MYANMAR BRONZES AND THE DIAN CULTURES OF YUNNAN

Elizabeth Howard Moore

School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), Department of Art & Archaeology, London; em4@soas.ac.uk

ABSTRACT Myanmar, including ‘mother-goddess’ figures, bronze pack-

Bronze artefacts from the Samon Valley (circa 19-22º N, 95- ets (kye doke), floral ornaments, swords and axes. There are
97ºE) in central Myanmar are strikingly similar to pieces also semi-precious stone rings, glass rings and beads with
from Lijiashan, 80 km south of Kunming, Yunnan. The affini- some generic forms, such as spherical carnelian beads. Other
ties to Lijiashan are greater than those to the larger and artefacts, including green stone beads in the shape of an ele-
more renowned cemetery of Shizhaishan. The dates of the phant and carnelian beads in the shape of a tiger with a cub in
Samon Culture overlap with the earlier Dian cemeteries. the mouth, are unique to Myanmar. Most, but not all, of the
Most of the Samon finds are not found outside Myanmar, bronzes and other Samon artefacts appear to have been man-
such as small wire packets, floral ornaments and 'mother- ufactured from local resources. In addition to metals and
goddess' figures. The Samon Valley and Upper Myanmar -precious stones, the Samon region has salt deposits and cot-
may be the areas referred to in Chinese texts as beyond the ton production. Many of these goods were also valued in
„barbarian‟ regions that came under Han control in the early Yunnan, with cotton and salt traded with Nanchao in the later
centuries CE. And, as seen in Yunnan at this time, the Samon first millennium CE (Guy 1995:67).
Culture may have experienced political change reflecting Some bronzes from the Samon region appear to have
Han expansion and fluctuating alliances between Myanmar, been imported from Shizhaishan and Lijiashan, near Kun-
Yunnan, and South Asia. ming. These include Heger I cowrie-drum containers, musi-
cal instruments, and ritual ladles or mouth organs. There are
INTRODUCTION – MYANMAR AND YUNNAN also parallels in burial traditions between the Samon Valley
BRONZES and the Yunnan sites around Kunming. For example, recent
Shizhaishan excavations yielded headless burials and disar-
Bronze artefacts excavated since 1998 from the Samon Val-
ticulated inhumations that recall the ‘mother-goddess’ figures
ley of central Myanmar have identified a new Bronze-Iron and disarticulated burials from Samon sites (Jiang Zhilong
Age culture. The greatest concentration of sites is along the 2003; Pautreau 2007). The presence of both local and import-
short Samon River but the sites are located over a distance of
ed mortuary goods and the hints of similar burial customs in
230 km along a north - south axis from Halin (Wetlet Town-
the Samon and Kunming regions highlight the significance of
ship, 22°29'7.57"N, 95°51'3.58"E) to Lewe (19°38'2.49"N,
overland exchange between Central Myanmar and Yunnan.
96° 6'39.88"E) (Figure 1). In the same region there are sites
The primary, but not exclusive, trade route appears to have
of the as yet undated Neolithic, first millennium CE Bud- been along the Dhotawaddy (Myit Nge) River extending
dhist, 14th to 17th century CE Inwa (Ava) and 19th century northeast from Mandalay to the present Chinese border at
CE Mandalay periods. The few absolute dates for the Samon
Muse. The northeast links to Muse were balanced by net-
Culture are c. 600 BCE–400 CE, with hints of occupation
works to the northwest and the Chindwin River.
dating to 900 BCE (Pautreau et al. 2006, 2007:87). In 2009,
The principal excavated site in the Chindwin Valley is
excavations at Ywa Gon Gyi, Thazi, a possible Neolithic
Nyaunggan, Budalin, Sagaing Division (22°24'43.04"N, 95°
habitation layer was unearthed below Iron Age mortuary lay-
3'34.14"E) located 85 km west of Halin and 300 km north-
ers (Coupey 2009:3). However, the overall relationship of
west of Lewe. This area of Upper Myanmar was easily trav-
cemeteries to habitation sites in the Samon and Chindwin
ersed overland or via the Ayeyarwaddy (Irrawaddy) and
river valleys remains unclear as most excavations are ceme-
Chindwin rivers. Among the finds excavated from
tery sites. Most of the Samon bronzes are not seen outside
Nyaunggan in 1998–2001 were bronzes comparatively dated

