics.
Peace situation is relatively peaceful except for the unresolved tribal tiff between
Saclit-Betwagan and Saclit-Demang/poblacion. Hopefully, with the joint efforts of the
leaders and government leaders of both tribes, the abrogated peden shall be restored
for the good of the next generation.
CLIMATE:
Like other barangays of the municipality, there are two pronounced seasons, the
dry and the wet season. It is generally warm from March to August and cold from
September to mid February.
POLITICAL LIFE:
In the olden times, leadership was automatic. The community leader emerged as
a result of this wealth, bravery and wisdom. Leadership was synonymous to autocratic
leadership. Nowadays, with several leadership trainings and seminars coupled with
outside influence, political transformation started emerging.
Just like many villages in the municipality of Sadanga and in Mountain Province,
the Ator is the seat of the indigenous government. It is where the indigenous laws and
practices of the ili were decided and enacted. It is where the young males are gathered
and molded by the old, passing on by verbal communication their heritage, and
responsibilities, toward this heritage. As a member of the community, it is thereby
requird that you should at least be a member of an ator.
Ators also help in the peace keeping process through the elders who negotiate
with other peace pact holder when problems arise. Aside from the ators, there are also
individual peace pact holders in the community.
HEALTH PROFILE
3.6.c. PAGTA:
Pagta ti calon iti nagbaetan ti Danac Boliney, Abra isu a ibagin ni Don Donaar
Bangawan Peace Pact Holder ken iti Saclit, Sadanga, Mountain Province, isu a
ibagian met ni Don Valentine Tubao Peace Pact Holder.
1.) Patay- aniaman nga pumatay, patay met laeng ti dusana.
2.) Takaw- ti nagtakaw, isublina ti tinakwana santo agpaloyog, agpakan ken
agpainom iti umdas.
3.) Pilit (Rape)
a.) Aniaman nga pumilit iti babae, agdusa iti maysa a nuwang
b.) Maiparit ti umarem iti adda asawana ket ti dusana sangaribu a pesos
(1, 000.00).
4.) Otang, Gatang ken Angcat
Tapnu pamatian iti daytoy wenno catulagan iti daytoy a calon. Agperma kami iti
babaena a nangrona dagiti Peace Pact Holder nga isuda Don Donaal Bangawan
iti Danac agraman dagiti lalakay Bario Councilman, papasados ken dadduma
pay:
Sgd. Sgd.
DONAAL BANGAWAN VALENTINE TUBAO
Danac Holder Saclit Holder
7.Barangay Poblacion
LOCATION:
The first settlers of Poblacion, Sadanga is located North Eastern Part of
Bontoc. It is bounded by its cluster barangays: Sacasacan in the Northwest,
Belwang, and Bekigan in the Northeast, and Saclit in the East. Road accessibility
is passable all year round having a distance of 25 kilometer from Bontoc to the
Municipal Hall.
INHABITANTS:
The first settlers of Poblacion were the very same inhabitants of Demang
who originiated from Sacasacan. These two barangays were originally one
commonly named Sadanga Poblacion. However, on July 30, 1985, Demang was
created as a separate and distinct barangay from Poblacion by virtue of
Provincial Ordinance No. 2. But this separation is still insignificant to both
barangays since application of its indigenous beliefs, practices and systems are
still shared and governed under same ators.
With twenty (20) sitios, Poblacion has a total population of 1,391 with 266
members of households based on the Municipal Health Office (MHO) actual
count as of 2nd quarter of 2009 while latest NSO survey provides 1,682 total
population.
POLITICAL SUBDIVISION:
Since time immemorial, Poblacion has only one ator, the others are in
Barangay Demang where most residents of Poblacion are members.
The exercise of locl governance resides not only in the duly constituted
authorithies but also in the council of elders. Both elders and local officials
compliment each other. Aside from the exercise of government functions and
rendering basic services as spelled out in the code, the barangay officials
help the elders in the observance of customs and traditions, belief, and
practices.
EDUCATION:
At present, Poblacion has a complete Elementary and High School levels
including a pre-school (DEP-ed) and two day care centers being manned by
th Municipal and Barangay LGU’s.
The exchange of warang with the Saclit is still force, hopefully peace
negoitiation will be finalized soonest.
8. Barangay Demang
3.8.a. BRIEF PROFILE
Demang is one of the eight barangays of Sadanga Municipality. The
nearest and closest barangay to Poblacion. It could be reached by 25 minutes
hike, passing through the rice paddies cum pathway. It has four major sitios:
Kasurniyan, Maeyba, barangay proper and Sukiyab. Later as population increase
more sitios were occupied to date as follows: Fateo-teo, Ayoma, Farao, Roseb,
Tot-ollangao, Engak, Faleo-ayn, Ferwan Chagchag, Mabageo, Rungayan, Raw-
ingan, Layogan, Ngobngoban, Karangkang, Fawak, Atinbongaran, Kattil, Palikig
and Salibangao.
BOUNDARIES:
POPULATION:
The actual population as of 2nd Quarter of 2009 is 938 as per actual survey
of the Municipal Health Office as against the NCSO which is 1,350.
LAND AREA:
The estimated land area as per recent perimeter survey is 1,315 with a
total of 168 households.
ECONOMIC LIFE:
The people of Demang are hard working. During the Pre-Spanish time, their only
visible economic activities were: hunting and dry/wet farming. Today, they have
craft specialties but limited for home use. However, Agriculture is main primary
sources of livelihood of the people. They engaged in farming and livestock
production.
The main crops are rice of different varieties and root crops. Different varieties of
legumes are grown also in the area including sugar cane, fruits and vegetables.
3.8.b. LIST OF BILATERAL PEACE PACT HOLDERS
3.8.c. PAGTA:
And
WITNESSETH-
1. MURDER/HOMICIDE CASE
The penalty imposed for any crime clearly known and considered murder
shall be based on the evidences presented which are duly recognized by
both parties. The rule of Peace Pact Holder of both tribes has to gather
sufficient evidences showing the perso suspected to have done the crime
after which decision shall be determined by both Peace Pact Holders and
elders from both tribes.
2. STEALING
3. LOVE AFFAIR
The Peace Pact Holder has the right to hear and settle any problems
regarding ambush and kidnapping that will happen to his territory. If the
victims are residence in a “Binodngan areas” Saliok-Maducayan and
Sadanga-Sacasacan Tribes. The decision must be rendered upon the peace
pact holders and elders from both tribes. In general the perpetrator has to
refund all cash money and other articles confiscated to the respective owner.
TOP-AR meant LENAY (2 TAPAK)- any of value given to the visitor peace
pact holders is not binding for payment. However could be reciprocated in
kind.
ADANG or called SEDANG – this practice is not obligatory among the two
tribes.
FUGKA – should not be inforcible; however, the peace pact holder and his
companion will render a visit to the bereaved family and can give any
help/offering.
SU-OR – the Peace Pact Holder is entitled for SU-OR for being a Peace Pact
Holder.
A.) That these people are people of Saliok when they are in
Mangnao.
B.) Thay they are not people of saliok when they are not inside
Saliok.
TERRITORIAL AREA OF SADANGA-SACASACAN TRIBES
It started from (east) Chico River junction thence upward following
the Chico river ending at Gusod Creek, thence upward to Retang Rew-rewang thence
to Faliling to Andamorag thence to Saradey Mountain thence to Mt. Fatakan thence to
Mt. Angtongbao thence to Ngit-ib Mountain thence to Faawa Mt. thence to Serkan
thence to Lenard Creek thence downward along Ginawat Creek upward to Cha-oran to
Am-ando Mt. thence to Chamokey to Titigi to Farongofong Mt. to Gadagad to Fakidan
Creek.
Carried.
CHAPTER IV
EFFECT OF THE PEDEN ON THE LIFE OF THE I-SADANGA
A. ECONOMIC EFFECT
ADVANTAGE DISADVANTAGES
(if the Peden is Broken)
1. There is unity among the 1. There is depression of economic in
community insettling the conflict time of tribal war.
and disputes occurred. 2. There is water shortage.
2. Free to transact business. 3. There is fear in going to farm
3. Minimize conflict. especially if it is near the
4. Free on commerce and trade. boundary.
5. People are free to plow their rice 4. Fear of going to other places to
fields, barter their products, finds transact or to sell our products.
job outside the community. 5. Exchange of products will stop
6. Tourism industry will be 6. The people can not go to other
established when the beauty spots places to find a job.
will be discovered by tourist. 7. They can’t wander far and wide in
7. Easy to import foods from other a father farm lands resulting to low
places. agricultural production.
8. Each tribe will protect their own 8. Prices of goods and commodities
natural resources. They are aware will rise up, sonsequently, people
of trespassing ordinaces. will not be able to buy their basic
needs which resulted ti increase of
malnourished children.
9. Transportation is very hard.
10. People can’t attend skills
development, training or seminars.
11. Image of the place as well as the
people is destroyed, probably
there will be no tourism industry in
the place.
12. People from the warring tribes are
hard up of being hired/ employed
because they have lost their
credibility.
13. There is famine
14. Destruction of natural resources
particularly the water sources. This
is done by a frustrated tribe for
having revenge.
15. Stubborn tribe uses the peden to
extort economic or financial gains
from weaker tribes especially when
Pagta is not written.
B. Socio-Cultural Effect
ADVANTAGE DISADVANTAGE
1. Knowledge regarding the cultures 1. People remains to be barbaric and
and traditions of other tribes will be lacks discipline.
broadened. 2. Young men will no longer repect
2. There is exchange of ideas the old folks in the community who
between young men and the old are traditionally the decision
folks in the community. makers.
3. The spirit of friendship, unity and 3. There is no unity in the place.
kinship is being preserved. 4. Killing will become sports for men.
4. Dispute can be easily resolved. 5. Loss of trust for one another.
5. Hospitability is promoted in the 6. There is no exchange of cultural
place especially if the “kapeden” is traditions.
the visitor.
6. There is security of visitors.
7. The relationship of the two parties
will be strengthen.
8. People are afraid to abuse other
tribes.
9. Respect and acceptance of their
traditions of other tribes.
10. Enhance skills on playing gongs.
11. One for all, all for one.
D. EDUCATIONAL EFFECT
ADVANTAGES DISADVANTAGES
1. Encalcation of values on 1. Students from the affected area
camaraderie, brotherhood, will stop their studies.
oneness,and cooperation. 2. Studies and classes are
2. Students are well oriented about suspended from the elementary
peden, so they will know their levels to tertiary.
limits and learn to take care of 3. No quality education due to lack of
peden. monitoring personnel from the
3. Increase of the educated, learned higher office.
and the proffesionals. 4. More number of drop outs.
4. There is Quality education. 5. Lack of quality teachers.
5. Teachers can go in and out of the 6. Qualified children for competitions
community to attend seminars and are hindered to compete to other
trainings for quality education. places and no chance to improve
6. Developed, active and competitive their potentials.
students. 7. Disturbance on the part of the
7. Infrastructures from Dep-Ed are youth.
fast tract. 8. Education will be curtail.
8. Continouos classes, no 9. Potential of the children, students
suspensions of classes by tribal and youth will not be developed.
wars.
9. Students can consentrate with
their studies.
10. There is friendship and fre
socialization in school.
11. Skills of the students are
developed well.
12. There is an inter-exchange of
tradition and modern knowledge
lear in school.
CHAPTER V
TRADITIONAL, CUSTOMS AND INSTITUTIONS
INTRODUCTION:
Through the centuries, the Sadanga tribe has evolved indigenous customary
laws, practices and institutions that govern their way of life which are still operant and
are recognized by the tribe’s members. They perform rituals and chant prayers to the
gods and Spirits.
RELIGIOUS INSTITUTION
Informant: Father Wilfred Gept and John Foy-os
Long time ago, the Sadanga people believed that the world begins
and end in Sadanga. Where the Mountains touch the sky the world
comes to an end. According to the traveling ventures of the people,
they will have a different idea about the size of the earth. Under the
earth is nothing and the sky is the place where the soul of the
deceased remain till the corp is brought to the hometown and
buried. At that moment the soul or spirit of the dead descends to
live on the Mountain slopes surrounding the town. Wherever a
deceased person is returnd to the town all people start shouting to
the spirit in the sky in order to let this spirit know that he can
descend and rest in peace. By swaying red chengra leaves the
spirit will know that he can return safely.
