Historical Society of Ghana

BEGINNINGS OF EWE AND ASANTE WEAVING

Author(s): Philip Atsu Afeadie
Source: Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, New Series, No. 15, Articles from
the Historical Society of Ghana's seminars and conferences 2007-2012 (2013), pp. 27-38
Published by: Historical Society of Ghana
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Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana.
New Series , no. 15 (2013), pp.27 - 38

BEGINNINGS OF EWE AND ASANTE WEAVING

Philip Atsu Afeadie

University of Ghana

In recent times handloom weaving exists among every ethnic group

Ghana, but there are areas of craft concentration including northe
Ghana, and among the Asante and Ewe of southern Ghana. In north
Ghana major weavers exist among the Dagomba, Mamprussi, Mo
Gonja and Wala. Asante abounds in weaving craft villages such
Ntonso, Wonoo, Adanwomase and Besease, but the centre of handloom
weaving is Bonwire. In Eweland weaving exists in three major a
including the south, among the Anlo, Somme, Klikor and Wheta; in t
centre, around Kpetoe, amongst the Adangbe-Ewe; and the region o
Kpandu in the north.1
Weaving in Asante and Eweland is done on double-heddle loo
characterized by the leashing of two basic sets of warp threads, each
one pair of heddles.2 Except for slight variations in the loom structu
similar equipment is used by both groups of weavers. In most of th
stages of weaving, including spinning, dyeing, warping, heddling a
denting, Ewe and Asante weavers also have much in common. The E
weaver, like his Asante counterpart, produces two main types of clot
usually in strips of between 7.5 and 11.5 cm wide. The first is the eve
day cotton cloth, which is fairly plain and is woven from standard qu
ty yarn; the second is a specialized cotton cloth or compound-w

1 Venice Lamb's classification of weavers around Kpandu as the central Ewe

incorrect. (1975: 163) The central Ewe includes the Adangbe, who inhabit such
towns as Ho, Kpetoe and Kpedze. The weavers found in the region of Kpandu
are northern Ewe.
2 In the alternate weaving tradition of single-heddle loom in Africa, only one set
of the two basic warps is leashed to a heddle. (Picton 1992: 18)

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 Philip Atsu Afeadi

cloth, which is woven either with high-grade cotton, or silk and rayon.3
Asante and Ewe handloom cloths with their design patterns have been
noted as among "the richest and most complex to be found in sub-
Saharan Africa." (Sieber 1992: 9) How did these weaving traditions orig-
inate?

Apparently, handloom weaving among the Ewe and Asante came

from different sources outside Ghana. The earliest evidence of hand-
loom weaving in southern Ghana has been found in an area occupied by
the Brong, the northern neighbours of the Asante. Excavations at the
Brong sites of Begho and Bono Manso have revealed a large number of
spindle whorls and dye holes indicating local cloth manufacture be-
tween the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries. (Anquandah 1982: 93) At
Wenchi in the same area, spindle whorls have also been excavated and
dated to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
In Asante, not much is known about weaving prior to the eighteenth
century. Asante oral traditions, however, relate the origins of weaving
to the influence of Gyaman, near Bondoukou, in Ivory Coast, during the
late seventeenth century. It is believed that during the reign of Oti
Akenten, a man of Bonwire named Ota Kraban visited Gyaman and
returned with a loom and introduced weaving. (Ross 1998: 76) Notably,
weaving in Asante had developed into a kind of a "factory" by the
eighteenth century. According to Noy, a Danish company messenger
who visited the court of the Asantehene in the 1740s, Opoku Ware en-
couraged a variety of handicrafts in Kumasi (Lamb 1975: 92). 4 By 1817

3 A compound weave cloth is distinguished from simple weave by the use of

more than one set of either warp or weft yarn.
4 [Editor's note]: Noy visited Opoku Ware in June 1744. His report is retold by
L.F. Römer. Interestingly, Römer tells us: "Oppoccu then began to form another
kind of industry. Some of his subjects were able to spin cotton and weave it into
strips three fingers wide. Then, when ten to twelve of these strips, each three alen
[1 alen = 62,8 cm] long, are sewn together they make a pantjes or scarf [sic]. One
strip may be white, another blue, and sometimes a red one is included. Such a
scarf can cost 50 rixdaler or more." - Obviously such pantjes as described were
of a humbler kind, for Römer goes on to say: "Oppoccu had his traders buy silk
taffeta cloths in all colours. The artisans unravelled these so that, instead of red,
blue, green etc. cloth and taffeta, they had many thousand alen of woollen and
silk thread. These threads were woven in among their cotton [fibres], producing
. . . many colours, and such a scarf could cost up to 500, or even 1,000 rixdaler".
Quoted from S. A. Winsnes (ed.) A Reliable Account of the Coast of Guinea (1760) by