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Figure 1. Regional map.

to c. 1500 BCE. However, most of the sites around pear to have been imitated or appropriated by the somewhat
Nyaunggan are non-metal sites, so the bronzes mark an elite later Samon Valley cultures. This pattern of cultural appro-
burial area. The graves yielded a number of objects that ap-

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priation recalls that of sedentary Kunming peoples by eques- ent shapes of stone beads and rings (square, egg-shaped, tri-
trian Dian seen in Yunnan artefacts (Calo’ 2008). angular, round or pinion). These were placed on various parts
Artefacts found in the Lower Chindwin and Samon re- of the body including the shoulder, arm, and pelvis. The most
gions are compared below, following a summary of relevant abundant grave good was pottery, ranging from small oil
aspects from the Dian sites. The article concludes by high- lamps and cups to large urns and 'distillation' vessels. Eighty-
lighting the role of trans-regional exchange in the transition eight shell beads were recovered; these were perhaps used as
from Neolithic villages to Bronze-Iron Age chiefdoms and amulets (San Nyein 1999:79). The shells are from the family
the subsequent emergence of Buddhist kingdoms. Nassariidae, a marine species; the larger shells are Peeled-

Dian and Upper Myanmar cultures

The Dian Culture is best known for its bronze artefacts, par-
ticularly the graphic figures on lids of cowrie-drum contain-
ers excavated in the 1950s and 1990s at Shizhaishan (25°
37'31.89"N, 100°17'7.08"E) and Lijiashan (24°24'34.84"N,
102°45'1.64"E). Lijiashan was excavated again in 1991-1992
and Shizhaishan in 1996. Shizhaishan artefacts from these
recent excavations date to the Spring and Autumn Period
(722–481 BCE) and middle of the Warring States Period
(403–221 BCE). The dates, existence of ancestral veneration,
and certain traits of these goods are similar to inhumations in
the Samon Valley. However, Samon bronzes and their corre-
lation to social change are different from the situation of
Yunnan. The introduction of bronze was a threshold of social
augmentation in China but not in mainland Southeast Asia,
where such social change comes with the use of iron (Wang
2008). Higham and Higham (2009) have used a large body of
absolute dates from Thailand to support this argument. While Figure 2. Chindwin artefacts
a comparable dataset is not yet available for Myanmar, their
conclusion applies well to the Myanmar evidence described
spire Dog Whelks (Nassarius leptospirus) and the smaller
below.
shells are Humped Dog Whelks (Nassarius camelus) (Ken
Ross, Australian Department of Health & Ageing, and Rich-
Lower Chindwin Bronzes
ard C. Willan, Senior Curator, Molluscs, Museum & Art
In 1998, the Fine Arts Department, Ministry of Culture, un- Gallery of the Northern Territory, Darwin, Australia, pers.
dertook excavation of a cemetery on the northwest rim of an comm., December 2008). While the existence of marine
extinct volcano adjacent to the village of Nyaunggan, Budal- shells may suggest exchange with southern coastal areas, the
in Township, Sagaing Division, 22°24’N, 95°04’E). Excava- finds may also indicate that the seacoast once stretched far
tions revealed a range of inhumation burials, stone rings, into the central region of modern Myanmar (Tin Tun, Yan-
pottery, and bronze implements, dated to 1500-1000 BCE gon University; Kyaw Kyaw Htay, Dawei University, pers.
(Figure 2). Due to the absence of collagen remaining in bone comm., December 2008). If this hypothesis is verified, the
samples, no absolute dates are available and the chronology shells could indicate a different ecology for this arid (675
remains comparative. The burials were supine inhumations, mm per annum) region two thousand years ago.
although a large pot with a skull and a number of large jars
were found. There was a degree of social differentiation at Samon Culture – changing geographical context
the Nyaunggan cemetery. However, compared to the burials
The artefactual evidence indicates that the Samon Culture
of the Samon Culture, there were fewer mortuary goods, only
was a central node networked in all directions (Figure 3).
bronze weapons, no ‘mother-goddess’ figures, no kye doke
The region today is comprised of populations from many
(wire packets) , no floral ornaments, and no glass or iron
different ethnic groups. The clearest influences to the Samon
artefacts.
Culture are from Yunnan and possibly Sichuan, but Chin-
There are copper deposits in the Nyaunggan area that
dwin riverine connections to the northwest may have also
were used to manufacture bronze spears, axes, and ge, hal-
affected the Samon culture. In addition to the Dhotawaddy
berd-like implements akin to those in Yunnan (Chiang 2010). (Myit Nge) River, there are the Chaung Magyi, Shweli and
Local volcanic stones were used to make at least five differ- Taping (Tabein) rivers and overland trade routes. There were

