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FONTES
HISTORIAE
NUBIORUM
V ol. III
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FONTES
HISTORIAE
NUBIORUM
TEXTUAL SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE
NILE REGION
BETWEEN THE EIGHTH CENTURY BC
AND THE SIXTH CENTURY AD
VOL. III
FROM THE FIRST TO THE SIXTH CENTURY AD
w
11
i
Edited by
Tormod Eide, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce
and Låszlii Török
Published with a grant from The Research Council of Norway
Editors' address:
University of Bergen
IKRR/Department of Greek, Latin and Egyptology
Øisteinsgate 3
N-5007 Bergen
Fax: +47 55 58 91 91
© Institutt for klassisk filologi, russisk og religionsvitenskap

Seksjon for gresk, latin og egyptologi
Universitetet i Bergen
All Rights Reserved
ISBN 82-91626-07-3
ISSN 0804-9408
Printed in Norway 1998
John Grieg AS, Bergen
CONTENTS
Introduction 759
A General Note to the Meroitic Texts 762
A Final Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts 764
Abbreviations 767
Periodicals, Series, Collections 767
Other Abbreviations 771
Bibliographical List 773
The Sources 801
(186) Queen Nawidemak. Evidence for reign 801

186a The toponyms of the Middle Nile Valley. Early 1st cent. AD. Juba in
Pliny, Nat. hist. 6.179 804
187 Description of Aithiopia. Early lst cent. AD. Strabo 1.2.25;17.2.1-3 810
188 Syene inhabited by Egyptians and Aithiopians. Early lst cent. AD. Strabo
1.2.32;17.1.49 818
189 On Aithiopian tribes. Early lst cent. AD. Strabo 16.4.8-13,17 820
190 The war between Rome and Aithiopia. Early 1st cent. AD. Strabo 17.1.53-
54 828
(191) Amanikhabale. Titles. Evidence for reign 836
192 Meroitic stela of King Amanikhabale from Meroe City. Mid-lst cent. AD
837
193 Description of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 40. Pomp. Mela 3.85-88;96-101 840
194 The conversion of Candace's treasurer. Ca. AD 60-100.Acts of the
Apostles 8.26-40 845
195 The sources of the Nile and the geography of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD.
Pliny, Nat. hist. 5.51-54 850
196 The physical appearance of the Aithiopians. 1st cent. AD. Pliny, Nat.
hist. 2.189-190 855
197 The longevity of the Aithiopians. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 7.27 857
198 Aithiopian tribes. 1st cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 6.189-190 858
199 Nubian tribes. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 7.31 860
Fontes Historiae Nubiorum III
200 Elephant hunting among the Trogodytes. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist.
8.26 861
201 On Aithiopian minerals. 1st cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 37.69-70;92; 126;
156; 165; 167; 169;177; 182 863
202 On the fauna of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 6.172 f.; 8.32; 8.69
868
203 On the flora of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 13.43,47, 90;
16.160;17.133;18.100;19.161;20.36;23.71 f.; 27.11f. 870
204 Petronius' Nubian campaign. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 6.181-182 876
205 The Nubian campaign of C. Petronius. Early 3rd cent. AD. Cassius Dio
54.5.4-6 882
206 Nero's centurions in Aithiopia. lst cent. AD. Pliny, Nat. hist. 6.184-187
884
207 Nero sends spies to Aithiopia. Early 3rd cent. AD. Cassius Dio 62.8.1-2
888
208 Aithiopian ebony and ivory tribute and Nero's "map". lst cent. AD.
Pliny, Nat. hist. 12.17-19 889
209 The Neronian expedition to Aithiopia. lst cent. AD. Seneca, Nat. quaest.
6.8.3-5 891
210 Greek inscription referring to Philae and the Dodecaschoenus. AD 69-79
(?). I. Philae II 161 895
Natakamani. Titles. Evidence for reign 896
Queen Amanitore. Titles. Evidence for co-regency 901
Prince Arikankharor. Titles. Evidence 904
Prince Arkhatani. Titles. Evidence 907
Shorakaror. Titles. Evidence for reign 908
Amanitaraqide. Evidence for reign 912
(216a) Aryesebokhe. Evidence for reign 914
Amanitenmomide. Titles. Evidence for reign 914
218 Queen Cleopatra speaks to the Aithiopians and Trogodytes in their own
languages. Ca. AD 110-115.Plutarch, Life of Antony 27.3-5 916
219 On the mythical queen Aso of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 120. Plutarch, Isis and
Osiris 13.356B;39.366C-D 919
220 The southernmost milestone yet found in the Roman Empire. Ca. AD
103-107.CIL III 141482 921
221 Aithiopians in Alexandria. Ca. AD 71-75 or 105 (?). Dio Chrysostom
32.36;39-41 924
222 Description of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. AD. Ptolemy, Geogr. 4.5.33, 4.7.5-7
926
223 Geography of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. AD. Ptolemy, Geogr. 8.16.8-9 931
752
Contents
224 Conflict between Romans, Aithiopians and Trogodytes in the lst cent.
AD. Papyrus 'della raccolta Milanese 40 932
Amanikhatashan. Evidence for reign 935
Tarekeniwal. Evidence for reign 935
Amanikhareqerem. Titles. Evidence for reign 936
Ariteflyesebokhe. Titles. Evidence for reign 938
229 Maharraqa. Demotic graffito of Pa[1. 2nd cent. AD. Griffith 1937, Mah. 1
939
230 The Dodecaschoenus in the middle of the 2nd cent. AD. Ca. AD 147-149.
Aelius Aristides 36.48;36.55-56 940
231 Philae. Demotic graffito of Paêse. 2nd cent. AD. Griffith 1937, Ph. 251 944
232 Philae. Demotic graffito of Sosen. AD 190/191. Griffith 1937, Ph. 223 945
233 Geography of Aithiopia. Ca. 2nd cent. AD. Ravennatis Anonymi
Cosmographia 5.28.3 947
234 Copy of an inscription of a king of Aksum (Adulitana II). 2nd or 3rd
cent. AD. Cosmas Indicopleustes 2.60-63 948
Amanikhedolo. Evidence for reign 953
Takideamani. Evidence for reign 954
Mashaqadakhel (?). Evidence for reign 954
238 The last mention of the Coh. II Ituraeorum equitata at the Egyptian-
Aithiopian frontier. AD 205. POxy. IV 735 + V p. 315 955
239 A late mention of the Cohors I Flavia Cilicum equitata at the Egyptian-
Aithiopian frontier. AD 217/18. ILS III 8919 958
240 Greek inscription referring to Philae and the Dodecaschoenus. AD 213-
217. I. Philae II 179 959
241 Pestilence in Aithiopia (?) in AD 200. Early 3rd cent. AD. Cassius Dio
76.13.1 960
242 Silent trade on the Egyptian-Aithiopian frontier. Ca. AD 220.
Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 6.2 962
243 Philae. Demotic graffito of Makaltami. Early 3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937,
Ph. 344 965
244 Dakka. Demotic graffito of 13êk.First half of the 3rd cent. AD. Griffith
1937,Dak. 33 966
245 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (A). AD 227/8. Griffith 1937, Ph. 421
968
246 Medik. Funerary inscription of Wayekiye (A). First half of the 3rd cent.
AD. REM 0089 972
247 Medik. Funerary inscription of Taêse, wife of Wayekiye (A). First half of
the 3rd cent. AD. REM 0088 974
248 Pigs in the temple of Talmis. Greek decree of the strategos of Omboi and
Elephantine. AD 248/9 (?). OGIS I 210 976
753
249 Philae. Demotic graffito of Mnitwi and Hornakhtyotef II. Mid-3rd cent.
AD. Griffith 1937,Ph. 410 978
250 Philae. Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith
1937,Ph. 257 981
251 Dakka. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Mid-3rd
cent. AD. Griffith 1937,Dak. 30 982
252 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (B). Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937,
Ph. 120 989
253 Philae. Demotic graffito of Atengeytenrie. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith
1937,Ph. 411 990
254 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Qêrefi. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937, Dak.
31 992
255 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Shetelten. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937,
Dak. 32 993
256 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathorês. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937, Ph.
255 994
257 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathorês. Mid-3rd cent. AD. Griffith 1937, Ph.
256 995
258 Pestilence in Aithiopia in ca. AD 250-253. lst half of 12th cent. AD. John
Zonaras 12.21B 996
(259) Teciorideamani. Titles. Evidence for reign 997
260 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pasan. AD 253. Griffith 1937, Ph. 416 1000
261 Philae. Demotic graffito of Tami. About AD 253. Griffith 1937, Ph. 417
1010
262 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wygte. Second half of the 3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1937, Ph. 254 1016
Griffith 1937,Ph. 403 1018
264 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Netewitar. Mid-3rd cent. AD.
REM 0278 1018
265 Philae, Greek proskynema of Abratoeis (Abratoye). AD 260. I. Philae II
180 1020
266 Philae, Greek proskynema of Tami. AD 260. I. Philae II 181 1023
267 Philae, Meroitic Chamber. The inscriptions of a Meroitic embassy to
Philae. Second half of the 3rd cent. AD. REM 0097-0111 1024
268 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Khawitaror. Second half of the
3rd cent. AD. REM 0247 1031
269 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Maloton. Second half of the
3rd cent. AD. REM 0277 1034
270 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Abratoye (Abratoeis). Second
half of the 3rd cent. AD. REM 0321; 1088 1035
754
Contents
271 Faras. Meroitic funerary inscription of Makheye. Second half of the 3rd
cent. AD. REM 0544 1038
272 Philae. Demotic graffito of Teos (Djed-hor). AD 273. Griffith 1937, Ph. 252
1041
(273) Maloqorebar. Evidence for reign 1042
274 Heliodorus on Aithiopia. Ca. AD 350-375(?). Heliodorus, Aethiopica 8.1;
8.16.4;10.11 1043
Tamelordeamani. Evidence for reign 1048
Yesebokheamani. Evidence for reign 1049
277 Meroe City, temple of Apedemak. Meroitic dedication of
Yesebokheamani. Late 3rd cent. AD. REM 0407 1050
278 The defence of the Egyptian border in AD 283. Ca. AD 400. Claudius
Claudianus, Carmina minora 25.69-82 1052
279 War between Meroe and the Blemmyes. AD 291. Panegyrici Latini
11.17.4 1055
280 Roman victory over the Aithiopians and the Blemmyes. AD 297/8.
Panegyrici latini 8.5.1-3 1057
281 Diocletian marches against the Aithiopians. lst half of 12th cent. AD.
John Zonaras 12.31B-C 1059
282 The intended campaign of L. Mussius Aemilianus against the
Blemmyes. Ca. AD 400 (?). Hist. Aug., Tyranni triginta 22.6-8 1060
283 Firmus' Blemmyan friends and Aurelian's Blemmyan captives. Ca. AD
400 (?). Hist. Aug., Quadrigae tyrannorum 3.1-3; Aurelianus 33.4-5 1063
284 Probus liberates Coptos and Ptolemais from the Blemmyes in AD 280.
Ca. AD 400 (?). Hist. Aug., Probus 17 1065
285 Meroe City. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or 4th cent. AD.
SEG XXIV1246,XXXIV1641 1066
286 Meroe City, temple KC 102. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or
4th cent. AD. SEG XXXIV1642 1070
(...) k(...). Evidence for reign 1072
Evidence for reign 1073
Pat(.)rapeamani. Evidence for reign 1073
Amanipilade. Evidence for reign 1074
291 Arminna West. Meroitic funerary inscription of Sakhiye and Taysiye.
3rd or 4th cent. AD. REM 1063 1074
292 Concentration of military forces at Philae in AD 321. SB I 4223:11 1076
293 Aithiopian and Blemmyan envoys in Constantinople in AD 336.
Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.7 1079
294 On the queens of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 311. Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica
2.1.13 1081
755
295 Fl. Abinnaeus on his military mission with a federate group of

Blemmyes in AD 337-338.P. Abinn. 1 1083
296 Barbarian attacks in Upper Egypt. Ca. AD 390. S. Pachomii Vita Prima
Graeca 85; Paralipomena 9 1087
297 Musawwarat es Sufra, Great Enclosure. Latin graffito. 3rd or 4th cent.
AD. CIL III, 83 1092
298 Aksum. Greek inscription of Ezana. Mid-4th cent. AD. SEG XXXII1601
1094
299 Aksum. Christian Greek inscription of Ezana. Mid-4th cent. AD. SEG
XXVI1813 1100
300 Kalabsha. Meroitic inscription of Kharamadoye. 5th cent. AD. REM 0094
1103
301 On the king of the Blemmyes. Mid-5th cent. AD. Besa, Vita Senutii, 89-
90 1107
302 Philae. Demotic graffito with a reference to Blemmyan activities in AD
372-373.Griffith 1937,Ph. 371 1110
303 Egypt and its neighbours. Last quarter of 4th cent. AD. Ammianus
Marcellinus 22.15.2 1112
304 Hippopotamuses in the land of the Blemmyes. Last quarter of 4th cent.
AD. Ammianus Marcellinus 22.15.21;24 1114
305 Blemmyes in the Dodecaschoenus in ca. AD 394. Epiphanius of Salamis,
De XII gemmis 19-21 1115
306 Philae. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Esmêtakhom. AD 394.
Griffith 1937, Ph. 436 1121
307 Aithiopian attack on Syene. Ca. 395 AD. Historia Monachorum 1.2 1123
308 Meroe and the habitat of the Blemmyes. Ca. AD 400. Claudius
Claudianus, Carmina minora 28.15-23 1125
309 Olympiodorus in Lower Nubia. Ca. AD 423. Olympiodorus, fragm. 1.37
1126
310 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek graffiti of King Tamal. SB I 1521-
1523 1128
311 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek graffito of King Isemne. SB I 1524
1131
312 Tafa. Greek inscription. SB I 5099. SEG XXXIV1639 1132
313 Blemmyan cult societies at Kalabsha. Greek inscription. SB V 8697. SEG
XXXIV1631,XL 1591 1134
314 The petition of Bishop Appion. AD 425-450.PLeiden Z. SB XX 14606
1138
315 Philae. Greek inscriptions of worshippers of Ptireus. AD 434. I. Philae II
190, 191 1141
756
Contents
316 Roman and Christian law and the Aithiopians. Ca. AD 420-449.
Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 9.13-15 1144
317 Greek triumphal inscription of King Silko at Kalabsha. Before ca. AD
450. OGIS 1201. SB V 8536 1147
318 The war of Rome against the Noubades and the Blemmyes. Last part of
5th cent. AD. Priscus, fragm. 21 1153
319 Greek letter of King Phonen. Ca. AD 450. Rea 1979, 147 ff. 1158
320 Coptic letter of Viventius to Tantani. Ca. AD 450. Cairo, Coptic Museum
reg. no. 76/50A 1165
321 Coptic letter of Yahatek to Tantani. Ca. AD 450. Cairo, Coptic Museum
reg. no. 76/50B 1171
322 Coptic letter of Mouses to Tantani. Ca. AD 450. Cairo, Coptic Museum
reg. no. 76/50B 1172
323 Blemmyes participating in a Theban revolt under the Emperor Probus.
Ca. AD 500. Zosimus, Historia Nova 1.71.1 1175
324 Philae. Greek graffiti commemorating the conversion of the temple of
Isis. Ca. AD 535-537.I. Philae II 200-204 1177
325 Philae. Greek graffito of a Christian Nubian. After AD 537. I. Philae II 205
1181
326 The Blemmyan War. End of 3rd to the middle of 5th cent. AD. P. Berol.
5003,55-86 1182
327 The Emperor Justin threatens to send Nubian and Blemmyan soldiers
through Aksum against Himyar in AD 524. After AD 529. Boissonade,
Anecdota Graeca 5, p. 41-43 1185
328 The withdrawal of the Roman frontier in AD 298. Ca. AD 545.
Procopius, De bellis 1.19.27-37 1188
329 The defeat of the Nubians and Blemmyes in AD 452. AD 551. Jordanes,
Romana 333 1193
330 Dendur. Coptic inscription of King Eirpanome. AD 559 or 574. Blackman
1911,36 f. 1194
331-343 The Blemmyan documents from Gebelen. Early 6th cent. AD (?) 1196
331 Donation and manumission within a family. BKU III 350 1203
332 Acknowledgement of debt. BKU III 361 1205
333 Acknowledgement of debt. BKU III 359 1206
334 Royal disposition. SB III 6258 1207
335 Acknowledgement of debt. BKU III 360. SB X 10554 1208
336 Royal disposition. SB III 6257 1209
337 Acknowledgements of debts. SB X 10553 1210
338 Acknowledgement of debt. SB III 6259 1211
339 Royal disposition. P. Köln agypt. 13 1212
340 Acknowledgement of debt. SB X 10552 1214
757
341 Acknowledgement of debt. BGU III 796 1215

