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Dynamics of the Cult of Sheik Hussein of Bale, Ethiopia: Its
Course and Curse of the Extremists, a Historical Perspective1
Kefyalew Tessema Semu2
Abstract
This article explores historical dynamics, values and emerging threats to
the cult of Sheik Hussein of Bale. Oral, archival and secondary sources
have been collected and crosschecked in the interpretation. Sheik Hussein,
an Islamic wali who lived about 800 years ago at a sanctuary named after
him known as Dirre Sheik Hussein, is the icon of Bale. His connection to
the blood line of Prophet Mohammed, as well as his spiritual graces and
deeds in the Isalmization of Bale were factors behind his fame, which led to
his veneration as a saint while already he was alive and fully transformed
into a cult, after his death. The cult, which evolved from the pre-Islamic
muudaa tradition of the Oromo, consists of pilgrimages, baaroo and rituals
at his shrine twice a year. It has immense potential for tourism that
fascinates even the pilgrims, involving tour of scenic landscapes, famous
shrines and singing in honor of the saint and Allah. However, due to the
proliferation of extremist teachings of the Salafists and Wahabbists, attacks
on pilgrims and marginalization of adherents have been strengthening.
Even the extremists vow to destroy the shrine. There were problems arising
from lack of viable conservation schemes and ample studies that
jeopardized the heritage constraining its registration as Permanent World
Heritage Site by the UNESCO. Thus, building the capacity of the darga,
community based conservation of the shrine and promoting tolerance
embedded in the cult are required to sustain the heritage calling for a
lookout.
Key words: Sheik Hussein, cult, dynamics, pilgrimage, extremism
1
This paper was presented at the 19th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, August
24-28, 2015, Warsaw, Poland. I am deeply grateful to Professor Tekeste Negash for his
insightful comments on the draft of this paper.
2
Lecturer of history at MaddaWalabu University and currently Ph. D. candidate in the
History Department of Addis Ababa University
Kefyalew Tesema Semu
Introduction
Dynamism of religious development of Ethiopia is a less studied theme. In
Ethiopia, there are many religious festivals that have blended traditional
practices with Christianity and Islam (Trimingham 1952; Braukämper
2004).3 Followers of indigenous religions participate in these ceremonies
because some elements of their religion are practiced during these festivals.
They have huge potential for peace building process in peripheral areas like
Bale by cementing economic and cultural ties among diverse religious
groups. But, they have not been fully investigated. Despite their enormous
potential for peace building, such practices are recently becoming the
targets of religious extremists as they curse the blending of indigenous
rituals with a formal religion as a disgraceful act; hence, they are on a
spiritual mission of purifying them. (Dereje 2011: 25, 33).4
Islamic culture in southeastern Ethiopia is better studied by the
standard of the region. The pioneering works of Ernico Cerulli, Spencer
Trimingham, Ulrich Braukämper, B. W. Andrzejewski and Terje Østebø
provide us with general reference on Islam in Ethiopia and Bale in
particular with varying degrees of details.5 There are undergraduate and
graduate theses on the history of Sheik Hussein (Eshetu 1973; Teshome
2008)6 and on some practices of his cult by Jeylan (2005), Braukämper
(1989), Andrzejewski (1975) and Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau.7
Works of Terje Østebø (2008), Dereje Feyissa (2011), Henock Tsegaye
3
The best examples are the Epiphany, Dämära (founding of the true cross) festivals and
the Islamic Saint Cult rituals such as muuda, nazri and waziza observed by Christians and
Muslims of Ethiopia respectively. The Irecha, the Oromo thanks giving ritual or festival, is
among practices of indigenous religions that allows the participation of followers of
different religions though not blended with other religions.
4
He mentioned some minor Christians-Muslims conflicts mainly during festivals like the
Epiphany (Ťimqät), which are reported to have been triggered by extremists in areas like
Jimma, Harar and Kamise towns in the last decade.
5
See in the reference for relevant works of Braukämper and Østebø.
6
Such studies on history of Islam in Bale overlooked socio-cultural values of practices of
the cult.
7
See their works in the reference. The work of Sintayehu Tola, a member of faculty of
Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau (OCTB), is an example of OCTB’s effort to
encourage researches on the cult. OCTB has also asked the History Department of Madda
Walabu University to contribute.
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EJOSSAH Vol. XII, No.1 June 2016
(2002) and Jon Abbink (1998) describe some aspects of Islamic reformist
movements in Ethiopia. The gap in these works is that they focused on
interreligious relations and overlooked the dynamics with in religious
discourse and the emerging threats of extremists to the cult of Sheik
Hussein, which have been growing bolder recently. Written sources are
scarce on this subject. To fill this scarcity, I have tried to collect oral data
and use my own observations of rituals at Anajina in 2007 and 2012 and at
Sof Omar Cave in 2010 and in 2013. This article has three objectives. One,
it tries to resonate values of the cult and how envies have been defused to
destroy it. (By exposing these threats, it, furthermore, aspires to raise the
awareness of the public, heritage conservers and academicians, to whom it
also indicates areas of further studies.)8
History of Shiek Hussien of Bale: Historical Overview