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Figure 3. Chindwin Samon Lijiashan map

also trade routes from the Samon to the south by river and Comparison of the Chindwin and Samon cultures
overland. Mortuary wealth differed in the Chindwin and Samon re-
Samon artefacts have been found around Inle Lake (20° gions. Chindwin goods were principally stone rings, bronze
36'17.89"N, 96°54'42.54"E) and near Lawsauk (21° weapons, and pottery. The copper resources of the Chindwin
15'2.13"N, 96°51'48.40"E). Inhumation burials in lime- Valley are more concentrated than those of the Samon and,
hardened earthen graves with carnelian beads with white line while evidence of copper smelting has been found in the
designs found near Lewe (Pyinmana) mark the southern Chindwin region, stone moulds for bronze axes have been
reach of the Samon culture documented to date (T.Tan; Win found in the Samon. The hard volcanic stones around
Maung (Tampawady), pers.comm., June 2008). Lewe lies in Nyaunggan and other craters in the Chindwin region appear
a 25 km long region of intermittent streams south of the to have been traded to the Samon Valley but most of the
Samon that is thought by Myanmar geologists to have been rings from the Samon Valley are from local stones or glass.
connected south to the Sittaung River and the Andaman Sea. In addition, ‘T-shaped’ or flanged round rings are found in
A maritime connection for the Samon culture would intro- the Samon Valley, while the rings in the Chindwin Valley
duce additional trade contexts in which to assess the ritual have an inner hole with flat edges polished to create a smooth
norms of the Samon culture (Moore 2009; 2010). Finds such surface. In the Samon Valley, there are also bronze ritual
as the Dog Whelks in Chindwin burials (noted above) and goods, glass discs, some iron implements, and line-decorated
hydrological evolution in the Samon River highlight long or zoomorphic semi-precious stone beads. None of these
term changes to the Upper Myanmar environment. have been found in the Chindwin area.