758
INTRODUCTION
As was stated in our first volume, the aim of Fontes Historiae Nubiorum is to
present the main textual sources, both literary and documentary, for the history
of the Middle Nile Region between the eighth century BC and the sixth century
AD, in their respective original languages as well as in new English transla-
tions, each accompanied by an historical commentary. For a more detailed
statement of our aims and for an account of the background of our undertak-
ing, the reader is referred to our introduction to that volume; here only some
basic facts of importance for the user will be repeated. In addition, we shall be
more specific than earlier on some points particularly raised by the present se-
lection of texts.
The scholarly translation and the historical commentary are the core of the
work, whereas the publication of the texts themselves makes no claim to origi-
nality: this is true especially for the literary sources. In the case of the documen-
tary material—the inscriptions and papyri—a more active editorial policy has
sometimes proved necessary, so that the texts we present are at places not iden-
tical with those of any of the previous editions, but the result of our scrutiny of
the material at our disposal, including published photos, and of our evaluation
of the suggestions put forward by scholars in the field.
The scope of the collection is inevitably limited to published texts. We re-
gret that we had to omit several texts in various languages discovered in the
last few decades but unfortunately still withheld from general use. There is one
important exception, however, in the present volume: with the kind permis-
sion of Prof. J.M. Plumley and the generous consent of Mr. W.V. Davies, Presi-
dent of the Egypt Exploration Society, we are able to present here an editio prin-
ceps of the Tantani letters from Qasr Ibrim (320 -322), which, together with the
letter of Phonen (319), give important insight into tfie historical conditions in
Nubia in the mid-5th century AD.
As before, the names (titles) and the evidence for the reigns of the rulers of
Kush are discussed separately, as important sources for political history, cul-
tural contacts, and chronology. Bold numbers in bold parentheses ((186), (191)
etc.) distinguish these categories of evidence from the source texts proper which
bear bold numbers without parentheses (187 etc.).
We have tried to avoid the use of unclear, idiosyncratic, or controversial
historical and geographical terms in our commentaries. "Nubia" is used in its
widest historical sense and not as a geographical term (except for "Upper Nu-
bia" and "Lower Nubia"). The geographical term "Middle Nile Region" in-
cludes Lower and Upper Nubia as well as the central Sudan and is not em-
ployed in a (chronologically or politically) definite historical meaning. The
terms "Kush" and "Kushite" denote the indigenous state that emerged after the
withdrawal of the New Kingdom Egyptian provincial administration under
Ramesses XI and lasted until the second half of the 4th century AD. They thus
include the so-called Napatan and Meroitic periods as well.
The geographical and political term "Aithiopia" (in its Greek spelling, to
avoid confusion with modern Ethiopia) is used whenever the classical sources
we are commenting on use this notoriously vague term themselves; in these
texts, reference normally is to the Nile Region south of Egypt.
Though this is in the end a team-work, a certain division of labour has been
both necessary and natural. The selection of sources was made by Låszlé Török
(LT), who also wrote the historical comments. Richard Holton Pierce (RHP)
translated the Demotic and Coptic texts. Tormod Eide (TE) and Tomas Hågg
(TH) produced the Greek and Latin translations and are also responsible for the
"Introductions to source" preceding those texts and for the philological notes to
the translations. These translations were also subjected to thoroughgoing dis-
cussion among TE, TH, and RHP, so the initials added there denote only who
made the first draft—and had the final say. The Meroitic sources, finally, are
treated by LT (of course, no consecutive translation of these can be provided).
Each source text is presented in such a way that it may be consulted sepa-
rately; but the translation itself is only part of the whole, and it is necessary, in
order to assess it correctly, to read the entry in its entirety, including the intro-
duction and notes, and to follow up the internal references that are supplied.
The translated text extracts, of various genre and function, can be interpreted
and used for historical conclusions with some confidence only if their particu-
lar nature and context are properly understood.
For the Greek and Latin literary sources, there is first a "Source bibliogra-
phy", listing selected works that illuminate the nature and context of the liter-
ary work from which the extract is taken. The "Introduction to source" at-
tempts to present to readers not familiar with Greek and Latin literature the ba-
sic facts about the particular author and his work; but there is also discussion of
special source problems, with references to the scholarly debate, which may also
be useful for people with a prior working knowledge of Classical texts in gen-
eral. Consultation of the footnotes to the translations is likewise important
since they indicate, among other things, the places where the translation given
is open to doubt for various (textual or interpretational) reasons.
The documentary sources in Greek and Latin are presented in a correspond-
ing way, explaining in the introduction the historical context and function or
genre of the inscription or papyrus/parchment text in question, as well as giv-
ing the basic bibliographical guidance for those who wish to go further. For
practical reasons, different procedures have been chosen for the reproduction of
the texts themselves. Sometimes, for the benefit of the modern reader, we have
divided the text and the translation into its structural parts; sometimes, particu-
larly in the case of very fragmentary texts, we have deemed it necessary instead
760
Introduction
to follow, line by line, their original disposition on the stone or papyrus (while
mostly showing the structural division of the text in the translation). We have
not, however, found it advisable, for our purpose, to try to indicate in any more
precise way the probable extent of the lost parts of fragmentary texts; most lacu-
nas, short or long, are simply marked with three dots in brackets: [...].
For the Egyptian texts a somewhat different format has been adopted. All
the information that would correspond to what is given about the Greek and
Latin sources in the "Source bibliography" and most of that which would ap-
pear in the "Introduction to source", are included in the historical "Com-
ments". Between the "Transliteration and Translation" and the "Comments"
there is sometimes inserted a "Note to the Translation" which contains further
information, some of which would, in the case of the Greek and Latin sources,
be found in the "Introduction to source". This difference in part reflects the less
developed state of the literary analysis of the Egyptian texts from the Sudan,
and in part the greater uncertainty inhering in the translations. The nature of
the problem was discussed in the general "Notes to the Translations of the
Egyptian Texts" in the previous volumes (pp. 13-16, 362-365); additional infor-
mation concerning the Demotic and Coptic texts is supplied below under the
heading "A Final Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts".
The treatment of Meroitic texts is another matter; the text is here immedi-
ately followed by the "Comments", in which translation of those parts that ad-
mit a rendering is integrated. The "General Note to the Meroitic Texts" from
Vol. II is repeated in this volume for the convenience of the users.
The historical comments are similarly structured for all the various types of
text. They discuss the historical implications of each text, with ample references
to handbooks and scholarly works. To follow up these references, given in the
form: Author's name, year of publication, and page, the reader has to turn to
the alphabetic Bibliographical list at the beginning of the volume. At the same
place, there are also lists of other abbreviations used in this volume.
Readers are kindly asked to submit to the editors suggestions for other texts
that they think should have been included, as well as corrections and supple-
ments to those published here. Such material may be included in the fourth
and last volume, together with the relevant indices. We already extended the
corresponding invitation in the previous volumes and are very grateful to the
colleagues and friends who have taken the time and trouble to send us their
observations and suggestions. We wish to express our sincere thanks to all who
have contributed to making this collection as useful a tool as possible for future
research.
Bergen and Budapest in May, 1998
Tormod Eide Tomas flägg Richard Holton Pierce Låszlô Török
761
A General Note to the Meroitic Texts
The Kushite royal and temple inscriptions were written in Egyptian in hiero-
glyphics until the 3rd-2nd century BC. In the course of the 2nd century BC a hi-
eroglyphic as well as a cursive script began to take shape in Kush, the former
for the writing of monumental texts, the latter for "private" inscriptions and
administrative documents in the Meroitic language. Its 23 hieroglyphic signs
were borrowed from the Egyptian hieroglyphic script, while the 23 cursive
signs, each corresponding to a hieroglyphic one, show the impact of Egyptian
"abnormal hieratic" (see, with the literature of earlier research, Priese 1973b).
Unlike Egyptian script, however, Meroitic script includes vowel notations and
constitutes a syllabic system in which every symbol represents a consonant plus
the vowel a, except when followed by another symbol indicating the vowels i,
o, or e. A symbol for the vowel a is only written at the beginning of a word
(Hintze 1978, 93 f.). The earliest surviving Meroitic hieroglyphic inscription,
the name of Queen Shanakdakheto in Temple F at Naqa (see (148)), can be
dated to the late 2nd century BC; and the earliest preserved document in the
cursive writing (Hintze 1959, 36, fgm. of the offering table of King Tarekeni-
wal) similarly dates from the late 2nd century BC.
The Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive scripts were deciphered by F.L1.Grif-
fith (1909a, 1911, 1911a, 1912) on the basis of Meroitic royal names recorded in
both Egyptian and Meroitic scripts. Griffith also succeeded in identifying impor-
tant elements of the grammatical structure of Meroitic, and his analysis of the
Meroitic funerary texts made possible the understanding of a number of words
(among them numerous loan words from Egyptian) and of some phrases.
According to the testimony of loan words in Egyptian texts, the Meroitic
language was spoken in Nubia in the period of the Egyptian New Kingdom (cf.
Priese 1968b). While it is generally assumed that Meroitic was originally the
spoken tongue of the population(s) of the Butana region and while it may per-
haps also be supposed that its northward spread started in the Napatan period,
the history of the language remains, for lack of documents, unknown. Meroitic
is not a Hamito-Semitic ("Afro-Asiatic") language (Hintze 1955); it is an agglu-
tinating language and has no genders. It was suggested that it is related to the
"Eastern Sudanic languages" (Trigger 1964, 1973; cf. Thelwall 1989). At the same
time, with great caution, the structural parallels between Meroitic and Old Nu-
bian already assumed by Lepsius (1880,cxxi-cxxvi)were recently reconsidered by
Hintze (1989) who came, however, to the conclusion that a genealogical rela-
tionship between Meroitic and Old Nubian cannot be demonstrated. He also
pointed out that the present knowledge of the Eastern Sudanic Language Group
does not allow the direct comparison of Meroitic with any individual languagt
of that Group.
762
Introduction
Although the Meroitic language remains, in spite of the efforts of F.Ll. Grif-
fith and of scholars of the subsequent decades, so far undeciphered,362 our
understanding of the structure of the mortuary texts and of certain expressions
in other types of inscriptions, as well as of certain grammatical structures, and
our knowledge of a number of words (mostly titles, toponyms, theonyms, and
terms of family relationships) make it nevertheless possible, and also necessary,
to include here some of the more important Meroitic documents on account of
their obvious historical value. While of course no consecutive translations can
be provided,363 we republish here on the basis of the Paris Wpertoire d'Epigra-
phie M&oiYique (REM) partly, or fully, the more important royal titularies and
inscriptions with notes on words and expressions the mearting of which can be
established with a reasonable degree of confidence.
In the segmentation of the texts we follow the REM editions. In the tran-
scription of the Meroitic cursive signs, fl is used; and the transcription ne of the
REM is not employed on account of the widely used transcription ri in royal
names (e.g., Tafiyidamani). On the other hand, the transcription used in ear-
lier editions of Meroitic texts is replaced by the more recent transcription s;
while instead of the earlier s we have, as also used in the REM, se. An uncer-
tain reading of a sign is marked by an asterisk (*)before the sign.
As for the signs employed in Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive texts as
word dividers, the three vertically arranged dots in "archaic" inscriptions are
marked „, and the two vertically arranged dots in "transitional" and "late" in-
scriptions are marked „ in the transcriptions.
[LT]
362 Cf. Griffith 1909, 1911, 1911a, 1912, 1916, 1917, 1922; for the monumental undertaking of the
Paris REM see t.he articles by J. Leclant, director of the project, further A. Heyler and others in is-
sues 1 ff. of MNL; and cf. Hainsworth—Leclant 1978; for further research see esp. Hintze 1960,
1963, 1973a, 1974, 1977, 1979; Hofmann 1981; Priese 1968, 1971, 1973b, 1976, 1977a; Trigger—Heyler
1970; Zibelius 1983; for further literature see references in the studies listed above and see also
Török 1988, 331 f., Bibliography 7a, b.
363 For tentative "translations" of monumental texts see Millet 1973 (REM 0094, cf. 300 below);
Hofmann 1981, 279 ff. (REM 1003, cf. FHN II, 177).
763
A Final Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts

Among the sources included in this third volume there appear for the first
time texts in Coptic, the last written form of the ancient Egyptian language.
Though Coptic was truly a further—historically the final—stage in and avenue
of development of the language written in Demotic, it represented in form and
content a break with ancient tradition. It was written with the Greek alphabet to
which were added additional letters derived from Demotic to cover phonemes
not present in Greek. In particular the presence in Coptic of a full range of
vowel signs made manifest dialects in Egyptian that the ancient writing system
had masked. The adoption of Coptic to the exclusion of Demotic and its prede-
cessors was intimately bound up with the fact that Coptic was chiefly a vehicle
for the expression of the ideas current in Egyptian Christianity in contrast to the
ancient writing system which was a pagan medium. The two systems were in
corttemporary use, each associated with speakers who were engaged in a bitter
struggle for cultural dominance.
Though no ancient source explicitly details the reasons why Coptic emerged
as the language of Egyptian Christians, it has long—and reasonably—been as-
sumed that the old system was so imbued with the traditions of pagan cult and
thought as to be unacceptable to Egyptians who were severing their links with
them. Moreover, Christianity insofar as it was a book religion required of its
leading practitioners, both clergy and laity, an intimate acquaintance with Scrip-
ture; and it was not to be expected either that the old pagan elite would be the
first to convert or that it would place its schools in the service of its rivals.
Greek, being the chief language of administration in Egypt as well as the origi-
nal language of the Christian Bible, was in widespread use but was, in Egypt, it-
self the medium of a Hellenic pagan elite that was ultimately foreign in origin.
The new writing system, on the other hand, was independent of established
educational systems and untainted by pagan associations and thus became a
powerful instrument for propagating the new religion among native speakers
of Egyptian.
The bulk of texts surviving in Coptic are works of translation, chiefly from
Greek; they include, in the first instance, the Septuagint and the New Testa-
ment but go on to embrace the full range of Christian literature. The number of
literary works known to have been originally written in Coptic is much
smaller; but among them are the writings of Shenute and his followers—works
well known, at least among students of Christianity, beyond the circle of Copto-
logists (301 below). There is in addition a large and growing number of non-lit-
erary texts that reflect the range of activities in which Coptic speakers were en-
gaged. These activities were characteristically pursued at the level of village and
monastery; but as the Monophysite Church gained in influence Coptic speakers
found themselves playing roles at higher levels—as is exemplified by the Tan-
764
Introduction
tani letters in which Coptic is a medium of diplomatic communication (320 -

322).
Coptic texts abound in words of Greek origin, and by long-established con-
vention these are often printed in translations in italics. This editorial practice,
which is followed in our translations, might induce readers of translations to
think that Coptic speakers themselves were conscious of the Greek origin of
these words even as they were using them, and sometimes they may have
been, but how frequerttly and in what contexts has yet to be broadly and system-
atically investigated. For a translator it is the meanings of Greek words in Cop-
tic texts that poses a problem. In general, editors list and gloss Greek words sep-
arately; and, with a single exception, Coptic dictionaries do not include separate
entries for words of Greek origin. Instead, one must turn to Greek dictionaries,
and these do not include information about how their entries were used in
Coptic. So long as it is assumed that Coptic speakers invariably used Greek
words with the same meanings as did Greek speakers, translators have only the
inconvenience of using two sets of reference works; but as soon as they begin to
question this assumption, they must embark upon time-consuming indepen-
dent lexicographical research. The Greek words used in our Coptic texts appear
in narrative, administrative, and commercial contexts where their documented
meanings are appropriate and where there is no expectation that they would
have been used with uncommon nuances.
In general, Coptic texts were written as continuous strings of letters that
were broken only by line and page divisions or by occasional marks of punctua-
tion. There was seldom any distinction in the size or shape of a letter to indi-
cate that it stood at the beginning of a word or sentence. Occasionally the initial
letters of major divisions of a text might be written large and ornamented, but
this practice was largely confined to literary texts and important official docu-
ments. It is, therefore, largely up to individual editors to decide how to segment
their texts, and there is no universally accepted practice with regard to the divi-
sion of words in Coptic texts. Most often Coptic words occur in combination in
morpho-syntactic segments, and we have almost always printed such segments
as continuous strings. In a few instances, however, a morpheme that is the ini-
tial constituent of a segment, e.g. .xe-, "that", or a morpheme that is the final
constituent of a segment, e.g. the copula Tre-, has been printed separated from
the string of which it is a part. This has been done in order to clarify the syntax
for readers with a limited knowledge of Coptic who may not be familiar with a
radically synthetic segmentation.
As stated in A General Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts in
FHN I, in order to accommodate our target users I have tended to give literal
translations, even at the expense of being painfully inelegant. I have chosen to
do so in the expectation that awkward translations would put users on their
guard with respect to the interpretation of the texts and that I would thus avoid
putting readers' minds to rest with regard to the messages conveyed by the an-
765
cient sources. At the same time, I have chosen not to signal by translation de-
vices such as the use of cleft sentences my adherence to one or other of the cur-
rently contending theories about the nature of the Egyptian verbal system. For
the record, although I was a student of Professor Polotsky and have the greatest
respect for his contribution to revitalizing the study of the Egyptian verb, I do
not accept his system of transpositions but regard all conjugated verb forms as
inherently predicative and truly verbal. I think that the distinctive nature of
the Second Tenses, which he so thoroughly explored, is fundamentally gram-
matical and that those verb forms are not well understood if they are consid-
ered to be devices to achieve "emphasis".
[RHP]
The following signs have been used in the transliteration and translation of
Egyptian:
{1, Enclosing damaged words or parts of words restored by modern writers.

Enclosing words the reading or translation of which is open to question.
() In transliterations, enclosing words not written by the scribe but prob-
ably present in the spoken language; in translations, enclosing words
added by the modern writer to clarify the sense.
<> Enclosing words omitted in error by the scribe.
{ } Enclosing words to be deleted.
In the transliteration of Egyptian we have used Peter Der Manuelian's copy-

righted DyPalatino font, which we purchased from him in 1993. For the Coptic
texts we have employed the CopticABGTM,which we purchased from Ecologi-
cal Linguistics, Washington, DC, 20003, in 1997.
766
ABBREVIATIONS
Periodicals, Series, Collections
AA Archäologischer Anzeiger, Berlin.