Sheik Hussein is one of the most celebrated figures in the history of Islam in
Ethiopia. There are a number of factors for his reputation and popularity,
which later led to the emergence of a saint cult in his name. First, Nur
Hussein Sheik Ibrahim al-Malakai was an Islamic godly man (wali) native
to Bale. Sources show that the Sheik was born at Anajina,9 a site of his
shrine also known as “Dirree Sheekanaa Huseen” (the plain of Sheik
Hussein), which is located 60 km east of Jara town of Gololcha district in
Bale Zone of Oromia Region and 610 km south east of Addis Ababa
(Teshome 2007: 32). Though his date of birth is not clearly known, written
8
Informants were willing to share their views aimed at conservation of the heritage but
some asked for confidentiality of their identities. So, I skipped their names and gave them
numbers. It is not all of the interlocutors that wanted confidentiality. Some experts in Bale
Zone Culture and Tourism Office gave information to assist studies and share their
knowledge freely. But for uniformity all are indicated by number.
9
A legend about the origin of the name Anajina has it that one day Sheik Hussein was said
to have taken a walk and on his way back to his Mosque, he heard a strange noise and
asked in Afan Oromo “who is there?” Then, the Satan, who was said to have been afraid of
the Sheik, replied in Afan Oromo as “Ana Jinnii dha” meaning “it is me jinni (Satan),”
which eventually transmogrified into Anajina. And to this day that gate of the shrine is
called Karra Jinni- gate of the Satan. Eventually, the name Anajina came to be used as
alternative name of the Shrine.
65
sources10show that he was born 800 years ago (Braukämper 2004: 83).11
But, oral sources tend to date him back to the early times of the introduction
of Islam into the Horn of Africa. Yet, even the 800 years saga makes Bale a
hub of early Islamic culture in Ethiopia mainly due to the roles of the
Sheik.12
Second, Sheik Hussein’s genealogy has connected the local inhabitants
of Bale to the family of Prophet Mohammed. As to Eshetu Settegn (1973:
3), the father of Sheik Hussein, Sheik Ibrahim al-Malkai Sheik Abdulla is
the 12th descendant of Abu Talib, the paternal uncle of Prophet
Mohammed.13According to oral sources, Makida, the mother of the Sheik,
was an Oromo woman native to Bale.14 The life time of Sheik Hussein is
dated to 29 generations ago, when he converted the people of Bali to
Islam.15 Oral tradition of the area affirms that he was the first Islamaizer of
Bale. Written sources also unanimously show that Bali was Islamized
before the 13th century and its Islamic culture was firmly established before
its conquest by king Amde-Tsiyon in 1332 (Salviac 1901: 3916; Huntingford
10
As to Braukämper the earliest written source on Sheik Hussein is known as Rabi-al
Qulub, which is compiled in Arabic by Haji Yusuf Abd al-Rahiman in 1874, consists of
legends and myths about him. See others in the reference.
11
Braukämper is the first to cite Rabi-al Qulub that states the 29 generation saga and later
researchers accepted it.
12
Informants: No. 13, No. 19, No. 20. In Bale, Sheik Hussein’s first Islamic sainthood is
uncontested. Informants list as many as 30 generations since their ancestors were converted
to Islam bearing Arabic names, but before that it bears local names. Yet, it is difficult to
rely on names to identify religious affiliations of individuals.
13
His genealogy descends as: Adbul Mutalib (grandfather of the Prophet) →Abu Talib
(uncle of the prophet) →Aqil→AbuBaker→Abbas→Dawud→Issa→
Idris→Yahaya→Umar→Abu Bakar→ Abdullah→ Ibrahim→ Hussein.
14
But other sources state the mother of the Sheik to be a Sidama woman by the name
Shamsia. Yet, Shamsia is not mentioned in any of the songs praising either Sheik Hussien
or his brother Sof Omar as we shall see later.
15
The name Bali, meaning feather of big birds like Ostrich in Afan Oromo, is a primordial
name in referring to what is eventually known as Bale. There are many traditions about this
name which I skipped for interest of space here.
16
Martial De Slaviac stated that the Arsi Oromo of Bali were mentioned in Christian
sources in the first century of the last Millennium. Braukämper cited (Perruchon 1897: 277,
280) that the name Bali appeared in Zagwe records.
66
1965: 129).17 This is in line with the 29 generation saga. Thus, the Sheik has
glorified Bale and its earliest Islamic culture by binding it to the most
respected family of Prophet Mohammed in the history of Islam worldwide
(Eshetu 1973: 3).
Thirdly, the birth of the pious Sheik was believed to have been based on
prophesy that he was destined to a great mission. As to Eshetu (1973)
before the birth of Sheik Hussein, Abu-al Qasim had a vision in which
Prophet Mohammed announced to him about a great saint to be born and
ordered him to wash the baby. When the time was ripe, Abu-al Qasim was
taken to a particular house in Anajina, where Makida was beginning to feel
the labor of childbirth, to perform salat prayer and immediately Nur
Hussein was born. He grew up there as a descent, envisioned and spiritual
man. When he came of age, he succeeded in converting the people of Bale
and taught Quran and Hadith to tens of thousands. He was known as
performer of miracles, interpreter of dreams and prophesies future events.
He was venerated as a godly man while already he was alive, which led to
the rise of his cult after he passed away. These traditions had made him
famous in the region (Cerulli 1971: 420-40; Jeylan 2005: 33).18
Fourthly, Sheik Hussein is the icon of Bale and its Islamic culture
because he had produced many disciple saints–awliya or waliyi, who in turn
have established their own teaching centers (Jeylan 2005: 32-33).19 Sof
Omar, Sheik Ibrahim, Abu Nassir, Abu Koyi, Sheik Logomo and Ali
Bahrey, who are the renowned Sufi Saints of Bale, were his disciples
17
The “soldiers’ song in honour of King Amda Seyon…” interpreted by Huntingford
didn’t mention Sheik Hussein, but there is clear Islamic influence from the name of Bali’s
prince Ali, who was defeated by the campaign. Sheik Hussein and his cult are also not
mentioned by Shiab in Dininhis Futuh al-Habasha, who was with ‘Ahmed Giraññ’ during
his campaign against Bali in 1531. Yet, from the 29 generation genealogy and his list as the
12th descendant from uncle of the Prophet, we can calculate him back to the 13th century
and Islam’s presence was confirmed by the ‘soldiers’ song’. But, by 1531 the cult might
not be fully developed to take its name far audible enough.
18
Jeylan stated a legend in which Abu al-Qasim had to wash 114 baby sons until Nur
Hussein was revealed by a sign, a flow of light from heavens over the house in which the
baby Hussein was born in that particular night. This story looks to have the influence of the
Biblical story about the birth of Christ.
19
Bale has many shrines which were established by waliyi or awaliya (plural) and observed
by their adherents. These include Dirre, Sof Omar Cave, Hamara, Sheik Ibrahim Jamal, Nur
Amin and many Ujubas (grave sites).
67
(Eshetu 1973: 6-8; Østebø 2005a: 27-28). But, unlike Sof Omer, no clan
claims descent from Sheik Hussein. Since, the Sheik was the first to teach
Islam and referred to as “Our father” by all. As shown in baaroo (in his
praise), it seems as if no one allows any clan to claim him in private.20 At
Anajina, he built mosque and a madrssa, where some 6,666 darssas were
said to have attended for a term of six months at a time.21 This shows it was
the hub of early Islamic learning (Eshetu 1973; 8).
Fifthly, the history of Sheik Hussein has been popularized by works of
his disciples. There are two most venerated awaliya, who are closely linked
to the Sheik. The first one, who is often claimed to have been the favorite
disciple and a close relative of Sheik Hussein, was Sof Omar. In Bale, Sof
Omar, a wali of three shrines with spectacular natural features, is the most
venerated Sufi Saint next to Sheik Hussein. But, Sof Omar has always been
mentioned as appendix to Sheik Hussein (Braukämper 2004: 156).22 The
second wali associated with Sheik Hussein was Abdu al-Qasim. As
mentioned earlier, he was told to pave the way for the great saint to be born.
This is similar to the Biblical story of John the Baptist, who according to the
Bible cried “[h]e it is, who coming after me…whose shoe’s latchet I am not
worthy to unloose…” (KJV St. John 1:27).23 He was clearing the ways for
Jesus and so did Abu al-Qasim for Sheik Hussein. The shrine of Abu al-
20
Sheik Hussein was said to have married a Sidama Girl and by her he begot four sons
namely, Mohammed-Tamam, Abdullah, Suleyman and Ahmed and a daughter named
Fatima. Trimingham also mentioned the marriage of the Sheik to a Sidama girl stating that
the pre-Oromo societies in Anajina to be the Sidama. But other sources state that the site
was owned by the Arsi Oromo before Islamaization of the area. Perhaps, since the Sidama
and the Oromo peoples have been neighbors, Shemsia might have been married to the
Sheik as the second or third wife and due to her junior status she might not be mentioned in
baaroo and gamoo of the cult unlike Makida.
21
Madrassas are Islamic schools and darassas are student, who learn the Quran and other
Islamic teachings.
22
Some legacies of the cult of Sof Omar and why his shrines were located at magnificent
caves, waterfalls and mountain will be the subject of further study. There is time mismatch
about contemporarianship of the two saints.
23
The Sufi Saint Cult in Bale had adopted many stories from Christianity. Even traditions
about the birth of Sheik Hussein resemble the birth of Jesus Christ. There are also practices
which I skipped for the interest of space here.
68
Qasim is also among the most visited shrines in Arsiland (Braukämper 2004:
169).24
In sum, Sheik Hussein has been venerated as much he is regarded as the
light and the king (garada) of Bale25 because he taught Islam and won the
heart of the people (Jeylan 2005: 33). The term garada is adopted from title
of governors of the medieval state of Bali (Østebø 2005a: 43). The
following baaroo sung in spiritual and public occasions shows this.
Gloss English
Garaada Baale abbiichoo naa oolee Garada /King/ of Bale becomes my
father
Jawaara dhaamata warrii warra oolee Those who can’t visit his shrine cry
for jawara
Alaahu maraam abbiiyyoo baaroo May Allah give mercy for our father!
baara jalalaa (Sheik Hussein) Here is baaroo for
your love
Maaltu nuu baasa bobaa keessan No one can take us away from your
jalaa...26 bosom…
The reason for his observance as such seems to have been deeply
rooted in his strives and miraculous deeds during the Islamization of Bale.
Thus, achievements during his life time later led to the rise of the cult
devoted to him following his passing away (Østebø 2005a: 23).
The Cults of Sheik Hussein: Origin and Practices