There is life beyond death but this life is not much different the
present life. People are not judge for life on earth through it is
generally believed that good living people will be even happier in
the life to come. The newness about the life after death consists
mainly in the presence of the spirits of the ancestors. No special
respect is paid to the body, which is believed to be subject to
decomposition. It is all-important; however, that the corps of a town
mate deceased elsewhere should be returned to his hometown
otherwise his spirit will not enjoy rest and will certainly take revenge
on his relatives. The spirits of the dead are believed to stay
somewhere in or near to the town. They show great interest in their
relatives and can send harm or blessing. These family spirit will not
bother with other families and they can be instrumental for the
family to reach its goal on earth namely to grow rich and to live
long.
Chicken and pigs are usually animal victims for the sacrifice. The
offering occurs in the morning, the pumapatay leading the
procession to the papatayan where all public sacrifices are to be
offered. The very act of worship is constituted of two elements: a
prayer (Kappia) and sprinkling or blood or the offering of part of the
meat of animal. The prayer can be riceted at the house or on the
papatayan or in both places. The butchering may also happen in
the papatayan. Usually the offering is accompanied by a sacrificial
meal on the papatayn or afterwards in the house but this meal, a
cooking place (an arrangement of stones to build a fire) is holy
since Lumawig himself is author of the cooking place and the
papatayan as a whole. As a rule, the chicken are butchered and
eaten at the papatayan. While pigs are taken to the papatayan for
the ceremonial offering, (part of the ear is cut and placed on the
branches of a tree and some of the blood is sprinkled near the
cooking place) but butchering and the meal follows in the house.
INTRODUCTION:
The day to day activities of the Isadanga followed the agricultural cycle throughout
the year. Each activity is performed within a precise time slot which commences and
culminates with sequences of ritual rest days, called “te-er”.
Aside from the te-er that follow the agricultural cycle, there are those associated with
sicknesses, womens’ fertility, warding of rodents, insect pests, ricebirds and
typhoons. All these too, have their own corresponding sacrificial rites and prayers.
Unfortunately, the observance of the te-er rituals and other traditional practices have
been the subject of considerable controversy among community office workers,
leaders and planners. It is alleged to be deterrent to the people’s economic rogress.
Contrary to this, Dr. Sumiko Iwo, a Japanese Professor, said in her lecture at the
Asian Institute of Management, Makati on September 8, 1988 that one of the factors
which facilitated the modernization of the Japanese society is the continuity of
traditional sense of values and lifestyles.
“Some have reverted to their old and accustomed ways of doing things
because they found them easier to understand and apply”.
TE-ER
1. PESIK
Three days te-er preparing for the harvest, this is a multi-purpose te-er.
RELIGIOUS: OBTAINING THE BLESSING OF THE ANITOS OVER THE
HARVEST. Everybody contributes one (1) bundle of palay for the pig to be
offered so that all will share in the blessing and the same time something in
return for the contribution.
SOCIAL: during this te-er, the different ator, and ulog will convene and
discuss how they will go about the harvesting. When will they begin and how
shall the work be divided. A second pesik will be held by the time the fields in the
center are ready for the harvesting.
2. SARAKMOT
Shortly after the pesik, the three (3) days sarakmot te-er will be held. This
is te-er of second class no omens interfering or discontinuing (visitors can
enter, there can be dead person, and the rainbow does not harm) te-er.
The sarakmot serves the same purpose as the pesik. As an octave day of
the pesik: that the harvest will continue to be good. Last day, there is the
usual offering on the papatayan (pig or chicken).
3. KHAGKHA-AT
This is 3 days te-er about the middle of the harvest. This te-er is
announced in order to clean all trail of the town. This is being done during
the first day of the te-er. Not every person should help as long as there is
delegate from each family. During this first dady also, there are no fines
for going to work in the fields. From the second day on, all the rules of a
normal second te-er are to be observed.
4. KOPOGOP
This is a three days thanksgiving te-er after the harvest with butchering in
every house. Apuy: this is the offering of the head of the chicken or pig in
thegranary. The palay is stored in these granaries and as the palay is
believed to have animated this offering is brought to the spirit of the
harvest palay and part of the meat goes on this stick as a warning to
roaming anitos not to steal any of this palay. Extra meat of the head will be
brought to the house where they have a feast for the housemates and
near relatives.
5. DANGTEY
First class te-er held the second day after the gopogop. This dangtey is
being done by the participants in the last chono (cf. Chono).
6. CHAGCHAGUP
Three days te-er to obtain fertility of the animals in the pastures, especially
of the carabaos. The leader of the pasture (the one having more animals
in the pasture) will perform ap-apoy in the pundag (pasture). One chicken
is offered with Kappia and it is sprinkled with Fen-ag (sugar cane wine
used for sprinkling during offering). By the kappia is asked that the number
of animal may be doubled. Other dried pasture where it is prepared for all
those who have animals in the pasture. Other days of te-er, the debts of
the carabao are settled, this particular debt settlement is only requested
during this te-er. Those who are indebted are called to the ators where the
lalakays (elders) will lead discussions; judge the way the debt will be paid
for. This is a very special happening and it can be complicated for the
carabaos are not owned by one person or one family but can be by 4
people according to the number of legs, or by 8 if 2 owns one leg.
7. FAR-EN
8. DANGTEY
Three days te-er for a good camote harvest. Those participating in the
previous chono do the dangtey. (cf. Chono).
9. ERDAD
Two days first class te-er before the sugar cane milling. Visitors can enter
but rainbow and death may not occur. Also birth in this time is a bad
omen. Especially the rainbow should stay out for it is believed that the
sugarcane wine will be sufficient and bad if there is a rainbow during te-er.
As for death, this would mean that all fayash produced would be used for
the funeral parties. As usual, there is offering on the papatayan and
kappia.
10. SOKTO
This is atwo days te-er as thanksgiving following the sugar cane milling.
Second class only-offering to the papatayan and kappia.
11. SALIWA
Third day: everbody meets at the new house and the family will
serve one meal to the laborers (meat during this time is not strictly a
requirement). In the evening, a small pig or chicken is donated by the
unfortunate owner to be offered to the papatayan, kappia. The first day
immediately after the fire has been controlled, a tiny hut hurriedly erected
on the spot of the fire. An old man or woman will stay inside during the te-
er for the enedeng: in order that the anito will have mercy on this old
person and no further harm to the place. This old person should eat very
little only a way of fasting. Sometimes, this lakay or baker (old woman)
does a kappia. This te-er can even discontinue a chono but in that case no
new house is erected that time.
12. FAKFAKAS
Three days te-er for the widower who is about to finish his three years
mourning period. This is the ceremony of his haircut after all this time. (cf.
funeral celebration). The widower will have to donate a pig or a chicken to
the papatayan and serve one meal for his ator mates. He is also
supposed to provide for the baon, which they take along the boundary of
the town where the impressive haircut is given. Before this haircut the
widower should kill somebody and then he can remarry. In this way, he
can honor his town and town mates best.
13. FEGNASH
This is the te-er of all the Ators. It will last 3 to 5 days and occurs twice a
year before and after the harvest. Accordingly, the intention is to obtain a
good harvest or as thanksgiving.
Members of every ator will gather in the ator in the morning bringing their
spears and shields. Only men and children can attend. They bring their
breakfast and eat together in the ator. After the breakfast, they all go to
the river to catch fish, which they prepare after returning. Everybody gets
rice from his hous. In the evening, they discuss the contributions for the
following day when they will butcher carabao.
The men and the children will feast 3 to 5 days on the meat of the carabao
(plus meat of pigs) eventually. They dance in the ator and a good time.
The women prepare the rice in the house and bring it to the men and
children in the ator. The feast does not go on during night. The last day,
there is offering to the papatayan for which contributions are collected
from all the ators.
14. WADEY
First class 3 days te-er proceeding the placing of the birds scarers in the
rice fields. The purpose is to protect the field against the birds. Last day
offering to the papatayan as usual.
15. LAPO
Three (3) days fisrt class te-er before the placing of the seedlings. Similar
3 days te-er when the seedlings will be transplanted (lapo).
16. SARAKMOT
Three (3) days after the first lapo’s second class te-er for the same
purpose that the seedlings may do well. Again, it is a kind of octave
celebration.
17. AP-APUY
Near the same corner in front of the faneng or small earthendique, the
chalekan is erected. These are the thre stones that are placed as stoves
for the cooking. This corner of the field where the sipit: pudong and
chalekan are called fanga-an. The chicken is being cook and eaten. A
small piece of meat is placed on the stones of the chalekan as an offering
to the anitos imploring them to do away with all insects, rats. Mices that
eaten the rice. After the meat, the fen-ag (ritual wine) is sprinkled on the
sipit and pudong while again the inscts and rats are cursed. This
ceremony is repeated on every single field and every chick has to be
killed. The leftovers of the meat are taken home where it is distributed
among relatives specially the parents. This share, the children bring to
their parents is called chinakchaker. The meat is chicken or 2 kilos dried
meat and also rice brought to the house of the parents. This is the most
joyful feast for the parents. This chinakchaker is given 3 times a year; after
the planting (during the ap-apuy te-er), before harvesting (pesik te-er), and
after harvest (kopogop te-er). During the chinakchaker, the men and
women without children feel like dying. To have children is so great value
for them that any marriage is declared invalid if they have no children. A
man will remarry till he finds a woman that can give him children and so it
goes with a woman. She will live several men till she has children.
This day after the ap-apuy, they all go to the river to catch fish in the river
and again the parents receive one (tokob) handful of the fish the children
caught. The following day begins the dangtey, which introduce the whole
cycle of te-ers.
18. SOKAIDAN
A te-er which involves the whole community shall be held lasting about
one week to 10 days in order to assure prosperity for the years to come,
after an epidemic, months of drought after chono. The elders meet to
compose the group of participants who will sing in honor of the spirits
during the time of the sokaidan.among the qualifications required are:
belonging to a prominent family, being actually important in the town, and
physically strong enough to carry out the duties of this special chore. The
number of the participants is about 10-12. First of all, the 3 men will be
assigned to start collectingfrom the townmates eggs and dried pig meat
that will serve as food for the participants but they are not supposed to eat
much during their performance. Old women will go and collect palay or
rice from the townmates, every family will contribute in accordance to their
social standing. The singers will use this rice but most of it shall be kept
for the final feast and meal for all who will attend. The children will help the
women pound the rice that usually happens near granaries.
After all these preparatory activities, on the first morning of sokaidan te-er,
the selected group of singers and dancers will begin the sokaidan song, a
special worhip to the supreme being called Kabunyan. The site for this
most solemn prayer meeting with the spirits is in DAKARAN, a place
where many granaries can be found at the outskirts of the town near the
river in the direction of barrio Saclit. The final performance lasts till noon
wherein young and old are present to watch and listen to the “gospel
singer”. This solemn and powerful prayer is addressed to the spirits.
In the olden times, these anitos can be seen; they are handsome young
men with a reddish complexion. At noon while the spectators return home
for their meal, the singers and the anitos remain for their luncheon on the
spot. Cooked rice, basi and tapey are set aside as the spirits’ share.
These spirits show good appetite for the jars containing the rice and
drinks, which continuously are renewed and refilled. The anitos show
special attention for the jars so it should be a jar of a rich family. Not
necessarily big but should be precious. And they prefer to be served
during every sokaidan with the same favorite jar, to the point that a
sokaidan can be postponed for many years in case the owner is not willing
to let his jar be used for this purpose (as it has happened in Sadanga
where the favorite jar of the anitos belong to a Christian who does not
honor the anitos). In the afternoon, the dancing and singing continues until
evening. Everybody goes home to return the following and so it goes on
all the days of the sokaidan.