Acta Arch. Hung. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae,
Budapest.
Annales
d'thiopie Annales d'Fthiopie, Paris.
ADAW Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Berlin.
AÉ L'Anne'e Épigraphique, Paris.
Aegyptus Aegyptus. Rivista italiana di egittologia e di papirologia,
Milano.
AfP Archiv für Papyrusforschung, Stuttgart-Leipzig.
ANM Arch&ilogie du Nil Moyen, Lille.
Ann. Eth. Annales d'thiopie, Paris.
ANRW W. Haase-H. Temporini (eds): Aufstieg und Niedergang
der Römischen Welt. Berlin-New York.
AW Antike Welt. Zeitschrift fUr Archäologie und
Kulturgeschichte, ZUrich.
BAR British Archaeological Reports, Oxford.
BASP Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, New
York.
BdE Institut Frarwais d'Archologie Orientale du Caire.
Bibliothèque d'Ftude, Le Caire.
BGU Ägyptische Urkunden (Griechische Urkunden) aus den
Königlichen (from Vol. 6 Staatlichen) Museen zu Berlin,
Berlin 1895-.
BHG Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, Bruxelles.
BIFAO Bulletin de l'Institut Franais d'Archologie Orientale, Le
Caire.
BKU Ägyptische Urkunden aus den kl5niglichen (later
Staatlichen) Museen zu Berlin, Koptische Urkunden
Berlin 1904-1968.
BO Bibliotheca Orientalis, Leiden.
BSAA Bulletin de la Soci d'Archkdogie d'Alexandrie,
Alexandria.
BzS Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Wien.
Cah. Arch. Cahiers Archkdogiques. Fin de et moyen åge,

Paris.
CdE Chronique d'Egypte, Bruxelles.
ChLA Chartae Latinae Antiquiores, ed. A. Bruckner-R. Marichal.
Vol. 3-4. London.
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum I-IV. Berlin 1828-1877.
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, consilio et auctoritate
Academiae (Regiae) Borussiae editum, Leipzig, Berlin
1862-.
CPL R. Cavenaile: Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum, Wiesbaden.
CRAIBL Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comptes
Rendus, Paris.
CRIPEL Cahier de Recherches de l'Institut de Papyrologie et
d'Egyptologie de Lille, Lille.
Der kl. Pauly K. Ziegler-W. Sontheimer (eds): Der kleine Pauly.
Lexikon der Antike. Auf der Grundlage von Pauly's
Realencyclopädie... Mnnchen 1979.
DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Washington.
DOAW Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist.
Klasse, Denkschriften, Wien.
Eos Eos. Commentarii Societatis Philologae Polonorum,
Wroclaw.
Erasmus Erasmus. Speculum scientiarum. Bulletin international
de la Science contemporaine, Wiesbaden.
ESLP B.V. Bothmer-H. de Meulenaere-H.W. Mnller-E.
Riefstahl: Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period,
700 B.C. to A.D. 100. The Brooklyn Museum 1960.
Reprint with corrections 1973.
EtTrav Etudes et Travaux, Warsaw.
FGrH F. Jakoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker.
Berlin, Leiden 1923-1958.
FHN T. Eide-T. Hågg-R.H. Pierce-L. Törnk (eds), Fontes Historiae
Nubiorum: Textual Sources for the History of the Middle
Nile Region between the Eighth Century BC and the Sixth
Century AD. Vol. I: From the Eighth to the Mid-Fifth
Century BC, Bergen 1994. Pp. 1-344. Vol. II: From the Mid-
Fifth to the First Century BC, Bergen 1996. Pp. 345-746.
FuB Forschungen und Berichte. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin,
Berlin.
Geographia Geographia Antiqua. Rivista di geografia storica del
Antiqua mondo antico e di storia della geografia, Perugia.
GJ The Geographical Journal, London.
GM Göttinger Miszellen, Göttingen.
768
Abbreviations
IGRR R. Cagnat-J. Toutain et al. (eds): Inscriptiones Graecae ad

res Romanas pertinentes I, III, IV. Paris 1906-1928.
ILS H. Dessau (ed.): Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Berlin.
JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt,
Boston.
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, London.
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Chicago.
JRS Journal of Roman Studies, London.
JS Journal des Savants, Paris.
JSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian
Antiquities, Toronto.
Klio Klio. Beitråge zur alten Geschichte, Berlin.
Kush Kush. Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service,
Khartoum.
LAAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Liverpool.
LD C.R. Lepsius: Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien
nach den Zeichnungen der von Seiner Majeståt dem
Koenige von Preussen Friedrich Wilhelm IV nach diesen
Låndern gesendeten und in den Jahren 1842-1845
ausgeführten wissenschaftlichen Expedition I-VI. Berlin
1849-1859.
LD Erg. C.R. Lepsius: Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien,
Ergånzungsband. Leipzig 1913.
LD Text C.R. Lepsius: Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien,
Text I-V. Ed. E. Naville. Leipzig 1897-1913.
LdÄ W. Helck-W. Westendorf: Lexikon der Ägyptologie,
Wiesbaden 1972-1991.
LF Listy Filologick, Praha.
MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts
Abteilung Kairo, Mainz.
MDATC Materiali e discussioni per l'analisi dei testi classici, Pisa.
Meroe Meroe. Istoriya, istoriya kultury, yazhik drevnego
Sudana, Moscow.
Meroitica Meroitica. Schriften zur altsudanesischen Geschichte
und Archäologie, Berlin.
MIO Mitteilungen fiir Orientforschung, Berlin.
MNL Meroitic Newsletter. Bulletin d'Informations
Wroïtiques, Paris.
MSAAA Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde Serie A,
Afrika, Marburg.
OA Oriens Antiquus. Rivista del Centro per le Antichitå e la
Storia dell'Arte del Vicino Oriente, Roma.
769
OGIS W. Dittenberger: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae I-

II. Leipzig 1903,1905.
Oikumene Oikumene. Studia ad historiam antiquam classicam et
Orientalem spectantia, Budapest.
OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary, Oxford 1982.
OMRL Oudheidkundige mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum
van Oudheiden te Leiden, Leiden.
Or Orientalia. Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, Roma.
PBA Proceedings of the British Academy, London.
PG J.P. Migne (ed.), Patrologiae cursus completus, Series
Graeca, Paris 1857-1912.
Phoenix The Phoenix: the Journal of the Classical Association of
Canada, Toronto.
PM VI B. Porter-R.L.B. Moss: Topographical Bibliography of
Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings
Upper Egypt: Chief Temples (Excluding Thebes). Oxford
1939.
PM VII B. Porter-R.L.B. Moss: Topographical Bibliography of
Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings
Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside Egypt. Oxford 1952.
PRIA Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Section C,
Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics,
Literature, Dublin.
RAC T. Klauser et al. (eds): Reallexikon filr Antike und
Christentum, Stuttgart 1950-.
RE Paulys Realencyclopådie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart.
REM J. Leclant (ed.): Repertoire d'Épigraphie Wroïtique.
Computer outprint, Paris 1976.
RIB Revue de l'Instruction Publique en Belgique, Bruxelles.
RM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts.
Römische Abteilung, Mainz.
SB F. Preisigke et al. (eds): Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden
aus Ågypten, Stragburg etc., Wiesbaden 1913-.
SDAW Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Klasse für Sprache, Literatur und Kunst,
Berlin.
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Leiden,
Amsterdam 1923-.
SNR Sudan Notes and Records, Khartoum.
SO Symbolae Osloenses, Oslo.
Sources Or. Sources Orientales, Paris.
770
Abbreviations
STB Ali Osman-R. Thelwall (eds): Sudan Texts Bulletin,

Ulster.
Stud. Aeg. Studia Aegyptiaca. Études publi&s par les Chaires
d'Histoire Ancienne de Lorånd Eötvös de
Budapest, Budapest.
Stud. Hell. Studia Hellenistica, Louvain.
VA Varia Aegyptiaca, San Antonio.
WZHU Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt-Universitåt
zu Berlin, Gesellschafts- und sprachwissenschaftliche
Reihe, Berlin.
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift der Kunde des Morgenlandes, Wien.
YCS Yale Classical Studies, New Haven.
Z ÄS Zeitschrift für ågyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde,
Leipzig-Berlin.
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlåndischen
Gesellschaft, Wiesbaden.
ZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bonn.
Other Abbreviations
AD Anno Domini, after Christ.

Bar. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery of Gebel Barkal (see
Bibliographical List, Dunham 1957).
Beg. N. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery of Begarawiya
North (see Bibliography, Dunham 1957).
Beg. S. Pyramid burial in the cemetery of Begarawiya South (see
Bibliography, Dunham 1957).
BC before Christ.
Berlin
(with Inv. no.) Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz
Ågyptische Sammlung.
Boston MFA
(with Inv. no.) Boston, Museum of Fine Arts.
Cairo JE (with Inv.
no.) Cairo, Egyptian Museum, Journal d'Entre.
cf. confer, compare.
cm centimetre(s).
col. text column.
East.
ed. edition.
ed. edited (by).
edn. edition.
771
eds editors.
e.g. exempli gratia, for example.
et al. et alii, and others.
f. following (page).
fasc. fascicle.
fgm. fragment.
fig. figure.
ff. following (pages).
GA Gebel Adda (Meroitic inscr. from, see Bibliography,
Millet 1969).
ibid. ibidem, (at) the same place.
i.e. id est, that is.
inscr. inscription.
Inv. Inventory.
Kawa Kawa (inscr. from, see Bibliography, Macadam 1949).
Khartoum (with
Inv. no.) Khartoum, Sudan National Museum.
km. kilometre.
Ku. el Kurru (grave, see Bibliography, Dunham 1955).
lit. literal, literally.
loc. cit. locus citatum, the place cited (above).
MFA (with
Inv. no.) Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
North.
n.d. no date.
No., no. Number.
Nu. Pyramid burial in the royal cemetery at Nuri (see
Bibliography, Dunham 1955).
op. cit. opus citatum, the work cited (above).
Papyrus.
Philadelphia The University Museum of Archaeology and
(with Inv. no.) Anthropology, Philadelphia.
POxy Oxyrhynchus papyrus, quoted with number from B.P.
Grenfell et al.: The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. London 1898-.
Pl. Plate.
South.
West.
772
Abbreviations
Bibliographical List
Adams 1976 W.Y. Adams: Meroitic North and South: A Study

in Cultural Contrasts. Meroitica 2, 11-25, 119-175.
Adams 1977 W.Y. Adams: Nubia Corridor to Africa. London.
Adams 1982a W.Y. Adams: Qasr Ibrim. An Archaeological
Conspectus. in: J.M. Plumley (ed.): Nubian Studies.
Warminster, 25-33.
Adams 1982b W.Y. Adams: Meroitic Textual Material from Qasr
Ibrim. Meroitica 6, 211-216.
Adams 1983 W.Y. Adams: Primis and the 'Aethiopian'
Frontier. JARCE 20, 93-102.
Almagro 1965 M. Almagro: La necropolis meroitica de Nag
Gamus (Masmas, Nubia egipcia). Madrid.
Altaner-Stuiber 1978 B. Althaner-A. Stuiber: Patrologie. Leben, Schriften
und Lehre der Kirchenväter. Freiburg-Basel-Wien.
Altenmüller 1975 H. Altenmnller: Feste. LdÅ II, 171-191.
Altheim-Stiehl 1961 Altheim-R. Stiehl: Die Datierung des Königs
Ezana von Aksum. Klio 39, 234-238.
Altheim-Stiehl 1976 F. Altheim-R. Stiehl: Die neue griechische
Inschrift Ezanas von Aksum. Klio 58, 471-479.
Amlineau 1889 Arn6ineau: Monuments pour servir å l'histoire
de l'gypte chrffienne au IVe siècle. Paris.
Anderson et al. 1979 R.D. Anderson-P.J. Parsons-R.G.M. Nisbet: Elegiacs
by Gallus from Qasr Ibrim. JRS 69, 125-155.
Anfray et al. 1970 Anfray-A. Caquot-P. Nautin: Une nouvelle
inscription d'Ezana, roi d'Axoum. JS 1970, 260-274.
Arnold 1975 D. Arnold: Die Tempel von Kalabscha. Kairo.
Assmann 1990 J. Assmann: Maat. Gerechtigkeit und
Unsterblichkeit im Alten Ågypten. München.
Aufrère 1991 S. Aufrère: L'univers min&al dans la pense
gyptienne. Vol. I. L'influence du de'sert et des
mineraux sur la mentalité des anciens Egyptiens.
II. L'intgration des mineraux, des m&aux et des
"Tr&ors" dans la marche de l'univers et dans la
vie divine. Le Caire.
Avotins 1989 I. Avotins: On the Greek of the Code of Justinian.
Altertumswissenschaftliche Texte und Studien 17.
Hildesheim-Znrich-New York.
Ågypten und Kusch Endesfelder-K.-H. Priese-W.F. Reineke-S.
Wenig (eds): Ågypten und Kusch [Festschrift Fritz
Hintze]. Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur des
Alten Orients 13, Berlin 1977.
773
Badawi 1976 Fathi Afifi Badawi: Die römischen Gråberfelder

von Sayala-Nubien. Wien.
Bagnall 1985 R.S. Bagnall: Publius Petronius, Augustan Prefect
of Egypt. YCS28, 85-93.
Bagnall 1993 R.S. Bagnall: Egypt in Late Antiquity. Princeton.
Bagnall 1995 R.S. Bagnall: Reading Papyri, Writing Ancient
History. London-New York.
Bagnall-Frier 1994 R.S. Bagnall-B.W. Frier: The Demography of
Roman Egypt. Cambridge.
Bagnall-Worp 1978 R.S. Bagnall-K.A. Worp: Chronological Systems of
Byzantine Egypt. Zuthpen.
Bardy 1960 G. Bardy: Eusèbe de C&are Histoire Eccl&iastique.
Introduction. Sources Chr&iennes 73. Paris.
Barns 1964 J.W.B. Barns: Shenute as an Historical Source. in:
Actes du Xe Congrès International de Papyrologues
Varsovie-Cracovie 3-9 Septembre 1961. Wroclaw-
Warszawa-Krakow, 151-159.
Bastianini 1988 G. Bastianini: Il prefetto d'Egitto (30 a.C.-297d.C.):
Addenda (1973-1985).ANRW 11.10.1,503-517.
Bauer et al. 1979 W. Bauer: A Greek-English Lexicon of the New
Testament and Other Early Christian Literature.
Transl. and adapted by W.F. Arndt, F.W.
Gingrich, F.W. Danker. Chicago-London.
Bauer et al. 1988 W. Bauer: Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch zu
den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der
friihchristlichen Literatur. Ed. K. Aland-B. Aland.
Berlin-New York.
Bauernfeind 1939 0. Bauernfeind: Die Apostelgeschichte. Leipzig.
Beckerath 1984 J. v. Beckerath: Handbuch der ågyptischen
K15nigsnamen. Berlin.
Behrens 1982 P. Behrens: Pfeil. LclikIV, 1005-1006.
Bell et al. 1962 H.I. Bell-V. Martin-E.G. Turner-D. van Berchem:
The Abinnaeus Archive. Oxford.
Berger et al. (eds) 1994 C. Berger-G. Clerc-N. Grimal (eds): Hommages å
Jean Leclant II. Nubie, Soudan, tthiopie. Le Caire.
Bergman 1968 J. Bergman: Ich bin Isis. Studien zum
memphitischen Hintergrund der griechischen
Isisaretalogien. Uppsala.
A. Bernand 1969 A. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques de Philae I.
tpoque Ptol&naique. Paris.
E. Bernand 1969 E. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques de Philae II.
Haut et Bas Empire. Paris.
774
Abbreviations
E. Bernand et al. 1991 E. Bernand-A.J. Drewes-R. Schneider: Recueil des

inscriptions de l'Ethiopie des periodes pre-
Axoumite et Axoumite I. Les documents, II Les
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796
Abbreviations
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800
THE SOURCES
(186) Queen Nawidemak. Evidence for reign.
Queen Nawidemak is attested (1) in the cursive Meroitic inscription REM 1089
engraved on the detached basis (in the Melvin Gutman Loan Collection of An-
cient and Medieval Gold in the Allen Memorial Art Museum, Oberlin, Ohio)
of a gold statuette (Khartoum 5457, Shinnie 1959, Pls XX, XXI; 1967 Pls 29, 30;
Wenig 1978, Cat. 137; Török 1990, fig. 37); (2) in the relief representations ift the
funerary cult chapel of her pyramid tomb Bar. 6 (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl.
13 A, B) in one of which (N wall) her figure is accompanied by a cartouche in-
scribed with Meroitic hieroglyphs and reading Nwidemk (REM 0077A; for the
reading see Macadam 1966, 63 fig. 7; on the relief on the S wall her figure is ac-
companied by a vertical inscription field in which, however, no traces of an in-
scription are preserved), and (3) in the inscription on an incompletely pre-
served mortuary offering table, scattered fragments of which were found in
Beg. N. 2, 4, and 6 (REM0073;Hintze 1959a,42 No. 5, cf. (191)).
Nawidemak was doubtless the Queen's "personal" name (cf. Comments on
FHN II, (150». Text 1 on the statuette base reads Amnpti„ Nwidemk hidete„ qorelo„
mlo„ qe yidew*i id*e and indicates that the statuette was a votive dedicated to
Amfin of Napata. The word qore (Meroitic for "ruler") refers to Nawidemak as
ruling queen (see FHN II, Comments on (150)). Her mortuary chapel represen-
tation was inscribed (text 2) with a single cartouche consisting of her personal
name. In text 3 the same name occurs in cursive Meroitic as the name of the
mother of the owner of the offering table. The use of the Meroitic title qore,
"ruler", in a dedication and the lack of a second, Throne, name in the mortuary
chapel clearly reflect the new tradition of Meroitic royal titularies emerging in
the late 2nd and lst cent. BC (cf. FHN II, (150)) and we have no reason to sup-
pose that Nawidemak would have adopted a five-part titulary in her other,
now lost, monuments.
Nawidemak was represented, both in the gold statuette in Khartoum and in
the reliefs in her mortuary cult chapel,364wearing the insignia and the costume
of ruling kings and queens. The statuette shows her wearing the three costume
elements that had been canonical since the 3rd cent. BC, viz., the royal coat, the
sash, and the tasselled cord. The fastening knot of the coat and the cord are pro-
tected by a deity in the form of a couchant animal (lion or ram, see Török 1990,
fig. 37), an iconographical device referring to the act of the fastening of the royal
coat as a coronation rite (Török 1990, 158 ff.) and introduced, probably together
364For a correction of erroneous localisations of the reliefs in LD V 19 see Tomandl 1987.