Muudaa as the Origin of Islamic Saint Cult Pilgrimage
Muuda is a spiritual journey of jila (envoys of each Oromo clans) to the
Abbaa Muuda (spiritual father of the Gadaa System), who during the
sixteenth century, was at his galma (temple) at Madda Walabu, near
24
Ulrich Braukämper coined the term Arsiland to refer to territories inhabited by the Arsi
Oromo, descendants of Siko and Mando lineages, which include the present Arsi, West
Arsi, Bale and parts of East Shawa Zone of Oromia.
25
Oral tradition refers to Sheik Hussein by many names. One of these names in Afan
Oromo is Nuura al-Allah Baalee - meaning the Allah’s light of Bale due to the story of his
birth. He is also called Sayyid al-Arafina meaning our righteous lord. But, unlike Sof Omar
why he has no clan claim descent from him needs further investigation.
26
Taken from a song artist Jamal Shale, this is a public melody so that a person can sing it
with different poems.
69
Gannale River in Bale. Some of the Oromo also refer to the muuda site as
Haroo Walaabu (Salviac 1901: 177-80; Braukämper 2004: 143). Muuda
involved various ceremonies at galma, where the Abbaa Muuda (father of
the anointment) performed prayer and sent blessings back to his people
through the jila every eight years. He performs muudaa that is symbolized
by putting fresh butter on the head of jila members in spiritual rituals. When
the jila returned home, they were received warmly at the Caffee (council)
by the hayyu (scholars), who interpret the messages of the Abbaa Muudaa.
The jila were identified by their unique dressings and signs and they were
honored and no one touched them even if they walk in the middle of a battle
because muuda was holy and pilgrims carry a stick with their stuffs on it
and myrrh (qumbii) as tribute gift for the Abbaa Muuda (Legesse 1974: 9-
10; Salviac 1901: 180)
Gradually, two major factors that led to the decline of pilgrimage to
Abbaa Muudaa were the influence of Islam and the prohibitions of the
muuda by the imperial Christian regime of Ethiopia. But, few Oromo
among the Borana and Guji, who retained their indigenous religion,
Waaqeffannaa, were able to continue their pilgrimage to Abbaa Muudaa.
Above all, the expansion of Islam in Bale after the 1530s made it difficult
for the Oromo to conduct the muuda freely. Thus, these factors led to the
emergence of new muudaa sites. In Bale, such sites became Islamic shrines
that blended some muudaa rituals with the Sufi Saint cult (Braukämper
2004: 35; Østebø 2005: 29). Consequently, the cult of Sheik Hussein has
combined early Oromo religious traditions, Islamic teachings, myths and
miracles (Braukämper 2004: 141-145). Trimingham (1952: 256) also
elucidated that the cult is an amalgamation of Sufi Saint Cult, the Maccaa
pilgrimage ceremonies and Abbaa Muudaa rituals. Such rituals were
commonly practiced in Arsi land up to the 1950s.27 Asmarom Legesse
(2000: 185) also observed the continued muudaa practice among the
Islamized Barentuma Oromo. Similarly, Mario Aguliar (1994: 762)
reported that a ritual practice combined with the cult of Sheik Hussein has
been practiced by the Waso Borana in Kenya.
27
He states Muuda practices at Sheik Hussein is similar to the cult of Sof Omar and
pilgrimages to other shrines.
70
Practices of the Cult of Sheik Hussein
Pilgrimage to “Maccaa of the Poor”: this is the key practice of Islamic
sainthood cult that involves singing of baaro, dances and ceremonies at
shrines, where the wali was born or had been taught or his burial tomb is
located. Pilgrimage to Dirree is the most valued spiritual duties of adherents
of the cult.28 There are two pilgrimage seasons that demand fraternity
among pilgrims called gariba, visit of adherents on the pilgrimage route and
performing of rituals at camping sites and at Dirree (Jeylan 2005: 30, 34).
The first pilgrimage is called muudaa hajjii. It is often equated with the
pilgrimage to Mecca by those who cannot afford the latter. Its also takes
place at the same time with the hajji pilgrimage to Maccaa, which coincides
with the Islamic Id al-Adeha or Arefa holyday based on lunar calendar.29
That is why Anajina is unanimously called “Mecca of the poor” in which
pilgrims don’t earn the title of Hadji (Trimingham 1952: 253; Braukämper
2004: 122). Informants claim that almost all ceremonies at Maccaa are
carried out at Dirre too. The second pilgrimage to Dirree, called Muudaa
Sheek Huseenn, is held on every first Tuesdays of August to celebrate the
birth of the Sheik. Pilgrims from all over northeast Africa, mostly from
different parts of Oromia and Ethiopian Somali and few from Gamo Gofa
and Wollo flock to Dirree. A large number of pilgrims visit such sanctuaries
during pilgrimage seasons (Trimingham 1952: 253). The number of
pilgrims is usually higher during the August ziyara, which was estimated to
be 100, 000 in 1971 (Braukämper 2004: 141). But, in 2007 the number of
pilgrims during hajji ziyara was very high due to a special circumstance.30
28
He observed that gariba is an Arabic term meaning guest. Thus, gariiba Sheekanaa
Huseen means guest of Sheik Hussein but it is often used in its short form as gariba.
29
NALA, Folder Number 17.2.204.01, report by Ato Tibebe Desta about Bale Governorate
General to Ministry of Interior of the Imperial Government of Ethiopia, on 1941 E.C. (pp.
1-97), pp. 1-2.
30
Informants; No. 13, No. 14, No. 10 in 2007, on the occasion of the hajji pilgrimage, the
third Ethiopian Millennium celebration by Oromia Regional State was held at Anajina
attended by about 500,000 people among whom were the top officials of the regional and
federal governments.
71
Baaroo: the second key practice in the cult is the singing of melodious songs
in praise of Sheik Hussein, known as baaroo.31 In addition, baaroo
symbolizes the beginning of muudaa seasons and served to communicate
pilgrims in different roads on the ways to Anajina. Singers roar loudly in
cute lyrics to hearten the morale of the pilgrims and to attract those who
would provide them with food, water and shelter to spend nights. Jeylan
(2005: 34-43) observed that hymns in praise of Sheik Hussein had various
significances. It reflects submission to awali, a symbolic gesture of Bale to
them and elements of pre-Islamic muudaa tradition.32 This is shown in the
following baaroo.
Gloss English
Asalaam wa’aaleekuum abbaabbaa Peace be up on you father
Yaa Nuura nuurii dhalootaa You the Light, whose birth lights
Anaajinaan galma aadaa Anajina is the temple of culture
Seenaa ilmaan Oromootaa of the descendants of the Oromo
Ariiba keenya dachaanee We returned back again to your shrine
Mee harqootaan nutii kootaa....33 Please come to us in our vision...
In the above baaroo Anajina is presented as the center of Oromo

history and Sheik Hussein as the father of his followers. The following
baaroo also states Sheik Hussein as the pride of Bale.
Gloss English
Abbakeenya waamana Huseen faaya We call ‘Our Father’ Hussein the
Baaliiyoo pride of Bale
Raabii keessani jedhaa gadi hin For the sake of God don’t forget the
dhiisiinaa adiyoo cult
Badheedssa uumaa dhumtii teessan For grace of the heavens our end is on
Abbiyyoo...34 you [Dad]
31
Jeylan wonderfully traced many Arabic terms in the cult of Sheik Hussein. As to him
“Baahroo is a loan word from the Arabic bahar, meaning sea. For the Arsi, “sea” is used as
a panegyric reference to Sheikh Hussein. It symbolizes the perceived imminence of the
saint’s generosity, benevolence and bounty. Historical records and legends indicate that
baaroo was first inspired by the Sufi movement in the region.”
32
Jeylan also has interestingly analyzed various messages embedded in the baaroo.
33
Baaroo by Artist Jamal Shale, Volume 6, track Number 6, no year of publication
72
Baaroo is also embedded with valuable historical information that

shows the cult has been used as ideology of resistance against Ethiopian
governments. A document dated back to the 1940s confirms that the
implementation of land measurement called qalad was resisted on the
grounds that Bale is “the land of Sheik Hussein and to be treated carefully
(Braukämper 2004: 123).35 Baaroo has been sung by people of different
ethnic or language backgrounds as a common practice of the cult that unites
them all. This is clear even in the wordings of poem of baaroo, which is a
punch of Arabic, Oromo, Amharic and Somali languages as shown below.
Gloss English
Allahu maraam Abbiyyoo My Allah is merciful to our father (Sheik
Hussein)
Xaqaallaloo kiyyahoo You are mine who holds all together
Xaqaallalii fixii hajaa tiyahoo...36 Please fulfill all wishes in my heart ….
In this hymn, the first underlined word is Arabic, the double underlined
in the second line is Amharic and the remaining are accents of the Oromo
and Somali languages. During the rituals speakers of different languages
feel exited by instant songs and dance emotionally. Pilgrims sing baaroo in
various melodious lyrics, hitting drums, dancing and asking for alms in the
name of Sheik Hussein on markets or from door to door or at their camping
sites by nights. The sound of muudaa pilgrims is often heard from a
distance.37 Baaroo is the source of the music of Bale that has a unique
genre. In Oromo musical performances, it is customary for every major
province to be represented by music hits and dancing styles, reflecting the
Oromo culture in their area. For example, the Oromo of Arsi, Borana, Giji,
Hararge, Ilu, Jimma, Karrayu Shawa, Wallagga and Wallo have special
music melodies and genres. The Bale Oromo has musical tone or genre
originated from baaroo with slight modification. This modification is the
34
Ibid.
35
This is clearly indicted in document cited on nn. 29 above. I shall detail it under the
dynamics of the cult below.
36
Baaroo by Artist Jamal Shale, Volume 6, track Number 6, no year of publication
37
Informants; No. 13, No. 6.
73
use of modern instruments to compose it and cerographic adjustments to its
dance move for modernizing the art. Thus, the Islamic saint cult in Bale has
contributed a unique musical culture to Oromia and Ethiopia indicating its
extraordinary masterpiece of human heritage.38
Dressing Style and Hanqee: are the third practices in the cult, which consists of
unique dressing style of the gariba. Pilgrims dress in their own style such as
wearing long dresses called jalabiya, putting kuffiya (hats) and marxoo
(muntantrum) over their heads and beads around their necks. They carry
water pots, food containers and bags on their backs holding it with a ‘Y’
shaped stick. The ‘Y’–shaped stick called hanqee (also pronounced as
dhanqee) is a replica of the walking stick of Sheik Hussein. Informants state
that the Sheik used to do miracles by using his hanqee (Jeylan 2005: 30).39
There are different traditions as to what the branches of the “Y”–Shaped
stick symbolizes (Braukämper 2004: 141). Some say it represents Prophet
Mohammed and Sheik Hussein. But this does not mean that Sheik Hussein
is equal to the Prophet (Jeylan 2005: 40).40 Others say it is simply the
choice of the Sheik. In sum this dressing style and the ‘Y’–shaped sticks are
unique identifiers of pilgrims to Dirree and adherents of the cult. This style
was adopted and modified from that of the jila of the Oromo muudaa as
mentioned earlier.
Hadra and Nazri: are two interrelated practices. Hadra is a ritual performed in
camping sites in localities where large number of adherents of the cult live
(Braukämper 2004: 117). It marks the beginning of muuda seasons. In
hadra rituals adherents contribute sadaqa in kind or in cash. Hadra has
been accompanied by festivities in which adherents, who got their prayer
rewarded and their nazri accepted give their witness about holiness of Sheik
Hussein. Nazri is an offering for Sheik Hussein in return for their problems
38
Ibid.
39
As to traditions, Sheik Hussein is said to have been known by holding Hanqee or
Dhanqee (also called maxraasaa with sharp metal ending) with which he used to do
miracles. For example, one day when the Sheik needed water for zuhr (midday prayer), he
speared the ground and at a time created a marshy land in Sinana district of Bale.
40
He collected a good amount the baaroo of Sheik Hussein that connects him to the
prophet in which the former took the responsibilities of teaching Quran to the peoples of
Bale. The “Y” stick may show the duality in the cult.
74
solved or their health restored. As to informants before the introduction of
purist movements in Bale after 1990s, there were colourful hadra
ceremonies a month before the ziyaras. The practice was common during
the imperial period and declined during the Därg and becomes rarer or even
halted in large towns in the incumbent regime (Areba et al 2011: 4-5).41
Muuda Prayer at Anajina: this is the major reason for which the pilgrims
travel from far and near to Anajina. Muudaa Salat is the most valued and
highly organized prayer carried out on the model of hajji prayers at Mecca.
Pilgrims state that if a Muslim cannot afford to visit Mecca, Allah would
accept the humble prayer of the poor at the shrine of his beloved servant,
Sheik Hussein, who glorified his Lord in his spiritual missions all his life
time, as equal to the one at Mecca. In the ceremonies at Anajina, pilgrims
try to be as honest and spiritual as possible, for Allah is watching them. It
consists of a highly organized spiritual ceremony led by senior Imams or
Sheik as well as private prayer of every pilgrim. The former include salat
prayer of the occasion and visits to the site. The later varies according to the
nazri of every pilgrim. Some pray to Allah in the name of his grace for
Sheik Hussein whose patronage would mediate them to Allah.42 They may
pray to get solution for their health problems, difficulties in their lives, for
peace and wellbeing of their relatives. Gariba rollover the ground, kiss
objects that are believed to have contact with the Sheik, chew jawara
(whitish limestone powder), try to pass in a narrow rock tunnel called
huluqoo, drink water from a greenly pond known as Haro Lukku and so
on.43 There is also a ceremony known as Lillata, which is a kind of prayer,
get-together and thanks giving ceremony performed by participants of the
ziyara for being able to meet each other in peace. It is believed to have been
started during the life time of Sheik Hussein by his disciples, who used to
visit him for blessing and spiritual reinforcement. It also might have been
started immediately after his concealment (ijibbata) due to his veneration as
41
Informants; No. 13, No. 11, No. 15; Field Observation, 2012 at Sof Omar Cave
42
Filed Observation, 2007, Dirre; Filed Observation, 2012 at Sof Omar Cave
43
Filed Observation, 2007, Dirre; There is a similar tradition at tsebel or holy-water sites
observed by the Orthodox Christians, where believers put mud at the origin of tsebel over
their body. It is believed it heels from illnesses.
75
having baraka (holy virtues).44 Lillata is held during both ziyara to Dirree
involving prayers, feasts, baaroo and dances hitting drums. It is also
popular at Sof Omar cave (Areba et al 2011: 17-19).45
Some Tangible and Intangible Heritages of the Shrine Sheik Hussein

