Submitted in Partial Fulfillment for the Award of the Degree of MBA General

2020-2021

Submitted By: Nikita Jain

University PRN : 2028100135

BHARATI VIDYAPEETH DEEMED TO BE UNIVERSITY, PUNE

SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION, PUNE
Academic Study Center - BVIMR, New Delhi
An ISO 9001:2008 Certified Institute
NAAC Accredited Grade “A” University
 Writing the Mini Project Report

 Student Undertaking Certificate of Originality (Format given on next page)

 List of Tables
 List of Charts
 List of Graphs

Table of Contents

Chapter 1 : Introduction to the topic

Related To Subject,

Objective and Vision of Projects,

Limitations of the Project,

Literature Review

Chapter 2 : Research Methodology

Research Design (Exploratory, Analytical etc.)

Data Collection
Primary and Secondary data
Instruments for Data Collection (Questionnaire, Inventories, Interview etc.)
Method for Data Collection (Shopping Mall Intercept, Telephone, E-mail etc.)

Chapter 3 : Findings &

Analysis Chapter 4 : Conclusions

Chapter 5 : Recommendations / Suggestions

Chapter 6 : Limitations of the Study

 Bibliography
 References
 Annexure
1. Questionnaire (If Applicable)
2. Miscellaneous
 Format of Student Undertaking Certificate of Originality

I Nikita Jain,MBA 2ND SEM would like to declare that the project
report entitled "___ societal concerns & NGO operations (213) " Submitted to Bharati Vidyapeeth
University Pune, School of Distance Education Pune, Academic Study Centre BVIMR New Delhi in
partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree.

It is an original work carried out by me under the guidance of __Yashwant Kumar .

All respected guides, faculty member and other sources have been properly acknowledged and the
report contains no plagiarism.

To the best of my knowledge and belief the matter embodied in this project is a genuine work done
by me and it has been neither submitted for assessment to the University nor to any other University
for the fulfillment of the requirement of the course of study.

Student Name with Signature

 TOPIC Pages
 Abstract 2-3

 Introduction 4-5

 Types of NGO 6-10

 Activities of NGO 11-15

16-19

 Corporate Structure of NGO

20

 History of NGOs
21

 Legal Status of NGOs

 Influence of NGOs upon World Affairs 22-23

 Critiques 24-28

 Conclusion 29

 Webliography 30

ABSTRACT
Societal concern is a relatively new term and refers to hazards with the capability to generate socio-political
responses. Hazards invoking societal concerns pose a challenge to decision makers for they oftentimes have
major policy implications yet frequently lack the analytic support affording them such elevated status.
Regulators and corporate risk managers, therefore, have been confronted with the difficult question -how and
to what extent should societal concerns be factored into risk management decisions? - a question which is
compounded by the tendency of 'politicians' to want to accommodate these concerns. Here we first seek to
explore the drivers of societal concerns prior to considering the implications for decision makers. We
conclude that societal concerns stem from highly disparate causes, are not necessarily originated by the public
as is often implied, and as such have markedly differing legitimacies. Furthermore, we note that attempts to
incorporate societal concerns into risk decisions raise a host of methodological, political, and ethical issues
which suggest, at the very least, that deep caution is required, especially where policy implications are high.

Social concerns are those topics which seem to be most prevalent in the minds of a community, city, country,
hemisphere, etc. Examples might include homelessness, hunger, drug use in general or a particular drug,
mores or ethics, lack of education or opportunities for education, and many other less widespread ideas.

Having been a school teacher/librarian, the educational chaos of this new administration has concerned me
and the fact that I am retired, it also concerns me that the role of social security and Medicare are being looked
at for being reduced and changed after promises were made to the contrary during the past election speeches.
Each of us chooses what weighs upon our hearts and minds and prompts us to action. I also worry about
homelessness and poverty as well as hunger but we prioritize our concerns differently as it affects us.

Some concerns are manageable if people work together and support the factors needed to lessen or strengthen
the conditions leading to the problems. I do not know if world hunger will ever be conquered because we are
living on more of the earth now than ever before and the ground needed to grow food is sharply reduced
having been converted to living space. Drug usage is rampant because of conditions that have arisen naturally
and some which were precipitated by lose of jobs, lost self-esteem, depression and other social problems
which have to be mitigated before working upon the problem itself. Every problem has potential solutions but
for some, the answer is not easy and would require everyone on the earth to cooperate which has not happened
since the Bibical story of Adam and Eve.
 INTRODUCTION

Non-governmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations, or nongovernment organizations, co

mmonly referred to as NGOs, are usually non-profit and sometimes international organizations independent of
governments and international governmental organizations (though often funded by governments) that are acti
ve in humanitarian, educational, health care, public policy, social, human rights, environmental, and other area
s to effect changes according to their objectives. They are thus a subgroup of all organizations founded by citiz
ens, which include clubs and other associations that provide services, benefits, and premises only to members.
Sometimes the term is used as a synonym of "civil society organization" to refer to any association founded by
citizens, but this is not how the term is normally used in the media or everyday language, as recorded by major
dictionaries. The explanation of the term by NGO.org (the non-governmental organizations associated with th
e United Nations) is ambivalent. It first says an NGO is any non-profit, voluntary citizens' group which is org
anized on a local, national or international level, but then goes on to restrict the meaning in the sense used by
most English speakers and the media: Task-oriented and driven by people with a common interest, NGOs perf
orm a variety of service and humanitarian functions, bring citizen concerns to Governments, advocate and mo
nitor policies and encourage political participation through provision of information.