with the tripartite costume, in the early 3rd cent. BC.365 Its latest preserved oc-
currence is in Nawidemak's representation. Similarly to the iconography of the
first three female rulers, Queen Shanakdakheto (see FHN II, (149)), Queen
Amanirenas (FHN II, (175)), and Queen Amanishakheto (FHN II, (177)), Naw-
idemak's representations emphasize her status as ruler, thus determining the
displaying of such insignia and costume elements traditionally connected with
the male ruler as, e.g., the atef-crown of Osiris (Shanakdakheto: Chapman-
Dunham 1952, Pl. 8 A; Török 1987b, No. 128; Amanishakheto: LD V, 40; Török
1987b, No. 127; Nawidemak: Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 13 B) and the tripar-
tite costume with the tasselled cord, the latter being closely associated with the
concept of the ruler as warrior and hunter (cf. Török 1990, 164 ff.).
In a unique manner, however, the N wall relief in Bar. 6 represents the
Queen wearing a long haltered skirt leaving her bosom bare. This costume,
which occurred in the fashion of royal ladies in the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty pe-
riod (cf. ESLP, Cat. 12), was apparently selected in order to show the Queen's
pendulous breasts which emphasize her fertility as ruler and, probably, as
mother of a ruler (cf. also the representations of King Natakamani's co-regent
Amanitore [see (212)1 in the Amån temple at Naqa, Török 1987b, 49 ff. and fig.
117). The fragment of an offering table quoted above mentions Nawidemak as
mother of a qore. On the other hand, representations of fat ladies with pendu-
lous breasts appear in the mortuary chapels of Amanishakheto in Beg. N. 6
(Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 16 A) and Amanikhabale (?) in Beg. N. 2 (ibid. Pl.
15 B) in the place which was, traditionally, occupied by the representation of the
mother or the wife of the deceased king.
Reisner (1923, 76) noticed the typological similarities between the pyramid
group consisting of Bar. 1-6 in the N section of the Gebel Barkal Cemetery and
tombs Beg. N. 20-Beg. N. 6 in the Begarawiya North cemetery and, suggesting
their contemporaneity, put forward the theory of a lst cent. BC collateral dy-
nasty ruling in the Napata region contemporary with the main line ruling in
the Meroe region. He proposed a similar interpretation for the S group of
pyramids at Gebel Barkal (Bar. 11-15, 24) which he regarded as burials of a (first)
collateral dynasty ruling in the Napata region in the 3rd cent. BC. Reisner's hy-
pothesis was accepted by Hintze (1959a, 22 f.), who, however, changed his mMd
(Hintze 1973a, 134 f.) after Wenig (1967, 10 ff.; 1973) convincingly demonstrated
that the burials of the two "collateral dynasties" are close in date to, but not con-
temporary with, their typological parallels and that individual rulers belonging
to the "main" or the "collateral" line are in fact attested in both halves of the
kingdom. As a consequence of Wenig's investigation, both "collateral dynas-
365 Earliest preserved representations: King Amanislo in Beg. S. 5, and her mother (?) Kanarta
Sar...tifi in Beg. S. 4, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pls 3 F and 3 A, respectively, cf. FHN II (115); see
also the King's Mother and Candace (?) Bartare in Beg. S 10, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 4 A.
From the late 3rd cent. BC: wives of King Arqamani in Beg. N. 7, ibid. Pls 4 E, 5 A. In the 2nd cent.
BC: Queen Shanakdakheto in Beg. N. 11 (now in Khartoum); Török 1990, fig. 32, cf. FHN II (149).
lst cent. BC: King Horus k3nht in Beg. N. 20; Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 12 B.
802
The Sources
ties" of Reisner and Hintze are now included into the main line and hence
Queen Nawidemak too is regarded as a ruler of the entire kingdom.
Apart from the above-mentioned statuette, no monument survives from
Nawidemak's reign. While REM 0073 seems to indicate that she had a son who
became king and was buried in the Begarawiya North cemetery, in the reliefs of
her mortuary cult chapel it is a prince bearing the name Etretey, i.e., a name of
apparently non-royal character, who presents the mortuary offerings for her. In
the accompanying cursive Meroitic inscriptions reading, with slight variation,
uniformly Etreteyqo„ pkrtrl„ widelo„ stmdeselo„ qorpselo„ pnqoselo„ (REM
0077, 0078) he bears four titles known from the cursus honorum of high offi-
cials. The title pkrtr366 first occurs in the Tafiyidamani inscription (FHN H, 152
line 8, as pkrtr qori se, "pkrtr of the king") and is attested later in the titulary of
-
prince Arikankharor (in a cartouche, see (213)). It seems to represent a variant

of the more frequent title pqr (cf. FHN II, 152 line 38: pqr qori se; for Akinidad
-
as pqr qori se see ibid. (179)) that also occurs in the titulary of Arikankharor
- and
is attested in later cursus honorum inscriptions as the highest official title of
the realm (cf. Török 1977a; 1988a, 248 f.). The meaning of the title (?) or rela-
tionship term (?) stmdese is entirely obscure (cf. Hofmann 1981a 65; for stmdese
peseto li se see 271; Gebel Adda inscr. No. 4, Millet 1969, 305). The title
- -
qorpse/qorbse is unattested elsewhere, while pnqoselpriqose occurs as a priestly

title in a later mortuary stela (REM 1082, line 3, from Nag Gamus). So Etretey
seems to fit into the line of the princes playing a distinguished, though in its
details obscure, role in the legitimation of the (female) ruler and/or in the gov-
ernment of the kingdom. These men range from Shanakdakheto's and Aman-
ishakheto's anonymous companions (cf. FHN II, (149), (177)) through Akinidad
(ibid. (179)) to the princes represented in the company of Natakamani and
Amanitore (see in this volume, (213), (214)).
In general terms, Nawidemak's chronological position is indicated by the
topographical and typological similarity of her pyramid burial (Bar. 6, Dunham
1957, 97 ff.) in the NW part of the Gebel Barkal royal cemetery to Bar. 2
(Teritecias?) and 4 (Amanirenas? cf. FHN II, (172), (175)). Though the attribution
of these latter graves is doubtful, it at least seems certain that the preserved part
of their inventory consisted of import objects datable to the late first cent. BC
(for Bar. 2 see Török 1989a, 125 Nos 38-41, Bar. 4 ibid., 124 f. Nos 31-37); while in
Nawidemak's tomb import objects of late Augustan date were discovered (ibid.,
125 f., Nos 44-48). It would thus seem that the sequence Bar. 6 (Nawidemak)—
Bar. 2 (Teritecias)—Bar. 4 (Amanirenas) suggested by Hintze (1959a, 27), Wenig
(1967, 43) and Hofmann (1978a, 84 ff.) is not compelling and that Nawidemak's
reign should rather be dated to the period after Amanirenas. Though it may be
tempting to regard her as the immediate successor of the rulers buried in Bar. 2
and Bar. 4, a sequence Teritecias (Bar. 2?)—Amanirenas (Bar. 4?)—Aman-
366 Hofmann 1981a, 62 suggests that it does not refer to Etretey himself but to a person with whom
he is in a wide-relationship.
803
ishakheto (Beg. N. 6) is to be preferred on the basis of the evidence discussed in

FHN II, (177). Nawidemak is thus dated here, as successor of Amanishakheto,
to the early lst cent. AD (differently from the sequence suggested by Török
1988a, 180).367According to Hofmann (1978a, 107) the offering table fragments
listed above as text 3 come from Beg. N. 2 which she identifies as King
Amanikhabale's burial (cf. (191)). Consequently, she regards Amanikhabale as
Nawidemak's son.
The dating of Nawidemak suggested above implies that the royal burial
place was changed two times more than if we opt for Hofmann's suggestion. In
the latter case the following changes would have occurred: Begarawiya North:
King Horus k3nht; Barkal: Nawidemak, Teritegas, Amanirenas; Begarawiya
North: Amanishakheto, Amanikhabale etc. In the other case: Begarawiya
North: Horus k nht, Akraqamani (?) (cf. FHN II, (161)), Barkal: Teritegas,
Amanirenas; Begarawiya North: Amanishakheto, Barkal: Nawidemak, Bega-
rawiya North: Amanikhabale etc. Since, however, owing to insufficient data
the reasons for the actual changes of the royal burial place are not understood
(cf. Hintze 1973a, 135 f.; FHN II, Comment on (83)), the attempts in the litera-
ture to create sequences only allowing a minimum of changes of this kind ap-
pear forced.
[LT]
186a The toponyms of the Middle Nile Valley. Early lst cent. AD.
Juba in Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.179.
Source bibliography
Jacoby 1940 F. Jacoby: Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker.
Dritter Teil. A. Leiden.
Mayhoff 1906 C. Plini Secundi Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII,ed.
C. Mayhoff. Vol. 1. Libri I-VI. Lipsiae.
Rackham 1942 Pliny, Natural History. Vol. 2: Libri III-VII.Ed. H.
Rackham. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-
Cambridge, MA.
Introduction to source
Juba, son of King Juba I of Numidia, was taken to Rome as a captive by Caesar
after his victory at Thapsus (North Africa) in 46 BC. He was given a Roman ed-
ucation and became part of the circle around Augustus, who gave him Roman
citizenship and bestowed upon him the kingdom of Mauretania in 25 BC; he is
therefore known as King Juba II.
Juba was a prolific writer and compiler of works on historical, geographical,
and institutional matters. He wrote books on Assyria, Libya, Arabia, and Ro-
man history and a comparative work on Greek and Roman customs and insti-
367 Hofmann 1978a, 85 ff., 100 dates Nawidemak's reign to the period after 50 BC.
804
The Sources
tutions, as well as books on literary style and on the history of theatre and of
painting.
His works are known only through quotations in later authors; Pliny in par-
ticular made use of him on African matters in his Naturalis historia, cf. 195.
The fragments of historical interest are collected by Jacoby (1940) 127-55, whose
text we reproduce here (No. 275, F 37, p. 141f.).
Text
6 [179] Juba aliter: oppidum imum(?) Megatichos inter Aegyptum et
Aethiopiam, quod Arabes Mirsion vocaverunt; dein Tacompson, Aramum,
Sesamum, Pide, Mamuda, Orambim iuxta bituminis fontem, Amodata, Prosda,
Parenta, Mania, Tessata, Gallas, Zoton, Grau Comen, Emeum, Pidibotas, En-
dondacometas, Nomadas in tabernaculis viventes, Cystaepen, Madagalen,
proaprimii, Nups, Dicelin, Patingan, Breves, Magasneos, Egasmala, Cramda,
Denna, Cadeum, Atthena, Batta, Alamam, Macua, Scammos, Goram in insula,
t ab iis, Abale, Androgalim, Serem, Mallos, Agocem.
Translation
6 [179] Juba gives a different list:368 he says that the lowest(?)369 town between
Egypt and Aithiopia is Megatichos37° ("Great Wall"), which the Arabs call Mir-
sion; then Tacompson, Aramum, Sesamum, Pide, Mamuda, Orambis, which
lies close to a tar pit, Amodata, Prosda, Parenta, Mania, Tessata, Galles, Zoton,
the village of Grau, Emeus, Pidibotae, Endondacometae, the Nomads,371 who
live in tents, Cystaepe, Madagale, t proaprimii,372 Nups, Dicelis, Patingas,
Breves, Magasneos ("New Magas"), Egasmala, Cramda, Denna, Cadeus,
Atthena, Batta, Alama, Macua, Scammos, Gora on an island, t thereafter,373
Abale, Androgalis, Seres, Mallos, Agoces.
[TE]
368 1.e.,from the one given by Bion; for the immediately preceding text see FHN II, 108.
369 For inturn Rackham (1942) adopts Mayhoff's conjecture munituni, "fortified". irnum may, how-
ever, translate xc'eccoin Pliny's Greek source, "below", "seaward", i.e., with reference to Egypt:
"northernmost".
370 The syntactical context indicates that the names in the Latin text are in the accusative case;
the nominative forms cannot always be determined with certainty. Several of the names have
differing spellings in the manuscripts.
371 0r, by taking Nornadas with the preceding: "the Endondacometas, who are nomads living in
tents .
372 For -tproaprimii Mayhoff (1906) reads Parvam Pr ("Little Primis"), Rackham (1942)
reads Prumin ("Prumis").
373 0r, by taking in insula with the following: "and on an island off these places Abale...", so
Rackham (1942).
805
Comments
Juba's list of placenames, starting with the unidentified town of Megatichos
("Great Wall")/Mirsion374 in the region of the First Cataract, is closely related
to Bion's list compiled in the 3rd cent. BC and similarly preserved in Pliny's
work (see FHN II, 108); and it may have been based partly on a source deriving
from Bion's itinerary or directly on Bion's list of placenames. It also contains,
however, a number of toponyms unknown to Bion, which may have been
taken from a now lost work of Aristocreon written around 300 BC (cf. Com-
ments on 189 and see Desanges 1978a, 314 with note 38). Some of these may be
identified as settlements already occurring in Middle Kingdom or Napatan
sources, others occur in the description of Petronius' campaign (cf. 204, 205), or
in the description of the Neronian expedition (cf. 206, 207), or would occur later
in the Geography of Ptolemy (cf. 223), while still others are known from no
other source. As shown in Table A below, Juba's toponym list closely follows
Bion's list of the settlements on the E bank of the Nile and comprises only a
few settlements which occur, without having a counterpart on the E bank, in
Bion's W bank list.
The toponyms are preserved in the manuscripts of Pliny in various forms,
and it would seem that already Pliny himself used a somewhat corrupted copy
of Juba's work. The placenames were restored by Priese (1984a 487 ff.). Here we
follow his renderings. The segmentation of Juba's list is, accordingly, the fol-
lowing:
Tacompson / Aramum / Sesamum / Pide Ma / muda / Orambim iuxta bi-
tuminis fontem / Amoda / ta Pros / da Paren / ta Mania / Tessata / Gallas /
Zoton / Grau comen / Emeum / Pidibotas / Endondacometas / nomadas in
tabernaculis viventes / Magasneos / Egasma / la Cramda / Denna / Cadeu / m
Athe / na Batta / Alanam / Macua / Scammos / Goram in insula / t ab iis,
Abale / Andro / galim / Serem / Mallo / s Agocem.
The following placenames, which are absent from Bion's lists, indicate that
Juba used other different sources:
Table A
JUBA The placename occurs in other sources (after Priese 1984a)
Middle Kingdom Napatan Petronius Nero Ptolemy Ezana inscr.*
Tamania X
Tessata X
Graucomen X
Endondacometas X (?)
374Perhaps identical with the big Roman wall between Syene (Aswan) and Philae which pro-
tected the portage road, also mentioned by Strabo 17.1.50, connecting the harbours located on the
two ends of the unnavigable First Cataract. The wall was dated by Lesquier 1918, 475 and Speidel
1988, 773 to the late Roman period; recent investigations have shown, however, that it was built
in Pharaonic times during the Twelfth Dynasty (Jaritz-Rodziewicz 1993 112 ff.).
806
The Sources
(S)egasma X
Lacramda/Tarcanda X X
Macua
Scammos
Abale X
And(a)ro X
Se(se)rem X
Sagocem X
* Ezana inscription = Littmann 1913, no. 11, AD 4th cent. inscription in vocalised Ge'ez of Ezana,
king of Aksum, cf. 298 f.
In Table B we compare Juba's list with the itinerary in Bion (FHN II, 108),
adding the Meroitic and modern placenames whenever a plausible identifica-
tion can be offered. For references see Priese 1984a. For the identification
(P)nups = Kerma see Bonnet 1996, 5. Hieroglyphic equivalents are omitted but
can be found in Priese 1984a as well as in Table A attached to the Comments on
FHN II, 108.
Table B
ILIBA BION
East bank West bank Meroitic Modern
Between the First Cataract and Maharraqa

Tacompson Tacompson Tacompson Maharraqa
Thaticen Maharraqa
Between Maharraqa and the Second Cataract

Mogore Ikhmindi
S(a)ea Sye/Siye Mediq
Aramum Aramam Wadi el Arab/
Saturma
Sesamum Sesamos/Sesamum Sedosa (?) Sdose Wadi el Arab/
es Sebuca
Plen
Ariae (?) or
Sapele (?) Simlo (?) Shablul (?)
Andura Adere/Dor ed Dirr
Ariae (?) Nlote Aniba/Karanbg
Pidema Pindis Pedeme Qasr Ibrim
Magassa Masmas (?)
Andumana(s) Adomn Arminna
(A)muda I(n)doma Abu Simbel
807
(C)orambim Curambeta
come Arabeta (?) Qrbe Abu Hoda (?)
Bogghi Beqe/Boqb Ballana
Amoda Analeu (?) Amod Qustul
Tapros Phitor[..1 Phrse Faras
Daparen Tantarene Tketore
Tamania Tmti Dabarosa
Buma Buhen
(A)lintuma Abka West
Tessata Abka (?)
3. Between the Second and Third Cataracts

Spintum region of
Semna (?)
Gallas Atiri or
Gelli Island (?)
Zoton Ambikol (?)
Sidopt region of Sonki or
region of Dal (?)
Graucomen Aka§a or
Kulb (?)
Erneum Emeae Firka
Gensoe Ginnis
Pidibotas Pindi(mis?) Pedeme Amara West
Chiindit(a)
Endondacometas (inhabitants of Endondacome)
Nomads who live
in tents
Noa / Ataea Citior/
C(i)toraAtiyeSedeinga
Golpoa/Goploa
CistaepenGistate
Mada(ga)/
(Magada)Megada
GalenGale
Achug/GugoKoka
4. South of the Third Cataract

Paroa Fareig
Primii Aremni Arme Kerma (?)
(P)nups (P)nups Kerma (?)
Orsum ez Zawarat (?)
808
The Sources
Direlin Direla Agada (?)

Patingan Patigga Kawa
Suara Sor-tod
Maumarum Sagaba (?)
Urbim Urbi
Mulon Handak
Breves Bugdumbu (?)
Maga(da)s
ne(s)o(s) Bagada Megauda
Pago el Baga
Artas/Arte Argi
(S)egasma/(S)egasam Tangussi (?)
Lacramda/Tarcanda Tergis
Zamnes Tamba(narti)/
Tergis (?)
Mambli Ganetti (?)
Denna Dumana Duffar (?)
Beressa
Cade(t)u(m) Cadata/R(h)adata
Coetum Korti
Matthe(n)
(N)abatta Napata/Barkal
5. Between the Fifth Cataract and Meroe City

Alanam ,Abidiya (?)
Macua (Saco[l]a?) Dunqeil (?)
Scammos(S[a]candos?) Skdi Berber (?)
Goram
in insula Boron Darmali (?) on
Gareb Isle (?)
Abale (Al[a]be) Eth.375 Alwa, El
Mogren
And(a)ro Eth. Daro,
Shadinab
(Darru)
Galim Gelissi Isle (?)
Se(se)rem Zeidab (?)
Mallo Mallo ,Aliab (?)
Sagocem (Sacolcem) Mutmir (?)
[LT]
375 In Littmann 1913,no. 11, inscription of King Ezana of Aksum, see Comments on 298.
809
187 Description of Aithiopia. Early lst cent. AD.