Shrines of Sufi Saints consist of natural features and indigenous knowledge
based manmade objects associated with the cult. Some of these are the
shrines of Sof Omar at Sof Omar Cave and Hamara, the shrine of Amir Nur
in Agarfa district46 and the shrine of Abu al-Qasim in Seru district. Anajina,
the shrine of Sheik Nur Hussein of Bale, is the earliest and the most known
of all in Bale and a medieval historical site of Ethiopia.47 Because it was
blessed by the pioneer and pious Sheik Hussein, its rituals are the holiest
and the beauty of the scenery is awesome (BMO 2008: 16, 39). This sacred
site consists of the main compound of the shrine, the darga villages, ponds,
cave, forests and land features essential to the tradition, whose size is
estimated to 94 square kilometers (OCTB NY: 8).48 Among the eleven
mosques at the site, the oldest of all, which is said to have been built by
Sheik Hussein himself, is known as Ziqtum.49 The main enclosure of the
shrine consists of five gamos (buildings) with kubbah (a cupola-shaped
structure of a well-designed dome on its top) graves and other objects. In
this compound there are five major gamos namely, the gamo of Sheik
Hussein (the biggest of all at the center), gamo of Sheik Abd el-Qadir al-
44
Concealment is to hide out of reach and sight. Devotees of Sheik Hussein and Sof Omar
believe that they never passed away but they were concealed. But, this tradition contradicts
the tomb cult at Anajina and Hamarra.
45
Filed Observation, 2007, Dirree; Filed Observation, 2012 at Sof Omar Cave. Little is
known about its early story.
46
See nn. 29. This report shows that 300 oxen were slaughtered at Amir Nur shrine near
Agarfa town in 1939 E.C.
47
Informants estimate that some 500 bulls were slaughtered to serve meat for pilgrims at a
time in Anajina.
48
Informants; No. 13, No. 6, No. 19, No. 15.
49
According to my key Informant, who is a senior expert in cultural heritage at Bale Zone
Culture and Tourism Office, the word Ziqtum is an acronym of Arabic words Ziwuriya
(meaning home of Sheik), Qtulaba (meaning home of Darassa/ student) and Madrassa
(meaning school). The detail on its dating needs archaeological investigation.
76
Jalani,50which was built by Emir Abd al-Shakur (r.1783-1794) of Harar
(Cerulli, 1971: 404), gamo of Sheik Mohammed-Tamam (son of Sheik
Hussein), gamo of Sheik Mohammed Haji Ahmed and gamo of Ayyo
Fatumah (daughter of Sheik Hussein). The enclosure has twelve gates
/karra/ each with particular significances to the cult.51 Outside the enclosure
there are gamos devoted to Sheik Ibrahim al-Malakay (father of Sheik
Hussein), gamo of Ayyo Makida (mother of Sheik Hussein) and gamo of
Sheik Mohammed al-Masky. These buildings were erected superbly and
colored with white gypsum that gave beautiful scenery to the site (ARHC
2013: 2-3). The fence itself has attractive windows with various geometric
shapes. It seems this is why some devotees feel euphoric and rollover the
ground in tears when they arrive at the site. Therefore, Anajina is cultural
and spiritual heritage that attracts pilgrims, tourists and researchers with
more potential if properly conserved. See some views of the shrine in
images below.
50
Abd al-Qadir al-Jalani died in Baghdad in 1166 and legend has it that he lived as 40 lives
that explains why he got many shrines throughout Muslim world. His life time is closer to
the birth of Sheik Hussein. But Abu al-Qasim was the one who was said to have washed the
baby Nur Hussein and his shrine found by the main gate at Dirre.
51
The gate or karra in Afan Oromo are Karra Milkii, Karra Jajjabaa, Karra Sultan
Mohammed, Karra Sheik Mohammed Qasso, Karra Boqole, Karra Haroo Lukkuu, Karra
Abd al-Qadir, Karra Masgida Sheek Huseen, Karra Jinni (the first gate), Karra Sheek
Mussaa, Karra Haarawa and Karra Sheek Aliyyi Suraa. These gates are named after
personalities, events and features significant in the cult and some are used for particular
rituals.
77
Image 1: The Main Enclosure at Image 2: Pilgrims in the Shrine ready

the Shrine of Sheik Hussein for ritual (note the Y-with Mosque of
Sheik Hussein at the centre, stick and
the jawara on women’s face).
Source: Bale zone culture and tourism office and modified by the writer,
2014
There are three attractive natural features with some manmade objects,
which made up the cultural landscape of Anajina that begins from far off
the site with significant history relevant to the cult. One, there are two
ponds known as Haro Lukku (pound of hen) and Haro Dinkure (pound of
Dinkure); they were said to have been dug by Sheik Hussein as source of
drinking water for local inhabitants and darassas, which are seen as a holy-
water by pilgrims (Braukämper 2004: 141).52 Two, there are three hills
called Qachamsare,53 Dadala and Abu al-Qasim, which are located
surrounding Dirree and gave it the shape of a green cup in which the white
colored mosques and buildings at Anajina look like drops of milk as one
sees them from these hills. They are areas where pilgrims take recess
awaiting for those who are left behind on the voyage, serve as areas of
cleaning up themselves before entering the sacred place and perform
52
He observed that a cholera epidemic, which claimed the lives of some 3000 pilgrims,
broke out in Dirre in 1973.
53
Qachamsaree is portmanteau of two Oromo words qachama meaning soft tree and saree-
meaning dog. The combination gives as stick to chase dogs away from the shrine and
pilgrims.
78
various rituals. These are traditions dating back to the early days of the cult.
Three, the cave (holqa in Afan Oromo) of Ayinagayn, located about five
kilometers from the shrine, is a natural heritage related to the cult (ARCH
2013: 1).54 Tradition has it that this cave served Sheik Hussein as an
underground route to the cave of Sheik Sof Omar, which is located some 30
km to the south. There is a related tradition at the cave of Sof Omar, where
there are three stone mats called sidaja on which Sheik Hussein, Sof Omar
and Abu al-Qasim were alleged to have used to pay salat. This means at
every salat prayer Sheik Hussein was said to have been miraculously
transported to and from Sof Omar Cave via the underground route to pray at
both sites. There are very narrow passages at the cave of Ayinagayn, which
is believed that only the blessed could pass through (Areba et. al. 2011: 4-
8). The length and other details of the cave are unknown.55
The indigenous knowledge of the production of white gypsum that is
used for decoration of the gamos at the site is a remarkable heritage that
dates back to the times of the beginning of the cult. Informants claim that its
production consists of digging deep hole in which limestone will be burnt at
high heat for three months by using fuel. The quality and whiteness of the
gypsum made it water proof and lasts for a long time (ARHC 2013: 6).56
Despite the plentiful availability of limestone in Bale lowlands, this kind of
gypsum production and use of it for private or religious buildings is rarer
indicating the peculiarity of the knowledge to Anajina. Even though, the
kubbah architectures of the shrine are similar to those in Harar plateau, the
manmade features here are magnificent heritage worth mentioning
(Braukämper 2004: 114).
Lastly, the way of the custodians’ life of Anajina known as darga and
the tradition of tolerance of diversity are significant cultural heritage of the
cult. The way the darga live in their eleven small villages around the site is
an attraction by itself. The biggest village at the shrine is known as
Qachamsare. The darga have been curators of the sanctuary and its holy
objects witnessing their devotion to the Sheik. Their life activities are
bounded by spiritual norms acceptable by the cult. Though originated from
54
55
Field Observation 2013 at Sof Omar Cave Shrine; Informants; No. 1, No. 2, No. 4, No.
3. It needs further studies.
56
79
different areas, they are used to live in harmony. Economically, they depend
on cattle breeding, by retailing goods and providing services to pilgrims.
Moreover, when pilgrims land at the sacred shrine, they perform many
ceremonies using objects left behind for them by the Sheik. The uncommon
mutuality among pilgrims and tolerance to diversity embedded in the cult is
the most significant heritage of the cult (BMO 2008: 13-15; Braukämper
2004: 122). This included the custom of sadaqa (alms like food, water,
money and shelter) to the pilgrims simply in return for blessing and
goodwill. Pilgrims also share logistics, treat the sick and bury the dead.
Adherents, who can’t conduct the ziyara contribute money and in return ask
to pray for them or send them with nazri to the holy site. This tradition of
tolerance enabled Muslims, Christians and traditional believers to
participate peacefully in the cult. This is also evident in Christian tradition
of tsebl (holy-water), where the sick including the Muslims attend seeking
for cure in many sites. They are not asked to convert to Christianity and the
same is true when Christians or Waaqeffatas make pilgrimage to Anajina.
This is the key aspect of religious tolerance in Ethiopia, which I believe has
never been taken seriously by social scientists (Jeylan 2005).57 But,
dependence of the darga on the gifts of pilgrims and their openness to
strangers has been exploited by political groups and extremists, who
jeopardized the tolerance embedded in the cult (Braukämper 2004: 123).58 I
shall discuss some of it below.59
Dynamics of the Cult of Sheik Hussein