NGOs are usually funded by donations, but some avoid formal funding altogether and are run primarily by vol
unteers. NGOs are highly diverse groups of organizations engaged in a wide range of activities, and take differ
ent forms in different parts of the world. Some may have charitable status, while others may be registered for t
ax exemption based on recognition of social purposes. Others may be fronts for political, religious, or other int
erests. Since the end of World War II, NGOs have had an increasing role in international development, particu
larly in the fields of humanitarian assistance and poverty alleviation.

The number of NGOs worldwide is estimated to be 10 million. Russia had about 277,000 NGOs in 2008. Indi
a is estimated to have had around 2 million NGOs in 2009, just over one NGO per 600 Indians, and many time
s the number of primary schools and primary health centres in India. China is estimated to have approximately
440,000 officially registered NGOs. About 1.5 million domestic and foreign NGOs operated in the United Stat
es in 2017.

The term 'NGO' is not always used consistently. In some countries the term NGO is applied to an organization
that in another country would be called an NPO (non-profit organization), and vice versa. Political parties and
trade unions are considered NGOs only in some countries. There are many different classifications of NGO in
use. The most common focus is on "orientation" and "level of operation". An NGO's orientation refers to the t
ype of activities it takes on. These activities might include human rights, environmental, improving health, or
development work. An NGO's level of operation indicates the scale at which an organization works, such as lo
cal, regional, national, or international.

The term "non-governmental organization" was first coined in 1945, when the United Nations (UN) was creat
ed. The UN, itself an intergovernmental organization, made it possible for certain approved specialized interna
tional non-state agencies — i.e., non-governmental organizations — to be awarded observer status at its assem
blies and some of its meetings. Later the term became used more widely. Today, according to the UN, any kin
d of private organization that is independent from government control can be termed an "NGO", provided it is
not-for-profit, non-prevention, but not simply an opposition political party.

One characteristic these diverse organizations share is that their non-profit status means they are not hindered
by short-term financial objectives. Accordingly, they are able to devote themselves to issues which occur acro
ss longer time horizons, such as climate change, malaria prevention, or a global ban on landmines. Public surv
eys reveal that NGOs often enjoy a high degree of public trust, which can make them a useful - but not always
sufficient - proxy for the concerns of society and stakeholders.

TYPES OF NGO

NGO/GRO (governmental-related organizations) types can be understood by their orientation and level of ho
w they operate.
By orientation

 Charitable orientation often involves a top-down effort with little participation or input by beneficiarie
s. It includes NGOs with activities directed toward meeting the needs of the disadvantaged people groups.
 Service orientation includes NGOs with activities such as the provision of health, family planning or e
ducation services in which the programme is designed by the NGO and people are expected to participate i
n its implementation and in receiving the service.
 Participatory orientation is characterized by self-help projects where local people are involved particul
arly in the implementation of a project by contributing cash, tools, land, materials, labour etc. In the classi
cal community development project, participation begins with the need definition and continues into the pl
anning and implementation stages.
 Empowering orientation aims to help poor people develop a clearer understanding of the social, politic
al and economic factors affecting their lives, and to strengthen their awareness of their own potential powe
r to control their lives. There is maximum involvement of the beneficiaries with NGOs acting as facilitator
s.

A sight of teaching in Khalwa, Khandwa District, MP by Hunar Ki Paathshala NGO. (National NG

O)
 A sight of teaching in Khalwa, Khandwa District, MP by Hunar Ki Paathshala NGO. (National NG
O)

By level of operation

 Community-based organizations (CBOs) arise out of people's own initiatives. They can be responsible
for raising the consciousness of the urban poor, helping them to understand their rights in accessing neede
d services, and providing such services.
 City-wide organizations include organizations such as chambers of commerce and industry, coalitions
of business, ethnic or educational groups, and associations of community organizations.
 State NGOs include state-level organizations, associations and groups. Some state NGOs also work un
der the guidance of National and International NGOs.
 National NGOs include national organizations such as the YMCAs/YWCAs, professional associations 
and similar groups. Some have state and city branches and assist local NGOs.
 International NGOs range from secular agencies such as Save the Children, to religiously motivated gr
oups. They can be responsible for funding local NGOs, institutions and projects and implementing project
s.

Apart from "NGO", there are alternative or overlapping terms in use, including: third-sector organization (TS
O), non-profit organization (NPO), voluntary organization (VO), civil society organization (CSO), grassroots 
organization (GO), social movement organization (SMO), private voluntary organization (PVO), self-help org
anization (SHO) and non-state actors (NSAs).

In Portuguese, Spanish, French, Italian and other Romance languages, the 'mirrored' abbreviation "ONG" is in
use, which has the same meaning as "NGO" (for example Organisation non-gouvernementale in French, Orga
nização Não Governamental in Portuguese, Organización no gubernamental in Spanish, or Organizzazione n
on governativa in Italian).