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The walled site of Halin (c. 100-800 CE) stands out in treau et al. 2007). The 0.5 cm thick wires of the kye doke
the Samon Valley distribution for several reasons, highlight- were ‘tied’ into bundles with wire and wrapped, with traces
ing its prominence as a trading centre. Emissaries from the of cotton remaining on the surface. Skeletons had up to thirty
9th century Chinese court recognized a P’iao or Pyu capital, bundles, their shape akin to bundles of growing or harvested
perhaps Halin, at the time when Tibeto-Burman rule was rice stalks in the Halin region today. The packets also recall
established at Nanchao (Backus 1978:83-89; Guy 1995:64- bundled ears of rice and barnyard millet from Haimenkou in
5). Some Halin wall fortifications, and its later role as a guard the Erhai Lake area of Yunnan, where they are seen as an
post, may date to this period of political consolidation and indicator of settled agriculture and animal husbandry (Kan
religious transformation in Yunnan. Halin is outside the Yong 1985: 26). It has also been suggested that the kye doke
Samon Valley proper, but a large quantity of Samon and also denoted age, were needles, or were ingots; the Yunnan paral-
Chindwin artefacts have been found there. Excavation since lels point to markers of wealth (Pautreau et al. 2001:100; Ian
2004 of site HL25-28, southeast of the city, has provided Glover, pers. comm., September 2004).
much in situ data, with evidence of inhumation (Hudson Other Samon bronzes are similar to pieces from
2009; Nyein Lwin, pers.comm., January 2010). Shizhaishan and Lijiashan but simpler. The axes (7-9 cm) are
Despite Halin’s proximity to Yunnan, this important site elongated with horizontal or vertical lines on the shaft, re-
has not yet yielded bronzes imported from Yunnan. The im- calling pieces from Yunnan sites such as Daxingzhen and
ported goods come instead from around Pyawbwe (20°35′0″ Jinguan but different from Chindwin axes, which are more
N 96°4′0″), in the southern part of the Samon Valley. This rounded (Moore 2007:96; Kan Yong 1985:72, Fig. 14). The
suggests that Halin was an interchange point between the narrow Samon bronze spears are not elaborately decorated
Chindwin and the Samon cultures but leaves its relationship but have affinities to Shizhaishan examples (Murowchick
to Lijiashan unclear. The Samon Culture’s appropriation of 2002:161, Fig. 8). Spears in the Samon region were also
Chindwin mortuary custom is seen in the miniaturization of made in miniature (c. 4 cm) and bundled into packets found
grave goods and, possibly, the use of Chindwin halberd- in the hands or underneath the wrist of skeletons. These ob-
shaped axe motifs in ‘mother-goddess’ figure frames. The jects have been recovered from excavations and also villager
balance of Chindwin–Samon artefacts thus provides a useful digging.
context for assessing the varying relationship of Halin and Many irrigation works have been constructed in the
the southern Samon area around Pyawbwe to Lijiashan and Samon region over the last decade. In addition, the Samon
other Yunnan sites. Significant Samon artefacts are described beads are valued by collectors. As a result, villager ‘bead-
in two parts below: locally produced and imported goods. hunting,’ prior to Department of Archaeology excavations,
has brought many grave goods to the antiquities market. The-
Local Samon bronzes se items are often not found in excavations. For example,
The most striking locally made Samon bronze artefacts are over a dozen ‘mother-goddess’ figures are in private collec-
the ‘mother-goddess’ figures, first recorded in 1998. (There tions but none have yet been formally excavated. Given the
are possible parallels in headless figures from Chengdu but I rapid economic development of the region, these unprove-
have only seen photographs of these.) The figures appear to nanced goods need to be included in profiling the Samon
have been produced by beaten relief in a similar manner to culture.
Myanmar bronze gongs, as were the majority of locally pro- A prime example of the unprovenanced Samon artefact
duced bronzes. The ‘mother-goddess’ figures are slim with is a small (13 cm) bronze ‘bird-man’ pole found by a villager
round breasts and a womb beaten into smooth hemispheres; near Badi Gon, Pyawbwe (Moore 2007: 16,110) (Figure 5).
the leg bones and backbone are also in relief. The figures The pole was inside a finely made bronze box containing a
measure 60-90 cm long and have one to three torsos joined at second standing human figure. The posture of the ‘bird-man’
breast and hip. They are headless (unless the curved neck is closely resembles a bronze figure (c. 15 cm) from Liajiashan
seen as a head) or they had a wooden or metal mask where described as a Dian man kneeling on a drum. The Liajiashan
the head would be. The figures are narrow, probably due to figure decorates the end of a bronze spoon (39.5 cm), used as
their use affixed to the top of coffins, carved from tree trunks a ritual ladle in the Warring States period (475–221 BCE),
or made from bamboo mats (Coupey 2009:2; Pautreau et al. from burial no.11 of Lijiashan cemetery (Hong Kong Muse-
2003:61). Another local object is a flat floral ornament that um of History 2004:87, Pl. 045). This type of vessel is also
was fixed to the sides of coffins (Win Maung (Tampawady) found in the Samon, one piece having two figures on the end
2002-03:126-143). carrying a long drum or possibly bamboo tubes with tea. The
The most ubiquitous bronze artefacts are kye doke , Samon ‘bird-man’ and the Lijiashan spoon depict the man in
packets of pulled wires, 1.5 – 7.5 cm long (Figure 4). Al- a squatting position with calves drawn closely up against the
though tests have yet to be carried out on the imported bronz- thighs.
es, the packets are more than 98% copper (Moore 2008; Pau-