Sokaidan dance and singing: the persons selected to perform this special
worship are supposed to dance and sing continuously without sittinf or
resting and it is believed that the participants who will leave the circle of
singers will die soon. In order to make sure that they will not be tempted to
leave the group, the dancers dance are in this way forming a chain. There
is accompaniment by gongs and the words do not mention any particular
anitos and not even the anitos in general. They relate the stories about the
different surrounding mountain for instance. There is water flowing in the
mountain the hero headhuntr on his return will take a bath in the water.
The spectators are expected to careful enough and avoid passing or
approaching the place reserved for the anitos. And in fact a man is
assigned to take charge and prohibit anyone who would even try for they
will certainly die or according to the mood of the anitos, his arms will be
twisted, he will be beaten, boxed or some other physical harm will surprise
him rather soon. In these courses of the year following the sokaidan
nobody is supposed to make a garden (oma) near this place of worship.
Business and trips beyond one week to one month cannot be made. And
for other reasons, no body should remark absent for longer than a week or
a month.
20. SENGA
The senga is a ceremony where pigs and chickens are sacrificed (private
te-er) lasting from one to three days according to the social standing of the
family. The neighbors and ator members are invited as a master of fact
and in case a carabao is butchered, the whole town will be present atleast
for the meals.
The other town mates even if they attend the meals are not oblinged to
abstrain from heavy work on the field or in the forest. T5his celebration of
homecomings held without the use of gongs.
21. TOMO
CHAPTER VI
SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS
The Sadanga community lives as one big family. Although family ties in the strict
sense are stronger, the community ties are very close too. The necessities of life forces
them to live and work together in a higher degree than ordinary communities do. During
the important cultural seasons, everybody will help everyone. A special te-er (pesik) is
provided to divide the work for the preparation and planting on the fields (chegar) and
also for the harvest (obfo). In order to maqke the system of mutual assistance and
ccoperation more effective, the town is divided in more than a dozen sections called
ator. An ator is a group of houses varying in number. This group forms unit in the town
with its own council and meeting place. The old men from the council and preside over
the ator-meeting. All community matters are discussed in the ator. The ator as a
meeting place is a small-elevated square with fireplace and surrounded by a low wall of
big river stones that are used as benches. At one end of the meeting place, a dormitory
is constructed for both men and women. This dormitory is also called ator. The term ator
has therefore triple meaning: first, it refers to a specific section of the town, it also
means the meeting place of this section or the dormitory adjacent to it. The bed space
in the house is very small and completely closed but where parents and their infants
utilize as their bed spaces. The other children stay overnight in dormitories ator by ator.
One of them is in charge of the discipline.
1. The grand-old prominent families who continue to be wealthy and who in line
with the best of their family tradition continue to be leaders during the chono
and use their riches for the benefit of all by butchering and organizing
impressive feast for the people. They are few in numbers.
2. Members of a noble family who ceased to be well-to-do. Though they are
rather poor, they continue to receive the respect and appreciation, which their
forefathers received; but as a matter of fact their actual influence has
decreased. A great number of families belong to this category.
3. The new rich: those who studied and have earning position: Mayor, teather
and also the businessmen, storekeepers, etc. They have more cash than
most other people do and they are rather more influential than most other
people do and they are rather more influential than those who did not go to
school are:
POOR FAMILIES
1. People who owns no fields and have no family ties with prominent
people.
2. Those people who have few fields but who suffer lack of food though
they originated from a noble branch. A great number of families belong
to this group.
3. People of noble descent who are impoverished due to their own
laziness or lack of initiative.
SOCIAL GROUPS
Among the rich, wise, humble, and industrious men are receiving the highest
praises and in fact, they have great influence. But also the charisma of talking and
judging will determine one’s actual influence in town. Those well-to-do people who
never butchered and spend for the benefits of the whole town are exposed to criticisms
and are despised.
Even if a poor man is wise and can talk articulately but lacks the money and
prosperity to underline his words with donations and gestures, he will not be recognized
by the people. Those poor people who try hard to go higher on the social ladders and
show certain pride and self-assurance is despised and criticized by everybody. The rich
appreciate the humble poor who accept their situation and work industriously on the
fields of the rich. In this way, every rich family will continue to give support and help to
his poor relatives by allowing them to hire his fields or by hiring their labor and in
exchange giving them pigs and other animals as a long term arrangement without
interest. The rich will even spend time and money to accompany the expedition that
goes out to search for the body of a poor man who died in the woods or in the river or in
a distant place. The poor relative will be offered to help butcher and to get his share for
his services.
The social standing of a family is reflected in the house he occupies. The rich
people live in a “far-ey” type of house. The second class house is smaller and is called
“sawang”. Poor people very small cogon hut, the nipa hut (kollob).
CHAPTER VII
LAW AND JUSTICE
All ethical, religious and ritual prescriptions as the social customs are rigorously
followed and handed over from generation to generation according to unchangeable
regulations of sacred traditions. The only factor influencing the tradition is the social
economic condition of these people. As long as economic life will not change, other
traditional customs and prescriptions will not undergo change either. In as far as
education will influence the economic situation of the people, this education is a factor
but not a perch. Indeed, several among them are educated already but they are still
obliged to follow the same ruling and they themselves do not feel strong enough to
oppose these traditions. The elders of the town observe these customs and as long as
they can monopolize the social authority, it remains unchanged. Only when a new social
group will emerge from gradual shift from economy of self-consupmtion to an economy
of trade and profit, making a substantial change in the picture of authority can be
expected, and legal authority inforce respect and obedience to their laws which will
result in a slow and gradul deterioration of the tribal customs.
In every town trial, the elders, usually from rich families of good standing and old
men who can talk with authority and wisdom that can settle dispute. They usually gather
at the same ator for important decision-making (Malacanang in sadanga). All their
community affairs are discussed and all problems are solved. They gather in this place
for matters of general welfare. This meeting and court session are open to the public
except for very serious decision such as warfare, revenge, etc. Convinced by its
urgency, the group elders shall call a secret session somewhere near the granaries
where the general public is not allowed to participate. The quorum depends on the
number of the truly influential elders (between 10 to 20 or even more), though three to
five among them are considered more important among them.
During a court session, both parties will present their witnesses. This is a hearing
for the prosecution and for the defense, and after the facts are all gathered, the old men
will proceed with the discussion. In case money or property is involved, one of the old
men will know precisely the traditional value of the items to discuss and by means
comparing with similar cases of it in the past, a just judgement will be attempted. Only
the majority of those present (public as well as elders) can give their consent to this
decision. If debts are discussed, the elders will divide the burden in indebted. These
elders demonstrate a very keen awareness of justice, and general welfare. In case their
decision is not fair which favors one party, the public is there to voice out their
agreement and they will search another solution until most of them agree. In this way,
bribery and favoritism are rolled out to a high degree.
When no decision can be reached after the examination and the accused cannot
produce a witness for the defense or when witnesses have contradicting statements,
they recourse to an oath (sapata). This oath will terminate the action, or where the oath
taking is refused and then the man declares himself guilty for he refuses to take the
oath, it is because he fears the consequences accompanying the oath. For example, he
will die, or a serious sickness or disaster will strike him and his family or both parties
take the oath and then the course of event will show who is right or wrong, meantime
the case is suspended. Sapata functions as an ordeal, a judgement of the spirits,
however, the oath will be requested from the accused one bofore the court of one’s ator
or olog.
Since the community is divided into smaller units or ators, the matters concerning
one ator is settled before the elders and members of this same ator. The general
meeting of elders if not a meeting by strict reperesentation from all ators shall be called.
It can be that none of elders of one ator is influencial enough to sit in the general
council. In the local meeting of elders not only the sapata but also the enkapew (the
dipping of the hand) will point at the guilty one in case the examinations failed to show
evidence or to produce general concern. The ordeal of the enkapew works as follows;
an egg or a piece of fifty centavo is palaaced on a jar of boiling water. The accused
person is requested to get the egg or the money out of the jar without showing signs of
burning on the hands, if so he can go out freely. If his hand is burned it shows that he is
guilty. While preparing the water, a prayer (kappia) is performed by one of the elders.
The house is a shelter and protection not only for its inhabitants but also for its
visitorsand even for any person who enters and finds ptotection against enemies and
prosecutors. If someone wants to pursue an enemy in a house, he may expect to find
the opposition of the owners as well. Indeed, it would b an insult for the owner to have
some murderd in his own house. If something happens to the housemate visitors or
people who enters to seek protection (and the owner accept it). The owner is obliged to
take revenge for the mischief and this will be approved by the elders in cae it is a
serious crime.
REVENGE
If a person gets killed, willfully all relatives are affected, is assailant cannot be
traced back. The traditional law of killing the murderer or any of his relatives if he can
not be traced back. The law governing killings between towns and tribes if the the
motive is clearly madness even the relatives of the victim will turn against the murderer
and taking the law into their hands and take the path of revenge. Whenever a killing is
known, the whole town will be alarmed and all men will go search for the murderer, they
will not rest until they find fim and kill him in return. There is no court sessions, no
meeting of the elders, life is paid with the life even among town mates. This philosophy
rules their behavior that nobody has the authority to touch life on his own private
initiative. Only the whole community can decide upon revenge and killing of the
murderer. This way of reasoning occurs not only for killing between towns, the
revengecan take years to materialized and it goes on for genereations leaving a heavy
death- toll.
If a person dies a violent death or an unnatural death, his spirit is believed not to
be addressed and the relatives will join efforts in trying to please this spirit and give him
rest thru a revenge against the relatives by sending through prayer all kinds of
calamities over them. The same reasoning dominates the revenge killing between
towns: that is the spirit of the town who has to be guarded and satisfied, wounding and
other physical insults are considered grave but usually it can be settled in front of the
elders. Even if the person who is stabbed and wounded is innocent and was the victim
of bad will of another has to pay for the blood loss. Blood is considered the meat of life;
loosing blood is the same as llosing life; therefore according to the amount of the
bloodshed the person who caused the wound (even if he acted out on self-defense_ will
pay in money or in kind.
Chapter VII
ECONOMIC LIFE
HIRING-RENTING (AGA)
More valuable property can be used against payment, in cash or in kind.
Outsiders cannot borrow some of these items, only their relatives. Here the amount of
rent follows the most important items, with the estimated charge:
Animals (carabao) for plowing purpose: four peso a day payable in money, palay,
or labor.
Houses are rented for five peso a month. This price is fixed for all houses not
considering its size or location.
Residential lot for construction of temporary hut: one person will help harvest on a span
of three days for one year’s rental of the lot.
Sugarcane mill can be used at the rate of one can of sugarcane wine a day.
Big cooking pots (as used during the fiesta and cooking basi), are free to be used for
public services , town fiestas and for private purpose as in preparing wine, it can be
used also for three kilos of sugar.
Labor can be hired but the rate4s differ according to the time of the year and the
purpose of the work, the services can be appreciated in kind, money or return of labor
(cf. the obfo for labor arrangements during the harvesting).
Fields can be hired with the simple arrangements that fifty percent of the harvest will go
to the owner of the field for its usage.
The obfo paid for in food only since the labor is cared for by returned labor during
harvest but not in the obfo system which is paid by twelve bundles of palay which
amounts to 2 ½ to 3 gantas (one-day labor) outside tha harvest. One day labor is
appreciated on a fixed basis at the value of six bundles of palay (this is always paid in
kinds so that the actual value of the labor is different in as far as the pric of the rice is
also fluctuating). Advance payment for the labor during the harvest to come is only six
bundles.
LENDING (IPA-UTANG)
This is known even for money but the idea of lending money for interest is
unknown. Even a deadline for payment is not set. But on the other hand: the owner may
expect the lender to show up any time to request the amount the time he needs it. And if
the borrower cannot return the said amount, he might be prosecuted in such a way that
the owner will use the other’s fields without paying the fifty-percent (50%) of the harvest,
until the debt is paid off. Or even worse, he might claim the field for resolution. There
are no formalities other than witnesses to guarantee compensation for the loans.
DEPOSIT (KINAMODEN)
SECURITIES
Securities are needed in the Sadanga economic system since all powerful
council of elder will settle any discussion to witnesses being the evidence about existing
contracts and debts.
CONTRACT (TULAG)
Contracts are made for many kinds of work; stone wall slides, roads or trails,
irrigation system, not for the building of houses however. Only contracts by fixed price
are made. As a rule no deadline is set.