Governmental-related organizations / non-governmental organizations are a heterogeneous group. As a result,

a long list of additional acronyms has developed, including:

 BINGO: 'Business-friendly international NGO' or 'Big international NGO'

 SBO: 'Social Benefit Organization,' a positive, goal-oriented designation as a substitute for the negativ
e, "Non-" designations
 TANGO: 'Technical assistance NGO'
 TSO: 'Third-sector organization'
 GONGO: 'government-organized non-governmental organization' or 'government-operated NGOs' (set
up by governments to look like NGOs in order to qualify for outside aid or promote the interests of govern
ment)
 DONGO: 'Donor-organized NGO'
 INGO: 'International NGO'
 QUANGO: 'Quasi-autonomous NGO,' or QUANGO refer to NGOs set up and funded by government.
The term is particularly prevalent within the UK (where there are more than 1,200 of them), the Republic
of Ireland, and the Commonwealth.
 National NGO: A non-governmental organization that exists only in one country. This term is rare due
to the globalization of non-governmental organizations, which causes an NGO to exist in more than one c
ountry.
 CSO: 'Civil Society Organization'
 ENGO: 'Environmental NGO,' such as Greenpeace and WWF
 NNGO: 'Northern NGO'
 Sparsh NGO: 'Sparsh NGO,' such as Non-Governmental Organization
 PANGO: 'Party NGO,' set up by parties and disguised as NGOs to serve their political matters.
 SNGO: 'Southern NGO'
 SCO: 'Social change organization'
 TNGO: 'Transnational NGO.' The term emerged during the 1970s due to the increase of environmental
and economic issues in the global community. TNGO includes non-governmental organizations that are n
ot confined to only one country, but exist in two or more countries.
 GSO: Grassroots Support Organization
 MANGO: 'Market advocacy NGO'
 NGDO: 'Non-governmental development organization'
 PVDO: 'Private voluntary development organisation'
USAID refers to NGOs as private voluntary organizations. However, many scholars have argued that this defi
nition is highly problematic as many NGOs are in fact state- or corporate-funded and -managed projects and h
ave professional staff.

GRO/NGOs exist for a variety of reasons, usually to further the political or social goals of their members or fo
unders. Examples include improving the state of the natural environment, encouraging the observance of hum
an rights, improving the welfare of the disadvantaged, or representing a corporate agenda. However, there are
a huge number of such organizations and their goals cover a broad range of political and philosophical positio
ns. This can also easily be applied to private schools and athletic organizations.

Track II diplomacy

Track II dialogue, or Track II diplomacy, is transnational coordination that involves non-official members of t
he government including epistemic communities as well as former policy-makers or analysts. Track II diplom
acy aims to get policymakers and policy analysts to come to a common solution through discussions by unoffi
cial means. Unlike the Track I diplomacy where government officials, diplomats and elected leaders gather to
talk about certain issues, Track II diplomacy consists of experts, scientists, professors and other figures that ar
e not involved in government affairs. The members of Track II diplomacy usually have more freedom to exch
ange ideas and come up with compromises on their own.
 ACTIVITIES OF NGO

There are numerous classifications of NGOs. The typology the World Bank uses divides them into Operationa
l and Advocacy.

Generally, NGOs act as implementers, catalysts, and partners. Firstly, NGOs act as implementers in that they
mobilize resources in order to provide goods and services to people who are suffering due to a man-made disa
ster or a natural disaster. Secondly, NGOs act as catalysts in that they drive change. They have the ability to 'in
spire, facilitate, or contribute to improved thinking and action to promote change'. Lastly, NGOs often act as p
artners alongside other organizations in order to tackle problems and address human needs more effectively.

NGOs vary in their methods. Some act primarily as lobbyists, while others primarily conduct programs and ac
tivities. For instance, an NGO such as Oxfam, concerned with poverty alleviation, may provide needy people
with the equipment and skills to find food and clean drinking water, whereas an NGO like the FFDA helps thr
ough investigation and documentation of human rights violations and provides legal assistance to victims of hu
man rights abuses. Others, such as the Afghanistan Information Management Services, provide specialized tec
hnical products and services to support development activities implemented on the ground by other organizati
ons.

Operational

Operational NGOs seek to "achieve small-scale change directly through projects". They mobilize financial res
ources, materials, and volunteers to create localized programs. They hold large-scale fundraising events and m
ay apply to governments and organizations for grants or contracts to raise money for projects. They often oper
ate in a hierarchical structure; a main headquarters being staffed by professionals who plan projects, create bu
dgets, keep accounts, and report and communicate with operational fieldworkers who work directly on project
s. Operational NGOs deal with a wide range of issues, but are most often associated with the delivery of servic
es or environmental issues, emergency relief, and public welfare. Operational NGOs can be further categorize
d by the division into relief-oriented versus development-oriented organizations; according to whether they str
ess service delivery or participation; whether they are religious or secular; and whether they are more public- o
r private-oriented. Although operational NGOs can be community-based, many are national or international. T
he defining activity of operational NGOs is the implementation of projects.
 Save Earth Walk by Umeed NGO in Delhi.

Campaigning

Campaigning NGOs seek to "achieve large-scale change promoted indirectly through influence of the political
system". Campaigning NGOs need an efficient and effective group of professional members who are able to k
eep supporters informed, and motivated. They must plan and host demonstrations and events that will keep the
ir cause in the media. They must maintain a large informed network of supporters who can be mobilized for ev
ents to garner media attention and influence policy changes. The defining activity of campaigning NGOs is ho
lding demonstrations. Campaigning NGOs often deal with issues relating to human rights, women's rights, and
children's rights. The primary purpose of an Advocacy NGO is to defend or promote a specific cause. As oppo
sed to operational project management, these organizations typically try to raise awareness, acceptance and kn
owledge by lobbying, press work and activist event.