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Figure 4. Kye doke (bronze packets) and rice chaff bundles

Figure 5. Bird-man pole, courtesy T. Tan

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In the Samon ‘bird-man,’ the figure is ‘held’ by a bird up' when the bell is held upside down, and are lively child-
with flexed legs and the section of the pole below the figure like sketches of a face (Moore 2007:107-111).
is unclear, whereas the Lijiashan piece has a ‘drum’. The Five or six Heger I drum-cowrie containers have been
arms of both the Lijiashan and Samon figures are crossed on found in Myanmar, all with mushroom-shaped mantles deco-
upturned knees. The head of the Samon piece is broken off, rated with feather-headdress men, bulls, and rice barns on
but the second figure in the Samon box, depicting a man stilts (Calo’ 2007:75).One drum, found a number of years
proffering a long boat-like object, has a head with a similar to ago in the relic chamber of the Shwezigon pagoda, is also of
the Lijiashan figure with an off-center topknot. The legs of this type and closely resembles a piece found in Chieng Mai
the Samon 'boat' figure are carefully made, the right knee (Calo’ 2007:75). Two are a rare Heger I Type with a star and
being marginally drawn up and the flat foot slightly extended geometric motifs but without the elaborate headdress figures.
to the rear as if in motion. The dress is uncertain, but the an- There is also a Wanjiaba type drum found at Sin Bo between
kles may have a trouser-like lower rim. A thick bronze ring is Myitkyina and Bhamo, Kachin State. Additional fragments
affixed to the upper back as if to suspend the piece. have been recorded by Win Maung (Tampawaddy) from
The ‘bird-man’ and ‘boat’ figures were set in the bronze drums northeast of Mandalay. Another was found at a Bronze
box facing each other. The box has slightly flared sides giv- -Iron Age burial site by Yetagon Taung in the Shan foothills
ing it a length of 14–18 cm. It has a tall lid (12 cm) made by east of Mandalay. Two drum fragments have bird designs, an
fixing rectangular sheets together, recalling the manufacture egret in one case and a plump bird perched on the hindquar-
of the much larger and more elaborate Dabona house-shaped ters of a spotted bull with a hump and possibly dewlaps in the
coffin (Cremin 2010: Fig. 6). The surface is detailed in the other (Cremin 2010). Another Heger I drum (H. 40.5 cm, D.
manner of a cane-woven basket, with diagonal crossed wo- 51 cm), classified as a Dong Son Type A and today kept in
ven bands on the body. Three narrower horizontal bands on Sagaing, has a boat on the upper mantle and ‘feather-men’
the bottom and two on the top, below an inset flange, were and a rice barn on the tympanum (Moore 2007:103–104,
made to nest the lid. The box with lid measures 21 cm. The 242) (Figure 7). As noted below, cowries such as those stored
box’s meaning is uncertain, but the workmanship and icono- in these drums were among the beads excavated in the
graphy point to an elite, possibly ancestral, ritual use. Samon Valley. No drum-cowrie containers with three-
dimensional figures on the tympanum giving a highly graphic
Trade bronzes picture of Dian culture have been found.
Local bronzes included ‘mother-goddess’ figures, floral orna-
ments, kye doke packets, axes and spears. Several appear to Iron, beads, and pottery
have been made by beating rather than casting. Very different Relatively few iron artefacts have been found in the Samon
pieces are probably prestige trade items from Yunnan, princi- area and no iron was found in the Chindwin excavations. It is
pally Lijiashan: mouth organs, ladles, and bronze drums. One possible, as suggested for the Dian region, that the iron piec-
ladle found in the Samon region has a long handle (35 cm) es represent the later phases of the culture (Allard 1999:78).
with a gourd-shaped bowl (10 cm diameter) on one end and The most common Samon iron artefact is a broad petal-
two human figures on the others end (Candido et al. 1987:52, shaped blade (8–12 cm) set in a finely made bronze hilt (Win
Fig. 10 [60 cm, 1.4kg]; 64, fig. 21 [39.5 cm, 394gm]). The Maung (Tampawady) 2002–03). The hilts (7–10 cm in
human figures are carrying a long object, possibly a drum or length) have a slender oval-shaped cross-section decorated
bamboo tubes (as noted above for the ‘bird-man’ box). A with spirals and concentric circles around the midsection and
second piece is a 20 cm high slender, gourd-shaped vessel rows of parallel incised lines on either end (Moore 2007:107;
akin to hula sheng mouth-organs. The mouth of the gourd- Win Maung (Tampawaddy) 2002–03:256). In their work-
shaped vessel found in the Samon region is open (or manship and decoration, they are akin to daggers from a
damaged). Dian pieces were pierced for insertion of pipes number of Dian sites and may have been produced in Yunnan
and in some cases are surmounted by a bull (Murowchick (Kan Yong 2002:160).
2002:167, Fig. 13 [28.2 cm]; Candido et al. 1987:64, Fig. 22 The numerous finely polished Samon beads are made
[35.5 cm, 2.72 kg]) (Figure 6). from carnelian, green chalcedony, and fossil wood (Campbell
Bells have also been found in the Samon. One is thickly -Cole 2003; Glover and Bellina 2001). The beads were often
cast, 15 cm tall with a 2 cm lug and flat braided bands at the found on skeletons, together with one to ten small polished
top and bottom, akin to the border on amour from Lijiashan green, grey-green or maroon-brown pebbles possibly used for
(Murowchick 2002:162, Fig. 10; Candido et al. 1987:50-1, finishing pottery (Nigel Chang, pers.comm., December
Fig. 8 [9.5 x 13 cm, 342gm]). A second bell is smaller and 2008). The pebbles were always in physical contact with the
rounder (10 cm height and diameter), unadorned apart from a neck, arms or legs of the skeleton, as seen in burial S56 with
series of faces incised near the bottom. These are 'right side seven grey and one white pebbles, four bronze packets, and
four translucent red stone beads and two very small flat