DEBTS (TOB-EK)
One way for the creditor to protect himself against defaulting debtor would be the
start using the debtor’s field without paying the rental until the debt is paid off. This
system cannot be abused since the debtor can bring the case before the elders who will
speak final judgement with the help of witnesses. Their decision is without appeal.
Opposing the decision of the elders would bring infinite damage to the debtor’s
reputation and few will everisk this. Another way of having the debtor comply with his
debt is to make him work for you without payment, for instance during the harvest. This
is the usual measure whenever there was advance payment and the debtor does not do
the work. In case he would dare to refuse the free labor the elders might proclaim
boycott against him and he would see himself obliged to harvest his fields all by himself,
which is often impossible.
There is a special te-er to which all debts for animals are discussed and settled.
For other debts there are no such regulations. Sometimes, a debt can stand for several
years especially among relatives.
PROTECTION OF PROSPERITY
Rice fields and bananas need not to be protected against thieves. But so much
more, there is a nedd for vegetables and other fruits to be guarded. Vegetables gardens
and fruit trees will be protected by means of the ethnic lock (pudong); it is a rono (stick)
which hold on the top some grass or other green branch. The pudong functions through
moral pressure. If one gets trapped in a property with pudong, the shame is so much
greater than if he was trapped in a place with no special sign warning not to enter.
Some pudongs however serve a merely superstitious purpose as to please the anitos
not so much against thieves (ex. Pudong on houses and granaries-there is not so great
danger of theft, greater dangers to be expected from the spirits who can send fire and
disease over these places).
Beside the pudong, a fence will be placed around the garden or tress. Again it
would be very shameful to be accused of entering a fence. These fences are very easy
to climb or break through but it is the moral pressure that makes them a protection. For
big areas it remains very difficult to fence and in fact there is no remedy against thieves
except to plants so much that not all can be stolen.
CHAPTER VIII
FINANCE, AND PUBLIC WORK
FINANCE
The sadanga peoplehav no fiscal system and there is no general budget for
matters of general concern and public welfare. There is a way however of collecting
resources at the disposal of the elders in cses of emergency and for general welfare,
namely by contributions, and practically also by means of fine.
1. Te-er collection: during te-er with offering to the spirits and also during those
without ritual offering contributions are made to help in sharing the expenses of
buying pig for the offering at the papatayan or for providing the food for the town
mates or ator mates. Aside from these contributions in kind, there are also fines
in kind or money. Whoever went out of town to work during te-er days may
expect a visit from one of the representatives of the ator (the one in-charge of
collecting fines requesting an amount of rice or wood or money equaling more or
less the money their work represents during that day). For instance, one who
went cutting woods will be forced to give part of the wood supply or its monetary
substitute, or an amount of rice of the value of one-day labor or part of it. These
fines are used for the ator and half of it for the sacrificial offering at the
papatayan.
2. Voluntary contributions: on certain feasts and other occasions, people are
expected to make voluntary contributions with the idea of returning the favor of
those who invited all the people to eat merely on their own expenses. Such
occasions are the lopis, chono and the death of an elder. For lopis and chono.,
the donation usually is given in kind and it should not be less than 10 bundles of
paly. Relatives and guest are expected to make this voluntary contribution. On
the funeral party of an lder, nobody is obliged to give something but if they give it,
it should be below the value of one peso.
3. Obligatory contributions: there is only one occasion when all the people are
requested to make a compulsory donation of at least 5 bundles of palay, this is
the sokaidan.
PUBLIC WORKS
1. Obligatory labor: during the khagkha-at te-er, everybody is expected to go and
help in cleaning the trails of the town. The work is divided in such a way that
those families who have to use a particular trail to reach their fields are expected
to send one member of the family to help in cleaing. If a family owns field or uses
fields in several directions, more people are to be sent to help out on every trail
they use.
2. Free Labor: any kind of calamity and emergency will find many volunteers help
solving the problem at the soonest possible time. Whenever a person is missing,
the whole town is mobilized thus joining efforts to provide a remedy to the
situation. Occasions are: a person died and the body cannot be found; fire and
storm; to go and get the corps of a townmate who died elsewhere; and epidemic.
On similar occasions people show a superb sens of responsibility and
cooperation, which expresses eloquently their community spirit and tribal
solidarity.
3. Forced Labor: in oreder to control the younsters, they can be fined by forced
labor for their mischiefs. The elder can call on a meeting any time and the boy or
boys involved will get a hearing, followed by discussion, admonition and
punishment. So for frightening a teacher some boys get fined to the amount of 1
big pig; one big can of rice, 2 big cans of wine. Evidently the elders have a good
time feasting on the food. However, the fine can be forced labor as well
especially when harvest season is nearing.
The military institution used to be very important among the Bontoc Igorot
as long as they practiced systematic headhunting. Since the war and the Spanish
occupation, the headhunting expedition do no longer occur in a public manner.
These expeditions happened usually after the harvest when the men have plenty
of leisure time. Regular practice and exercises were organized in the pastures
surrounding the town. The headhunting practice was considered a means to
show the might, strength, prestige, and wealth of a town. During the headhunting
expeditions masculine skills and courage could be demonstrated and exhibited.
The young man who could bring a head or other part of the body was considered
a hero and still is. His family is supposed to organize a grand party for his hono.
The party goes on during several days and view of the impressive expenses only
rich families can afford to organize such headhunting parties. Whenever young
men leave on a war path, they will make sure that a rich boy who can afford to
organize such celebration will throw the first spear or axe. He be crowned here
and join “ma-armet” the league of skilled headhunting and war heroes.
In case of war, all men are called to arm and the council of the elders will
give instructions. The “ma-armet” has the leadership in the actual fighting. The
women and children will leave the town and go in hiding in the forest or other
safe places. They take all supplies along.
A head axe called “kaman” is held tight in the G-string and is used for man
to man fighting. The suga is a pointed bamboo placed on the trail to hurt the
retreating enemy or to one’s personal retreat. A man can hold as many as 20 of
this suga sticks which also serve as a knife peak. In a way the suga can
therefore also be considered a defensive weapon.
Other defensive weapons are the “Kalasag” or shield and the fara-es. This
is a spear, which by means of a string is placed under pressure in such a way
that when a person hits the string the spear perforates his side.
Gradually spears and axes are exclusively used as tools and the spears
as signs of social standing. Head hunting continuous radically in cases of
revenge until they get even with their tribal opponents.
CHAPTER IX
FAMILY INSTITUTION
1. MAN-WOMAN
The activities of men and women are strictly determined and the
women are doing most of the farming.
To cut wood
To make fields, build stonewalls for rice terraces plowing when
carabao is used for hunting.
Constructing a house (wooden part)
Harvesting and carrying of palay
Preparing the windmill, cooking for big feasts (meat)
Distributing the meat during the big feast
Making and working in the garden
Carrying the baby
Building of irrigation roads
To fetch water
Plowing the fields (unless done with carabao)
Planting, weeding, pounding, helping to construct house (Kogon
parts)
Ordinary cooking (although exclusively )
Harvesting, carrying of palay
Weaving (PS. If not married-can be forced to push the sugar
windmill while the carabao relaxes)
Helping in the garden (oma)
Carrying the baby
Women can help for roads and irrigation
As a rule, men will do much work which gives them an opportunity to exhibit their
physical strength and courage. But also carrying the baby otherwise he might
becriticized as a careless father. However, if he is always carrying the baby
staying home with the kids he might be scolded for being lazy.
Basically the women are useful for having children and for working in the fields.
Yet they are not considered slaves and some songs are praising the industrious
women. The eldest daughter gets an equal share of inheritance with the eldest
son while the younger son gets nothing. Although baby boys are more welcome
than girls, still yet boys only are not considered a blessing. When twins are born
and they will kill one of them they will not take the girl but the one who in the
native eye has more chance to survive. All this seems to indicate that there is not
a complete and fundamental discrimination against women. The women has
certainly no equal right and privileges as the man, yet she receives higher
esteem in the Sadanga Society than it is in the cse in most of the patriarchal type
of primitive societies.
Unless you are aware, it is difficult to find out wether two people are husband
and wife judging by the way they approach one another, talk and deal with
one another in public. They will not sit next to the other when other people are
present and during the in-obfo of the harvest they are not working side by
side. Even in private they don not display expressions of friendship, and
words of love or appreciation in the presence of their children. Their well
determined work makes that husband and wife go their own way most of the
day. The man is the one to travel and look for work. The woman stays at
home and cares for the children and the food. Women are found in the
company of women and men’s company. The men gather in the ator, where
they criticize the women that are jealous, ridiculing the man who acts
unnaturally. Women meet at the fields and at the house where they criticize
the men for being lazy.
The husband is considered the boss of the family but his authority over his
wife is not absolute. In extreme cases he will enforce her obedience by
slapping her, but on the other hand in the case of a negligent husband he is
the one to be scolded. She will also beat him with the hand or using the stick
poking him to make him work or help. Women have special gesture: this is
called the koliwa, pointing a finger to a man because of his misbehavior to
express their resentment. The koliwa is the gesture made by the right hand in
the direction and left in fast rhythm. This gesture made by the right hand
indicates in a serious way (no kidding): you are perverse man, you are
crooked, you are in the wrong path, I resent you, I cursed you, and
exceptionally the same gesture is made pointing at another woman.
The Sadanga society is strictly monogamic. Loyalty is very high due to the
social pressure. Adultery occurs very seldom and if known, it is criticized
strongly (inararaw). Infertile women are not frequented by married men for it
is believed that his children will die, that he will become very poor, or some
other evil will happen to him.
Divorce is accepted. When husband and wife cannot get along they will have
a mangmang and call for the relatives to attend the discussion but only if they
have no children yet. Once there are children, marriage is considered
indissoluble and if one party leaves the other, his life is in danger. If it is the
woman who separates and she is with an unborn child, she will not be killed
for superstitious reasons but once the child is born she cannot escape the
vengance of the town.
b. PARENTS-CHILDREN
Birth: most Sadanga women are sitting position for child birth. Relatives will
cut buttons, untie, and lessen newly made baskets, boards of newly build
houses, etc., for it is believed that this baby is bound in the mother’s womb
and by removing all kinds of ties it is believed that the baby will be born
easier. In the first hour after birth, the baby is nursed by the mother, the water
of sugarcane is used as food. The mother will nurse the baby until it reaches
the age of 4, if there’s no child that will follow. Soft-boiled rice (linugaw) is also
used for baby feeding wherein the mother will chew first and pass on mouth
to mouth.
Name: at the age of 6 to 7 the children receives there name which is selected
from the name of their ancestors other than the parents’ name. If two people
carry the same name and if one of them dies the other will change his name
for it is considered a bad name. Also widows or widower change names after
they become a widow or widower. This practice is not honored howevr in
case of sickness as it occurs in Bontoc, this name is given by the parents,
husband and wife altogether.
Before the children reach the age of 6 or 7 they are called kerang for a baby
and kiyotan for small boys and girls. This names have no particular meaning.
(Recently a different name is given to small boys and girls, ambot and ambet
respectively).
The children will not call their parents’ father and mother but use the native
name as any outsider would. Only the babies and the little kids up to 12 use
daddy and mama (ama, ina). Furthermore, there is no special expression of
affection between parents and children.
The children owe their parents the highest respect and obedience but as they
are left on their own rather young (the parents going to work and the children
trusted to the care of bigger children), they grow independent quickly.
Punishiments, force obedience and respect are angry language whipping,
slapping, twisted ears, pulling their hairs, kicking, and special work
assignments and most serious of all the children can be derived from their
birthright (the elder son and daughters are the heirs). As a matter of fact,
there is no systematic education, or instruction. The girls are sent to the olog
where they learn all they have to know from the bigger ones. More in
particular copy and follows the bigger ones at work on the fields. As they are
the parents of these young girl they will give some tobacco to adult’s
groupmates substituting it were for the luck of experience and ability and
strength of the children.
During the ob-obfo, the children learn likewise to obey and cooperate as they
are sent to learn many things from the laborers. If the children do not exhibit a
satisfactory degree of cooperation, the bigger ones still report to the parents.