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 Beginnings of Ewe and Asante Weaving

when the British official, T.E. Bowdich, visited Kumasi, weaving in

Asante had developed to the extent where cloths were made "in all the
varieties of colour, as well as pattern, [and] they were of an incredible
size and weight." (Bowdich 1966: 35)
It is evident that weaving in Asante began with Brong influence, as ac-
cording to Brong oral traditions, they introduced weaving into Asante.
(Schaedler 1987: 236) Also, R.S. Rattray suggested that the source of
origins for Asante weaving was the "north." Although Rattray was im-
precise in his identification, the oral traditions of the Brong suggest that
the "north" was the immediate vicinity of Asante, being Brong territory.
That Brong weavers were taken by Asantehene Opoku Ware for work at
the royal court in 1723 attests to their importance in Asante weaving
traditions. (Schaedler 1987: 237)
How weaving began in the Brong country itself is not exactly known.
However, circumstantial evidence suggests that the Mande from Kong
introduced weaving into the Brong region. Evidence at the earliest
Brong weaving site, Begho, is not clear on the identity of the weavers.
The town had three districts: Kramo, Brong and Dwinfuo. The Kramo
district was peopled by the Mande and other Muslims from the north.
The Brong district was occupied by the Akan from the surrounding ar-
ea, while the Dwinfuo district was where goldsmiths, iron founders,
ivory carvers, weavers and other craftsmen lived and worked their
trades. (Anquandah 1982: 93; Schaedler 1987: 231) It has been noted that
the presence of the Numu, a Mande sub-group, in the craftsmen's quar-
ter of the town indicates that the weavers were Mande.5 They probably
occupied the Dwinfuo district of Begho between the fourteenth and
eighteenth centuries, and commerce must have brought them there,
since Begho was situated on the edge of the goldfields of southern Gha-
na, and thus held a key position in the trade in slaves and kola nuts.

Ludewig Ferdinand Rjdmer, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 160. -This expensive
type of pantjes cloth might well be identified as the Asasia kente mentioned above
by Anquanda (See p. 20).
5 The Mande people were largely traders who, in the mid-nineteenth century,
commercially controlled the western part of West Africa up to the Mossi states of
northern Ghana. Apart from trading they are renowned, particularly in the Ivory
Coast, as a weaving people with their craft based at ancient Kong. Binger, the
French explorer noted that Kong was made important by the Mande Dy ula, who
developed weaving and dyeing in that area. (Bovili 1968: 244)

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 Philip Atsu Afeadi

(Anquandah 1982: 93) Accordingly, the Mande might have introduced

weaving to the Brong who in turn served as the source of Asante weav-
ing traditions.6
Another group of weavers who influenced Asante weaving were the
Gonja and Dagomba weavers of northern Ghana, as well as Mossi
weavers of Burkina Faso. Many similarities have been noted between
cloth produced by the Mossi and those of Asante. (Lamb 1975: 110) One
such cloth woven among the Asante is ahwepan. This is a plain cloth
with no patterns, and it is either woven with cotton or silk. Ahwepan is
similar to the plain cloth produced and traded by the Mossi in the mar-
kets of Tamale and Bawku. As Lucien Marc, the French administrator of
Mossi country in 1909, noted of the Asante,

[They,] wishing to wear clothing, but preferring durable cloth, the blacks
of the forest were forced to depend on the only merchants who would
supply their merchandise on the caravans from the north which brought
to Salaga, Kintampo, and to Kumasi each year larger and larger quantities
of cotton cloth spun and woven by the Mossi. (Roy 1982: 53)

Apart from trade, Asante weaving was influenced by the "north"

through tribute. By 1744 the Dagomba, who were under Asante protec-
tion, sent as an annual tribute to Kumasi 400 cotton cloths and 200
mixed cotton and silk cloths. (Schaedler 1987: 249) The tribute also in-
cluded slaves, some of whom were weavers. These slave weavers and
others from the Mossi country taught Asante weavers some types of
cloth patterning.7 The batakari, a smock used by the Asante as a dress of
war and hunting, is further evidence of Mossi influence on Asante
weaving, as the surviving examples of the batakari show cloth character-
istic of Mossi striped designs. (Lamb 1975: 110)