There are five dynamics that shaped the cult over time. First, towards the
end of 18th century, a major dynamic was the change from the muudaa
pilgrimage to Madda Walabu into the ziyara pilgrimage to Islamic Sufia
waliya shrines (Østebø 2005b: 28). For example, there is evidence in
baaroo in praise of Sheik Hussein which runs as follows:
57
Jeylan observed that Sufism is known for its elasticity and overt eclecticism. Simplicity
of rituals and modesty of demands are the other characteristics of Sufism in Africa.
58
Informants; No. 16, No. 1, No. 6. They remember how some groups who fight the Därg
hideout there in the 1980s.
59
Field Observation, 2012 at Sof Omar Cave; Informants; No. 13, No. 11, No. 15.
80
Gloss English
Gannaalee yaa Gannaalee, Gannaalee Gannale you Gannale, Gannale
Gannaalee Aqisanaa ariifa Baalee... Gannale our father the best of Bale
In this hymn the spiritual father of the Oromo was metaphorically

represented by the big size of the Gannale River, whose blessings they
believe makes them prosper as the waters in it. The hymn was used to praise
the Abbaa Muudaa near the Bank of Gannale. But, eventually the same
hymn began to be used as panegyric reference to Sheik Hussein in his praise
without changing the river into Waabee, which flows near Dirree.60 Similar
concept exists in the third baaroo above.61The term muudaa is also still on
use while its Islamic equivalent is ziyara. In the early stage of the cult,
practices of Oromo religion–Waaqeffannaa, such as putting butter on the
head of pilgrims, beads around the neck, sprinklings of milk and drinks as a
gist of the Irecha of the Oromo on the way to and from Anajina and even
there, seem to have dominated its practices. The process of change might
have taken longer time since it was conducted through peaceful preaching
of the Sufi Sheiks. Even, Ahmed Badley’s settling of 1000 Muslim families
in Bale was shortly checked by Emperor Zara Yaqob (r.1434-’68)
(Braukämper 2004: 77). That looks why Sheik Hussein was not mentioned
in the Futah. Besides, though the conquest of Bale by Ahmed Giraññ” in
1532 resulted in mass Islamization, it was soon neutralized by the Arsi
Oromo expansion since the Melba Gadaa (1522-1530) that caused the
decline of Islamization and reconversion of its society back into
Waaqeffannaa (Østebø 2005b: 24).
Secondly, the construction of new beautiful gamos at Anajina was
another dynamic of the cult that accelerated the growth of the cult towards
60
Here it is important to note that the tradition of pilgrimage to Sheik Hussein is the
continuation of muuda and it is believed that among the Oromo of the area Gannale is
bigger in terms of its size than Wabe indicating no change has been made.
61
In this baaroo Anajina is indicated as temple of the history and culture of the Oromo.
But the irony behind this is that Madda Walabu, where the temple of Abba Muudaa was
located, is the center of Oromo culture, while Anajina is for all Muslims that observe the
Sufi Saint cult but not only for the Oromo. So, Madda Walabu might have been replaced by
Anajina due to the change in the center of pilgrimage in the passage of time.
81
the end of 18th century (Cerulli 1971:404).62 These scenic buildings at
Dirree have attracted more pilgrims and mounted its popularity. This
marked a major breakthrough in the process. It seems that the new religion
with decorated houses of worship, educated preachers and Supreme Being
ascribed in holy books had outshined the indigenous religion at the time.
The emerging cult also tolerated the customary muudaa practices which
attracted people from diverse societies. Thus, the cult eventually dominated
the indigenous beliefs, whose practices continued to prevail in the cult in
many ways.
Thirdly, the new cultural orientation among the Oromo of Bale and its
surrounding following their conquest by Imperial Ethiopia and the
subsequent imposition of the gäbbar system in the last decade of the 19th
century were other significant dynamics of the cult. The dominations of the
local people by the culture of the conquerors have rejuvenated Islamic
sentiments among the Muslims and forced the non-Muslim Arsi in Gädäb
and western Bale to embrace Islam as a means of cultural resistance (Østebø
2005b: 37). This was based on the unifying spirit of Sheik Hussein as
explicitly indicated in the next document from the state archive as follows:
የባሌ ጠቅላይ ግዛት ቀላድ ይለካል እየተባለ ከብዙ ጊዜ

ጀምሮ ሲነገር ይልቁንም ዘንድሮ ቀላድ ጣይ ከአዲስ አበባ
ተነስቷል የሚል ድምፅ ስለሚሰማ ጉዳዩ አስጊ ሆኗል፡፡ ባለባቶቹ
ቀላድ ሲጣል አይፈቅዱም በፍፁም ተቃዋሚ ናቸው የሼክ ሁሴን
አገር ቀላድ ሊወድቅበት አይገባም፤ አይበጅም እያሉ የአምልኮት
ወሬአቸውን ይነዛሉ፡፡63
62
There is no clear source that indicates the time when the present buildings at the Anajina
were constructed. But, oral sources state that Ziqtum was built some 29 generations ago,
which is in the 13th century and others were added later. Since the cult was not cited in the
Futuh, the time between the mid-16th century and the construction of Abd el-Qadir’s
Mosque, which must have been after popularity of the cult, is the likely time of its eventual
rise.
63
General to Ministry of Interior of the Imperial Government of Ethiopia, on 1941 E.C., (pp.
1-97), p. 1.
82
In Governorate General of Bale there are rumors for
long time about the imposition of qälad;64 but this year the
news about men from Addis Ababa, who are discharged to
impose qälad have worried the people in Bale. The
balabats65 of Bale do not want the imposition of qälad and
they totally resist it by disseminating blasphemies such as
‘the land Sheik Hussein shall not be subjected to qälad; it
will have bad consequences.’
Thus, even persons from the core of the empire had proposed to the
government to delay the imposition of the qälad because of the possibility
of resistance based on the fraternity among adherents embedded in the cult.
The long fasting seasons observed by Orthodox Church was not suitable for
semi pastoralist in the region. Thus, some of the Arsi, who sustained the
Oromo muuda tradition until the 1950s, began to change their pilgrimage to
Anajina in unprecedented scale (Braukämper 1989: 35; 2004: 143; Salviac
1901: 179).
Fourthly, the invisible hands of antigovernment political activists that
tried to manipulate the gatherings of the cult and the state’s close watch out
were the other dynamics of the cult. Since the conquest of Bale by forces of
Emperor Menelik II in early 1890s, local chiefs of Bale tried their best to
forge an ideology of resistance with the cult of Sheik Hussein as their
guardian spirit. This is illustrated in a report that advices to the state to
assign spies for surveillance at ziyara festivals as follows:
የዚያራ ስፍራዎች ሁሉ ልዩ ልዩ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ

የሚሰባሰብባቸው ስፍረዎች ሆነዋል፤ ... በዚህም አንዱ ከሌላው
እየተገናኙ የሚተዋወቁበት.... በዚም ልዩ ልዩ ባለባቶች ቀጠሮ
ማድረጊያና መማከሪያ የአድማ መወሰኛ ስፍራ ነው፡፡
64
Qalad is a rope or leather thong about 135 cubits or 66 to 67 meters that was used to
measure land.
65
Balabat (Amharic)-is an appointee at district level by the state to serve as subordinate
land administrator.
83
በጠቅላላው እንደመካ (አረብ) የፖለቲካ ስፍራ በመሆኑ
በየክብረበዓሉ ልዩ ተመልካች እንዲገኙባቸው ያስፈልጋል፡፡66
.... all ziyara centres are places where the different

peoples of Ethiopia gather.... there they meet one another and
know each other ... there, different balabats make
appointments, make discussions, pass decisions to make
plots. Generally, like Mecca [of Arabia], these are places of
politics and it is necessary to assign a special observer (spy)
during these ceremonies. (Emphasis added)
The Italians, during their occupation of Ethiopia (1936-1941) tried to

give political and financial support for the Muslims such as the freedom to
exercise their religion and paying salary for the Sheiks at Dirree, who teach
Quran even in many other places (Østebø 2005b: 38-39). After the
liberation, the imperial regime reinstated its exploitative systems, which had
caused antigovernment struggle in Bale to a large scale on the base of
religious solidarity with the neighboring Somalis in the1960s and 1970s.
The Därg inherited this legacy due to its antireligious communist ideology,
which forced it to try to ban the cult on the pretext of political intervention
of separatists (Andargachew 1993; 24).67 Thus, successive regimes have
tried their best to control the cult. The condition after the fall of the Därg in
1991 was dichotomous in that the 1995 constitution has guaranteed the
freedom of religion to the Muslims alike other religious groups in Ethiopia,
while it concurrently met with the mushrooming of global Islamic
extremists that posed an enduring threat to the cult (Østebø 2008: 412).
Likewise, the infiltration of fundamentalist Islam in Bale since 1970s
was the major dynamic that precipitated a more drastic change in the cult of
Sheik Hussein. At the apogee of the Ethiopian revolution that culminated in
the Därg regime, new political and religious extremists had gained
66
General to Ministry of Interior of the Imperial Government of Ethiopia, on 1941 E.C., (pp.
1-97), p. 4.
67
He clearly states that a political ideology based on Islamic unity in Bale was supported
by Somalia to unite and arm the Oromo and the Somalis of Bale on the bases Sufi Saint
cult that connects the two of them.
84
footholds in the surrounding areas of Anajina. Waves of purist criticisms
have denounced the Sufi Saint cult and its long established traditions as
disgraceful to Islam. Despite its reputation in the early Islamization of Bale
and its surroundings, its long heritages of Islamic history and graces it have
rewarded, the above practices of the cult of Sheik Hussein have been cursed
as heretics. Pilgrimages and pilgrims to Islamic shrines were becoming the
targets of extremists’ preaching. They targeted the tradition of religious
tolerance in the cult. They also tried to manipulate resource based
disagreements over the income from pilgrims and succeeded in infiltrating
their members to put pressure on the government to take measures against
the cult. These led to a closer patrol by the state and thus to a sharp decline
in the number of pilgrims and practices of the cult have been relegated
around big towns as highlighted bellow (Braukämper 2005: 145; Dereje
2011: 12).
Curse of the Extremists

Extremists’ Teachings at a Glimpse
There have been emerging threats to the cult due to purist Islamic teachings.
Ethiopia is the earliest place where Islam was preached outside Arabia. The
first hijira, taken by the followers of Prophet Mohammed to survive the
persecution of the Quraysh of Mecca, took place from Mecca to the
Aksumite Kingdom in the present day Ethiopia. Since then Islam exists in
Ethiopia. Jon Abbink observed that on the authority of the Prophet himself
Ethiopia was not to be seen as a target for jihad (Abbink 1998: 111).
Another source also cites “utruku al-habasha ma tarakukum (leave the
Abyssinians/Ethiopians alone, so long as they do not take the offensive”)
(Dereje 2011: 11; Erlich 2010: 225). This is the reason why “the early jihad
was not applied to Ethiopia at a time when all countries in the Red Sea sub
region succumbed to the new Islamic political and military power” (Dereje
2011: 11-12). But there were occasions when internal and external jihads
threatened Ethiopia, due to politico-economic and social factors. The best
example can be the jihad of Ahmed Ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi of the sultanate of
Adal, who launched a full-scale conquest (Abbink 1998: 114). The trauma
of this time is still remembered on both sides and the Christians refer to any
Islamic revivalism as “Giraññ Syndrome” (Dereje 2011: 16; Erlich 2010:
240). The Egyptian and Mehadist invasions in the last quarter of the
85
19thcentury are external examples. The Somalia based Union of Islamic
Courts’ futile jihad is the most recent one (Hussein 2010: 268). But, the
tradition of religious tolerance in Ethiopia has been often cited as exemplary
to most parts of the world despite futile attempts to spoil it (Erlich 2010:
233; Abbink 1998: 119).68
Islamic revivalists have been charged to have caused complexities in
the existing religious discourses and interactions among religions in parts of
the World. In Ethiopia, it has gained momentum since the 1990s, in
responses to the changes in political landscape of the country. According to
Henock Tsegaye (2002:1), “[w]ahabbi are reformists/fundamentalist sects,
who have taken the initiative to bring changes in the lives of all groups of
Muslims in Ethiopia.” Terje Østebø (2008: 416) also elucidates this as
“[t]he political transition in 1991 not only brought relief from the hardship
of the Marxist regime (1974-1991), it also signaled the emergence of a new
era for Ethiopia's Muslim population. It entailed a movement from the
margins of society to increased recognition in the public sphere.” This
movement was not only aimed at exercising the right of religious freedom
but also took a spiritual mission to reform the ‘traditional Islam’ in
Ethiopia. Østebø is explicit in stating “[a]s the name implies the main
objective for any reform movement is to initiate change. This involves
evaluative perceptions of the existent reality, a determined agenda and a
strategy for change and reflections on an idealized future.” He stated that
these movements are part of the discursive tradition within Islam, which
obviously has been enhanced through the process of globalization, crossing
spatial and cultural boundaries (Østebø 2008: 418).
Salafism (Salaffiya), introduced by educated Oromo returnees from
Saudi Arabia, is a dominant movement in south-eastern Ethiopia in general
and in Bale in Particular. Though there are various trends in this movement,
Salafism in Ethiopia belongs to the purist trend. It attacked what is regarded
as inclusion of ‘pagan’ elements, Sufi interpretations of Islam, pilgrimages
68
It is also vital to mention the imposition of Christianity on the Muslims and followers of
indigenous religions during the medieval and modern periods by the Ethiopian state, (and
European missionaries, by the consent of the former). The council of Boru Meda of 1878
can be taken as a move against tolerance by the state because Orthodox Christianity was
the official religion of the Ethiopian state until 1974. But, I skipped it for the sake of space
here.
86
to shrines and celebration of mawlid (Østebø 2008: 429-30). The writer
witnessed young educated Muslims who refused to partake in Oromia
Region’s Millennium celebration at Dirree attended by the then president of
the regional state, federal ministers, regional state cabinet members, foreign
tourists and hundreds of thousands of pilgrims in December 2007 (Dereje
2011: 21). One of my colleagues, an educated Muslim told me that “this
practice disgraces Islam.”69
Intellectualists, similar to the Salafis, are challenging the popularized
versions of Ethiopian Sufism. In contrast to the ‘traditional’ Sufism
practiced in Ethiopia, a sort of neo-Sufism is advocated, not affiliated to any
tariqa (Islamic mysticisms and orders), but focused on individual religious
practices as enhancing one's spiritual life in a materialistic world. As to
Østebø, neo-Sufism ‘is a way to combine modern life and religion. With
neo-Sufism one can live close to Allah, and it gets personal. They sought
inspiration from indigenous Sufism, where the roles of well-known Sufi
scholars are emphasized. They have embarked on a project of reinterpreting
these figures as representatives of a true form of Sufism, whereas the cult
involving their shrines is seen as degenerations and as a relapse from this
pure Sufism (Østebø 2008: 429-30).
In sum, the above radical teachings led to the emergence of various
Islamic movements in contemporary Ethiopia. A more pronounced rift is
between the Salafis and the neo-Sufis. Sufis’ saint veneration is severely
criticized by the [Salafis] detractors as bida (unwelcome innovation) that
threatens tawhid, Islam’s monotheistic stance (Dereje 2011: 21). Henock
Tsegaye listed various strategies for the execution of the dawa meaning
spiritual missions of the Wahabbists in the society. He states that one of the
dawa has been for the young devoted Muslims to “teach ‘folk Muslims’
(those seen to have syncretized their religious practice) to reject pagan and
Christian practices and return back to the ‘true way’ of Islam” (Henock
2002: 3).70
69
I have records of that occasion, the biggest national festival ever I know. The celebration
was on the occasion of Ed al-Adeha or Arefa, which is one of the national public holidays
observed in Ethiopia recognized by the government. It was the biggest pilgrimage to the
Shrine of Sheik Hussein.
70
See in Abbink (1998) footnote 17.
87
Curse of the Extremists on the Cult and Its Consequences
These purist activities of the Salafists and Wahabbists have endangered the
existence of the heritages of the cult of Sheik Hussein by posing five major
threats. The first and the most serious threat has been social marginalization
of adherents of the cult. As the result of the reformist tendencies in the last
three decades, Muslims who observe the Sufi Islam have faced criticisms as
heretics for not following the ‘right order’ (Dereje 2011: 11). In southeast
Ethiopia, ardent forms of intolerances to the Sufi cult observers were
defused widely with the emergence of Islamic militant groups such as al-
Ittihad al-Islamia and al-Shebab, which were based in stateless Somalia
(Braukämper 2004: 145; Abbink 1998: 123; Hussein 2010: 270-71). In
Bale, this situation has reduced the number of adherents of the cult. Though,
it is very difficult to tell the exact figure, the majority of those in towns and
in their environs have been influenced by the purists. This meant continued
observance of the cult would inevitably result in their exclusion from social
affairs such as afosha (Afan Oromo) or iddir (Amharic), a social association
that facilitates cooperation among its members in the event of death both
financially and socially (Henock 2002: 10). Refusal of marriage exchange is
common. Religious uniformity is becoming the common criteria of
friendship for both sexes. These are examples of despising the devotees of
the cult. As a result, many people declaim the cult at least in social events.71
Secondly, adherents were denied their freedom to practice rituals of the
cult in areas of majority Salafist population (Dereje 2011: 19-21). Reports
of ever growing challenges sometimes involving physical harassments,
verbal abuses and snatching of belongings are frequent (Henock 2002: 3-
4).72 These led to insecurity to conduct pilgrimages, to sing baaroo and to
perform rituals in markets and camping sites. The custom of sadaqa was
becoming very rarer. Informants state that Christians and traditional
believers are better in this regard than the radicalized Muslims. In big towns
pilgrims have been insulted, thrown stones at and dogs unleashed after by
children. To cope up, the pilgrims were forced to keep their identities secret,
avoid baaroo near towns and villages and travel by bus in groups. Yet,
71
72
88
when buses play baaroo by using cassette players, drivers fear stoning of
their vehicles from hideouts and private compounds.73
Thirdly, the old practices of seeking alms in markets by performing
attractive rituals have nowadays become very risky for the pilgrims.
Pilgrims are better treated by individual Muslims than they are in groups, by
women than men and by the elderly than youngsters. Pilgrims may also opt
to beg simply as any poor. These were part of the cult all on the way to and
from Dirree. But it does not indicate poverty. But, the Salafists oppose them
as heretics and break a branch of the ‘Y’–shaped stick on simple pretexts.
Such conflicts often lead to insults as takfiris or qaffar (who do not consider
to be living in accordance with true Islam) and even to physical fights
(Dereje 2011: 11). To cope up with these changes in spiritual landscape,
pilgrims hide their identities by changing their dressing styles, concealing
the name of the Sheik and by hiring buses. They have also avoided asking
the radicalized Muslims that they can easily identify by their wearing styles
like women in hijabs and men with trousers above the ankles for sadaqa74
Fourthly, the destructions of spiritually valued camping sites that have
been used by the pilgrims were becoming frequent to the cult since the
1990s. These camping sites were located at logical intervals of distances on
the muudaa routes near local shrines or grave sites of ancestors known as
Uujuba or near important towns and villages of renowned clerics (Salviac
1901: 180). These can be near home of rich adherents, supportive balabats
(local chiefs) and Sheiks of elder clans, who wait for pilgrims with
necessary preparations to travel with them the remaining way to Anajina.
They also provide pilgrims with supplies. At these sites, there were rituals
known as hadra, to get sadaqa, recover from exhaustion and join pilgrims
of that locality. These sites were becoming the target of the extremists’
premeditated destructions, which take the form of expansion of farm lands,
fencing for different purposes and claiming it for private ownerships.
Uujubas were also either destroyed by deforestations or farmed all the way
73
Informants; No. 13, No. 14, No. 3, No. 12. They sate that if Christians and traditional
believers want to give the alms to the devotees of the cult, they give it as they do for any
needy. But, some radicalized Muslims reject the followers of the cult by considering their
practice as a threat to the true way of Islamic life.
74
Ibid. Markets are targeted because the pilgrims wanted pursue the cult but the radicals
wanted to end it.
89
around to deny access. Attempts to cross farms to reach them were
obviously used as pretext for conflicts. Thus, both as part of the progress in
the cult and as reaction to those emerging threats, pilgrims travel by hiring
buses and spent nights in bus stations or near less restricted government
institutions.75
Lastly, there are reports about the destructions of three shrines in Bale.
According to informants, the first destroyed shrine was the shrine of Sheik
Mohammed Tilama Tilmo located at some 25 km away from Ginnir Town.
It was destroyed by unknown individuals after the land in its location was
contracted to a private farm mechanization enterprise. The attempt to
rebuild this shrine was unsuccessful because it was demolished again soon
after the reconstruction started. The second heritage demolished was the
shrine of Sheik Mussa Gardid located at about 20 km on the road from
Ginnir to Beltu town at particular locality known as Harawa Sadee. The
convicts were members of the Salafists. The third destroyed shrine was that
of Sheik Ali Walee located in Goro District. This one is a widely known
heritage than the former two. It was destroyed by fire set up by unknown
individuals in 2013. According to my informants there were inefficient
attempts to extinguish the fire by local villagers apparently for the sake of
reports.76
To sum up, encouraged by their successes in the above destructions,
threat on the Sheik Hussein and Sheik Sof Omar shrines, which are the most
renowned Islamic shrines in the Horn of Africa, is imminent unless
something tangible is done with their protection because there were no
practical corrective measures taken by local officials and beyond aimed at
protecting those priceless heritages. This implied for adherents of the cult
abandoning the shrines without protection. This in turn opened fertile
grounds for extremism. Particularly, newly radicalized Muslims were
reported to be zealous to destroy these awliya shrines out of the curiosity to
erase memories of ‘blasphemous practices’ and to demonstrate of their
loyalty to the new sect. For example, in the Cave shrine of Sheik Sof Omar,
75
Ibid. Until recently, Ujubas were respected by Christians and Muslims alike and it was
forbidden to cut trees or set up fire to it.
76
90
one of its custodians was reported to have been caught with modern
machine gun that he had hidden in the cave cluing a link with terrorists.77
Conclusion
History of Sheik Hussein has been glorified by prophesies told about him,
his connection to the bloodline of the Prophet, his deeds as the first preacher
of Islam in Bale and training of early waliyi of Bale. These led to the rise of
a cult in his observance, which is the oldest Sufi Saint Cult in Bale. The cult
is a transmogrified form of the Oromo muudaa due to internal and external
change agents. This is because, the Oromo in and around Bale had shifted
the destination of their muudaa from Madda Walabu to Sheik Hussein
shrine after their conversion to Islam. But, they continued to practice some
of their pre Islam traditions. The cult consists of ziyara, baaroo, hadra,
nazri, hanqee, rituals, tradition of tolerance to cultural diversity and
interethnic ties developed over time with immense socio-economic values.
However, there has been emerging threats to the cult, orchestrated mainly
by Salafists and Wahabbists in the last three decades. This led to a decline
in the number of its adherents due to verbal abuses, harassment, segregation
from public affairs, destruction of camping sites of pilgrims and few
shrines. Nonetheless, the cult is still colorfully and publicly practiced by a
large section of the population against all odds. This was possible due to
coping strategies of adherents of the cult in response to the pressure of the
emergent radicalized Muslim clerics and their followers.
Generally, this heritage is a popular medieval site in the whole of
Muslim Ethiopia. The practices and dynamism of the cult exhibit a living
tradition with ideas, beliefs, artistic and literacy works of outstanding
universal significance that fulfills UNESCO’s cultural heritage
requirements. But it is not registered on the permanent list of World
Heritage yet. Its registration would mean investment in socioeconomic
sphere, tolerance to diversity and preservation of the heritage that reflects a
masterpiece of human culture (Braukämper 2004: 142). Thus, it needs great
effort from social scientists to join hands in the encouraging works by
Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau and the Authority for Research and
Heritage Conservation in the exploration of its untapped cultural and
77
91
environmental history and its conservation at the grassroots as suggested
below.
Sustainability of the Heritage: a Retrospective Prospect