A sight of campaigning in Ram Lal Anand College, Delhi University by an NGO.

Both operational and campaigning

It is not uncommon for NGOs to make use of both activities. Many times, operational NGOs will use campaig
ning techniques if they continually face the same issues in the field that could be remedied through policy cha
nges. At the same time, Campaigning NGOs, like human rights organizations often have programs that assist t
he individual victims they are trying to help through their advocacy work.

A sight of slum children in Dwarka, New Delhi with two teachers of TYCIA NGO.

Public relations

Non-governmental organizations need healthy relationships with the public to meet their goals. Foundations a
nd charities use sophisticated public relations campaigns to raise funds and employ standard lobbying techniq
ues with governments. Interest groups may be of political importance because of their ability to influence soci
al and political outcomes. A code of ethics was established in 2002 by The World Association of Non Govern
mental Organizations.

Project management

There is an increasing awareness that management techniques are crucial to project success in non-governmen
tal organizations. Generally, non-governmental organizations that are private have either a community or envir
onmental focus. They address varieties of issues such as religion, emergency aid, or humanitarian affairs. The
y mobilize public support and voluntary contributions for aid; they often have strong links with community gr
oups in developing countries, and they often work in areas where government-to-government aid is not possibl
e. NGOs are accepted as a part of the international relations landscape, and while they influence national and
multilateral policy-making, increasingly they are more directly involved in local action.
A sight of tree plantation drive in Khalwa, Khandwa District, MP by Hunar Ki Paathshala NGO.
 CORPORATE STRUCTURE OF NGO
Staffing

Some NGOs are highly professionalized and rely mainly on paid staff. Others are based around voluntary labo
ur and are less formalized. Not all people working for non-governmental organizations are volunteers.

Many NGOs are associated with the use of international staff working in 'developing' countries, but there are
many NGOs in both North and South who rely on local employees or volunteers. There is some dispute as to
whether expatriates should be sent to developing countries. Frequently this type of personnel is employed to sa
tisfy a donor who wants to see the supported project managed by someone from an industrialized country. Ho
wever, the expertise of these employees or volunteers may be counterbalanced by a number of factors: the cost
of foreigners is typically higher, they have no grass root connections in the country they are sent to, and local
expertise is often undervalued.

The NGO sector is an essential employer in terms of numbers. For example, by the end of 1995, CONCERN
worldwide, an international Northern NGO working against poverty, employed 174 expatriates and just over 5,
000 national staff working in ten developing countries in Africa and Asia, and in Haiti.

Funding

Whether the NGOs are small or large, various NGOs need budgets to operate. The amount of money that each
requires varies depending upon multiple factors, including the size of the operation and the extent of the servic
es provided. Unlike small NGOs, large NGOs may have annual budgets in the hundreds of millions or billions
of dollars. For instance, the budget of the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP) was over US$540
million in 1999. Funding such large budgets demands significant fundraising efforts on the part of most NGOs.
Major sources of NGO funding are membership dues, the sale of goods and services, grants from internationa
l institutions or national governments, and private donations. Several EU-grants provide funds accessible to N
GOs.

Even though the term "non-governmental organization" implies independence from governments, many NGOs
depend heavily on governments for their funding. A quarter of the US$162 million income in 1998 of the fami
ne-relief organization Oxfam was donated by the British government and the EU. The Christian relief and dev
elopment organization World Vision United States collected US$55 million worth of goods in 1998 from the
American government.

Government funding of NGOs is controversial, since, according to David Rieff, writing in The New Republic,
"the whole point of humanitarian intervention was precisely that NGOs and civil society had both a right and
an obligation to respond with acts of aid and solidarity to people in need or being subjected to repression or w
ant by the forces that controlled them, whatever the governments concerned might think about the matter." So
me NGOs, such as Greenpeace do not accept funding from governments or intergovernmental organizations.

Overhead costs
Overhead is the amount of money that is spent on running an NGO rather than on projects. This includes offic
e expenses, salaries, banking and bookkeeping costs. What percentage of overall budget is spent on overhead i
s often used to judge an NGO with less than 4% being viewed as good. The World Association of Non-Gover
nmental Organizations states that ideally more than 86% should be spent on programs (less than 20% on overh
ead). The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria has specific guidelines on how high overhead
can be to receive funding based on how the money is to be spent with overhead often needing to be less than
5-7%.While the World Bank typically allows 37%. A high percentage of overhead to total expenditures can m
ake it more difficult to generate funds. High overhead costs may also generate criticism with some claiming th
e certain NGOs with high overhead are being run simply to benefit the people working for them.

While overhead costs can be a legitimate concern, a sole focus on them can be counterproductive. [42] Research
published by the Urban Institute and the Center for Social Innovation at Stanford University have shown how
rating agencies create incentives for non-profits to lower and hide overhead costs, which may actually reduce
organizational effectiveness by starving organizations of the infrastructure they need to effectively deliver serv
ices. A more meaningful rating system would provide, in addition to financial data, a qualitative evaluation of
an organization’s transparency and governance: (1) an assessment of program effectiveness; (2) and an evaluat
ion of feedback mechanisms designed for donors and beneficiaries; and (3) such a rating system would also all
ow rated organizations to respond to an evaluation done by a rating agency. More generally, the popular disco
urse of non-profit evaluation should move away from financial notions of organizational effectiveness and tow
ard more substantial understandings of programmatic impact.