This obfo training program last for two years wherefore they are considered
graduates. For the obfo of sugar cane milling the parents will butcher a pig or
dog as a kind of tuition for the adult labors so that they will teach the young
boys how to do it. (This is done during the first milling obfo of the attending
boys).
The respect that the children indebted to their parents is shown more
explicitly and publicly during the chinakchaker te-er before planting and after
harvest whereby rice wine and two meals are donated by the married children
to their parent.
The last favor of the sick parent could be that, the children will butcher and
have a mangmang in his or her honor. Filial devotion request that this wish
will never be overlooked. Children who refused this service to their parents
may run the risk of their birth right in matters of inheritance as a simple
statement in the presence of any witness will served as they parent’s legal
action to this matter.
c. COURTSHIP
If after the intercourse and the boy does not like the girl, one to two of his
ricefields are taken and if the boy does not own ricefields, his eldest brother
or sister will have to give the requested fields. So, the boy will be forced to
marry by the brothers and sisters of the girls involved to the point of being
killed. Only if the girl does not like to marry that boy after allowing make
intercourse with her then the boy can go free and the girl will be criticized by
her relatives and companions for her behavior. Jokingly, they will threathen to
cut her ears and most serious case the parents of elder brothers and sisters
will slap her for her misconduct. When the parent and other relatives don’t like
the boy they don’t mind so much provided there is no child. If there is a child
there is no other way but to marry.
The girls use aliwad for the night. This is a kind of g-string tied around the
waist. They are topless and sleep in blanket. When these panties are
removed or untied, it proves as evidence against the boy sleeping with girl.
Sometimes, girls who want to get married by all means will remain naked
during the night as to attract the boy and even if there was no intimacy, the
girl use this trick to accuse the boy the following morning. She will go to the
point of telling lies that she allowed the boy to make love with her aftyer he
promised to marry her.
This courtship period can last for one or more months but added number of
nights together will soon invite criticism if they do not proceed to the terba or
discontinue to sleep so often together.
Very few have intercourse before getting married. While sleeping under the
same blanket they do not kiss or touch, the boy can only place his arm under
his girlfriend’s neck and the other way around. They may talk about their
feelings towards one another and express their desire to get married
someday. Pinching the girl’s cheek is the only physical expression of love. If
the boy attempts to embrace his girlfriend without her consent, she will bite
and scream and awaken her companions.
Matakey is the name for a pregnancy outside marriage. In this case, the boy
involved is in immediate danger of life lest the consent to marry the pregnant
girl.
d. MARRIAGE
1. TERBA
While only 2 girls and 2 boys share the breakfast, the boy’s parents
also attend the following meals.
If the people are wealthy the terba should last for 2 days. Ordinary
people can do with one-day terba.
Bad omens which will lead to discontinuation of the terba are falling
objects in the house of the boy during the terba and also when
somebody in the town dies.
2. KARANG
During this second meal for the relatives, the couple will discuss the
karon with their parents and the lakays. The karon is the Igorot
version of the dowry. Usually it is a small but first class rice field
that the girl will receive from the parents of the boy. First class is to
be understood as good soil for rice also the location is important.
For the karon is the nearby field is offered.
If the girl happens to pass away, the karon field remains with the
parents of the girl but it can be returned to the parents of the boy for
a cheap price but the boy or his parents should never sell it to an
outsider (not relative). The karon only goes back to the boy or his
parents if both girl and her parents died. Even then a small amount
is requested.
In return for the karon, the relatives of the girl (not her parents) will
donate 3 to 5 chickens to the relatives (not the parents) of the boy.
This is being discussed during the patay and these chickens are
given right away.
The following morning, the newly wed couples will place leaves or
small branch as pudong above the entrance for one day to remain
there.
3. KUMUGNOD
About one week after the karang, early in the morning the boy will
go out to cut firewood and bring it to the house of his parents-now his house. This
firewood is the supply for one week for during the whole one week the boy will stay
home. This happens when the couples are occupying the house of the parents of the
girl. When they stay in the house of the boy, it is the girl who will perform the
Kumugnod. She will go out to the fields and work all day long. In the evening, she
returns to the house of her parents and will stay with her parents for one week. During
this week of the kumugnod, the couple do not live together. After this week, the one who
did the kumugnod will return to the house of his/her partner. On that occasion they
butcher one chicken (plus dried meat) enough to eat for the parents, brothers and
sisters from both sides.
All-important is trip from the boy or the girl to the house of the
partner after this week of separation. The omens will tell wether this marriage was a
success or not.
BAD OMENS: if somebody died on the day of the return. The return will consequently
be postponed. Some object falls in the house of the one having the kumugnod. Chicken,
pig, dog, rat, snake will cross the path while the kumugnod is returning. Someone is
sneezing in the house of the kumugnod or on the road. When these omens occur the
return and meal will be postponed for 2 days and the kumugnod will discontinue her trip
if it happens on the way.
The meaning of the kumugnod is to make sure that the spirits are pleased with the
arrangement. During the karang itself, everybody is busy and it is difficult to check all
these omens on that day. However, this kumugnod is not of such nature that marriage
would become invalid if the bad omens occur.
4. LOPIS
The Lopis are celebrated at no fixed time but it should be after the Kumugnod. Usually,
it is done within the following year. The rich people can do it after one month. It is
primarily a matter to be ready for this feast is very expensive since it is a second edition
of the wedding feast but this time not the town mates are invited but all relatives and
friends from the neighboring town as well. Also in duration, the lopis exceed the karang.
Rich people will celebrate 3 days, middle class, 2 days and poor people just cannot
afford. They have a substitute celebration, which will be discussed later.
All the town mates and visitors are served three meals during the day and three meals
during the night for this feast goes on during the night. Therefore, a rich man will have to
butcher 3 to 5 carabaos (expnses are shared by the two parties). Second class lopis will
do with 1 or 2 carabaos. Besides the caraboa, 1 or more pigs are to be butchered for
every meal. The old men and women will eat during the last meal. The old men and
women will eat during the last meal. This is called ta-ayon.
The lopis begins by inviting the old men of the town to come and eat dried meat (one
meal) in the house of the couple. During this, meal, they will announce to the lakays the
number of what will be butchered. This happens in the morning. In the afternoon, the
relatives will go to the pastureland to butcher the carabaos. For every animal they drink
1 bottle of fayas (sugar cane wine). First, the legs of the animal are cut and then about
one forth of the bottle is sprinkled over the animal, the rest of the bottle they finish for
themselves.
During the ceremony of sprinkling, a blessing is uttered called “masobraka” (be enough)
in order that there may be sufficients meat for all town mates and guests.
The fayas or wine for this ceremony is called Fen-ag. Then the butchering continues.
The carabao’s head and the four legs are brought to the house of the couples to use for
the fiesta. The rest of the body is divided by the brothers and sisters of the couples as
well as the people who went to butcher the caraao/
During the first meal with the lalakay, messengers are sent out to the neighboring
towns, even those towns that do not have peace agreement with the host town in order
to invite all relatives of both sides. Good friends of the couples are also welcome but
they do not receive a formal invitation.
The pigs to be butchered for every meal during the day are brought to the papatayan.
There is usually a set of stones and the part of ear is cut and placed on the papatayan.
There is usually a set of stones and the part of the ear is placed there or fixed on a
stick. Then the pig is brought back home where it will be butchered. Again, th legs and
the head are used for the party, the rest is for the relatives and officials in town.
a. KAK-AROB:
This is a ceremony of a well wishing to the couple and it
happens as follows: 5 small jars covered with banana leaves
are placed in a row somewhere in a corner where nobody
will touch them. After the second meal, five men (grown up
relatives) will perforate the cover with their hand while
uttering a wish,. For instance, the firsy child will be a boy, or
a girl (when it is a relative of the girl or something funny as
wishing that pus will flow from the baby’s ear, so that he or
she might bcome a trouble-shooter or anything that will
make people laugh,for it should not be silent during the
ceremony.) Relatives do this from both sides. If the cover
happen to be destroyed prior to the second meal by
accident, this is sufficient bad omen to have the marriage
contract broken in case there are no children yet. For this
reason, the kak-arob is done only when the girl is not yet
pregnant, as it happens often for children. In case the cover
of one jar is broken before the ceremony of the kak-arob, the
parents of the children will never allow the marriage to get
through.
c. IN-AMMO-OT:
Two boys and girls (one of them are those who assisted for
the terba) are hired and paid (meat and rice) to help carry
the pig to the papatayan – to fetch water and supply
firewood. The same name (those who went for the charatey
and ratawan). There is also in-ammo-ot for the discipline and
distribution of the meat. The visitors also have special in-
ammo-ot but these ones are not paid for the job. They
receive their regular share of meat.
The visitors arrive the second day and stay until the following
morning. When they retun home, they take their patay along
(from the liver of chicken). The visitors are supposed to bring
present for the couple called adang and so do the town
mates. The adang can vary between 200 and 300 pesos of
worth, in nature (wine, tobacco that is used during the party,
and also palay (bundle of rice), or in money). The amount of
the money and palay will be announced before the visitors
leave.
d. MANGAY-YENG:
Four boys with bamboo crown on the head and around the
upper- arm take a wooden stick pointed as spear, which they
will plant in the ground somewhere in town. Then they take
the stick back to the (house) old men who accept it with
bamboo decoration and place it on the ratawan. Afterwards,
the boys will receive food.
e. KEL-ID:
This is the last meal in the evening of the last day. The
visitors went home already and so few people attend usually
the close relatives who live in town and neighbors, and many
children. After their meal, the charatey and ratawan are
removed.
The following morning the boy will plac a pudong. This is a
bundle of branches that he plants in front of the house to
remain there for one day and one night. During the pudong,
the couple cannot go out to work. In the evening of the
pudong, the horns and jaws of the carabao which were
placed outside above the roofing will be brought inside the
house. One chicken is used for the patay. The horns and
jaws are placed outside after the second meal during which
the head is cooked and the horns and jaws are removed.
5. TETEKRAD:
Anytime after the lopis but before the chono the couple will
give a party for their former friends a token for their lasting
friendship. When the couple announces it, the boys will go to
the river to catch fish and the girls go to the fields to catch
shell, mudfish and crabs. The couple provides for their
balon. They return in the afternoon and this catch is brought
to the olog (girl’s dormitory). The couple provides for the rice
but does not attend the meal themselves though part of the
fish is given to them to eay at home. The friends are happy
and they have a good time talking about their younger days.
Jokingly, they will propose to the couple to marry once more
so thay they can have another tetekrad.
6. CHONO:
This is the wedding celebration by all the couples who got married like
on some instances the previous ten years. It occurs whenever the whole town
agrees upon it every 2, 3, 5 and 7 years. The feast lasts for 8 or 10 days
where numerous visitors attend. The number of carabaos butchered for this
occasion can exceed 100 depending on the capability and ststus of the family
as to what happens regularly. Therefore, this particular custom is a heavy
burden not only on the individual families but also the whole town as well
which may result to partial famine or shortage of food result after the chono.
The chono begins with three day of te-er (pagan obligatory rest day).
During this te-er, the preparations for the feasts are made and the whole
fiesta organized and discussed. Every chono has a first, second, and third
leader. The first leader has to be rich and should belong to the one of the
outstanding families. It can happen that the leader actually is no longer
wealthy but if his family was outstanding before he can be the leader. The
new rich class is yet accepted to be first leaders of the chono. Their ancestors
should have been chono leaders before. This is an absolute requirement. It is
believed that if a middle class person insists upon being the first leader by
proposing to butcher greater number of carabaos the harvest will be a failure.
Besides, it is very arrogant for a middle classman to make such proposition.
All his town mates will criticize him for his pride. The second leader, however,
can belong to the middle class, and so with the third leader. As second
leader, people will prefer someone from the upper class.