Since most of the rural population still respect the cult and adhere to it at
least as the heritage of its ancestors, there is a wider hope for its
sustainability. Besides, as Hussein Ahmed (2010: 266) explicitly observed
the extremists are very few to constitute a distinct group in Ethiopia. This
constrains them to pragmatically change the way of life of the large Muslim
population as they proclaim in their dawa. Moreover, as Hussein Ahmed
(2010: 275) succinctly puts it “[i]t is not the prerogative of an individual or
of a group to judge and to evaluate the correctness or wrongfulness of other
Muslims’ behavior and action and to grant rewards and impose sanctions.”
Thus, landing on the lights of the discussion and executive summary, the
following four remedial actions would be considerable for the prospect of
sustainability of the heritage.
First, leniency of local authorities to take measures against offences on
the cult must be solved. This was due to the fear of social and religious
stigmatizations. But, this could be resolved by making heritage conservation
the agenda of public discussions. The society understands the importance of
those shrines beyond religious stereotypes. Corrective and educational
activities should be aimed at attitudinal change to preserve the heritage.
This should focus on embedding the freedom of any individual or group to
observe a religion of her/his own choosing and mutual respect for faiths of
each other as the key to peace and progress. This is elucidated by Hussein
Ahmed (2010: 274) “[n]either Islamists nor their external sponsors and
internal supporters [...] have any legal grounds or moral right, or public
mandate to interpret Islam exclusively from their own perspective, and to
impose narrowly-defined vision of religion and society on others.” Thus,
the administrative body at all levels must have the commitment to enforce
law by empowering the system of community based conservation at the
grassroots.78
Secondly, the darga need to benefit from the income generated by the
shrine on accountable and sustainable bases. There were grudges over the
monopoly of the income of Anajina by very few Sheiks and their families.
78
92
Informants state that the annual income expectation of the shrine is about
100,000 Ethiopian Birr while its actual performance is less than 15,000
Ethiopian Birr. Yet, some of the darga resent the income is more than the
expected. Resolving this intrigues need urgency because as time goes the
extremists would exploit it to target the shrine.79 A solution would be
designing a project that could have trained the darga and generated income.
It is important here to mention the exemplary work of Emperor Hailä-
Silassie, who, impressed by its scenery and historic value, had granted 225
gasha (about 9,000 hectares) of rist land to the Sheik Hussein sanctuary as
its living wage as early as 1960s.80 Moreover, Braukämper cited a source
that states the Emperor’s donations of tax exemption for the darga from 235
gasha (10, 000 hectares) of land and an annual salary of 1000 Ethiopian
Birr for the Imam of sheik Hussein shrine (Braukämper 2004; 142). Though
there was no training to utilize it, the grant was there until it was
nationalized by the Därg in 1975. Therefore, the government and the
private sector got two tasks here. First, culture and tourism offices need to
provide capacity building trainings for the darga which should focus on
creating awareness on the harms of extremism, income generation skills and
handling of tourists and pilgrims. These benefit the local community and in
turn pave the way for the sustainability of the heritages.81 Secondly, the
inadequacy of tourist facilities that hindered the utilization of tourism
potentials of the heritage can be solved by encouraging private
entrepreneurs and by forming cooperative associations of the darga as there
are no supermarkets, lodges, hotels, pension rooms and internet services
that are necessary for tourists. This in turn increases the income of the state
79
Informants; No. 6, No. 7, No. 8, No. 17. That is the estimate of Culture and Tourism
Office of Bale Zone.
80
Addis Zemen: “Girmawi Janhoy Yebale Gubegnitachewin Fetsimew..., ” Megabit 1, 1957
E. C. ( A Daily News paper, March 11, 1965, reports the Emperor’s visit to Bale and the
decree issued concerning various development plans and amnesty of tax arrears for ten
years). The emperor also had promised to establish road, health center and other facilities
for local people and pilgrims. The same newspaper issued on July 29, 1970 also reported
further government decree on the occasion of another visit of the Emperor to Bale. Though,
these were politically motivated, they indicate the government’s efforts to provide a means
of sustainable preservation of the heritage.
81
Informants; No.13, No. 14. The issue of community based protection is an important
requirement of UNESCO for cultural heritages to be ascribed as World heritage.
93
that can be used for infrastructural facilities, which was the major problem
to utilize its tourism potentials. These would create a sense of ownership
among the darga and help them to expose the radicals who sought to
manipulate them.82
Thirdly, the curse of the extremists’ need to be watched out and halted
before it violates the constitutional rights of individuals or of a group to
observe a religion of its own choice. The responsibility of protecting
constitutional rights should not be left to the law enforcing body alone,
which cannot be successful without active community participation. To
disseminate their curses, extremists use amplifiers of some religious
institutions (Mosques, Quranic schools and electronic shops), digital printed
media and interpersonal relations. These led to the free spread of anti-
Sufism teachings on markets, released on tape players in transport buses
and business centers (Henock 2002: 3-5). These must have legal limits.
Above all, the intangible heritages of Sheik Hussein are threatened by the
psychological pressure on its adherents by this means. Therefore, adherents
of the cult should be recognized as a sect by all. This would allow them the
freedom of worship. The intent here is not to say this sect is right or that is
wrong. The right to choose faith should be personal. But my argument is
that why someone needs to destroy historical and culture heritages at this
time when promoting it becomes the best sustainable way to development
and while it is an armor to resist the negative impacts of globalization?83
Fourthly, historical, anthropological, archaeological and sociological
studies, debates and forums aimed at conservation of heritages are
indispensable. They are required to disseminate the values of Sheik Hussein
heritages as living evidences of the history of Islam. Islam has a history of
protecting its history and history of its respected persons, caliphs and
ulamas. Hadith is the best example for this. The history of Islam in Ethiopia
depends on Islamic heritages such as the al-Najashi Mosque, remains of the
Muslim Sultanates like that of Shawa, Yifat, Bali, Adal, Harar...,heritages
of the Muslim dynasties and societies in Wallo, Jimma, Khomosha, Assossa
and Sufi Sheiks’ shrines in Hararghe and Bale. These heritages are
testimonies of the past and they do not disgrace the present. But, if these
82
Informants; No. 13, No. 11, No. 15; Filed Observation, 2007 at Dirre; Filed Observation,
2012 at Sof Omar Cave.
83
94
heritages are destroyed, then it meant that their histories are gone. The
radical groups themselves would benefit from preserving than destroying
them because it helps them as the example of what they believe are the
traditional Islam and/or not the right one if they like. Thus, collaborative
studies by social scientists are vital for its sustainability and inclusion on
UNESCO’s book of Permanent List of World Heritage.84
84
Informants; No. 13, No. 15, No. 16.
95
References
Key Informants
Some informants wanted anonymity and I promised them to be so. That is
why I skipped their names and I hope their remaining data will give the
reader some information about them.
No. 1, Date of Interview: 19/03/2013; Place of Interview: Sof Omar Cave;
Residence: SofOmar town, Dawe Qachan district; Gender: Female;
Age: 80; Information: details of rituals at Sof Omar and Dirre, the role
of women in the cult and economic life of the darga…
Residence: Sof Omar town, Dawe Qachan district; Gender: Male; Age:
45; Information: details of rituals at Sof Omar cave, misuse of the
income from tourists by few persons and economic life of the darga.
35; Information: details of rituals at Sof Omar shrine, the bloodline of
Sof Omar and Sheik Hussein, the rights and duties of the darga.
100; Information: stories of Sheik Hussein and Sheik Sof Omar,
evolution of some rituals of the cult, threats to the heritages, issue of its
protection and tradition of the darga.
No.5, Date of Interview: 20/03/2013; Place of Interview: Sof Omar Cave;
Residence: Sof Omar, Dawe Qachan district; Gender: Female; Age: 45;
Information: women’s roles in the cult.
No. 6, Date of Interview: 19/03/2007; Place of Interview: Anajina;
Residence: Gololcha district; Gender: Male; Age: 80; Information:
stories of Sheik Hussein, evolution of his cult, new threats to it,
measures needed for its sustainability, visits of Emperor Hailä-Silassie
to Dirre…
Residence: Robe town; Gender: Male; Age: 35; Information: dynamics
of the cult, treats due to purist movements….
Residence: Robe town; Gender: Male; Age: 37; Information: deviation
Sufi practices from True Islamic life, values of the reformists...
96
Residence: Robe town; Gender: Male; Age: 34; Information:
government intervention in religion, deviations of the cult from the
True Islamic life and the Sunna, the need for a kind reform to it…
Residence: Gololcha district; Gender: Male; Age: 27; Information: the
cult’s fallacy to teachings of Quranic schools, dawa movement….
No.11, Date of Interview: 14/04/2015; Place of Interview: Robe town;
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Female; Age: 70; Information: impact
of Salafists on relation of Sufis with non Muslims….
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 40; Information: jeopardy
of extremist teachings on the cult, interreligious relations…
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 52; Information: Key
information on challenges of conservation, values of the heritage,
threats of the Wahabbist, deep knowledge on rituals of the cult at
various sites.
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 36; Information: Key
information on challenges of Sufi practices on the true Islam, values of
heritages, how to conserve the Sufi shrines, how to convince the
extremists….
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 34; Information: how
radicalism is imposed on followers of Sufi Islam by the few Salafists
and Wahabbists using their political, economic and religious positions.
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 73; Information: key
information on rituals practiced in the vicinities of Robe town and
many people in Bale still covertly observe Sufi Islam despite pressures
by the Wahabbist teachers.
Residence: Robe town, Gender: Male; Age: 60; Information: key
information how personalities on government posts influence the youth
and women to involve in the dawa ministries.
97
No.18, Date of Interview: 17/08/2014; Place of Interview: Dodola town;
Residence: Dodola town, Gender: Male; Age: 67; Information: key
information on how some Christians sympathizes with the cult as
tradition of their ancestors under consecutive governments.
No.19, Date of Interview: 23/06/2014; Place of Interview: Sof Omar
Welmel Falls; Residence: Dallo Manna district, Gender: Male; Age: 74;
Information: key information on physical attacks and embarrassment
by Wahabbist youths in Dallo Manna on adherents of the cult.
No.20, Date of Interview: 17/08/2014; Place of Interview: Gassera town;
Residence: Gassera district, Gender: Male; Age: 56; Information:
participation of minorities in the cult and the unique tolerance in the
cult unlike seclusions in other aspects of life in Bale lowlands.
Archival Material
National Archive and Library Agency (NALA). Folder Number
17.2.204.01, Report by Ato Tibebe Desta on Bale Governorate General
to Ministry of Interior, on 1941 E.C., pp. 1-97.
Unpublished Research Material