Strabo 1.2.25 and 17.2.1-3.
Source bibliography
Aly 1957 W. Aly: Strabon von Apameia. Untersuchungen iiber
Text, Aufbau und Quellen der Geographika (= W. Aly,
Strabonis Geographica. Bd. 4). Bonn.
Aly 1968 Strabonis Geographica. Recensuit W. Aly. Vol. 1 (Libri
I-II). Bonn.
Aujac-Lasserre 1969 Strabon: Gklgraphie. Vol. 1.1 (Introduction g&ie'rale.
Livre I). Introduction par G. Aujac et F. Lasserre. Texte
&abli et traduit par G. Aujac. (Collection des
Universit& de France.) Paris.
Canfora 1989 L. Canfora: The Vanished Library. London.
Dicks 1971 R.D. Dicks: Review of Aujac-Lasserre (1969). Classical
Review 21, 188-194.
Jones 1917, 1930, 1932 The Geography of Strabo. Vols. 1, 7, and 8. With an
English translation by H.L. Jones. London-Cambridge,
MA. (The Loeb Classical Library.)
Kramer 1852 Strabonis Geographica. Recensuit commentario critico
instruxit G. Kramer. Vol. 3. Berlin.
Lasserre 1975 F. Lasserre: Strabon. In: Der Kleine Pauly 5, 381-385.
Meineke 1913 Strabonis Geographica. Recognovit A. Meineke. Vol. 3.
Leipzig [1853].
Pothecary 1995 S. Pothecary: Strabo, Polybios, and the Stade. Phoenix
49, 49-67.
Radt 1991 S.L. Radt: Eine neue Strabonausgabe. Mnemosyne 44,
305-326.
Strabo, historian and geographer, was bom ca. 64/63 BC in Amaseia in Pontus
(= today's Amasya in northern Turkey) and died after AD 23. He was a Greek by
culture and wrote his works in Greek; he was also a Roman citizen, lived for a
period in Rome, and travelled widely within the empire. Of special interest in
our connection is his journey, in 25/24 BC, to Egypt, where he accompanied his
friend Lucius Aelius Gallus, then Prefect of Egypt, up the Nile as far as Syene
and Philae (17.1.50), i.e., to the Nubian frontier (2.5.12). Besides his home town
and Rome, Egypt is perhaps the part of the empire he knew best by personal ex-
perience (cf. Aujac 1969, xxxv).
Of Strabo's literary works, his History (Historika hypomnemata) is lost, ex-
cept for a number of small fragments. It was a history of the Graeco-Roman
world in continuation of Polybius' work covering the period 145/44 BC to ca. 30
BC and seems to have been completed ca. 25 BC. Strabo's other great work, with
810
The Sources
which he appears to have been occupied in periods unevenly distributed over

the remaining 50 years of his life, is the Geography (Geographika Ihypo-
innematal), which is extant and comprises 17 books. He no doubt collected
much of his material during his journeys, though the details are not known; it
is also a fair guess that part of his research was carried out in the Alexandrian
library. It is possible that the Geography was not published until after Strabo's
death.
Books 1-2 discuss theory and method, with criticism of Strabo's Hellenistic
predecessors as geographers, among them Eratosthenes. Books 3-6 describe
western Europe, Book 7 northern Europe, Books 8-10 Greece, and Books 11-14
various parts of Asia. Book 15 brings us to India and the Persian Gulf, Book 16
to Assyria, Syria and Arabia. Book 17, finally, deals with Egypt as well as Libya
and Mauretania. Passages concerning Nubia occur in Book 1, in Book 16 and, in
particular, in Book 17.
Strabo's knowledge, as he himself stresses (cf. 2.5.11), derives from what he
has seen, what he has heard, and what he has read. His reliability consequently
depends on the extent of his personal experience of a country and the quality of
his oral and written sources in each case. As mentioned, Egypt is in a favoured
position in all three respects: he stayed there for a long time, he had friends
(not least Roman officials) from whom he could directly obtain information
about places he did not visit himself, and he had access to an excellent library
when working in Alexandria.376 Nubia too, though Strabo never visited the
country, will have profited from his special ties and acquaintance with Egypt.
Among the written sources—which no doubt provided him with most of
his factual information—Strabo prefers the more recent and more scientific to
the older and legendary ones. He relies heavily on the Hellenistic geographer
Eratosthenes (see FHN II, 109) and also makes much use of the philosopher and
geographer Posidonius, the astronomer and geographer Hipparchus, and the
historian Polybius. He often names his source, but it is not always clear
whether he really has first hand knowledge of it or quotes it indirectly. There
are many inconsistencies and contradictions in details to be found in Strabo's
work, obviously because the different sources he used gave him different in-
formation and he did not always care to—or did not feel competent to (cf.
6.3.10)—harmonize them. (This is of course a trait which increases Strabo's
value to us as a transmitter of information from earlier, lost sources, and one
should beware of modern editorial efforts to carry out the harmonization
which Strabo himself "neglected".)
376 Canfora (1989, 68-71, 81 f.) states that, contrary to common belief, the royal library in the
Mouseion must have remained unaffected by the fire which ravaged Alexandria during Caesar's
capture of the city in 48/47 BC. Among other evidence, he quotes Strabo's description of the Mou-
seion, some twenty years after its alleged destruction by fire. Cf. also FHN II, 142, Introduction to
source, with n. 301.
811
Strabo's own main concern as a geographer and writer was to establish a lit-
erary framework for an enormous number of factual details and to blend geo-
graphy (as he found it in his more scientific predecessors) with cultural history,
aiming both at readability and at reliability in matters of more general impor-
tance. He was a cultivated Greek with a great curiosity about peoples and places
and traditions, he was widely read and had travelled extensively, but he was no
scientist, even by the standards of his own time, rather a respectable popular-
izer (cf. Aujac 1969,xli sq.).
No modern critical edition of Strabo's whole work exists (see Radt 1991).
Three new critical editions of the first books were published in the 1960's, but
none of these editorial enterprises has yet reached the last books.377Our trans-
lation is thus based on the edition by Aujac & Lasserre in the Budé series, as far
as the passages from Book 1 are concerned; the editions by Sbordone and Aly
have also been consulted. For Books 16-17—i.e.,for most of Strabo's account of
the "Aithiopians"—we have had to take Meineke's old and less reliable Teub-
ner text (1853) as our point of departure; we have also consulted the critical
notes in Kramer's edition of 1852, on which Meineke relied to a great extent
(Radt 1991, 305 f.). Any deviations from the texts of Aujac & Lasserre and
Meineke, respectively, are indicated in the philological notes to the translation.
Text
1.2 [25] (p. 116.18-117.7
Aujac) Ti S' dikko i AiyuicT6g cn icktjv i noTagia
iiv uSÇci TO iiScop; A.6Tri S' T0f) noTcq_to15
KeiTat
npO; dtvaToViv Kcci rnv. 'AUOt gi'jv i Ailkonia k.TC' ci)Ocia; Tfl Ai-
7157ZTO)Kal itapa 1icoç ,ct itpO; TE TON/ Neikov KaL OckXxiv OISMN,
TC.I3v.röitcov icxi. ydcp cei3Tri CSTEvli 'Cé n ai gccKpdt xeci 1riKX1.xrroçTdc
S' 7Z1.1(7
,1)CYTOU 13"ru_tdcTE KCCLdivuSpa KCCLCTICOCVLO); oixeicsOut
3DvdcgEva, Tdc 1.tv npåg (1), Tdc & itpci; 813alv KEKkigéva. 11ciç bi3v
ia Sixa Surjpircat; "H T1YV'Aaiav ducOTfi; Af3iiiç8tcupoiiatv
A1.6k070v TO150' Opiov 4civii 6 Neiko;, dtvaTEivOW E7CLTI)N,
I.LEarilippiav nket6vcov gupiow aTaSiow, irXc.'roç 6, CBGTE KOCLvTicsou;
OciroXag.Pcivetv guptdvSpouç, Otn/ j.tcy(.ri i MCO61, 'CO PaaiXetov Koci
gircp6rcokt. Teiv A10167uov, ociinjv Tijv AiOtoniav oi)x iicavci; Tly 81-
cupeiv Sixa;
377 1n all likelihood, two of the editions will remain torsos: that of F. Sbordone with three vol-
umes (1, Rome 1963; 2, 1970; 3, not yet published) and that of W. Aly, E. Kirsten and F. Lapp with
two volumes (1 [Books I-II], Bonn 1968; 2 [Books III-IV], 1972); only the French enterprise seems to
have a fair chance of reaching fulfilment (1:1-2 [Books 1-1I1,Paris 1969; 2 [III-IV], 1966; 3 [V-VI],
1967; 4 [VII], 1989; 5 [VIII], 1978; 7 [X], 1971; 8 [XI], 1975; 9 [XII], 1981). A fourth critical edition,
with German translation and commentary, has been announced by a Dutch team; in 1991 it was re-
ported to be well on its way, but the whole work will be published all at once, and this will not
happen until about the year 2000 (see Radt 1991).
812
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Translation
1.2 [25] ... What else is Egypt but riverain land378which the water inundates? It is
situated on both sides of the river, to the east and west. Now Aithiopia lies in a
straight line with Egypt and is very similar with regard to the Nile and the to-
pography in general. For Aithiopia too is narrow, long and subject to inunda-
tion, and what lies outside the area inundated, both eastwards and westwards,
is just a waterless desert, allowing only sparse habitation. Why then should we
not describe it as divided in two?379The Nile has been deemed a good enough
boundary for those who separate Asia from Africa (Libya), in length stretching
southwards more than ten thousand stades,38° in breadth sufficient to accom-
378 The Greek word vflaN, "island", unanimously transmitted by the manuscripts, was removed
by Kramer and Meineke from their texts, but rightly reinstated by Sbordone and Aujac. The pa-
pyri show that this was the term employed for "land flooded (by the Nile)" (Liddell-Scott-Jones
s.v. 2); Aujac's translation ("une ile fluviale") and complicated explanation (in Aujac-Lasserre
1969, 116 n. 1) are thus hardly to the point.
379 Namely, as Homer does, Odyssey 1.23.
380 The length of Strabo's "stade" is probably 185 m according to Dicks (1971, 194); the length of
the Nile, according to Strabo, would thus be "more than 1850 km". But the matter is disputed, cf.
our footnote to Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.2, FHN II 109. Pothecary (1995) now contends that all
the geographical writers from Eratosthenes to Strabo did in fact use the same stade, namely, that
of 185 m.
814
The Sources
modate populous islands. The largest of these is Meroe, the royal seat (basil-
eion) and capital (metropolis) of the Aithiopians. Should the Nile then not be
enough to divide Aithiopia itself in two?
17.2 [1] Much has already been said about Aithiopian matters above, so that one
might say that Aithiopia has been traversed together with Egypt. Generally
speaking, the outskirts of the inhabited world, lying next to the parts which are
ill-fitted and uninhabited due to heat or cold, must necessarily be defective and
inferior to the part with a temperate climate. This is obvious from the way peo-
ple live there and their lack of human necessities. They lead a miserable life, go
poorly clad for the most part, and are nomads. Their domestic animals are
small: sheep, goats and cattle. The dogs too are small, but rough and full of
fighting spirit. It may even be that the Pygmies were invented and made up
from the short stature of these people; for no credible person ever reported
having seen them.
[2] They (the Aithiopians) live on millet and barley, from which they also
make a beverage. Butter and suet serve as their olive oil.381Nor do they have
fruit trees except for a few date-palms in the royal gardens. Some even eat grass,
soft twigs, water-lily [lotos], and reed root. They make use of meat, blood, milk,
and cheese. They worship as gods their kings, who are mostly shut up in their
residence. Their greatest royal seat [basileion] is Meroe, a city with the same
name as the island. The island is said to be shaped like an oblong shield. Its di-
mensions have perhaps been overstated: about three thousand stades long and
one thousand stades wide.382The island has many mountains and large forests,
and it is populated partly by nomads, partly by hunters, and partly by farmers.
There are also copper, iron and gold mines, and various kinds of precious
stones.
It is surrounded on the Libyan side by large deserts, on the Arabian side by
continuous cliffs, and upstream, or southwards, by the confluences of the rivers
Astaboras383 [= Atbara], Astapous, and Astasobas. To the north, the course of
the river Nile, with its above-mentioned windings, continues all the way to
Egypt. In the towns the dwellings are made of material split from palm trees
plaited of walls or of bricks.384They use quarried salt, as in Arabia. With re-
381 The transmitted Greek text (... rcorOvnoto-Batv ocircoi; crctv• 'katov & oi)typov ...) is de-
fective, but the general meaning seems clear. Some (Corais, Jones; see the Loeb text) omit one word
(rcoloiimv) and add one (dvti, comparing Strabo 3.3.7), producing the text: TCOT6vcdyro-t;ionv•
divt' iXaio f3oirrupov meaning: "Instead of olive oil they have butter and suet". We sug-
gest a simpler emendation, keeping all the words while just changing the word order: rco-rOv
1tOtOcYtViXcaov 8' crtitdig kcnt Poirrupov Ka't CY'réap.
382 Probably equivalent to 555 x 185 km (cf. n. 380 above).
383 All mss. adduced by Kramer except one (F) read Astabara instead of Astabora.
384 The text is defective. The Loeb translator follows an emended text, which omits the word for
'walls', and translates: "... of palm-wood woven together, or of brick". The corruption probably
lies deeper, however; one would perhaps rather expect a more pointed observation like leven] in
815
gard to trees, there are plenty of date-palms, perseas, ebony- and carob-trees.
They hunt elephants as well as lions and leopards. There are also serpents—the
elephant fighters—and many other wild animals; for these take refuge from
hotter and more arid regions to the watery marshes.
[3] Beyond Meroe lies Psebo,385a large lake with an island which is amply
populated. Since the Libyans hold the land on the west side of the river Nile
and the Aithiopians that on the opposite, they alternate in having the mastery
over the islands and the riverain land, as one party is driven out and yields to
those who have got the upper hand. The Aithiopians use bows, four cubits
long and made of wood hardened in fire. They even arm the women, most of
whom have a bronze ring through their lip. They wear clothes of sheepskin,
but they have no wool, since their sheep bear goat's hair.388 Some are naked,
and some are girded with small sheepskins or well-plaited garments of hair.
They have as gods one who is immortal—he is said to be the cause of all
things—and another who is mortal and without name or identity. For the
most part, however, they have as gods their benefactors and royalty [basilikoi];
of these the kings [basileis] are considered the common saviours and guardians
of all, while the others387 are gods attached individually to those at whose
hands they have fared well. Of those living near the torrid zone some are con-
sidered atheists. They are said to hate even the sun and to abuse it when they
see it rising, on the grounds that it burns them and makes war against them,
and so they take refuge in the marshes. The people in Meroe worship Heracles,
Pan, and Isis, in addition to some barbarian god. Some throw their dead into
the river, others keep them at home, having enclosed them in glass. Still oth-
ers bury them in clay coffins around the temples; they exact observance of what
has been sworn by the dead deeming such an oath the most sacred of all.388
They appoint as kings those who are distinguished by beauty or skill in cat-
tle-breeding or courage or wealth. In ancient times the priests held the principal
rank in Meroe. Sometimes they even sent a messenger ordering the king to die,
and appointed another king instead. Later one of the kings abolished the cus-
tom by marching under arms against the temple in which the goldert shrine is,
and slaughtering all the priests. The Aithiopians also have the following cus-
tom. If a king is mutilated in any part of his body, whatever the circumstances,
the towns the houses have walls made of plaited material split from palm trees rather than of
brick".
385 All mss. adduced by Kramer read Pseboa.
386 For this description, cf. Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.8.4-5, FHN II, 143.
387 The Greek has the word idiotes, meaning 'private person', 'individual', but in this context
simply 'all those [benefactors] who are not kings'.
388 For this description, cf. Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.9.2-4, FHN II, 143.
816
The Sources
those who are together with him suffer the same thing, and they even die with
him. Therefore they guard their king scrupulously.389
[TH]
Comments
While the introduction to Strabo's description of Aithiopia presents a generally
correct comparison with Egypt, the Geographer must have been ignorant of the
actual, significant, differences in the breadth of inundated land in the two
countries as well as of the extent and climate of the southern parts of Aithiopia.
The mention of "populous islands" is similarly correct in general terms, but
the "island of Meroe", i.e., in reality, the Butana bordered on the W by the Nile
and on the E by the Atbara, is erroneously described as an actual island in the
Nile. A more nearly correct description is offered in 17.2.2, however. Both in
1.2.25 and 17.2.2 Meroe (City) is mentioned as a royal seat; in the latter passage,
however, it is defined as the "greatest royal seat" of the Aithiopians, which may
perhaps indicate that Strabo's source had some vague notion of the plurality of
the Aithiopian "capitals" (the same information seems to have existed in the
background of the mentions of Napata and Meroe [City] as equivalents in the
descriptions of the Roman-Aithiopian war, cf. FHN II, 166, and 190 in this vol-
ume; for the actual plurality of the capitals of the kingdom see Török 1992a;
Comments on FHN I, 39, and see also Török 1995a, 65 ff.; 1995b,29 f.).
Strabo's divison of Aithiopia into two parts, an "African" (or Libyan) part W
of the Nile and an "Asian" part E of the Nile, closely follows ancient Greek tra-
dition (cf. Honigmann 1931, 147 ff.) and reflects an image of Africa which
would be still prevalent in Pomponius Mela's (cf. 193) and Pliny's (Naturalis
historia 5.43 and cf. 195) work (cf. Homer, Odyssey 1.23, cf. Romm 1992, 49 ff.; for
Agatharchides, Artemidorus, and Diodorus cf. Desanges 1993a 525 ff.; Desanges
1994-1995).The suggestion that the Nile stretches southwards more than ten
thousand stades attempts to indicate the correct extent of the country which
was described in vague terms in Strabo's sources (cf. Pietschmann 1894, 1095 ff.).
On the other hand, the description of the "island of Meroe" in 17.2.2 as inhab-
ited partly by nomads, partly by hunters and partly by agriculturalists seems cor-
rect and reinforces the evidence of archaeology and settlement history (for the
ecological background see Jackson 1957;Edwards 1989;Bradley 1992).
In Book 17.2.1 Aithiopia is depicted as on the outskirts of the inhabited
world where the inferior quality of life was determined by the hot climate. The
explanation of the way of life and stage of culture by an environmental theory
points towards Herodotus as one of Strabo's (indirect?) sources (Herodotus,
2.22; Hippocrates, On Airs Waters Places 12.17-23,24, cf. Snowden 1970, 172 f.) as
does the, however sceptical, mention of the Pygmies (cf. Herodotus 2.32). The
mention of the rivers in 17.2.2 presents a somewhat corrected rendering of the
text of Eratosthenes quoted in 17.1.2(FHN II, 109): Strabo's Astapous is the Blue
389 For this description, cf. Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.6 7, FHN II, 142.
-
817
Nile, Astasoba is the White Nile (cf. Schäfer 1895). References to the mining of
precious stones, of iron and gold, to the hunting of lions and leopards and to
the elephant-fighting serpents match those in early Hellenistic literary
works.390 Early Hellenistic sources also underlie the description of lake Psebo.
Psebo originally occurred in the late 4th cent. BC as a name for southeastern
Aithiopia (Aristagoras, FGrH, 609 F 10; Theophrastus, De Lapidibus 6,34); the
lake Psebo of Strabo and later of Stephanus of Byzantium (s.v. Psebo) may refer
to Lake Tana (cf. Burstein 1989a, 145 f. note 4; we do not follow Burstein here in
his assumption that "Psebo might be explained as a transcription of an Egyptian
toponym consisting of the article Pa + Sebo and be interpreted as referring to
the Sabaeans whose presence along the coast of Eritrea is attested in Hellenistic
sources", ibid.).
The notes on Aithiopian religion and customs in 17.2.3 derive from the
Herodotean tradition (cf. FHN I, 62, 65) and also bear the distinctive stamp of
Hellenistic ethnography (see FHN II, 143; cf. Desanges 1993a, 532 f.). The story
about the abolition of the priests' supreme power in the kingdom repeats the
Ergamenes story of Agatharchides (FHN II, 142). The notion of the king's vul-
nerability, as a consequence of which he is guarded by his subjects as a sort of
roi fain&mt, also appears, in connection with the king of the Sabaeans, in
Agatharchides' work (On the Erythraean Sea fgm. 102, Burstein 1989a, 165 f. =
Strabo 16.4.19).The seclusion of the Sabaean king is, however, contradicted by
the South Arabian historical evidence (Burstein 1989a, 166 note 1). It cannot be
decided whether Strabo followed another source when applying Agatharchides'
remark to Aithiopia. Whatever its source may be, the remark on the seclusion
of the Aithiopian king and the mutilation of his courtiers clearly sounds in-
vented (cf. Hofmann 1971a, 31).
[LT]
188 Syene inhabited by Egyptians and Aithiopians. Early lst cent. AD.
Strabo 1.2.32and 17.1.49.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source see 187.
Text
1.2 [32] (p. 129.18 22 Aujac) Taxa j.tv yåp icat nkrimairEpot ijaav taiç em;
-
cd TOTEOpot, dtX,X,å, xoci. oi. VV 76,116i0v EiCSiV,cd xatå Kai 'Cdt

j.thr ti); Airiitto.0 k.cstiv, cd 5è DiX,ca KOIV1)KatOtKia Tåriv
AiOuircow iccit T6-ivAiyuittictiv.
390 For giant snakes fighting with elephants: Agatharchides in Diodorus 3.37.8-9, FHN II, 143;
see also Strabo 16.4.16; Aelian, History of the anitnals 17.45; for the relationship of elephant
with serpent in Meroitic religion cf., e.g., the now destroyed wall painting in the "water sanctu-
ary" at Meroe City, Hofmann-Tomandl 1986, fig. 52; Török 1997, Ch. 23, Pls 27, 29, 30) appear to
derive from sources of the Hellenistic period (for the stones cf. FHN II, 137, in this volume see
201; for the fauna see Meyboom 1995, 20 ff.; 224 f. note 12).
818
The Sources
17.1 [49] (p. 1140.29-1141.4 Meineke) To èKorrapå,KTO'D gtxpåv orceicycoTOc;(DIXOc;

dvat aup.Bai vet, KCYLVi]V KaTOUCLOCV Ai01.61ZOW tE Ai7Intti(Ov, Kat-
ealcevaailviv diarcep 'EXEcimwrivivlecit TO yE0oç ariv, icpå
k'xovaav Aly.6ittta.
Translation
1.2 [32] For perhaps the frontier (between Egypt and Aithiopia) at that time391
was closer to Thebes, even though the present frontier too is close enough, i.e.,
the one at Syene and Philae. Of these, Syene belongs to Egypt, while Philae is a
settlement common to the Aithiopians and the Egyptians.
17.1 [49]A little beyond the cataract lies Philae, a settlement common to
Aithiopians and Egyptians, built like Elephantine and of equal size, and with
Egyptian temples.
[TH]
Comments
In the terms of the peace treaty concluded in 21/20 BC on Samos after the war
between Rome and Meroe (cf. FHN II, 163 166, 168; in this volume 190, 204, 205)
-
the stretch of the Nile Valley called Dodecaschoenus, extending from