The first leader will approach the old men (who incorporate all
legislative and executive power in town) to announce the te-er. On the third
day, the leader will provide one pig to be offered on the papatayan. The head
is cooked in the papatayan and eaten by the old men. The offering itself is
performed by the pumapatay or pagan priest, whole is selected among the
old men for the direction of their life or what is left of it for they are up in years
already. The rest of the pig is divided in many parts as there are couples
participating in the chono (remember this participants can be children still or
people who are married already ten years or more ). These participants will
gather on the house of the leader to get their share.
a. SHARAG
Everybody who feels like going to the pasture where the carabao donated by
the leader will be butchered. Sharag means for everybody. All the meat except the
head and the legs are divided among the attendants. 200 to 300 may turn out for this
affair. There is again a wish as “masobraka” (be enough) followed by the distribution.
The intention is to find out wether there will be enough meat for everybody during
the chono. For the chono there should be absolutely no bwisit (not enough for
everybody) for many other towns will send their delegations and it would be just
unthinkable that they will criticize this town for organizing a chono while there is not
enough carabaos available. The butchering of the sharag is therefore different from
the ordinary butchering. As soon as the leg of the animal are cut, everybody jumps
on the animal and start cutting as much as he can for besides the head and legs
everyone of the butcherers get as much meat as they can cut for themselves.
Occasionaly it happens that the men are cutting passionately that they do not
discern their companions from the animal and the party returns with a good number
of wounds. In that way, not all of the butchering relatives get an equal part. For
sharag, everything happens orderly to avoid that there will be bwisit. If there would
not be enough for all the attendants to get an equal portion they will even start
cutting one leg for if one would have no share it is a sign that also subsequent
butchering will not render sufficient food for everybody. From sharag, the leader
should abstain from taking a bath. The plates and utensils used for the cooking
should not be washed during the time of chono. Otherwise, the harvest and the fruits
of the attendants will be destroyed, and the food for the chono itself will not be
sufficient. On\mens will be studid to find out wether the anitos will sponsor the
chono. Bad omens are death of a town mate during the te-er or the appearance of a
rainbow. In these cases, the te-er will be discontinued, everybody will resume their
work in the fields. After one day, another te-er will be proclaimed. For this particular
te-er, vicitors are not considered bad omen. In case the te-er was not disturbed,
there is the assurance that there will be enough meat for all.
From this sharag day, the leader will butcher his first carabao daily. The
following day the second leader will butcher his first carabao, the third day follows
the third leadr. The other participants can start butchering the next day. After the
third day, the leaders will gather and discuss how many day they will continue
butchering and when they shall have the chawis i.e. the end of the butchering. The
chawis falls on the 5th or 6th day. All invitations are sent that day and after this day,
there will be no more butchering of carabao. On the chawis day, the siwag is held.
This is the kappia done in the house of the leader and then afterwards in all the
houses of the participants. About 12 the men who fulfilled all their chono obligations,
some kind of chono-alumni, will perform siwag. They start the fire-dance, which is
the official opening of the chono-dances. Swinging the gangsas (gongs) from right to
left while they remain on the same portion, one lakay will receive the kappia which is
called paliwot. He utters wishes of prosperity and good luck to the couple. All the
people will answer the kappia by holding on high pitch of their voices, which will
sound as a solemn amen after this pagan doxology. This response by the
bystanders is called iyag. The second paliwot is a shor6 narration of a heroic dee.
The siwag team goes from house to house until they have visited all the participants.
They receive one carabao leg per house for their service.
After the siwag, the poles and firewood, which had been prepared outside of
the town, are brought to the participants. The ratawan and chara-tey are the same
as those used during the lopis. The fansar are four posts erected vertically where
upon other sticks are connected horizontally. It serves as a ma’s high shelf where
the meat is to be placed.
c. SUWE-EY:
Next, the lusong (pounding block) is brought outside. A group of women starts
the chono-dance by excellence: the suwe-ey, 2 women, the eldest relatives from
each side who are or have been married is heading the rows of women while
they stimulate pounding in the lusong. The two leaders get 2 kilos of meat as
watwat (the meat of any feast, which can be taken home) plus five bundles of
palay (about on ganta).
d. IPOS-ONG:
This is the name of the dance. Suwe-ey is the name of the song. Before
simulating pounding, the two leaders will take one bundle of rice and place in it in
the mortar. Then the two rows alternate in pounding while they sing the suwe-ey.
After the singing, the leaders will place a branch of flower around the head of the
girl in such a way that the flowers come at the back. This is called Sanganga (c.f.
Lopis). Now the mother of the girl will deck out the girl with all the precious beads
(around the arms) and headwear. Everybody then dress in Easter best. The
women wear the best pinagpagan- this is the best tapis (native colorful skirt) only
used for special and festive occasions. The old women will bring out the ginawa-
an or precious blanket. The men will wear his best G-string finaliktad or even
more the precious blanket. The men will wear his best G-string finaliktad or even
more the precious ragteb (White g-string consisting of 12 layaers). Now the
chono is in full swing.
PS. In case one carabao is butchered the team of the chono-alumni does not get
one leg but 6 kilos of meat (to be divided among them) and tobacco.
e. PERAG:
In the evening, the chawis in every home, two men are assigned to start the
slicing of the legs and other meat. They divide the meat according to the number
of visiting delegations from other towns for these visitors will come around going
from one participant to the other. These men are paid with 4 kilos of meat for
their service prior to the slicing a kappia is held.
The day following the chawis is the visitor’s arrival. To welcome them, the leader
of the chono will send his gangsas to the entrance of the town. When delegation
arrives, a kappia is performed and they start beating the gongs and dance. After
one of the hosts will give a welcome address exhorting the visitors to behave
according to the regulations of this town’s chono and not to disturb the order of
peace of the feast. This messenger from the leader then will guide until the
visitor’s house. They start singing and dancing, eating and drinking. Three meals
are served during that day and three more meals during the night for the feast
will go on all noght long. The visitors will divide themselves into groups and go
caroling and each time food and basi will be offered to them. The different
delegations from visiting towns will see to it that they bring adang along. The
same presents for the couple as a customary for the lopis.
Next day, the delegations return to their own barrios and no more dancing is
done for everybody is tired from this joyous but sleepless night. Visitors other
than the officially invited relatives from the neighboring town are also welcome.
They are taken cared of by the municipal authority that provides also for the food.
f. KEL-ID:
This is the last meal in the afternoon of the third day following the chawis. After
this meal, the decorations are removed, the house cleaned and the jaws and
horns of the carabao are exhibited outside the house for six more days.
g. PUDONG:
The morning after the Kel-ed, the couple will stay home for the whole day, in the
evening: a small chicken is butchered for the adjacent relatives and neighbors.
The day after visitors has left, there will be another three days thanksgiving te-er
in their barrio. This te-er is called saracmot. As this a thanksgiving te-er, the te-er
cannot be distributed by anything. No omens are to be analyzed.
This is the end of the chono, the greatest of all Bontoc native festivities. As great
a feast, it is so expensive: the leader is supposed to butcher 10 carabaos or
more, 2nd leader 5 to 7 carabaos, 3 rd leader 3 to 5, the ordinary participants 1 to
3.
h. ROWAD:
Three days after the te-er concluding the chono, they have the rowad. The leader
will place the fansar (two post only), ratwan and chara-tey (to place chicken)
down.
In the morning, one pig is brought in the papatayan and butchered at the house.
Three meals are served for everybody but in fact, only the relatives and
neighbors will attend.
This rowad is a second chono celebration but less elaborate. The ayyeng and
suwe-ey are sung. Other songs are prohibited.
The second day, all participants will butcher one pig after they are brought to the
papatayan for the offering. The crying of all this pigs can be heard in every corner
of the town. All participants will place the post (fansar meat post only). A small
chicken is butchered and placed in the chara-tey. All leftover meat from the
chono will also use this opportunity to give their lopis feast.
The following day, a small chicken is butchered and the jaws and horns of the
chono are brought inside the house. The rowad is concluded by another three
dyas te-er with butchering of one pig (provided by the leader of the chono on the
papatayan). With this octave, the chono has come to its official end.
For three months after the rowad, nobody shall leave the town for some length of
as for instance to go work in Baguio or Kalinga. No pine trees are to be cut within
this period, no oma can be made and the mountains should not be burned for
these three months. Those who were supposed to attend the chono did not make
it should not enter the town for 1 year for they certainly will die if they happen to
taste the dried meat left over from the chono. Burning the mountains or making
an oma will bring a great famine over the town.
i. SABRAY:
The concluding meal after the record where 1 small pig shall be butcherd for the
neighborhood to eat excluding the household.
j. DANGTEY:
After the planting and again after the harvest, the participants of the chono will place
the pudong (bundle of small branches above the entrance). There is a three days te-
er in the front of the house. The parents of the couple share each f these mealse. At
the end of the te-er, one pig is offered to the papatayan donated by the leader of the
chono.
k. BIRTH:
1. PREGNANCY:
2. DELIVERY:
If the delivery is rather difficult, the woman should tear clothes; remove the
buttons, while the husband must destroy part of what he has been making
during the pregnancy as tuping (stone wall separating terraces, basket,
house, etc).
3. KHABOK:
4. PALING-AY:
The mother will wear a dirty rag in her hair during one year after birth to
frighten the anitos to come near and make the baby sick.
5. ARMOS:
Until the baby has his complete set of first teeth, the couple should abstain
from meat, which is prepared on the occasion of any burial. Their other
children however are allowed to do so. Not only the meat but also the basi
or tobacco presented on such occasion is a tabo for the parents.
6. ED-EDEW
One or two years after the birth of a boy, the parents will have the ed-
edew. One old man will take the baby and accompanied by three other
boys will go to the granary while the karasag is in his hand (shield). The
three boys, will prepare food in the granary (one chicken and other food).
The couple stays at home.
7. KENTAD:
This is a ceremony for baby girls. After one year or two years, a baket (old
woman) will be asked to perform a kappia over the baby. She wear a dark
blue blanket. For this occasion, a pig or chicken is butchered.
8. SE-EB
This se-eb is held for boys only. In some places a Belwang, this is
expensive. In Sadanga itself, only one pig is butchered while a lakay says
a kappia. Before the feast, the lakay prepares a wooden stick to make a
stove outside the house for cooking. Only men and boys will attend while
the mother is supposed to leave the house for the time of se-eb. For this
meal, the leaves of the tobegay tree are used as plates. The left over rice
and sida should be thrown away and not disposed of in the pot where
usually the left-overs are kept for pigs. Also the left over wood must also
be disposed.
This se-eb is to be done any time before the boys get married. In
Belwang, it is a big fair and the whole town will attend. At least one
carabao is butchered and food is brought to the homes of all the town
mates who had se-eb before and in proportion to the number of se-eb
given.
9. MAN-MANOK
In some places of Sadanga likes Betwagan, after two days from the date
of delivery, the parents of the baby will butcher a chicken during the night
time. After 5 days, another party will be done during daytime. During this
affair, the relatives of (mother side) the baby are invited to welcome the
baby.
10. KHALIS
This ceremony is for both baby girls and baby boys. In Anabel and n
Betwagan, Sadanga, this Khalis is done after the falling down of the navel,
more or less after 10-15 days of delivery. During this affair, the grand
mother of the baby will butcher a pig or a chicken to welcome the baby as
new member of the family. For this occasion, if it is the parent of the father
that will khalis the baby, the relatives of the father (first cousin, uncles,
aunties) of the baby are invited to celebrate the welcome party. After the
lunch, if it is the first child, the grandparent will give “efan” blanket to the
baby . this “efan” blanket is a “Pinagpagan” native colorful blanket “Faya-
ong”. But for the next succeeding children no more blanket to be given to
the baby. If for instances, the baby has three grandparents still alive, then
the baby will be “makalis” three times in different days.
If the baby is residing from another place, the baby will be given a gift in
cash or in kind (beans, rice, blanket, chicken, etc) from his/her relatives
during this occasion.
11. AN-ANITO
This is a secong kentad but this time it can also be given for a boy.
Whenever a person is getting seriously ill, the parents or relatives will all
go for the insopsop-ok or woman healer. She will perform the en-aanap.
Taking the child, she will blow over it and say a prayer by calling all names
of the anitos of the different sitios of the barrio in order to find out what
anito has been bringing this illness over the person. Following that, the
insosop-ok or en-aanap will give advice. The parents should take a white
cloth and the legs of a chicken go to the site of this anito. There, they
should remove the legs and the cloth while saying “iyawid mo” (give back),
or similar expression sick person the woman might advice the sick child to
another house, and so from house to house. Another alternative could be
to butcher one pig or another chicken.