Areba Abdella, Wondifraw Tolosa and Abel Gezahegn.2011. “Sof Omar
Cave: the Natural, Cultural and Historical Wonder, to be Inscribed as a
Regional National and World Heritage,” Bale Robe, Bale Zone Culture
and Tourism Office, 2003 E.C., 1-25.
Thesis
Eshetu Settegn. 1973. Sheik Hussein of Bale and His Followers. B.A.
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Dynamics of the Cult of Sheik Hussein of Bale, Ethiopia: Its

Course and Curse of the Extremists, a Historical Perspective1

Kefyalew Tessema Semu2

History of Shiek Hussien of Bale: Historical Overview

The Cults of Sheik Hussein: Origin and Practices

In the above baaroo Anajina is presented as the center of Oromo

Baaroo is also embedded with valuable historical information that

Some Tangible and Intangible Heritages of the Shrine Sheik Hussein

Image 1: The Main Enclosure at Image 2: Pilgrims in the Shrine ready

Dynamics of the Cult of Sheik Hussein

In this hymn the spiritual father of the Oromo was metaphorically

የባሌ ጠቅላይ ግዛት ቀላድ ይለካል እየተባለ ከብዙ ጊዜ

የዚያራ ስፍራዎች ሁሉ ልዩ ልዩ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ

.... all ziyara centres are places where the different

The Italians, during their occupation of Ethiopia (1936-1941) tried to

Curse of the Extremists

Sustainability of the Heritage: a Retrospective Prospect

Unpublished Research Material

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