Syene/Aswan to Hiera Sycaminos/Maharraqa (cf. FHN II, 112, 135, 137; Sethe
1901; Desanges 1969), was annexed to Egypt. The textual documents relating to
the administration and military defence of the Dodecaschoenus clearly show
that this territory remained under firm Egyptian control until the middle of the
3rd cent. AD (cf. 220, 230, 238 240, 242, 247; Török 1979,93 ff.; 1986a 72 ff.; 1988a,
-
145 ff., 275 ff.). The Dodecaschoenus was, however, settled by a non-Egyptian
population which was traditionally distinguished as "Aithiopian" (cf. FHN II,
140 and see also Comments on (129), 133, 135) and, though subordinate to the
administration of the Thebaid, it was governed on the settlement level by offi-
cials belonging to local élite families of "Aithiopian" origin (cf. FHN II, 180 -
185). These facts, as well as the memory of the earlier history of this territory
which Kush had repeatedly annexed in the course of the previous millennium
or so (cf. FHN I, 1, 4, (6), 9, FHN II, (70), (77), (83), (129), (131)), contributed to the
maintenance of the ancient Egyptian notion that Egypt ends at Elephantine, the
"doorway to the foreign lands" (cf. Kemp 1983 99). It was in all probability this
tradition that gave rise to the expression "the limits of Egypt in the face of
Aithiopia" in connection with Philae (FHN II, 170) and which explains why
Pliny speaks about Syene as the "end of the empire", i.e., of Rome (208), and
why Aelius Aristides defines Egypt's southern border with such a vagueness
(230).
[LT]
391 1.e., when Menelaus arrived in Aithiopia, according to Homer, Odyssey 4.84.
819
189 On Aithiopian tribes. Early lst cent. AD.

Strabo 16.4.8-13, 17.
Text
16.4.8-13 (p. 1075.14-1079.10 Meineke) [8] 'Ev &TOT?1.1ETcci) EKSiScOalv å7C6csicocaga
TO.5 'ACSTC436p0C Kak0141.EvOu itoTapbU, åpv 'xcov gépo;
b(8.-i.6coat, 'TO 6è nkéov abl..tPdckX.EiTei?Nsikey elTa vflaot AaTo-
giat icakoUgevat. iccd p.cTå tce6tcx TO Ec43caTtKOv GT61.10C ksycigevoy icd
1.1EaCryaiå OpoiSptov, Tocsolixou Y8puila• dta Xtjnv KOCX(nigevo;
'Ekaia ca i Tpc't.reovogvficyo. dTa WI3å ieuviirov kEilxiv-
Tcov Ogoivugov a'UT(i). i 8' v 13å9E1 'CO'UTCON, xoipoc TTWECYCF'1;kyeTca. xouat
8' aliniv oi Tzapå tilawTixou 4uri8E; AiyunTicov. .Ttovolidtov.Tca
d.); åv 1rrjX6Eç[3conkeUOVTat 8' intO yuvaucci; ijv 4[TT"tKCCi
MEO611, 7tX.116i0v TO5N, töirov 0i3Cfå TOliTOW Ev Neikey vfjao; U'rcp gi;
åkki vioç oi rtokU dincoOcv v tt;- TCOTOCI4, xaToucia Tdiv CcUTci-iv
TOI:nCov puyå8wv. 'Anå 6è Mep611; TTjv6E t1V 13åkaTTav ûvc 688
ktepv TrevTexai8exa. I1Ep 6è tiv MEpOriv ica' i 4:-.Tugl3ok1j ToU TE 'AcrTa-
13öpa KOCI TO13 'ACiTån01) TO15 'ACSTOC7C430C Tzpi) TOv Neikov.
FICCIDMKO.(361.6 TCYtiTM 'F.To4)å.yot "Ekelot npocayopeucigevot
Stå TO TOti 7CapaKEIIIEN,01 oto.tovtuç ouç KönTelv Xi(301. KCC'l
åvarckåTTetv j.tdaç, i?iciaavtaç *5 atTclaOca- XsovToPOTa 8' 'Cå
xcopia- taiç 8' UTrO leuvO; rct.Tokilv TWpatg i.Y/ZOiccovo51towgeyåkcov -
e) .oc.i.)vsTatTå Oipia c TC7W töitwv ciï 6 Kcit Dreplio4)&yot irkiov,
Tciiv arcepgåTcov kittkliCOVTOW UTtOTniv docpoSpi)ow Tpécl)ovtat, CYKED(gON/TE;
naparcknaico dialtep Tå; 5iÇaç oi. '121..o4xiyot.
MeTå 6è tiv 'Ekaiav ai Arwmpiou Picontai KCC113(ogoi.Kövcovo;.
Tij Reaoyaiqc Ka2+.,dcpxoy 'Iv8tx63v pUeTat TzkfjOoç K&ita 6è i d)pa Ko-
paxiou. Tjv 8é Tt; èv PåOct 'Ev8épa yup.viTOW åvepnilICON, Katoucia,
xpon_tvow icakai.tivot; KOCi ICEnupaKTcogévot; oitoïç åTtO 8v8pow
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"ETI. 8' intp TOliTCovci.); TcpO; i.tearigf3piav oi Kuvagokyoi, i)rcO

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The Sources
yeXciiwre; aga, cicv TO15 Oliftv aoip,aro; Ocitoxp14comv•

k1rtOévtEç icpa; alyEtov duciwnv.
'08oucopoi3at öè viHercop tdiv appéwov Opegwitow IcoiScova
diat' Olpia T6.?wOOoy Icat Xagnoiat tigot bEL
tå Oripia xpoivzoo, Icca Stalipoitvoi5m toiv notgvicov xciptv iij rivt xpai-
i.tevot ltpÔ tC 7ropi.
Translation
16.4 [8] In between392 there debouches a branch of the river Astaboras (Atbara),
which starts from a lake and discharges part of its water here; but it lets most of
it flow into the Nile. Then there are six islands called Quarries (Latomiai).
There follow the so-called Sabaitic mouth (Sabaitikon stoma) and, inland, a
fortress founded by Tosouchos.393Then there is a harbour called E1aia394and
Strato's (Straton) Island, then a harbour called Saba and a hunting-ground for
elephants with the same name. The hinterland of these places is called the
Tenessis395 and is occupied by the Egyptians who fled from Psammetichus.
They are called Sembrites (Sembrita 0,396as being immigrants, and are ruled by
a woman, to whom Meroe too is subject.397Meroe is an island in the Nile situ-
ated close to this region, and beyond it, not far away, in the river there is an-
other island, which is a settlement of the same fugitives. From Meroe to this
sea (the Red Sea) there is fifteen days' march for a man who travels light. In the
neighbourhood of Meroe is the confluence of the Astaboras and the Astapos
and furthermore the outlet of the Astagabas398into the Nile.
[9] Along these rivers live the Root-eaters (Rhizophagoi), or Marsh-dwellers
(Heleioi), as they are also called because they gather roots from the neighbour-
ing marshes, pound them with stones and form cakes which they dry in the
sun and eat. Lions frequent this region, but in the dog days399 the beasts are
driven out of their haunts by big mosquitoes. Nearby are also the Seed-eaters
392 The context shows that we find ourselves south of Ptolemais of the Hunt on the Red Sea coast.
393 The mss. differ in reading toaoi.ixou paia (E) or TO aolixou 'iSfruga (the other mss. con-
sulted by Kramer), which means that the name in question may be either Tosouchos (or -es) or
Souchos. The latter name occurs also in Strabo 17.1.38, as the name of the holy crocodile in Arsi-
noe.
394 Both here and in [9], several mss. have the variant reading Elea.
395 0ne of the mss. (F) adds the variant Timissos.
396 The mss. read Sabritai (E) or Sebritai (the rest); but cf. Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.2 (FHN II,
109), where the mss. have Sembritai.
397 Cf. Eratosthenes in Strabo 17.1.2, FHN II, 109 (with footnote), for another version.
398 All the mss. consulted by Kramer read Astagaba, only one of them (F) adding in the margin
the variant Astosoba (sic); all editors, on the other hand, have followed Corais in adopting As-
tasoba as the supposedly correct reading, comparing Strabo 17.1.2 (FHN II, 109) and 17.2.2 (above,
187). Though the palaeographical difference between the two readings is minimal, we prefer not
to harmonize; the present text may carry independent information from a different source.
399 Lit., "in the days in which the Dog-star (= Sirius) is visible".
823
(Spermophagoi); when there is a shortage of seeds, they feed on nuts which

they prepare in almost the same way as the Root-eaters prepare their roots.
After Elaia come Demetrius' Peaks and Conon's Altars. Inland there grow
Indian reeds in abundance. The land is called Korakion Country.40° In the hin-
terland there was a settlement of naked men called Endera. They used bows of
reeds and arrows hardened in the fire, mostly shooting the wild animals from
the trees, but sometimes also from the ground. There is in their country wild
cattle in abundance, and they live on the meat of these and other wild animals;
but when they have no meat from hunting, they roast the dry skins over char-
coal and are satisfied with that kind of food. They have the custom of setting up
a contest in archery for boys who have not yet reached manhood.
After Conon's Altars comes the Melinos Harbour, and beyond it lies Koraos'
Fort as it is called and Koraos' Hurtting-ground, as well as another fort and
more hunting-grounds. Then there is Antiphilus' Harbour, and beyond are the
Meat-eaters (Kreophagoi) who have their perlises mutilated and their women
circumcised in the Jewish fashion.
1101 Further beyond these towards the south are the Dog-milkers
(Kynamolgoi), who are called Wild Men (Agrioi) by the locals. They grow long
hair and beards and raise large dogs, with which they hunt the Indian bulls
coming in from the neighbouring country, driven out either by wild animals
or by lack of pasture; they come in from the summer solstice until the middle
of the winter.
Next to Antiphilus' Harbour is a harbour called the Grove of the Mutilated
(Kolobon alsos), then the city Berenice of the Sabai and Sabai itself, a large city,
and then Eumenes' Grove. Beyond lie the city Darada" and a hunting-ground
for elephants called the "Hunting-ground by the Well". It is inhabited by the
Elephant-eaters (Elephantophagoi), who hunt in the following way. When
from the trees they observe a herd making its way through the bush, they do
not attack it, but come stealthily from behind to hamstring the animals that
have strayed away from the herd. Some also kill them with arrows dipped in
snake poison, the shooting being performed by three men, two holding the bow
and steadying themselves with their feet, while the third draws the string. Oth-
ers still mark the trees against which the elephants are wont to rest; then they
go and cut through the trunk from the other side. Thus, when the animal
coMes and leans against it, the tree falls and so does the elephant. Because its
legs have a continuous and inflexible bone, it cannot rise, so the men jump
400 The meaning of the name Korakion is uncertain; it may be the diminutive of korax, 'raven', or
the name of a plant (according to Aristotle, Mir. 837a20, the same as hierakion, 'hawkweed'). It
may also be masculine, Korakios,but that does not help us further; it does not seem to be recorded
in Greek sources as a personal name, only as the designation of various mountains and rivers, none
of them in Africa. In our context, it may be no more than the nearest Greek-sounding equivalent of
an indigenous name.
401 The variant Daraba is recorded.
824
The Sources
down from the trees and cut it up. The nomads call the hunters Unclean
(Akathartoi).
Beyond these is a small tribe of Ostrich-eaters (Strouthophagoi), in
whose country there are birds as big as deer; they cannot fly, but run fast, just
like ostriches (strouthokameloi). They hunt them, some with bow and arrows,
some covered with ostrich skin: they hide the right hand in the neck part and
move just like the animals move with their necks, while with the left hand
they pour seed from a bag hanging at their sides. With this bait they attract the
animals and herd them into narrow clefts, where men with sticks stand by to
strike them down. They use their skins both for clothing and to make their
beds. Against this people fight the so-called snub-nosed (simoi)402Aithiopians,
who use gazelle horns as weapons.
In the country next to them live the Locust-eaters (Akridophagoi), who
are blacker than the others, shorter and most short-lived. For they seldom ex-
ceed forty years of age, since their flesh becomes filled with parasites.403 They
live on locusts which in springtime the strong south-west and west winds
drive together into this region. They place smoke-producing wood in the
ravines, set fire to it and ...;404 for when they fly over the smoke they are
blinded and fall down. They mash them together with salt and make cakes
which they use for food.
Beyond these there lies a large empty area with abundant pasture, but aban-
doned because of a multitude of scorpions and poisonous so-called four-jaw
spiders, which once got the upper hand and caused people completely to desert
the region.
After Eumenes' Harbour as far as the Neck (Deire)405and the Straits of
the Six Islands live the Fish-eaters (Ichthyophagoi) and Meat-eaters (Kreo-
phagoi), and the Mutilated (Koloboi) further in the interior. There are also
more elephant hunting-grounds and insignificant cities (polis) and small is-
lands off the coast. The majority are nomads, the farmers few. Among some of
them the Styrax tree grows in some quantity.
The Fish-eaters gather their fish at ebb-tide; they throw them on the rocks
and bake them in the sun. When the fish are thoroughly baked, they pile up
the backbones, while they tread on the flesh to produce cakes, which they again
bake in the sun and eat. In wintertime when they are unable to gather the fish
they pound the bones which lie piled up, form cakes and use them for food; the
402 The mss. have silloi, "squint-eyed"; but in one ms. (E) the scribe has corrected himself into
-moi, and simoi is the designation we also find used by Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.8.2
(FHN II, 143) and in other texts.
403 The Greek is less specific, using a verb dozoaript.Oco meaning, in the passive, 'be filled with
wild beasts'.
404 Something is obviously missing in this sentence; one of the mss. inspected by Kramer (E) has a
lacuna of ca. 10 letters here, which would suffice for a verb meaning "catch" plus the personal
pronoun "them" (Oripelioumv or Xcq.i.Pc'tvountvccirrdig).
405 The variant Dere (81.1prl)occurs in ms. E.
825
fresh bones they suck. Some farm the mussels which contain flesh; they cast
them into (tidal) pools or reservoirs of sea-water, then also throw in minnows
as food, and so they eat the mussels when there is a shortage of fish. They also
have fish-ponds of various kinds, from which they dispense fish.
Some of those who live on the coast where there is no (fresh) water, every
four days walk with the whole family up to the reservoirs, solemnly singing;
there they throw themselves down flat and drink like oxen until their stomach
is like a drum, and then walk back to the sea. They live in caves or in enclo-
sures roofed over with beams and cross-beams of whale406 bones and backbones
of fish, and with leafy olive-tree branches.
16.4 [17] The Troglodytes (Troglodytai = Cave-dwellers)407 lead a nomadic life,