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Figure 6. “Mother-Goddess” figures, courtesy Win Maung (Tampawaddy)

pebbles, approximately 12 cm to one side (Pautreau et al. spiked bronze armlet has also been recorded at Halin that
2007). may have been imported from Yunnan.
Perhaps the most spectacular bead form is the carnelian In the Chindwin region Nyaunggan excavations, pottery
tiger, which in various materials and forms has been recorded was the most abundant mortuary good, but this figure drops
in Central Thailand and southern China (Bellina in Pautreau considerably in the Samon region where graves contained
et al. 2007:73). However, in the Samon region there are many other indicators of wealth and status, specifically bronze and
finds of tiger beads, most bearing a small cub, in white, cho- beads (Hudson 2004:89–90). Of particular note is the distinc-
colate, red and many hues of orange stone (Moore 2007:100– tive form of what have been provisionally called ‘distillation’
101, 117). The tigers have been likened to symbols of autho- pots. Based on ethnographic parallels from the Halin area, the
rity such as the bronze inscribed ‘Tally Tigers’ of the Qin vessels may have been used to produce an alcoholic liquid.
dynasty (207–221 BCE) (Hudson 2002:1, Fig. 8; Murow- They are pedestal pots with three perforated cylinders on the
chick 2002:162, Fig. 10; Pautreau et al. 2007:111). Shells upper surface of the pot's shallow bowl. When used, this
were also used as beads, with cowries found in Samon exca- would have supported a collection vessel placed below an
vations highlighting the trade in cowries from the Andaman upper pot with cool water that prompted vapor from the per-
Sea to Yunnan. In addition, glass beads and rings were abun- forations to distil. Functional ‘distillation’ vessels are seen in
dant in Samon burials. Some of the ring shapes recall stone the Lower Chindwin, although to date only the non-
rings from the Lower Chindwin region while others are mul- functional variety (some 4 cm diameter) has been recovered
tiple round bangles found on the arms of skeletons. One long from Samon sites (Moore 2007:93–94; Win Maung 2002–
03). It is possible that the fermented substance produced with