6 In later years, the Asante developed a preference for kyekye cloth of blue and red
stripes woven by Kong weavers, as the Asante would buy large quantities of that
cloth in the market of Bondoukou. (Lamb 1975: 104-106)
7 There is evidence that some weavers from Asante settled for periods of varying
length in northern Ghana, as the missionary Theophil Opoku noticed some of
them in 1876 at Salaga. (Lamb 1975: 110)

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 Beginnings of Ewe and Asante Weaving

Another factor in the emergence of royal weaving in Asante was the

increased supply of silk from Tripoli and the Fezzan. The market centres
of Salaga and Yendi in northern Ghana, played an important role in this
exchange. By the nineteenth century, it has been noted that (kassa) wool-
len blankets too were being imported into Asante through market cen-
tres such as those at Bondoukou, Salaga and Yendi. And they were
widely adopted among the Akan, serving such purposes as cover for
black stools in Bekwai and the Golden Stool in Kumasi, as liners in pal-
anquins of Asante chiefs, as well as in funerary temporary structures
among the Akuapem. (Ross 1998: 76) These blankets, woven by Fulani
weavers in the inland Niger delta, may have had some influence on
weaving in Asante.8 Indeed, the block arrangement of colours and pat-
terns in some Asante cloth, for instance, bore close resemblance to pat-
terns found on the blankets. (Lamb 1975: 106; Picton 1992: 29; Ross 1998:
76)
Beside the northern influence, the Europeans on the coast of Ghana be-
tween the fifteenth and the nineteenth centuries made an impact on the
growth of Asante weaving. As a means of establishing diplomatic rela-
tions with the Asante empire, these Europeans continually sent presents
of velvet and taffeta to the Asantehene's court. These presents served as
raw materials for royal weaving, as Asante weavers unravelled them
and obtained woollen and silk threads of different colours. (Lamb 1975:
92) By the nineteenth century Asante weavers had creatively combined
all the influences on their craft, and developed one of the most complex
textile industries in West Africa. The product, known as kente, is contro-
versial in terminology. Some interpretations associate the word original-
ly to Ewe sources, others to Fante traditions, and yet some sources to
Asante enterprise. (Ross 23-24) "Perhaps the best linguistic explanation
of the origin of the word kente, lies in the Fante word kenten, which
means "basket." Several scholars have speculated that because baskets
and cloth are both woven, the cloth is called kente". (Adedze 1998: 135)
According to Ewe oral traditions, their weavers brought weaving with
them in the course of their migration into Ghana from the region of Yo-

8 "It may be linguistically significant that the Asante name for the Fulani blanket
(nsa) is also the name applied to the warp threads of the weave (Christaller 1933,
416), to the loom (nsadua; see Rattray 1927, 232), and to the finer silk weaves
(nsaduaso; see Lamb 1975, 128)", as noted by Ross. (1998: 76)

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 Philip Atsu Afeadi

rubaland in western Nigeria and Republic of Benin, during the sixteenth

century. This migration took place in two separate stages. In the first
phase, the Ewe moved westwards in the first part of the sixteenth centu-
ry, and some of them settled in the region of Notsie in modern Togo.
The second phase of the migration took some Notsie Ewe westward
again into the present Volta Region of Ghana. This second phase of the
migration involved three separate groups. One group went to the north-
ern part of the Volta Region in the area around Kpandu; another group
moved into the central part of the Volta Region in the area of Ho and
Kpetoe; and the third group settled on the coast. The final settlement of
the Ewe in the Volta Region of Ghana occurred in the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries. (Manoukian 1952: 5)
From the time of their migration, the centre of weaving for the south-
ern Ewe was Keta whose cloth market had become, by the eighteenth
century, the main outlet for cloth woven in the region. (Kent 1972: 35)
This early cloth was woven plain with either blue and white or red and
white stripes. In later years, the use of ikat, tie-dyeing the warp to pro-
duce colour variations in the threads, became common among the
southern Ewe.