Monitoring and control

In the March 2000 report on United Nations Reform priorities, former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan wr
ote in favor of international humanitarian intervention, arguing that the international community has a "right to
protect" citizens of the world against ethnic cleansing, genocide, and crimes against humanity. On the heels of
the report, the Canadian government launched the Responsibility to Protect R2P project, outlining the issue of
humanitarian intervention. While the R2P doctrine has wide applications, among the more controversial has b
een the Canadian government's use of R2P to justify its intervention and support of the coup in Haiti. Years aft
er R2P, the World Federalist Movement, an organization which supports "the creation of democratic global str
uctures accountable to the citizens of the world and call for the division of international authority among separ
ate agencies", has launched Responsibility to Protect - Engaging Civil Society (R2PCS). A collaboration betw
een the WFM and the Canadian government, this project aims to bring NGOs into lockstep with the principles
outlined under the original R2P project.

The governments of the countries an NGO works or is registered in may require reporting or other monitoring
and oversight. Funders generally require reporting and assessment, such information is not necessarily publicl
y available. There may also be associations and watchdog organizations that research and publish details on th
e actions of NGOs working in particular geographic or program areas.

In recent years, many large corporations have increased their corporate social responsibility departments in an
attempt to preempt NGO campaigns against certain corporate practices. As the logic goes, if corporations wor
k with NGOs, NGOs will not work against corporations. Greater collaboration between corporations and NG
Os creates inherent risks of co-optation for the weaker partner, typically the non-profit involved.

In December 2007, The United States Department of Defense Assistant Secretary of Defense (Health Affairs) 
S. Ward Casscells established an International Health Division under Force Health Protection & Readiness. Pa
rt of International Health's mission is to communicate with NGOs in areas of mutual interest. Department of D
efense Directive 3000.05, in 2005, requires DoD to regard stability-enhancing activities as a mission of import
ance equal to combat. In compliance with international law, DoD has necessarily built a capacity to improve e
ssential services in areas of conflict such as Iraq, where the customary lead agencies (State Department and U
SAID) find it difficult to operate. Unlike the "co-option" strategy described for corporations, the OASD(HA) r
ecognizes the neutrality of health as an essential service. International Health cultivates collaborative relations
hips with NGOs, albeit at arms-length, recognizing their traditional independence, expertise and honest broker
status. While the goals of DoD and NGOs may seem incongruent, the DoD's emphasis on stability and securit
y to reduce and prevent conflict suggests, on careful analysis, important mutual interests.

HISTORY OF NGOs

International non-governmental organizations have a history dating back to at least the late eighteenth century
 It has been estimated that by 1914, there were 1083 NGOs. International NGOs were important in the anti-sla
very movement and the movement for women's suffrage, and reached a peak at the time of the World Disarma
ment Conference. However, the phrase "non-governmental organization" only came into popular use with the
establishment of the United Nations Organization in 1945 with provisions in Article 71 of Chapter 10 of the U
nited Nations Charter[ for a consultative role for organizations which are neither governments nor member stat
es—see Consultative Status. The definition of "international NGO" (INGO) is first given in resolution 288 (X)
of ECOSOC on February 27, 1950: it is defined as "any international organization that is not founded by an int
ernational treaty". The vital role of NGOs and other "major groups" in sustainable development was recognize
d in Chapter 27 of Agenda 21, leading to intense arrangements for a consultative relationship between the Unit
ed Nations and non-governmental organizations. It has been observed that the number of INGO founded or dis
solved matches the general "state of the world", rising in periods of growth and declining in periods of crisis.

Rapid development of the non-governmental sector occurred in western countries as a result of the processes o
f restructuring of the welfare state. Further globalization of that process occurred after the fall of the communi
st system and was an important part of the Washington consensus.

Globalization during the 20th century gave rise to the importance of NGOs. Many problems could not be solv
ed within a nation. International treaties and international organizations such as the World Trade Organization 
were centered mainly on the interests of capitalist enterprises. In an attempt to counterbalance this trend, NGO
s have developed to emphasize humanitarian issues, developmental aid and sustainable development. A promi
nent example of this is the World Social Forum, which is a rival convention to the World Economic Forum hel
d annually in January in Davos, Switzerland. The fifth World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in January
2005 was attended by representatives from more than 1,000 NGOs. In terms of environmental issues and susta
inable development, the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 was the first to show the power of international NGOs,
when about 2,400 representatives of NGOs came to play a central role in deliberations. Some have argued that
in forums like these.

LEGAL STATUS OF NGOs

The legal form of NGOs is diverse and depends upon homegrown variations in each country's laws and practic
es. However, four main family groups of NGOs can be found worldwide:

 Unincorporated and voluntary association

 Trusts, charities, and foundations
 Companies not just for profit
 Entities formed or registered under special NGO or non-profit laws

The Council of Europe in Strasbourg drafted the European Convention on the Recognition of the Legal Person

ality of International Non-Governmental Organizations in 1986, which sets a common legal basis for the exist
ence and work of NGOs in Europe. Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights protects the right
to freedom of association, which is also a fundamental norm for NGOs.