If things get worst, another healer will be called. FUROSH leaf is another
recipe the healer can prescribe. They are placed on the chest or lions. If
they dry quickly and become crushy, it is a good sign. If they remain wet,
however, the near will give up on declaring that she cannot remedy the
situation.
2. ENTE-ER SIBABAREY
This is another technique to get rid of illness. The parents will stay home
for about 10 days. A chicken is butchered and the anito in the small
baskets receives his share. At the end, another chicken is killed.
Sometimes, the period can last for a month. This ente-er can be held if
nobody is sick, only as an assurance. Sometimes, the women will have an
ente-er in order to have a baby. For two months to one year, they will not
got to work on the fields, take no bath in the river. This is called ente-er
sebabarey ta enkedaw. Avoiding the heavy work in the fields, it seems to
help.
3. TAGI:
4. ALLOT:
To assure that the fruits are not stolen from one’s field, the owner will
place the pudong or ethnic lock around the plants. The one who does
steal will feel pain for one to three days in the arms and in the kidneys.
The remedy is to go and confess to the owner who then should apply
leaves to the sore place and it will be cured by his allot power if he has it.
Not everybody has the power, it is passed along by inheritance.
5. TOWN
Whenever there is an epidemic or many people are affected with the same
illness, stronger measures are to be taken. A solemn three days te-er is
announced. Visitors, raindbow, death, and striking lightning are bad
omens. In the evening of the last day, four poles are erected at the
different exits of the town. A piece of meat is attached to each of the posts
and all these posts are placed slanted pointing away from the town (as
what they use to scare off the birds). If this happens twice it is taken for
granted that many persons will dies for the watery meat is indicative of the
tears of many mourning people. The spider signifies that many dead
person will be carried in the town in sticks. Anybody who is returning home
after the poles are placed will certainly die. If dogs happen to bring down
the pole and eat the meat the te-er is invalid and has to be redone after
one day.
Before erecting the post, there is kappia on the ator by one of the lalakays.
This kappia is a story cf. Gospel, consideration and Old Testament
Kappia’s
j. FUNERAL CELEBRATION
1. SENGA
During sickness at the ill person’s request, his relatives will butcher one
pig up to one carabao to give the sick person one last opportunity to invite
his friends and town mates, and to show them that he does not forget
them. At the same time, and to show them that he does not forget them.
At the same time, this celebration serves as an attempt to appease the
anitos who have been sending this disease over the person. The animal is
brought to the papatayan for ceremonial offering of the ill person. Then the
animals are butchered for the whole party. This kanyaw (offering to the
anitos) can be repeated frequently until the person gets better, or joins the
anitos.
2. POKSO:
This is the general name for all the animals butchered for the dead. The
person remains in the chair and the people will be weeping and eating for
one or more days with three meals during daytime and also during the
night. For every meal, one pig must be killed (or dog). Five carabaos are
butchered but this is only to make good for what is lacking from the pipg
the important thing for the death it should be pig or dog.
ORDINARY PERSON: three or 2 days, one pig for every meal and 1
carabao.
POOR PERSON: one day and the following night, 1 pig only for the
panegtegan. No dog is good enough to substitute for the pig for the
panegtegan. These butchering for the death, however, are never
accompanied by kappia or offering on the papatayan.
4. FUNERAL ATTIRE:
Every town has several burial grounds, one for those who died a natural
death (usually at the outskirts of the town) and those who passed away
peacefully are brought to another burial place while the children are buried
near the house. Inhabitants who married someone fromone another town
have another graveyard.
The corpse is simply lowered in a rather deep pit, or already real tombs
are being erected also.
By all means, the body of the deceased town mate should be brought
home. No distance can be an objection. Only in his hometown the soul or
spirit of the dead will find rest. If this rest is not given to them, they
certainly are going to revenge. Whenever someone died in the town itself.
Everybody will come out and go to place where it happened. If a person
got drowned in the river, the whole town will go down and search along
the river banks kilometers far downstream until the body is found. In case,
the body cannot be recovered, the people will have the funeral
celebrations just the same, the clothes of the men substituting the man’s
body in the chair. In that case, clothes will be buried.
5. ROM-OD
Immediately after the burial, the laborers will meet at the house of the
dead where one pig is butchered. During this meal that the laborers share
with the relatives, the inheritance is being discussed and the debts are
arranged with presence of the old men. The old men and other guests
serve as judges whether it is fair arrangement or not. After this meal, the
jars and plates get extra cleaning and the left over rice is thrown away.
6. INHERITANCE
The rice fields that belonged to the father are inherited by the first born
boy, fields from mother’s side goes to the first born girls. The other
children get nothing and can claim nothing, it is left to the mercy of the
eldest brother and sister to give a share or not.
SUMOSUAN: the eldest boy and girl will exchange one rice fields as a
remembrance of father and mother.
Jars, gongs and other valuable items are divided in the same way. As for
the animals, usually most of them are consumed already during any feast
that the parents held for the first boy and girl. If there is some cattle left, it
is equally divided among all the children. Debts are considered quasi-
property and therefore this are shared by the first boy and girl.
7. MOURNING PERIOD
While the men are entering the dead, the other people will accompany the
mother of the deceased to her house (she does not attend the
inheritance). The men will destroy one side of the house of the dead and
of the house of his mother. Outside the mother’s house, a stove is placed
and one pig is butchered. From that evening, the young boys whom sleep
in the ator (boys dormitory for the people of a certain group of houses) of
that place will go and cut woods, catch fish which they prepare to eat in
the house. At midnight, the wall is rebuilt and the following morning, one
meal is offered to these boys and those who help rebuild the wall. In the
house of the mother, pig is killed and served.
The wife or husband of the dead person and his mother also stay home,
they do not work in the fields and take no bathe in the river until the wall is
rebuilt. After the wall is reconstructed, the mother of the dead will take first
a bath not far from the house. She will have one companion who will
check wether any butterfly, chicken, dog, pig, mouse, rat, snake, or birds
cross the mother’s path. If so, the mother should quickly return and make
another attempt the following morning. The day after her bath, she will go
again to the fields but she must return earlier as not to be surprised by the
afternoon rains. In the case of a widower, he will go out and cut wood.
Again, if in his trip to the fields or the forest similar bad omens occur it has
to be repeated until it is okay. Sometimes, it can last as long as several
months to one year before all omens read good and normall life can be
resumed.
INSIPUT: after the mother, the wife of the husband will take his.her first
bath and afterwards, they go to the fields.
The mourning period lasts for one or two years and the widow shall not
wear any expensive headwear all this time. Instead, white beads or white
string is worn. In addition, the white tapis with blue lining (kargo) is
prescribed for widows.
After this mourning period, the widow with a companion will go to the
granary where they burn the mourning attire (inside the granary). Perhaps,
there is also kappia. She dresses then in the normal attire. When they are
back towards the evening, a pig is butchered or chicken for the family
(mangmang is the general name for the family size butchering). Only after
his mangmang, the widow can live and act normally and eventually she
will remarry.
CHAPTER X
ETHNIC DANCES
A group of five to ten or more gong players beat one harmonious beating.
Similar to any other musical arrangement, the brass sound, tenor, and
soprano also is noted in the playing of gongs. The lead musical player is
then crucial to lead in the rhythm and tempo of the gongs and the dance.
As the players move in a circular motion following the concept of “follow
the leader” the women dance around the men (those playing the gongs)
and follow whatever the steps the men do. The women native dance is
called “shagni” and the dancers follow as they dance with the appropriate
steps and body swaying depending on the art and style of the music
players called “Mamattong”. (For instance, the gong players brass their left
foot and raise right foot then land in the same foot).
Hand position for women-arm sideward in a horn-like with closed fists and
thumbs up. Brass left foot forward; raise right foot and land in the same
foot. Another ethnic dance is the so-called “Tayegteg”. This consists of
men crouched or seated on the ground striking very fast on the gongs.
One man and woman take the floor and begin their dance. It consist
mainly of a variety of fast pacing and raising foot movement which the
man leads in and the women follows facing each other across the floor
and gradually rotating around it. This progresses to the stage when the
dancers hold hands and repeat their steps around the circle. Due to
modernization, the original steps are being improvised. Sometimes, the
man looping under his partners arms, the woman also does the looping
under his. A third stage occurs when the young men dancers places his
hands on his partners’ hips and follow her around the circle repeating the
original steps.
Hand position for men and women dancer-arm sideward with open palm
facing sideward.
“Tupay-ya” is also one of our ethnic dance and being performed by the
other Cordillerans. Similar to the tayegteg, this consists of men crouched
or seated on the ground with open palm striking very fast on the gongs.
This dance also consist mainly of a variety of fast pacing and raising foot
movements, the only difference with that of tayegteg is, the male dancer
stands from where he received the “tapis” and wags the tapis to call for his
partner. On the other hand, the male dancer stands and performs with at
least few steps before the female dancer goes to pair him. It can be with
“tapis” or rolled scarf held by two hands or without. The male and female
dancers meet each other then separate with fast steps.
Hand position for men and women dancers if dancers dance without rolled
scarf, “Tapis” or handkerchiefs-arms sideward horn-like with open palm
facing sideward.
The indigenous musical instruments are the instrument used by the past
inhabitants or early setlers of this municipaility accompanied with a song.
Thus, playing musical instrument will give originality to the music as well
as to the player. Playing our own musical instrument will give beauty and
uniqueness to our place.
Brass gongs or the “linipanto” gongs are the musical instruments for
most ceremonies and festivals such as chono, lopis, fegnas, and
barangay or town fiesta. Usually only men play the gong beaten with a
hammer- like piece of wood or the palm of the hand. These
instruments used in the accompaniment of the following dances such
as pat-tong, tupay-ya and tayegteg and other ethnic dances among
Cordillerans.
1. SORWE-EY – this ia a mass wedding song time yet. The group of men and
women while pounding the rice with the use of stick or wood, during marriage
feast called “chono”, sings this song. It is composed extemporaneously and when
sung during the chono, it tells about the story or life history of the “madno” (those
conducting chono) such as long time marriage and still did not beget children, so
the main theme of the wedding ceremony is to appease the angry gods for them
to be merciful that the couple will soon beget a child, have a bountifuland
healthful living. This must also sung in all houses of the “madnu”.
SHURWE-EY
(Belwang)
Sur-we-e-ay
Sika pay lumawigan
Ay mangit-itcho sha dono ay
Sur-we-e-ay
Sur-we-e-ey
Makashlang das fa-fa-i-ey
Ta waday mayangyangan ay
Sur-we-e-ey
Putot na guguwangan ay
Sur-we-e-ey
Amed na fa-fa-e mangiwarsi
Na falili-e-e-ey
Surwe-e-ey e-e-we-he-ey
Payew mi signad ili-e-ey
Masili na umali-e-ey
Adi yo yay-yay-ya-an ay
Surwe-e-ey
Surwe-e-ey at mabshog ya kumaan
Ay surwe-e-ey
Formation: group of men (hand place on the right or left shoulder of the person after
him) standing facing group of women (holding the stick or wood) in between them is the
mortar where they will do the pounding of rice. While singing, singers will sway their
body moderately while lifting a little bit their left or right foot depending on the leader or
improvisator.
SURWE-EY
Ay surwe-ehe-e-ey
Komdaw takos fafae
Ta way umey manupali
Faneng chay mafalili
Ay-ay sur-we-e-ehey
2. AYYENG – a prayer song sung by the quest asking “Kabunyan” (God) to bless
the household, give them good health and properity. This is a group chant by
men only. This is sung during rituals such as baptism of a child (funyag or se-eb),
a marrieage feast or the blessing of a house. It is composed extemporaneously
with four or more line.this is also chanted while drinking wine and started right
after a chicken or a pig is butchered.