Apart from oral traditions, the earliest description of weaving among

the southern Ewe is found in a report by Phillip Eytzen, an official of the
Dutch West Indies Company. In April 1718, he observed:

I found here at Quitta [Keta] a large number of children and men con-
stantly busy spinning cotton on little sticks of about a foot length. . . Cot-
ton can be found everywhere and a large quantity could be had if the Ne-
groes did not use it themselves for weaving of cloths of various quanti-
ties... Saw also people making indigo in a hut. They first soak the leaves
and then make balls of about the size of a fist which they put away. In this
way, they seem to keep them in a good condition for more than a month.
(Van Dantzig 1978: 206)

Sixty years later, Paul Isert, a German Doctor in Danish service, re-
ported on the Ewe weavers he saw weaving narrow strips of cloth near
Aflao on the modern Ghana-Togo border. (Adedze 1998: 91-92) Of other
observers, "European missionaries of the mid-nineteenth century tell of
many weavers being active in the Ewe lands; the air was disturbed by

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 Beginnings of Ewe and Asante Weaving

the noise of their looms, and the state of activity was compared with
that of a Victorian workshop or mill." (Adler and Barnard 1992: 10)
The earliest cloth of the central Ewe was similar to the blankets of the

inland Niger delta. In Kpetoe the cloth was woven with cotton which
was dyed in red, yellow or green. Generally, only two colours were used
in any one cloth: red and white or red and yellow or green and red. In
this early cloth, the weft was so well beaten that the warp was almost
hidden. Later, weaving among the Adangbe-Ewe evolved from the early
cloth into a specialized cloth, Adanudo.

[This cloth would contain a] fascinating variety of pictorial inlay designs:

men, camels, donkeys, goats, birds, fish, frogs and flowers, each located
between large blocks of background weft on a white and indigo back-
ground warp pattern. These were all placed so as to seem to be moving,
as it were, along the warp. (Lamb 1975: 182)

Prior to European impact on the region, the northern Ewe also pro-
duced cloth of homespun cotton coloured with indigo and other vegeta-
ble dyes. The northern Ewe weaver, like his neighbour to the south,
wove cloth of the blanket type in the early days of settlement. In Kpan-
du, for instance, such a cloth was woven with an arrangement of weft
blocks of red, blue and white. By 1881 weaving had become a wide-
spread industry among the northern Ewe, who would weave cloth simi-
lar to the specialized cloth of the Adangbe-Ewe. As the missionary Mohr
reported to the Basel Mission, a weaver was to be found at work under
virtually every shade tree in Krepe. (Amenumey 1964: 272)
In accordance with their traditions of origin, there are shared weaving
attributes among the Ewe weavers of Ghana and neighbouring kin of
Togo, in Notsie, Tado, Atakpame, Kpalime, and Little Popo (Aneho).
Representative of Ewe weaving centres in Togo, cloth woven in Notsie
is characterized by the tradition of combining warp stripes of blue and
white or black and white. This type of cloth patterning without the use
of floats or inlays bears resemblance with early cloth designs in Eweland
of Ghana, particularly Kpandu. (Lamb 1975: 193-197; Posnansky 1992:
130) In another attribute, "one puzzling peculiarity of Notsie weavers is
that they separate the warp into two parts, giving the appearance they
are weaving two strips. The two parts, however, are combined in the

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 Philip Atsu Afeadi

weaving process to produce a single strip." (Posnansky 1992: 122) This

warp arrangement, developed for a specialized compound weave cloth,
is not peculiar to Notsie weavers, but rather shared with the Fon weav-
ers of Benin, who formed part of the original Ewe group. As well, the
innovation has long been a widespread tradition among the southern
Ewe weavers of Ghana. (Kent 1972: 37)
As with Notsie heritage, elements of Yoruba influence could be found
among Ewe weavers of Ghana. (Lamb 1975: 207; Posnansky 1992: 116)
For instance, some features of dye techniques used in early cloths of the
southern Ewe, are to be found in the narrow strip weaving of the Yoru-
ba as well. These include the use of red, indigo, and white either as
stripes or small square blocks; and the use of sombre dyes such as dark
green, indigo, and brown. (Lamb 1975: 20 7)
Similar to Asante, Ewe contact with the "north" had much influence
on early weaving especially among the northern and central Ewe. The
early blanket cloth woven in Kpetoe and Kpandu resembled cloth wo-
ven in the inland Niger delta and in Hausaland. Similarities could also
be found between representational patterns of Ewe cloth and those in
cloths woven in the middle Niger area, especially among the Djerma
who occupy the region of Burkina Faso, Niger and northern Benin.
These patterns tend to face along the warp, they float freely in the centre
of the cloth strip,9 and they are built up of small blocks. (Lamb 1975:
210) In Kpetoe, even a pictorial pattern of a camel was found in one of
the cloths. Since these types of patterning are not found in Notsie or
Yoruba cloth, considering the traditions of Ewe origins, their develop-
ment may have been influenced by the northern sources outside Ghana.
Trade contact between the Ewe and the "north" was the major means
through which the Ewe received stimulus for their weaving. In the late
nineteenth century, for instance, the missionary David Asante noticed at
Salaga large quantities of local cloth on sale side by side with cloth from
the inland Niger delta. (Lamb 1975: 190) He noted that the chief mer-
chants in the cloth trade were Hausa or Mossi who often went as far