The laws of NGOs’ host countries sharply define the legal status, identity and powers of NGOs. In China, for i
nstance, the registration of religious organizations is handled in a different manner than other types of NGOs a
re subject to.[  While ordinarily NGOs are registered under the Ministry of Civil Affairs (MCA), RNGOs are r
egistered and managed separately, under the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA) at the central
level, and regionally under the Religious Affairs Bureau. This differentiation in treatment of NGO types is owi
ng to the Chinese government's time-honored suspicion towards social organizations with Western origins, inc
luding Christian organizations. As Jonathan Tam and Reza Hasmath illustrate, the Communist Party of China
maintains a suspicion of religion's historical capacity in China to galvanize social movements that threatened o
r toppled past Chinese governments and dynasties.

Furthermore, it is difficult to attain non-profit status in China, and many NGOs, while registering as businesse
s, unofficially continue to operate and behave as regular NGOs. Like their foreign NGO counterparts in China,
unregistered NGOs are subject to a plethora of unspoken rules and regulations proffered by the central govern
ment. Consequently, NGOs' growth can be limited by their own necessary cautiousness in navigating the unce
rtainty that results from these rules. Tam and Hasmath note that these types of NGOs "encounter challenges an
d opportunities that are quite different from those encountered by secular NGOs".

Influence of NGOs upon world affairs

Service-delivery NGOs provide public goods and services that governments from developing countries are un
able to provide to society, due to lack of resources. Service-delivery NGOs can serve as contractors or collabo
rate with democratized government agencies to reduce cost associated with public goods. Capacity-building N
GOs influence global affairs differently, in the sense that the incorporation of accountability measures in Sout
hern NGOs affect "culture, structure, projects and daily operations". Advocacy and public education NGOs aff
ect global affairs in its ability to modify behavior through the use of ideas. Communication is the weapon of c
hoice used by advocacy and public-education NGOs in order to change people's actions and behaviors. They st
rategically construct messages to not only shape behavior, but to also socially mobilize communities in promo
ting social, political, or environmental changes. Movement NGOs mobilizes the public and coordinate large-sc
ale collective activities to significantly push forward activism agenda.

In the post-Cold War era, more NGOs based in developed countries have pursued international outreach and b
ecame involved in local and national level social resistance and become relevant to domestic policy change in
the developing world. In for the cases where national governments are highly sensitive to external influences v
ia non-state actors, specialized NGOs have been able to find the right partners (e.g., China), building up solid
working networks, locating a policy niche and facilitating domestic changes.  As Reza Hasmath has illustrated,
in the 21st century NGOs have vastly expanded and diversified their role to influence local and global govern
ance and "[permeate] a multitude of political, economic and socio-cultural contexts". NGOs' relationship with
states has accordingly changed, encompassing greater collaboration between state and non-state actors, and du
e to decentralization and cuts in state budgets, they are capable of delivering a wide range of services.  In the b
ackdrop of NGOs' rising influence, the state is no longer solely responsible for the delivery of goods and socia
l services, and as such the establishment of good governance and good practices among NGOs is crucial for th
eir success. In China, the concepts of accountability and good governance of an organization are relatively ne
w- a fact which speaks to the unique experiences of Chinese NGOs and, more broadly, illustrates key differen
ces between local and international NGOs. As Reza Hasmath has illustrated, "the difference can largely be attr
ibuted to the experiences of international NGOs working in various countries and drawing extensively on the
discourse of good governance practices."

The increased responsibility NGOs have taken on in delivering the welfare and social services that was once t
he extensive domain of the state is a key feature in the process of economic liberalization in China. Hasmath a
nd Hsu have argued that this liberalization process entails modification of the tools which "the state has adopte
d to manage the economy and society". The state has shifted from heavy reliance on measures of coercion and
propaganda to strengthening ties with social organizations to "enable the state to organize societal interests alo
ng the lines of reform".

International Day
World NGO Day

World NGO Day is observed annually on 27 February. It was officially recognised and declared on 17 April 2
010 by 12 countries of the IX Baltic Sea NGO Forum to the 8th Summit of the Baltic Sea States in Vilnius, Lit
huania. The World NGO Day was internationally marked and recognised on 28 February 2014 in Helsinki, Fi
nland by Helen Clark, Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Former Pri
me Minister of New Zealand who congratulated with the World NGO Day and highlighted the importance of
NGO sector for the UN through her speech.

CRITIQUES

Issa G. Shivji is one of Africa's leading experts on law and development issues as an author and academic. His
critique on NGOs is found in two essays: "Silences in NGO discourse: The role and future of NGOs in Africa"
and "Reflections on NGOs in Tanzania: What we are, what we are not and what we ought to be". Shivji argues
that despite the good intentions of NGO leaders and activists, he is critical of the "objective effects of actions,
regardless of their intentions". Shivji argues also that the sudden rise of NGOs is part of a neoliberal paradigm
rather than pure altruistic motivations. He is critical of the current manifestations of NGOs wanting to change
the world without understanding it, and that the imperial relationship continues today with the rise of NGOs.

James Pfeiffer, in his case study of NGO involvement in Mozambique, speaks to the negative effects that NG
O's have had on areas of health within the country. He argues that over the last decade, NGO's in Mozambique
have "fragmented the local health system, undermined local control of health programs, and contributed to gro
wing local social inequality".