each tribe having its own ruler. They have their wives and children in com-
mon, except the rulers; for the seduction of the ruler's wife one pays a sheep as
a penalty. The women carefully paint their eyelids black and wear necklaces of
small shells as amulets. They fight about the pasture, first using their hands to
drive each other back, then stones, and, when people are injured, also arrows
and knives. The women put an end to the fighting by stepping in and entreat-
ing them.
Their food is a mixture of meat and pounded bones which is wrapped in the
hides, then baked and prepared in many other ways by the butchers,408 whom
they call "unclean". So they are not only meat-eaters but bone-eaters and hide-
eaters as well. They also use the blood and the milk, mixing them together. For
drink the people have an extract from the jujube, while the rulers drink a mix-
ture with honey, the honey being squeezed out of a flower.
They have winter when the Etesian (monsoon) winds blow, for these bring
heavy rain, and summer the rest of the time. They are always lightly dressed
and wear hides and carry clubs. They are not just mutilated, but some are even
circumcised in the Egyptian manner. The Aithiopian Megabaroi put iron knobs
on their clubs, but they also use spears and shields of rawhide, while the rest of
the Aithiopians use bows and arrows as well as spears.
Some of the Troglodytes have the following burial custom: they bind the
neck of the corpse to the legs with the help of jujube twigs, at once afterwards
they throw stones over it, all merry and laughing, until they have hidden the
body from sight. Then they place a goat's horn on top and leave.
They travel by night, having bells attached to their male animals so that the
wild beasts are scared away by the noise. They also use torches as well as bows
4136TheGreek word here translated as "whale" (adj., KrItei.N) might refer to any large fish or sea
monster; but the more detailed account in Strabo 15.2.2 of the use another tribe of "Fish-eaters"
makes of various materials from the animal in question, makes "whale" a reasonable assumption.
407Cf. Herodotus 4.183.4 (FHN I, 66) and Agatharchides in Diodorus Siculus 3.33.2 (FHN II, 147),
with Coniments.
4080r, "cooks"; the Greek word means both, implying that the same person often performed both
functions.
826
The Sources
and arrows against the beasts, and stay awake during the night to protect their
flocks, singing a song by the fire.
FrFli
Comments
The description of the Red Sea coast and its hinterland, called here Tenessis, de-
rives from an early Hellenistic source as is indicated by its close affinities with
Aristocreon's description (around 300 BC) preserved in Pliny's Naturalis histo-
ria (see FHN fl 104) and with the version presented by Eratosthenes
, (in Strabo,
see FHN 11, 109). It also owes much to Artemidorus' lost work (see below and cf.
Desanges 1993a, 525 ff.). The descriptions presented here are embedded in Stra-
bo's Book 16 in a description of the African coast of the Red Sea, which reflects
the Hellenistic image of Africa, a continent which was, as also Strabo, Pompo-
nius Mela (cf. 193) and Pliny (Naturalis historia 5.43), incorrectly, maintained,
allegedly completely circumnavigated and hence sufficiently known.409
The mention of the Sembrites or Deserters repeats in both descriptions a
legend about which we also may read in Herodotus (FHN I, 56). While in
Herodotus' work the Deserters are subjects of the kings of Aithiopia and inhabit
a land at a distance of two months' travel from Meroe, according to Aristocreon
they a.re to be found in a distance of 17 days of travel. To their land also belongs
an island which is subject to a queen. According to Eratosthenes they live
"above Meroe" and "their ruler is a woman, but they are subject to Meroe". It
would thus seem that the variant presented by Strabo in 189 is a somewhat
misunderstood "synthesis" of what he read in his various sources. The figure
of the female ruler probably derives from the lost work of Bion of Soloi (see
FHN II, 105, Introduction to source); and it already occurred as Queen Candace
of Aithiopia in the Alexander Romance of Pseudo-Callisthenes (FHN II, 85).
The description of the tribes inhabiting the hinterland of the Red Sea coast
likewise derives from early Hellenistic geographical and ethnographical litera-
ture (cf. FHN II, 102, and see in this volume 198). Geographical information
concerning the coastal region N of Adulis, modern Massawa (cf. Desanges
1978a, 295 f.), the site of a Ptolemaic settlement probably identical with the
Berenice of the Sabai and/or the Sabai of Strabo (cf. the Greek inscription OGIS
54 [known only from a copy made by Cosmas Indicopleustes at Adulis in the
6th cent. AD = Monumentum Adulitanum, Wolska-Conus 1968-1973 3771; De-
sanges 1978b; Burstein 1989a, 9 f. with note 5; for Cosmas cf. 234) is embellished
first of all with data excerpted from Agatharchides' work On the Erythraean Sea
(cf. fgms 51 ff., Burstein 1989a, 89 ff.) and from Artemidorus of Ephesus'
409 Pomponius Mela (3.90 f.) as well as Pliny (2.67, 168) quote Hanno's Periplus (cf. Desanges
1978a, 39 ff.) in order to give the (false) impression that Africa had been completely circumnavi-
gated, as had also the other parts of the oikumene or the orbis terrarum, already at a much ear-
lier date (for Pliny's vague dating of Hanno to the 6th-5th cent. BC cf. Naturalis historia 2.169;
cf. Daebritz 1912, 2360). For the conceptual connection of the geographers' vision of the circum-
navigated world with the idea of the "island oikumene" see Romm 1992, 121 ff.
827
(around 100 BC) lost world geography (on Artemidorus' dependence on Book 1
of the On the Erythraean Sea concerning the region in question see Burstein
1989a, 39 with note 1) as is indicated by the sequence of the tribes as well as by
individual details in the description of their ways of life.410 The reality of the
individual tribes and their customs is, in spite of the realistic geographical con-
text, frequently doubtful as is indicated, e.g., by the Dog-milkers who were
adopted from Ctesias' book on India (cf. Comments on Dalion, FHN II 102).
[LT]
190 The war between Rome and Aithiopia. Early lst cent. AD.
Strabo 17.1.53-54.
Text
17.1.53-54 (p. 1142.18-1145.15 Meineke) [53] "Hv jiv ativ i A'iyurrto eiprIvueil TO
TCXEON, cpxiç Stå TO aiiTapice; iiç xccipa; Kai TO SucreicrPoov Tai;
(1)0cv, årcO tèv TCW apictow aXtp.évq) napaiiqcKai nc?,,dyet Aiyurrtio?
ii:Ipoppowtvri, dcrui Trjg ica't T11; irépaç piioiç Opeat, toïç TE
At3iicoiç icat diernep cpoci,csv•Xoinå & Tå icpèç vö-cov Tpai-
ykoSircat <1(ai > Koci Mey6c13apot Oi itipXurlyn;
45' diTo1. vo.tciEEç icat O1 7r0XX01, 0'68E ilåX11.101., SoKoinneg
TO'i; Iråkat Stå ôXriarpticcik åOUX&ICT01. E7UTteE6oCa 7LOXXåK1.;' Oi
itpôç 1.1Ecri3.tl3piav Kai Mcpciiv dvricov'rEç AiBiorre;, drcor rroXXo't
oiite V aucycpollrij, åTE rrotagiav gaxpdcv Kai revriv Kai csKokidtv
diav npoeinogEv ai)& napeaKevacsgvot KaX6ç 0.6TE itpôç 7IOXEM.ON/
OUTE itpôç tÔVd(XXov 13iov.
Stalccyrat rraparrXricriw; i o'.)pa rcacra. am.telov é Tptai
yofw CYTEEipat.;cri)45 v.ce.Xécrt.v ixaver.); 1`)irci To3v FO.I.taieW xuipa
ppoupsitav ToXplicsaat toç AiMiONJ1A, 7t1.0E.601:X1 xtv8livei5aat cxoSpa
61A/é7CE6E tiGOETEpq.. Kai ai. kotrzai 6èStivaget; ai v Airinto? OUTE
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CrUTE Tå irK 9N/rj. FaX,Xo; i.tv Kopvijklo; 6 np&co; KatacrrocOEst
'Tcctpxo; Tfk Xeipa; '6 n6 Kaicrapo, trjv TE `HO(.60YV7COXIA,arrowaicsav
OXiyurv Eike, CSTårSIA7TE yevi0Eiaav v 'ti Orj3aii Sidc TOU;
1:1)Opo'K v pax6 icatékucre. FIctpoivi6; TE iicrtepov T0i3 'AkeavSpécov
130'K
410Cf. esp. for the Sperma[to]phagoi Agatharchides in Diodorus 3.24; for the Dog-milkers see
Dalion, FHN II, 102, Agatharchides in Diodorus 3.31, Pliny 6.195; for the Grove of the Mutilated
(i.e., circumcised) see Ptolemy 4.7.2; for the Elephant-eaters see Agatharchides fgm. 55; Diodorus
3.26; for the Ostrich-eaters and the snub-nosed Aithiopians Agatharchides fgm. 58; Diodorus
3.28.1-6; for the Locust-eaters see Agatharchides fgm. 59; Diodorus 3.29.1-7; for the Trog[I]odytes
see Herodotus 4.183.4 = FHN I, 66; Agatharchides fgm. 64 = Diodorus 3.33.2 = FHN II, 147.
828
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ovzo, dalniKev airrai; acipou knéaTiae.
Translation
17.1 [53]Egypt, then, for the most part remained at peace from the outset, since
the country was self-sufficient and difficult to invade for people coming from
outside. On the north it was defended by a harbourless coast and the Egyptian
Sea, on the east and west by the desert mountains of Libya and Arabia, as we al-
ready mentioned. There remain, to the south, the Troglodytes, Blemmyes,
Noubai and Megabaroi, the Aithiopians beyond Syene.411These are nomads
and neither many nor warlike, although they were believed to be so by the an-
cients because of their frequent raids on defenceless people. As regards the
Aithiopians who extend towards the south as far as Meroe, they too are not
numerous, nor do they live closely together, for they inhabit a long, narrow
and winding river valley, as we already described. Nor are they well prepared
either for war or for life in general.
Even now the whole country is in a similar state, as is indicated by the fol-
lowing. With only three cohorts, and not up to full strength at that, the country
is adequately guarded by the Romans. When the Aithiopians dared to make an
attack, they in fact put their own country at risk. Moreover, as far as the re-
maining forces in Egypt are concerned, neither are they so great nor have the
Romans even once used them all together. For neither the Egyptians them-
selves, in spite of being very numerous, nor the surrounding peoples are war-
riors. Now Gallus Cornelius, appointed the first prefect of the country by Cae-
sar,412 attacked Herobnpolis, which had revolted, and captured it with just a
few men, and he also quickly put an end to a tax revolt in the Thebaid. Later on
Petronius, after the Alexandrian mob which numbered tens of thousands had
attacked him throwing stones, managed to resist them with just his own guard
and by killing some of them made the others stop. I have already told (Strabo
16.4.23) how Gallus Aelius, after invading Arabia with part of the Egyptian gar-
rison, discovered that this people was unwarlike. If Syllaios had not betrayed
him, he would even have conquered the whole of Arabia Felix.
411 It is impossible to decide from the Greek of this passage whether the apposition "the
Aithiopians beyond Syene" only defines the Megabaroi or belongs to all four peoples enumerated.
412 I.e., Octavian. For this whole description, cf. the inscription of Cornelius Gallus at Philae,
FHN II, 163- 165.
830
The Sources
[54] Disdainful because part of the (Roman) forces stationed in Egypt had
been detached to follow Gallus Aelius on his expedition against the Arabs, the
Aithiopians attacked the Thebaid and the garrison of three cohorts at Syene.
They managed to take Syene, Elephantine and Philae unawares and on the first
attack; they enslaved all the inhabitants and even pulled down the statues of
Caesar. Then Petronius attacked them with less than ten thousand foot and
eight hundred cavalry against thirty thousand men. First he forced them to re-
treat to the Aithiopian town of Pselchis (Dakka) and sent envoys demanding
the return of what had been taken and asking about their reasons for starting a
war. They said that they were being wronged by the nomarchs,413but he told
them that these were not the rulers of the country, but Caesar. They requested
three days for deliberations; but since they did not do any of the things they
should, he attacked and forced them out into battle. He rapidly put them to
flight because of their poor battle formation and armament. For they had large
oblong shields, and of raw oxhide at that, and for weapons axes; others had
pikes, others still swords. Some were forced back into the town, some fled into
the desert, while others found refuge on an island nearby, wading across the
river, for the crocodiles were not numerous there on account of the current.
Among these were also the generals of Queen Candace, who ruled the
Aithiopians in my time, a manly woman who had lost one of her eyes. All
these Petronius captured alive, having crossed over on rafts and boats, and
immediately sent them down to Alexandria. He also attacked and captured
Pselchis. If the number of men killed in the battle is added to those taken pris-
oner, it emerges that those who escaped were very few indeed.
From Pselchis Petronius arrived at Primnis (Qasr Ibrim), a fortified city,
having crossed the sandbanks at which Cambyses' army had been overtaken by
a stormwind and buried in the sand. He attacked and took the fortress on the
first assault, and then marched off for Napata. This was Candace's royal seat,
and her son was there; she herself had taken residence in a place nearby. Al-
though she sent envoys asking for friendship and returned the prisoners taken
from Syene and the statues, he attacked and captured Napata as well, after Can-
dace's son had fled, and razed it to the ground. Having enslaved the inhabi-
tants, he withdrew again with his spoils, deeming the land further on too diffi-
cult to traverse. He had Primnis better fortified, placed a garrison there with a
two years' supply of food for four hundred men, and then departed for Alexan-
dria. Of the prisoners he sold some as booty and sent one thousand to Caesar
who had recently returned from Cantabria (in northern Spain); some also suc-
cumbed to disease.
Meanwhile, Candace marched against the garrison with many thousands of
men. Petronius, however, went to its assistance, arrived before them at the
fortress, and reinforced the place with more armaments. When they sent en-
voys, he told them to do so to Caesar instead; and when they said that they did
413 Probably referring to district financial officers.
831
not know who Caesar was or where to go to reach him, he gave them an escort.
They came to Samos, where Caesar was staying in preparation for proceeding to
Syria, while he sent Tiberius to Armenia. After they had achieved all they
asked for, he even exempted them from the taxes he had imposed.
ETHI
Comments
The Roman conquest of Egypt opened a new chapter in Aithiopian-Egyptian re-
lations. As a first move, in 30 BC Meroe tried to exploit the opportunity pre-
sented by an Upper Egyptian revolt to re-conquer the entire stretch of the Lower
Nubian Nile Valley as far north as Syene. The Upper Egyptian revolt was
swiftly crushed by Cornelius Gallus, Egypt's first Roman praefect who, annex-
ing to Egypt the entire stretch of Valley between the First and Second Cataracts,
revived the Ptolemaic governmental unit called the Triacontaschoenus. The
government of the Triacontaschoenus was, as it seems, organised similarly to
the Ptolemaic administration of the region as had been established in the 2nd
cent. BC after the crushing of the Upper Egyptian revolt (for the Ptolernaic ad-
ministration cf. FHN II, (128), (129), 133, 134, 137, 138, 140, 141; for the campaign
of Cornelius Gallus ibid. 163-165).
In the summer of 25 BC Augustus ordered Aelius Gallus, second Roman
prefect of Egypt (26-24 BC, cf. Bureth 1988,475), to launch an expedition against
Arabia Felix. The expedition was motivated by the wealth of Arabia and the
commercial capacity of the Red Sea and may be regarded as one of the last acts
of an expansive Roman foreign policy (for the Arabian campaign see also litera-
ture quoted in the Comments on FHN II, 166). At the same time, a new prefect
was appointed in Egypt in the person of C. Petronius (for his career see Bagnall
1985; Bureth 1988, 475). Aelius Gallus went to Arsinoe to join in the prepara-
tions for the Arabian expedition, then proceeded, after some months, to Leuke
Kome, whence he departed for the expedition, taking with him almost half of
the forces stationed in Egypt. Following Aelius Gallus' departure, armed
Meroites crossed the First Cataract, attacked Philae, Syene/Aswan and Elephan-
tine, and carried off prisoners and statues of Augustus (for the events see also
FHN II, 168, and in this volume 204, 205).
Strabo's account of the reasons for the Arabian venture in Book 16.4.22
gives the impression that the expedition against Arabia was planned together
with an expedition against Meroe as part of a larger project. However, before
the intended expedition against Meroe could have been properly prepared, the
Meroites acted first and, as it seems, directly on receiving the news about the
withdrawal of considerable military forces from Egypt. The subsequent descrip-
tion of the course of events in Arabia and Aithiopia bears, however, the stamp
of personal bias: Strabo, as protegé and friend of Aelius Gallus, was not only in-
formed by his protector but also conveyed his defence for his actions (for the
832
The Sources
real course of the Arabian war see Comments on FHN II, 166; for the actual role
of Syllaios cf. Stein 1931;Wissmarm 1976,313 ff., 433 ff.).
The Aithiopian att'ack on Syene, Elephantine and Philae provoked a
counter-attack led by Aelius Gallus' successor C. Petronius (Josephus, A.J.
15.307;Cassius Dio, 54,5.4; Brunt 1975, 142; for his career see Bagnall 1985; Bu-
reth 1988, 475). As to the chronology of the events, we know that the Aithio-
pian attack took place some time in late summer or early autumn of 25 BC and
that by late winter 24 BC Augustus had already received the prisoners taken by
Petronius in the battle at Pselchis/Dakka.
Strabo records that when Petronius asked the Meroites why they attacked
Philae, Syene and Elephantine, they answered that they had been mistreated by
the nomarchs, i.e., tax-collectors (for the nomarch as tax-collector see literature
cited in the Comments on FHN II, 166). Considering this detail together with
Strabo's description of their primitive equipment and more than insufficient
"army" organisation, we may well conclude that the first act of the war between
Augustus and Meroe was nothing but a popular uprising in the Triaconta-
schoenus against the Roman vassallage established as a result of Cornelius Gal-
lus' campaign; it seems, however, that at the same time a Meroitic army also
departed from the south, under the command of King Teritegas (cf. FHN II,
(172)), to give support to the rebels. Teritegas' progress is marked by his graffito
in the Dakka temple (FHN II, 174). Teritegas died suddenly, however; for ac-
cording to Strabo, already at the battle of Pselchis/Dakka Petronius met as his
opponents the generals of "Queen Candace"414 whom we may identify with
Teritegas' successor Queen Amanirenas who accompanied Teritegas to Lower
Nubia (see FHN II, (175)). After his victory at Dakka, Petronius captured Qasr Ib-
rim and set forth, so Strabo, for Napata, the royal seat of the Queen. According
to the historian, Petronius reached Napata and, disregarding the Queen's offer
of peace,415attacked, captured, and razed it to the ground. On his way back he
414 Note that Strabo, like earlier and later authors, believed the title Candace to have been the
name of the queen, see FHN II, 85, 105; in this volume see 194 and cf. also Hofmann 1981b.
415 The bronze head of the Primaporta type from a monumental statue of Augustus, now in the
British Museum (Inv. 1911.9.1.1), found buried in front of Chapel M 292 at Meroe City (for the find
see Török 1997, § 36, Pls 107, 109, 110), is usually regarded as part of the loot plundered in 25 BC
(cf. Adams 1977, 340) and accordingly dated to before 25 BC. Such a dating would strongly support
the dating of the development of the Primaporta type to the period between c. 30-25 BC (so
Haynes 1983; Schmaltz 1986; Boschung 1993, 160 f. Cat. 122). However, Hausmann (1981, 571 ff.)
has recently shown that the type first emerged on coins issued in 27/6 in the East but did not be-
come dominant before c. 25-23 BC. Consequently, the statue to which the Meroe City head be-
longed was more probably made after 25 BC (cf. Török 1989-1990) and set up during the period of
the Roman occupation of Qasr Ibrim between 24 and 21/20 BC whence it was taken to Meroe and
buried as an act of triumph after the Treaty of Samos when Qasr Ibrim was again under Meroitic
supremacy (for the supposed Qasr Ibrim provenance see first Plumley 1971). Though it cannot be
entirely excluded that the head was taken from Egypt in the course of a later, unrecorded,
Meroitic raid, it at least seems certain that it had been buried at Meroe City before the middle of
the lst cent. AD (cf. Török 1997, § 36). If, however, we are not rnistaken in connecting the setting
up as well as the removal of the statue with the Roman occupation of Qasr Ibrim between 24 and
833
placed a garrison at Qasr Ibrim with provisions for two years, establishing a
Roman fortress at a point which is situated far beyond the southern limit of the
Dodecaschoenus where the Roman frontier line would be drawn in 21/20 BC
(cf. 188): it would thus seem that the Roman garrison at Qasr Ibrim was in-
tended to control the restored Triacontaschoenus.
The historicity of the Petronius campaign was questioned by Inge Hofmann
(1977a, 198 ff.), who presented a detailed discussion of the topography of the
Aithiopian expedition as reported by Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.181 f. (= 204)
and came to the conclusion that Petronius could not have completed the whole
campaign to Napata from Alexandria and back again between the late summer
or autumn of 25 BC, when the Meroites attacked Philae, Syene, and Elephan-
tine, and the late winter of 24 BC, when, on his return from Spain, Augustus
received in Rome the Meroitic prisoners, which Petronius took in the battle at
Dakka and first sent to Alexandria (Cassius Dio 53.28.1; cf. Schmitthenner 1969,
459 note 238; it is, however, also possible that the expedition was already con-
cluded by the winter of 25 BC, when the temple of janus was closed in Rome,
ibid., 455). While the expedition could thus have lasted 6-7 months at the most
and 4-5 months at the least, the march from Syene/Aswan to Napata alone
would have taken more than 2 months (cf. Hofmann 1977a, 198 ff.). Hofmann's
suggestion that Napata was in fact not reached is also supported by the list of
towns reported by Pliny to have been taken by Petronius: Pselchis (Dakka),
• Primis (Qasr Ibrim), Bocchis (Ballana), Forum Cambusis (Faras), Attena
(Mirgissa)416 and Stadissis, identified with Saras (Meroitic Sdose) at the Second
Cataract (204 and see Török 1979, 8 f., 16 f.). Still, according to Hofmann's discus-
sion of the evidence, the sack of Napata was added only propagandistically, but
contrary to historical fact, to the reports on the war; and in fact Petronius' army
had to return from the Second Cataract region for the same reason that Aelius
Gallus' army had to from Arabia (cf. FHN II, 166 and, in this volume, 205).
The above reconstruction of events, first suggested by Hofmann (1977a) and
followed by Török (1989-1990), is opposed by Burstein (1979; 1989b, 226 f.) and
Desanges (1992, 369; 1993, 30 ff.). While, as indicated above, their acceptance of
the historicity of the Nubian campaign as it is described in FHN II, 166 is greatly
influenced by their acceptance of the historicity of Augustus' statement con-
cerning the Arabian campaign, the interpretation of the reports on C. Petro-
nius' success seems in fact to depend on the evidence of the toponyms: for, ac-
cording to Desanges, Bocchis is identical with the Bt3gkhis of Stephanus of Byz-
antium (s.v.) in the region of the Third Cataract, while Priese (1984a, 489)
21/20 BC, all datings of the Primaporta type to after 20 BC, i.e., the return of the trophies by the
Parthians (so, e.g., Kähler 1959; Zanker 1990, 188 f., also accepted by Hofmann 1977a, 200), be-
come improbable.—The taking and returning of divine images in the course of wars occurs fre-
quently in the literature of the Egyptian Late Period, see Kaplony 1971, 257 with note 1.
416 For the identifications cf. Priese 1984a; the remarks made by Desanges 1993b, 31 on the identi-
fication of Bocchis are not compelling.
834
The Sources
identified it with Ballana, a place north of the Second Cataract—an identifica-