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can be seen as active in the present. A parallel exists in Tibet

where understanding of time, history, and chronology have
highly developed local meanings which have evolved over
long periods (Galey 2007:215-216, 235-236; Hobsbawm and
Ranger 1983/1992; Repo 2010). The Samon Culture findings
are the first bridge between the Buddhist chronicles and pre-
historic beliefs. Data from the Samon Culture is increasing
with more excavation and documentation. This is providing
new interpretations very different from the prior focus on
descriptive empirical data. The Samon Culture is in these
ways a major change to both the history and the discipline of
archaeology in Myanmar.
As in the Dian region, Samon studies remain artefact
typologies and burial descriptions rather than being able to
define different categories of sites (Allard 1999:85). It is
clear that Upper Myanmar was not a simply a ‘Dian’ cultural
sphere but a distinct development needing local definitions.
Again, seen in the Dian region, this appears to have been ‘a
process of locally driven amalgamation and transformation of
diverse non-local elements’ in a multi-ethnic ‘heterogeneous
Figure 7. Sagaing drum, courtesy Win Muang cultural environment’ (Allard 1999:84). Given the many sig-
(Tampawaddy) nificant implications of the Samon and Yunnan relationship,
the question of ‘first’ or origins becomes simplistic.
the pots was used for ritual purposes, explaining its later pro- Comparison of Samon artefacts to Yunnan shows partic-
duction in miniature. Relevant motifs occur on bronze drums ular links to Lijiashan, a smaller and less renowned site than
from Guang-nan, East Yunnan showing tall jars being dipped Shizhaishan. Thus, the Samon finds bring Myanmar into a
with libation cups (Dewall 1981:335, Fig. 48.1, 337-8, Fig. discourse of wider overland and maritime exchange c. 500
48.6). BCE to 800 CE. Regional trade included bronze vessels from
While conjectural, the ritual distillation fits with the Yunnan and cowries, cotton, salt and possibly tea from the
blossoming display of wealth seen in the Samon burials, a Samon (Moore 2009a; Tan 2009). Further investigation may
more complex ranking of social status compared to the Low- also be merited in Tibet in relation to the ‘musk route’ (Philip
er Chindwin region. The Chindwin goods seen in miniature Denwood, pers. comm., 2008). East of the salt-rich Namtso
in the Samon imply an appropriation of resources and trade Lake and the Damxung region, the Nu River within eastern
routes that as noted earlier recalls the appropriation of seden- Tibet then turns south as the Thanlwin (Salween) of the Shan
tary peoples by equestrian Dian seen in Yunnan artefacts. Plateau. Of note are stone implements with ‘distinct rounded
Increasing Samon wealth is also highlighted by a number of shoulders and arched blades’ of the Nu and Lancang. These
large elephant tusks found by Myauk Mee Kon villagers. are seen later around Lake Er linked to ecological changes
These are analogous to tusk deposits from near Chengdu, and movements of peoples in the second millennium BCE
central Sichuan where some 70 tusks were found with life- (Chiou-Peng 2008: 34-43, 40-1). While the climate and mate-
size bronze human heads, ‘spirit trees’, jades, and ritual ves- rials differ from Myanmar, the seasonal movement of live-
sels dated to the late second millennium BCE (Murowchick stock in Tibet recalls Myanmar traditions of ancient migra-
2002:140). tion from the ‘northwest’. Seasonal migration may also have
prompted use of in-gyi, or seasonal lakes, that were vital in
the transition from the Bronze-Iron Age chiefdoms and to
CONCLUSIONS
Buddhist kingdoms.
The Samon Culture is not directly mentioned in Myanmar The Chindwin and Samon artefacts bespeak multiple
traditional histories or chronicles, but these may allude to origins, with the ‘Ah-thi’ or original people of Samon Valley
earlier troubled times with the repeated conquering of fabu- perhaps providing a refuge for sedentary dwellers around the
lous animals, such as flying white tigers and giant boars. Dian and Xingyun lakes of the Shizhaishan and Lijiashan
Chronicles are often relegated to ‘myth’ but carry important Cultures (Than Tun 2005: iii). The two regions have similar
social memory, highlighting the need to redefine ‘tradition’ profiles of wet rice agriculture and animal husbandry. The
in contexts quite different from Europe. This is particularly sedentary to equestrian Dian profile of cultural appropriation
the case in the Buddhist culture in Myanmar where the past has parallels in Myanmar with the seeming taking of motifs