He notes further that NGO's can be uncoordinated, creating parallel projects among different organizations, th
at pull health service workers away from their routine duties in order to serve the interests of the NGO's. This
ultimately undermines local primary health care efforts, and takes away the governments' ability to maintain a
gency over their own health sector. J. Pfeiffer suggested a new model of collaboration between the NGO and t
he DPS (the Mozambique Provincial Health Directorate). He mentioned the NGO should be 'formally held to
standard and adherence within the host country', for example reduce 'showcase' projects and parallel programs
that prove to be unsustainable.

Jessica Mathews wrote in Foreign Affairs in 1997: "For all their strengths, NGOs are special interests. The bes
t of them … often suffer from tunnel vision, judging every public act by how it affects their particular interest"
 Since NGOs do not have to worry about policy trade-offs, the overall impact of their cause might bring more
harm to society.

Vijay Prashad argues that from the 1970s "The World Bank, under Robert McNamara, championed the NGO
as an alternative to the state, leaving intact global and regional relations of power and production.”

Others argue that NGOs are often imperialist in nature, that they sometimes operate in a racialized manner in t
hird world countries, and that they fulfill a similar function to that of the clergy during the high colonial era. T
he philosopher Peter Hallward argues that they are an aristocratic form of politics. He also points to the fact th
at NGOs like Action Aid and Christian Aid "effectively condoned the [2004 US backed] coup" against an elec
ted government in Haiti and argues that they are the "humanitarian face of imperialism". Popular movements i
n the global South such as the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign in South Africa have sometimes refused
to work with NGOs arguing that this will compromise their autonomy. It has also been argued that NGOs ofte
n disempower people by allowing funders to push for stability over social justice.

Another criticism of NGOs is that they are being designed and used as extensions of the normal foreign-policy
instruments of certain Western countries and groups of countries. Russian President Vladimir Putin made this
accusation at the 43rd Munich Conference on Security Policy in 2007, concluding that these NGOs "are forma
lly independent but they are purposefully financed and therefore under control". Also, Michael Bond wrote
"Most large NGOs, such as Oxfam, the Red Cross, Cafod and Action Aid, are striving to make their aid provi
sion more sustainable. But some, mostly in the US, are still exporting the ideologies of their backers." China h
as recently introduced legal measures to regulate and reduce the influence of foreign NGOs operating in China.
 At the same time, as Reza Hasmath has illustrated, the institutional environment in China is changing, and th
e number of NGOs operating in China has increased rapidly (especially those delivering social services), whil
e the state has retreated particularly in the delivery of welfare provisions.
The representativeness, accountability and legitimacy of NGOs have been questioned especially given that N
GOs are not elected by the constituents they wish to represent. In that context, states such as China make signi
ficant efforts to monitor and regulate the activities and development of NGOs. Nonetheless, NGOs have increa
singly been able to operate without a government sponsoring unit, though this is only true for a small number
of NGOs that operate in pre-approved categories, and they continue to face institutional constraints. Similarly,
the development work of NGOs abroad has been constrained by the domestic politics and regulatory framewor
ks of host jurisdictions. This has occurred in spite of the fact that such NGOs enjoy high levels of international
development assistance from strong state sponsors such as China.

NGOs can often be seen as furthering the interests of the governments of their home countries in ways that ma
y have undesirable consequences in the host countries. This intertwining of state-NGO aims can have positive
impacts, but local discontent in host countries can arise when NGOs are seen as uncritically carrying out the in
terests of companies from the country of origin. Such problems have been witnessed in the operation of Chine
se NGOs in Africa. The vast majority of China's NGOs operating abroad are closely intertwined with the Chin
ese state as government-organized NGOs (GONGOs). The Chinese state, which sees little differentiation betw
een GONGOs and NGOs (owing largely to their overlap in driving social transformation in Africa), views Chi
nese NGOs as facilitators of better relations between China and African nations. Similarly, observers of Chine
se NGOs see them as a means to "soften China's image abroad, and to an extent rectify some of the damages c
aused by Chinese investments," which was witnessed in the clash between investors' and local interests in the
Zambian copper belt. In addition, Chinese NGOs have been seen as bolstering corporate social responsibility a
ims, and some critics "suggest that Chinese NGOs have a limited role in actually promoting long-term develop
ment projects independent of Chinese commercial interests," as may have been the case when Chinese involve
ment in Sudan's Merowe Dam project displaced local Sudanese, leading to discontent.

NGOs have also been accused of using white lies or misinformed advice to enact their campaigns, i.e., accusat
ions that NGOs have been ignorant about critical issues because, as chief scientist at Greenpeace Doug Parr sa
id, these organizations appear to have lost their efforts in being truly scientific and now seem to be more self-i
nterested. Rather than operating through science so as to be rationally and effectively practical, NGOs have be
en accused of abusing the utilization of science to gain their own advantages. In the beginning, as Parr indicate
d, there was "a tendency among our critics to say that science is the only decision-making tool … but political
and commercial interests are using science as a cover for getting their way." At the same time, NGOs can appe
ar to not be cooperative with other groups, according to the previous policy-maker for the German branch of F
riends of the Earth, Jens Katjek. "If NGOs want the best for the environment", he says, "They have to learn to
compromise."