A-a-a-ay-yeng
AYYENG SI SE-EB
Kindag mi na rakchongan
Fatog chi panignkilan
Ay kintad chi laraki
Ay laraki’y annak mi
Narigat na kanen mi
Tay indaton Lumawig mi
Ay iluwaro’n di lalraki
Panga-abak na
Ya idad-ayeo na
Sa kasin laraki na
AYYENG
(For the Wedding)
1.
No makmakwani en chonod no
Insos-oron romawig sa ili tako
Kanana ay mangwani
Kedagen yon an nowang
Iganak di anan-ak
Ta waday maisubli
Maisubli sina ili.
Karkaro ad nowani
Sa maid maisubli
Choy simchatos kakaili
Sadi na mangwaniyak
Angnem sa Romawigan
Ta ad-adoy inuma
Ma kowet ganak angnena
3. SHAVUSHAB – this is a native prayer by an old man during a ritual to ensure the
safety and good health of celebrant.
SALIDUMMAY
(song for Peacepact)
Sacasacan
I.
II.
Sida mi kaimashan
Inwad, ratong ken ket-an
Sagpawan me nu mamingsan
Amid mo way pinapaitan
III.
Malokong me ay isoysoyan
Kaew ay natukawan
Sokop nan bandihado mi
Ya na niraga ay parato mi
IV.
Amam-an nan isoysoyan
Wakes da’y pinagpagan
Insiklang inpangato
Inputipout-insiglot
V.
Inin-an nan isoysoyan
Iget da’y naparaypayan
Tapis da’y naburda-an
Uro day naangungguwan
VI.
VII.
Ngem asha nabaliwan da
Ugalida san ugma
Sika od ay kabunyan
Ingkad kami badangan
VIII.
Sam kakad bendisyunan
Na ili mi’y kaigorottan
Ta adi kami maiyaw-awan
Talna kuma ken kapya
Nan mawada sina isha ken esha.
AN-NANIN
(Betwagan)
I.
Antoy angnek mangawis
Larakis naraprapis
Fisngay nay kag-awis
Uray sino maawis
II.
Siya nan kafallawna
Adi-adis inana
Ngem kanaka di bali
Basta adi ensubsubli
III.
Sokod ko isafichang
Sangkap kos nan masoprang
Asaak maikamang
Kan chakayo’y masinchedmang
IV.
Sokod ko isallong
Chorus ko’s nan mafubrong
Asaak maiyamong
Kan chakayo’y sinpangafong
V.
Sabagay kalawaan
Sadanga’y inpiliyan
Padong ko’s raw-rawa-an
Faken kinakadangyan
VI.
Ay ki ka paat furawan
Ta dak sikas agaran
Forawan ket mataynan
Kan ora ka’y lenaydan
VII.
Asem mo pay ay nemnem
Nangipapati’s Raychem
Asem mo pay ay kimat
Nangipapati sat machiyat
VIII.
Wed wedchi wed
Wed wedchi wed maed
Aberdang ta maed.
OK-KAYAN
(song for harsvest season)
Belwang
Ayso-ayso kaydan
Isongdom sa guinaodan
Na pagey as ok-kayan
Na pagey ay faksaran
Mavaksar sa daran
Gumateng sa kargawan
Makakyeng as agamang
5. TINARUYOD – this song is being sung by group of men and women either in the
rice field during planting or harvesting season. The women and men can also
sing it at the “pangis”. The theme of the song below contains the love of a woman
to a man despite of the characters the man have.
Ashem ka ay naawis
Kan shaken ay alilis
Sika di mangopkoplis sinan fakrag ay gumater
6. ULLALIM- these are a ballads chanted by talented bards either man or woman
far into the night of Kalinga festivity and being adopted by nearby tribes such as
gatherings or peacepact assembles for entertainment.
Et naligat ay tet-ewa
Na biag cha ama kan ina
Gapu sina anak cha
Ta maka-eskwela yangga.
7. OGGAYAM- most popular Tungguian song and now sung in the provinces of
Kalinga, Apayao, Mountain Province and Benguet. The singer to suit the
occasion extemporaneously composes the wordings. Since it is definitely from
the inlaud Tribe, the words are always in the inland dialect even if the singers
come from the other tribes. Great debates are held in Oggayam among the
different participants during the occasion like festivals, parties, bodongs,
premarital arrangements, weddings, palanos, and others. The great beauty in the
Oggayam is its poetic from where in the ending of versews rhyme.
8. DARNGEK- the message of this song is the hard labor of terracing the Mountain
for what we called rice fields by the “sinpangobfo” after that, the group will plant
the rice seedling. Singing such a song like this will help each and everyone fell
happy despite the hardship of work they are doing.
Inyap-ew ka ay lutta-ay
Eyey mi’s fanengna-ay
Et topngen di ibfa-ay
Mablew t\ya fanengna-ay
Ishkan si kabayugka-ay
Tar-tar-on di tagwa-ay
Neg-ora ka ay tagwa-ay
Ash adi pa-at kabra-ay
Rabfa-an et umpa-ay
Umpash poon pangnga-ay
Ay indippa-dipa-ay
Tay nabray nan sik-ki-ay
Ugod si kavayogka-ay
Ya gedang na’y fengda-ay
Fab-alos faballasang
Intakot ed pangisan
Tay siya nan manganan
Tay siya nan masheypan.
Ya siya nan inkawkawran
9. CHURWAS-SAY – the two groups of men and women chant this song during
wakes of the dead person sitting on a death chair (sangadil). It is sort of debate
between two groups. A leader starts the song and the others simultaneously
follow. Anybody can lead is not fast enough to answer. Words are
extemporanaeously depending on the skill of the improvisator.
CHORUS:
Ahallay do or-wassay
Was sas shoya ka-a-ay
I.
Ta purongen tako wa-a-a-ahay
Ahallay do or-wa-ay
Was sa shaya-aka-ay
Mantet-ewa-ay
II.
Et makaysan ya kedchenga-a-ay
(chorus)
III.
Et maid mail-ila-a-a-ay
(chorus)
IV.
Ta de-dengrem kay-ya-ya-ay
(chorus)
V.
Na purong mi anna ya-a-ay
(chorus)
VI.
Kedeng dis ivaga me-e-e-ey
(Chorus)
10. ROMIGAS- this is one of the indigenous song sung by the children when they
are playing with their playmates for fun.
11. TANTANUFUNGAN- another indigenous song sung by the children with their
playmates.
Tan-tan-nufungan
Agsurat ka ambungan
Ambungan tanga-tanga
Tanga-tanga Chiyap-po
Chiyap-po manganito
Manganito ashuvfay
Ashuvfay salindukay
Salindukay shayengsheng
Shayengsheng kura-rap-pi
Kura-rap-pi adang-gi
Adang-gi fiya-rushan
Fiya-rushan at-tikan
Adi vadangan rugit
Tay untinay pumul-lit
Nipuput-er rugit sina
Kuter Fashongit
SHUPRANU
Shupra-nud tongdo-tongdo
Umetchag kash shorkod ko
Ta iyak idukchukadok ash
Payew kosh uliwok
SHURKOD KO
PINAGPAGAN
GAMAN
AGARAN
Agaran vang-ga-oran
Pit-pit-og na nan ug-an
Umey pay ash kuwada
Indawis si etsana.
TAPRAN
Tapran tapran
Ivagam ta umudan
Pingew pingew
Ivagam ta maegew
TILIN
Hoy-oy-y-y tilin
Adim duwa araen
Na duwak fev-erawan
Ta way varon ama
Ay umey mangogsha
Adik agtan si ina
Tay kuwana nan totot na
Agtak yanggay si ama
Tay siya nan nangara
Agtak si apo tay
Siya nan nangrako.
KUDYA-EY
Sika ay imul-la-ey
Purongek od sik-ka-ey
Mos inan-anana-ey
Salidummay kudya-ey
Seng-ang sumeg-ang
Sika ay umil-la-ey
Anak di lawa-ey
Layad sumeg-eng ka-ey
Layad sumeg-ang ka-ey
Ta maid ila-na-ey
Tay paat ongos na-ey
Kan sika ay lawa-ey
Salidummay kudya-ey
Faballos kudya-ey
Sadi komas lawa-ey
Anna mana-ey
Salidummay kudya-ey
Machad-ayaway ongong-a
Isnan ili ay Sadanga
Ay inigwan Dios Ama
Maarwadan na gina-eb-na
No entako bumagnon
Sinan kaviga-vigat
Entako pay idiyat
Mata tako’y kasi kedyat
Ay gag-awisan ngat
Na entako mail-ila
Makak-ka-eb sinan fatawa
Pasig law-rawa-an da
Wada ka ay ak-akew
In-inum ya sugsugar
In av avad ay sinpamilya
Inka-isit ay ungong-a
Ta oray no ong-onga-an
No entako utchunga
Wada nan maikaman
Parash na ingawisan
Ipadash ay makitok-cho
Sinan amin ay sekto
Tapnu pay madnger tako
Makwani ay panagplano
Indarosh si para-angan
LOVE SONGS
I love you
Ngem aguray
Ipaps ko’s istammbay
Istambay as mapaway
Darling ko a napa-ay
Adiyak kumak-arang
Tay nangina na nuwang
Adiyak fumab-arey
Tay nangina na pagey
SALIDUMMAY
Nabartek a basi
Naiwakas idi rabii
Nartek di malem
Pumerde pay kan saken
I love you
Ngem aguray
Ipapas ko’y istambay
Istambay
Isdin paway
Darling ko ay napa-ay
WALLAW
Indukdukog ya wallaw
Insagong ya dungdungaw
Dong dong ay si dong ilay
Insalidumma ay
Untme ay enshurshurtep
Naando na taleptep
Untem ay inkudokudot
Pinmuskor da na radot
Dong dong ay………
Kanak n binalitok
Insagong ya nabus-ok
Dong dong ay…..
Uney di mangibarey
Inpa ingsak si dangay
Uney di mangiyabong
Inpaingsak si ubong
Ashem ka ay nangaspor
Kan saken ay sugador
Dong dong ay…..
SUMYA-EY
Kedeng et ituloy mo
Lalaki’s kinatulag mo
Tay dadlo’s maid abot ko
Kan dakayo’y sinpartido
Adiyak makapada
Payew yo’y are-rew-wa
Ya adiyak makasangbot
Nuwang yo’y masin gasot
No layden ay mangila
San ili me’d Dongay-an
Ta umey maimanman
Tulag ta ay dada-an
Chapter XIII
Traditionally, the natives of the town seeding of Sadanga have worn minimal
dress. In the beginning like Adam and Eve, it just consisted of mere leaves and bark of
the trees called the Kobar for Betwagan people, Supot or Rae, a kind of shrub bark for
other barangays. Over time, the bark otherwise called Tinutu was replaced by a
backstapped woven dirty white material from cotton produced locally called Tinapi,
usually worn by the poor with no designs, then as they trade with outside adjoining
towns, they bought dark blue thread match with simple single white line going through it.
This is worn by natives of middle class before but at present, it became a tapis or
blanket for the dead of lower status. When other colors like red, black, and white came
in to be woven as the Kinted, the wrap-around skirt, tapis or blanket are for the
Kadangyan. This Kinted is used to dress the corpse of t5he rich while the Tinapi is for
the poor.
The designs seen in the Kinted like the snake, shield, and others are just the art
that symbolize higher status because of more colored threads that the abled ones could
afford to buy. The more designs and colors, the higher status of the user.
The next woven material is the Inarsong or Kinayan with more color
combinations worn by those of higher status and the Chinor-os with plain color is for the
poor.
After the Kinted which is exclusively for the rich class before, the Pinagawa- an
was introduced which consisted of a combination of Kinted on both sides at the middle
the Pagawa of white and black colors from tinapi added by the colors with designs. This
Pinagawa-an could be used as blanket draping loosely around the shoulders and down
the body or tapis for rich or poor class of people. Nowadays, with vonnel threads we
have different colors of Pinaga-an.
The men before, wore leaves or bark of trees just to cover their genitals and later
wore Fa-ar for the poor of plain dirty white cotton. Later, the weaves included simple
designs of dark blue linings. It is paired with the Faya-ong and is called Ragteb.
To date, the Pinagawa-an tapis for women is paired with Finaliktad for men
consisting if a combination of different colors also.