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 BULLETIN OF THE INDO-PACIFIC PREHISTORY ASSOCIATION 30, 2010

and materials from the Chindwin to the Samon. This suggests Campbell-Cole, B. 2003. Ancient hard stone beads and seals
a local origin connected to the northwest and not a north to of Myanmar. In I. Glover, H. Hughes Brock and J. Hen-
south movement of technology. Again, however, searching derson (eds.), Ornaments from the Past: Bead Studies
for a singular origin can be misleading for there were multi- after Beck, pp. 118-133. London: Bead Study Trust.
ple routes of interchange. The Samon Culture, rich though it
may have been, died out with increasing Han domination and Candido, A., R. Ciarla and P. Negro. 1987. I bronzi del regno
the growing ‘Sinicization’ of artefacts from Yunnan (Chiou- di Dian, Yunnan, Cina (secoli VI/I AC). Rome: Associa-
Peng 2008: 34-43). zione Italia/Cina.
The Samon and Upper Myanmar Cultures may have
been recognized by the Han but only as lying beyond the Chiang, P. 2010. The ge of the Shiazhaishan culture complex.
‘barbarian’ regions of Yunnan. The transition from Bronze- Paper presented at the 19th Congress of the Indo-Pacific
Iron Age to Buddhist polities in Myanmar was catalyzed by Prehistory Association, Hanoi.
trade with South Asia, Yunnan, and Central Asia. This in-
Chiou-Peng, T. 2008. Dian bronze art: Its source and trans-
cluded a rapid increase in iron production, more sophisticated
formation. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Asso-
exploitation of seasonal lakes, use of semi-precious stones
ciation 28:34-43.
and gems, and precious metals, such as silver and gold. It
was not necessarily a smooth transition with an abrupt shift Coupey, S. 2009. Excavations at Ywa Gon Gyi, Upper Bur-
from Yunnan to South Asia in the politics and culture of My- ma. Bioarchaeology in Southeast Asia and the Pacific:
anmar perhaps correlated to Han expansion and fluctuating Newsletter 5 (April):1-3.
relations between Yunnan, Tibet, and the Han court. When
understood in this context, Myanmar moves from being a Cremin, Aedeen. 2010. Seeing Dian through barbarian eyes.
‘buffer’ between South Asia and China to center stage in the Paper presented at the 19th Congress of the Indo-Pacific
changing kingdoms of first millennium CE South and East Prehistory Association, Hanoi.
Asia.
Galey, H. 2007. Ontology of the past and its materialization
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS in Tibetan treasures. In O. Hammer and J.R. Lewis (eds),
I thank the British Academy for its support enabling me to The inventory of sacred tradition, pp. 213-239. New
attend the Hanoi conference. York: Cambridge University Press.

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