City & Society: El Mall: The Spatial and Class Politics of Shopping Malls in Latin America. Arlene Dávila, Oakland, CA
City & Society: El Mall: The Spatial and Class Politics of Shopping Malls in Latin America. Arlene Dávila, Oakland, CA
City & Society: El Mall: The Spatial and Class Politics of Shopping Malls in Latin America. Arlene Dávila, Oakland, CA
Book Review
© 2018 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/ciso.12161
Book Review
managed by real estate investment trusts consumption. The formal mall jobs may
(REITs), with storefronts being leased to boost tax revenue, but the jobs are
tenants. In contrast, a historic lack of harder and pay less. One mall employee
capital to finance construction resulted Dávila spoke with “admitted that she
in some Latin American malls having could be making more money selling
multiple owners, analogous to condos arepas (cornmeal bread) in the street”
with private ownership of storefronts. (p. 88). Urban spatial separation of class
Despite fundamental differences in how is reinforced with more affluent malls in
malls are physically built and owned, north Bogotá and poorer malls in the
Dávila demonstrates in Chapter Two south. This north/south urban divide is
that the mall is entangled in a well known to the people Dávila
homogenizing international discourse interviewed, as the upwardly mobile
that assumes the North American clearly state that they see no need to
ownership model. As part of her shop in the southern malls. Northern
research, Dávila was a participant malls favor shopping as a primary use
observer in the International Council of and tend to have more expensive,
Shopping Centers (ICSC) John T. international chains. In contrast, poorer,
Riordan Global Professional southern malls provide more non-
Development School in Mexico City. shopping activities, like eating in the
Latin American mall professionals attend food courts or attending “free” public
these meetings to learn the “language of events.
retail” (p. 45) so they can “be certified as The space of the mall further
global shopping mall professionals” reproduces subtler forms of bias based
(p. 63). This language centers on best on appearance, demonstrated by what
practices regarding management of people wear. There is a bias against
common areas, tenant mix, and levantados, or the newly rich, who stand in
maximizing the number of visitors. contrast to people who have been raised
These homogenizing global in their socioeconomic class. Part of that
discourses at the professional level concern is tied to the complexities of the
contrast with the portrait of the mall that drug trade. But concerns about
Davila illustrates throughout her book. appearance are also entangled in racial
Dávila’s work focuses on how the bias against Afro-Columbians and
transnational mall space shapes and Indigenous peoples who tend to be from
reflects localized constructions of class, the coastal areas. Overt racial categories
particularly the emergent middle class. are reproduced, but are embedded in
For example, the mall creates tensions class codes. Race tends to be fixed in
between mall “jobs” that sell hegemonic cultural preferences that
international goods and the informal conflate racial traits and ethnic practices
economy located outside the secured with class, exemplified by how
mall. International brands and products “straightened and blow-dried” hair is
strain historic links between the national part of the middle class/professional
production of goods and their local look (p. 128). Negatively viewed
City & Society
References