NGOs have also been questioned as being "too much of a good thing". Eric Werker and Faisal Ahmed bring u
p three potential critiques of the role of NGOs in developing nations: too many NGOs in a nation—particularl
y one ruled by a warlord—reduces the NGO's ability to establish a credible threat of removing humanitarian a
ssistance since they can easily be replaced by another NGO; the frequent process of resource allocation and ou
tsourcing to local organizations in international development projects results in high expenses for NGOs and ri
ngs into question how much of the resources and money actually goes to the intended beneficiaries at the end
of the allocation process; and finally, NGO missions tend to be too paternalistic and expensive, though Werker
and Ahmed propose that vouchers are a good way to overcome this obstacle.

Challenges to legitimacy

The issue of the legitimacy of NGOs raises a series of important questions. Legitimacy is one of the most imp
ortant assets possessed by an NGO and is gained due to them being perceived as an “independent voice”. Thei
r representation also emerges as an important question. Who bestows responsibilities to NGOs or INGOs and
how do they gain the representation of citizens and civil society is still not scrutinized thoroughly. For instanc
e, in the article, it is stated, "To put the point starkly: are the citizens of countries of the South and their needs r
epresented in global civil society, or are citizens as well as their needs constructed by practices of representati
on? And when we realize that INGOs hardly ever come face to face with the people whose interests and probl
ems they represent, or that they are not accountable to the people they represent, matters become even more tr
oublesome."

The origin of funding can have serious implications for the legitimacy of NGOs. In recent decades NGOs have
increased their numbers and range of activities to a level where they have become increasingly dependent on a
limited number of donors. Consequently, competition has increased for funding, as have the expectations of th
e donors themselves.  This runs the risk of donors adding conditions which can threaten the independence of N
GOs; for example, an over-dependence on official aid has the potential to dilute “the willingness of NGOs to s
peak out on issues which are unpopular with governments”. In these situations NGOs are being held accounta
ble by their donors, which can erode rather than enhance their legitimacy, a difficult challenge to overcome. S
ome commentators have also argued that the changes in NGO funding sources have ultimately altered their fu
nctions.

NGOs have also been challenged on the grounds that they do not necessarily represent the needs of the develo
ping world, through diminishing the so-called “Southern Voice”. Some postulate that the North–South divide 
exists in the arena of NGOs. They question the equality of the relationships between Northern and Southern pa
rts of the same NGOs as well as the relationships between Southern and Northern NGOs working in partnershi
ps. This suggests a division of labor may develop, with the North taking the lead in advocacy and resource mo
bilization whilst the South engages in service delivery in the developing world. The potential implications of t
his may mean the needs of the developing world are not addressed appropriately as Northern NGOs do not pro
perly consult or participate in partnerships. The real danger in this situation is that western views may take the
front seat and assign unrepresentative priorities.

The flood of NGOs has also been accused of damaging the public sector in multiple developing countries, e.g.
accusations that NGO mismanagement has resulted in the breakdown of public health care systems. Instead of
promoting equity and alleviating poverty, NGOs have been under scrutiny for contributing to socioeconomic i
nequality and disempowering services in the public sector of third world countries.

The scale and variety of activities in which NGOs participate has grown rapidly since the 1980s, witnessing pa
rticular expansion in the 1990s. This has presented NGOs with a need to balance the pressures of centralizatio
n and decentralization. By centralizing NGOs, particularly those that operate at an international level, they can
assign a common theme or set of goals. Conversely it may also be advantageous to decentralize as this can inc
rease the chances of an NGO responding more flexibly and effectively to localized issues by implementing pr
ojects which are modest in scale, easily monitored, produce immediate benefits and where all involved know t
hat corruption will be punished.

CONCLUSION
An NGO is a non-governmental organization that is driven and task-oriented by
individuals with one common interest. Most of the NGOs are usually structured around specific issues like
health, human rights or environment. An NGO provides expertise and analysis and thus assists in
monitoring international agreements. NGOs are very important since they offer an organization for
local communication, action and also distributing resources when there are no existing local
organizations. In fact, an NGO provides a mechanism that could possibly work where the
government has failed. As a result, it supports grass roots initiatives as well as recognizing and
responding to the realities of the local people. Next, cheaper to implement. Since NGOs are actual
non-profit organizations, various projects can be achieved without having to use the government’s
money. This is because there are many private donors who support the NGOs and this means that there
will never be a lack of resources. Additionally, NGOs provide a good alternative to creating mass
access structures. These mass access structures are extremely cumbersome, unreliable and costly. Another
major advantage of NGOs is that they have the capability of communicating at all levels. This
means that they can easily interact with the local people and relay their messages to top levels of the
government. They are also capable of recruiting highly motivated staff and experts with lesser
restrictions than employees working for the government. NGOs are flexible in becoming accustomed to
local conditions and responding to the local needs. For that reason, they can experiment freely with
new approaches and take risks if necessary. They can develop integrated projects to help the local people.
The major shortcoming of NGOs is the overdependence on private financial resources, especially when
the donors fail to make their donations.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY and WEBLIOGRAPHY

1. David Lewis, (2014), Non-governmental Organization, Management and Development (third

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P r e s s Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
3. Peter Willetts, (2011), Non-governmental Organization in World Politics (The Construction of
Global Governance), Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon Oxon.14
4. www.coursehero.com/file/p1pu5j2e
5. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Non-governmental_organization
6. www.quora.com/What-do-you-mean-by-social-concern