9 A float is any portion of a warp or weft yarn that extends unbound over two or
more units of the opposite set on either face of a fabric.

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 Beginnings of Ewe and Asante Weaving

south as Kete Krache where they met merchants from the coast and the
forest regions.10
Despite the northern stimulus to Ewe weaving, some of the early rep-
resentational patterns in Ewe weaving occurred through local initiative.
It has been noted that Kpandu weavers, for instance, began elaborate
cloth designs by adopting colour stripes, and gradually building them
into blocks and other patterns. (Lamb 1975: 192) Among the Ewe weav-
ers of Kpetoe, also, early cloth patterning was associated with the adop-
tion of small inlay designs which would evolve into pictures, "distribut-
ed regularly over the cloth to become an integral part of the total pat-
tern." (Lamb 1975: 175) These rudimentary forms of representational
inlay patterning would have been unnecessary if elaborate inlay pat-
terning from the Djerma had been already available to Kpandu and
Kpetoe weavers. Thus, representational cloth patterning among the Ewe
probably began through experimentation and refined through Djerma
influence.

Although central Ewe weavers largely used locally grown hand spun
yarn, Ewe weavers in general, like their Asante counterparts, had diffi-
culty in obtaining a good red colour. And European contact availed
them with a solution, as "Keta since the seventeenth century had had a
flourishing weaving industry reinforced by early silk cloth and com-
mercial silk and cotton thread brought to the Dutch fort [there]." (Kent
1972: 35) Weavers would unravel some of the European cloth for red
yarn.
In the early years of weaving among the Ewe and Asante, not much is
known about contact between the two groups. Weaving in the two re-
gions evolved along different lines as evident, for instance, in the differ-
ences between the patterns woven into Ewe cloths and those of Asante.
Ewe cloths would contain intricate designs with decorative motifs
which were mainly representational while in Asante cloths the designs
were mainly abstract. Moreover, the direction of most designs in Ewe
cloths lay along the warp threads while the designs in Asante cloths
largely ran across the warp. (Lamb 1975: 116 207-210; Picton 1992: 29)

10 Kete Krache was an important market place by the late nineteenth century
where European trade goods including cloth, locally woven cloth, and slaves
were exchanged. The town is now submerged beneath the waters of the Volta
Lake which was created by the construction of the Akosombo Dam in 1967.

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 Philip Atsu Afeadi

These basic differences in cloth patterning suggest that Ewe weavers

originally drew on an entirely different source for their cloth patterns
than the Asante weaver did.11

Of other differences in the two weaving traditions, Asante weavers

originally worked to specific orders, as weaving developed to meet the
requirements of the Asantehene and his court at Kumasi. Generally, Ewe
weavers lacked the particular stimulus of royal patronage, but this
would rather encourage free choice in experimentation and innovation.
Other incentives would stimulate Ewe weaving, including marketing
centres, for instance, Keta in the early days and later, Agbozume.12
Obviously, the Ewe and Asante share external influence as the source
of origins of their weaving traditions. In Asante weaving was intro-
duced by the Brong in the seventeenth century, and the Brong, in turn,
were influenced by the Mande of ancient Kong in present day Ivory
Coast. In Eweland oral traditions and early cloth weave have clearly
established that the Ewe brought weaving with them in the course of
their migration into Ghana from the region of Yorubaland and Benin
during the sixteenth century. Also evident, early Ewe weaving and cloth
patterning evolved along different directions from those of Asante.

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