tion which is in accordance with the identification of Pliny's Stadissis with a
place at the Second Cataract (Tördk 1979, 8 f., 16 f.: Meroitic Sdose; Priese 1984a,
490: New Kingdom n-c-s;-tj, Ptolemaic Tasitia, at modern Abka). It seems prob-
able, however, that Stephanus' identification of Bågkhis was based on a confu-
sion of the Third with the Second Cataract.
Meroitic resistance to the re-establishment of Egyptian supremacy in the
Triacontaschoenus was strong and determined. In 22 BC, i.e., when the provi-
sions left behind for two years by Petronius in the fortress of Qasr Ibrim were
exhausted (cf. Cassius Dio 54.5.4-6= 205, who reports the events under the year
22 BC; and see Hofmann 1977a, 201), the Candace, i.e., Queen Amanirenas,
marched against the Roman fortress of Qasr Ibrim. Petronius was, however, the
first to arrive there, whereupon the Aithiopians started negotiations. Strabo's
remark about their alleged ignorance about who Caesar, i.e., Octavian, was, fits
well into the general tenor of the narrative: in fact, it is difficult to imagine that
the Aithiopians who, as Strabo's story itself shows, were well-informed about
events in Egypt would have been so ignorant. The poisonous small detail,
which may have been invented by Aelius Gallus or Strabo or any Roman in-
formant of the latter, was intended to give a striking example for how far
Aithiopia and the Aithiopians were from the civilized world.
Peace negotiations were finally conducted on the Island of Samos where
Augustus was staying in the winter of 21/20 BC (cf. Cassius Dio 54.7.1-4). They
resulted in the remission of the taxes imposed upon the Aithiopians (these
were presumably the taxes that had provoked the revolt in 25 BC) and in the
annexation of the Dodecaschoenus and the establishment of the southern Egyp-
tian frontier at Hiera Sycaminos (modern Maharraqa). There can be no doubt
that, however cleverly balanced the Roman policy of the subsequent period in
the Dodecaschoenus, an area inhabited mainly by Aithiopians, was, the annexa-
tion of this region was intended to hinder any further Aithiopian attack on
Egyptian territory and to establish an effective frontier defence. The Dodeca-
schoenus was regarded mainly as a military zone; its civil administration was
only loosely attached to Egypt and was left in the hands of the local, non-Egyp-
tian, 6ite (cf. 229-232). On the other hand, the Treaty of Samos also marks the
new foreign policy traditionally termed Pax Augusta, i.e., the establishment of
world hegemony within the frontiers of the empire, as opposed to Republican
expansionist policy that had still been prevalent in 29 BC when the Aithiopian-
Roman conflict had started (cf. Meyer 1961 3 ff.); for the story started with the
plan to subdue the whole Meroitic kingdom, continued with attempts to oc-
cupy at least what had been the Ptolemaic Triacontaschoenus between the First
and Second Cataracts, and concluded with a Roman victory resulting in a mod-
est frontier correction.
[LT]
835
(191) Amanikhabale. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Sources: 1. Throne name (?) in mixed Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs and Son
of Rê name in Meroitic hieroglyphs in cartouches on a small lion statue from
the W side of a reservoir (hafir) at Basa, REM 0046, Griffith 1911a 70, Pls XXVI,
XXVII;2. Throne name and Son of Ré name, with Meroitic title qore in the car-
touche, in Meroitic hieroglyphs on a bronze cone (top of flag-pole?) from Kawa
(Temple B? cf. Macadam 1955, 236) now Oxford, Ashmolean Museum 1936.438,
REM 1026, Macadam 1955, Pl. CVI; 3. Name on the fragment of an offering table
from Beg. N. 3, REM 0802, Dunham 1957, 54 fig. 27; the same, not in cartouche:
4. on the fragment of a stone vessel from Naqa, REM 1040, Hintze 1959a, 45, Pl.
IX fig. 49; 5. Name IMnhIble and title qore in cursive Meroitic, on a stela from the
Amun temple M 260 at Meroe City, REM 1038 = 192, Shinnie 1967, Pl. 32,
Wenig 1978,Cat. 122.
For a careful separation of the monuments of King Amanikhareqerem (see
(227)) from those of King Amanikhabale (correcting Hofmann 1978a, 107 ff. and
Török 1988a, 180) see Wenig 1992.
Titles/documents
1. 2.
Throne name (?) Nb-t3wy-qor-nb (?) wtemroso
Son of Rê name Mnhble Mnhble qore
Evidence for reign

The filiation and family relationships of Amanikhabale remain unknown, un-
less we accept Hofmann's suggestion (1978a, 107) according to which the in-
scribed fragment of a table with the name of Amanikhabale from Beg. N. 3
(REM 0802, see above) can be fitted together with fragments found in Beg. N. 2
and 4 and originating from an offering table inscribed for a ruler (qore) whose
mother's name was Nawidemak (see above, (186)). It is generally assumed
(Dunham 1957, 7; Hintze 1959a, 33; Wenig 1967, 43; Hofmann 1987, 108 f.) that
he was buried in Beg. N. 2 (Dunham 1957, 103 ff.).
Comments
Amanikhabale's direct descent from Nawidemak also seems to be supported by
the close paleographical relationship between the cursive Meroitic inscriptions
in Nawidemak's tomb and on the base of her gold statuette (cf. (186)) on the one
hand, and, on the other, on the Amanikhabale stela (192) and on the fra gments
of the offering table hypothetically attributed to Amanikhabale (see (191) and cf.
Macadam 1966, 64). In this case, his reign could be dated in general terms to the
middle or second half of the lst cent. AD. A similar dating may follow from
836
The Sources
the, albeit tentative, identification of Beg. N. 2 as Amanikhabale's burial place

(Dunham 1957, 7; Hintze 1959a, 33; Wenig 1967, 43; Hofmann 1978a, 108 f.;
Török 1988a, 180). In Beg. N. 2 there was found a splendid silver drinking
vessel (MFA 24.971, Dunham 1957, Pl. LIII, Török 1989-1990, figs 7-10) with
repoussé decoration representing an enthroned king with the features of
Augustus as they appeared on an eastern aureus from 17 BC (Kent et al. 1973, 96
No. 140; Török 1989-1990 fig. 12; for other, less close analogies cf. Vermeule
1968, 143 f., fig. 68) in a judgement scene from a legend probably related to the
Hellenistic Bocchoris/Bakenranef stories. This representation seems to repre-
sent (see Török 1989a, No. 130) a refined and flattering iconographical message
hinting at Augustus' Solomonian dilemma when establishing a just peace be-
tween Egypt and Aithiopia (cf. Comments on 190). The vessel was probably
made in the Augustan period (so Strong 1966, 137), perhaps in Alexandria (so
Vermeule 1968, 143 f.), and had been sent to Meroe as a diplomatic present.
While it is highly doubtful that its message was correctly understood, it pro-
vides a post quem for Beg. N. 2. A chronological closeness, and perhaps also a
manifestation of dynastic descent and/or political-religious affinity, to Queen
Amanirenas may be indicated by the adoption of the Meroitic Throne name
wtemroso, which is attested in the titulary of this queen inscribed on a bronze
naos from Kawa (REM 0628, cf. FHN II, (175)).
The character and distribution of the inscribed monuments of Amanikha-
bale indicate temple building and/or restoration work and donations at Meroe
City, Kawa, Naqa and Basa; their fine craftmanship reflects high cultural stan-
dards. The use of both Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive writing for royal
monuments as well as the clever renderings of the King's names indicate a
flourishing period; and, if we place Amanikhabale correctly into a chronologi-
cal framework, his adoption of Meroitic Throne name(s) indicates, on the one
hand, the survival of a tradition started in Tariyidamani's reign (see FHN II,
(150)) and, on the other, foreshadows the re-emergence of Egyptian Throne
names in the course of the subsequent century (cf. (211)-(215), (217), (225) etc.).
[LT]
192 Meroitic stela of King Amanikhabale from Meroe City. Mid-lst cent. AD.
A. Khartoum 522 (lunette and fragments of lines 1-2: REM 1038, Shinnie 1967,
Pl. 32, Wenig 1978, Cat. 122) and B. Moscow, Pushkin Museum, Inv. no. un-
known (so-called Turayev Stela, 21 lines from the text, REM 1001, Turayev
1912,Pl. I, Monneret de Villard 1960,Pl. XXVIII).
The fragment of a round-topped steatite stela measuring 18.9 cm (width) x 20.3
cm (height) was discovered in 1911by John Garstang in Room 272 of M 260, the
late Amrin temple, at Meroe City (cf. Garstang 1912,47; PM VII, 236; Törridc1997,
837
127 find 272-1). The circumstances of the find of the Turayev Stela are un-
known. For the script and language of the text cf. General Note to the Meroitic
Texts in the Introduction.
Text
(i) semlo„ kditede [...] (Mn13)(2)ble„

qor[...]
(1)[...1*atkelw[...](2)[...Inse„yinnid(te„)
(3) (a)pte mlo„ ydekel„ nse(„) (4) yinnidte„
*ht„ yykel„ (5) (n)se„ yinnidte„ arite(6)(ffil„ nse„ yinnidte
m*k„*l(7)tomosewi„ yinnidte„
*m(8)Htereq*osewi„ yinni(9)dte„
mk„*mrtewi„ yin(10)nidte„
mk„krdt*i*sell(11)wi„ n*se„ yinnidte„
[..](12)mk(i/l)„ yinnidte*,*,
seb(13)abhli„ rite(li/wi„) tnki(14)tkkte„
erite„ fitel„ etkk(15)te„
tdhe„ tdhel„ etkke(16)te„
*dtemlodete„ lhte
(17)sebqesewi„etewi(18)e*to„yidwkte„
a*tw[..](19)di*,*, hebo„ mesole [...](20)[...1*n[..]„
irnon [...]
(21)[...]„*i[...]
Comments
Of the stela, part of the lunette with the beginning of the two first lines of the
inscription (fgm. A) and a fragment of the text of the stela with 21, mostly com-
pletely preserved, horizontal inscription lines (fgm. B) are preserved. The
finely executed cursive Meroitic signs were engraved between incised horizon-
tal lines.
The lunette of the delicately carved miniature stela is decorated with two
symmetrical scenes in bold raised relief. The top of the lunette is bounded by
the winged sundisc from which two uraeus serpents, wearing the Red (right)
and the White (left) Crowns, respectively, hang down. In an unusual manner,
the two scenes are separated by a long garland-like object which is fastened to
the Double Crown of the goddess enthroned in the right half of the lunette and
hangs down almost to the ground line of the scenes in the lunette. The scene in
the right half represents King Amanikhabale standing before the goddess Mut.
The goddess sits on a traditional throne the side of which is decorated with the
figure of a wirtged female sphinx of the Greek type. The goddess is dressed in a
tight skirt decorated with vulture figures and wears the vulture headdress and
the Double Crown, apparently with a uraeus above her forehead. To the top of
838
The Sources
the Double Crown is attached the above-mentioned long, narrow object which
appears to have been a bunch of long thin cords of textile (?) tied together at
equal distances.417 The King offers Mut a three-strand necklace. He wears the
Kushite skullcap with diadem, one (?) uraeus and streamers and a crown su-
perstructure consisting, over ram's horns, of the two tall plumes of Amiin with
sundisc and flanked by uraei (Tärök 1987b, Type A XIV). He also wears a neck-
lace with a ram's head pendant and anklets (cf. Török 1987b, No. 85). He is
dressed in an ankle-length haltered garment decorated with the image of the
Horus falcon,418 and wears sandals. In the relief on the left side the King,
whose figure is almost completely destroyed, is shown in an apparently identi-
cal attire offering a three-strand necklace to the ram-headed Nubian Amiln en-
throned back to back to Mut in the pendant scene. The god sits on a throne dec-
orated with a star pattern. He wears a feather-patterned haltered garment, and,
over his wig, two tall plumes with sundisc and holds in his right hand a
crooked staff (?) and in his left an cnh-sign.
The incomplete preservation of the first lines does not allow much specula-
tion about the character of the inscription. It is at least certain that the introduc-
417 A similar headdress, worn, however, in the manner of the superstructure of a crown over a
Kushite skullcap, also occurs in the representation of the triumphal goddess Tly on the
Arikankharor tablet (Wenig 1978, Cat. 125, cf. (213)), in the depiction of an anonymous goddess on
one of the columns of the Meroitic temple at Amara (Wenig 1977, Pl. 9; Török 1987b, 28, No. 69/3
in fig. 69), and on a pair of gold ear studs from Beg. W. 127 (Dunham 1963, 170 fig. 22/i, 171 fig.
123: kneeling nude goddess touching her breasts and wearing, similarly to 192, the Double Crown).
This fashion Hofmann and Tomandl (1985, 22) have associated with the long, thin, bobbing de-
vices (according to Kendall 1982, 25 plumes) emerging from the skullcaps of lesser queens and soar-
ing over their heads and arching backwards. One such device is worn by a wife of Mentuhotep,
Governor of Thebes under the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty (on a stela in Cairo, Habachi 1977, figs 2 f.,
misinterpreted as hair collected on the top of her head); at Kawa (Temple T, loose blocks,
Macadam 1955, Pl. LXIV/e-i) two queens of Taharqo were shown wearing one and three such ac-
cessories, respectively. Three queens of Atlanersa (2nd half of the 7th cent. BC) wear this type of
accessory in the now lost pylon scene from temple B 700 at Gebel Barkal (Griffith 1929, Pl. V; cf.
FHN I, (30)). One of them, bearing the titles "king's wife, king's daughter, king's sister" was
shown there wearing three objects, two lesser queens titled king's wives and king's daughters were
represented with two objects hanging down from their skullcaps (cf. Török 1995a, 106 f.). The
fashion re-occurs in the reliefs on the Aspelta shrine at Sanam (Griffith 1922a, Pl. XLV) and
again in the archaizing mortuary cult chapel reliefs of King Arqamani (late 3rd-early 2nd cent.
BC, Beg. N. 7, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 4 C, cf. FHN II, (129)). While the forrnal resemblance
of the accessory, as represented on 192, the Arikankharor tablet, and in the Amara temple, to the
much shorter objects worn by the wives of Atlanersa and Arqamani is small and the iconographi-
cal relationship may indeed be doubted on this account (so Török 1987b, 28, 94 note 149), a concep-
tual comparison may nevertheless be made. In 192 the strange crown accessory is worn by Mut; in
the Amara relief it is the crown prince Sorkaror (cf. (215)) who is shown before the goddess with
the long pendant accessory; and in the ear studs from Beg. W. 127 the crown of Mut is worn by a
fertility goddess: it may thus have been associated with goddesses who legitimated the royal
power in their function as divine mothers.
418 For the remarkable dress cf. the relief fragment from Meroe City M 281, Garstang et al. 1911,
Pl. XII/6; Török 1997, § 32, Pl. 204; and the statue fgm. of Natakamani from Meroe City, Török
1997, § 94, find 998-1, Pl. 191, and cf. the Egyptian falcon jacket also adopted in Meroitic royal
iconography, Borchardt 1933; Russmann 1974, 25; Törbk 1990, 174.
839
tion named the king and gave his Meroitic tifie qore, "ruler"; and it may per-
haps be presumed with Hintze (1961, 278 f.) that the stela was dedicated by
Amanikhabale for the benefit of his wife: the words sem ("wife", Griffith 1911b,
60, 68; Hofmann 1981, 348) and kdi ("woman", Hofmann 1981, 348) may indeed
speak for such an interpretation. The preserved section of the main text (fgm.
B) gives the impression of being a hymn with the series of brief utterances end-
ing with the words yinnidte (nine "sentences" preserved) and then tkkte/
etkkte/etketete/kte (four "sentences" preserved; for the word cf. etktete in REM
0412 = HN II, 174 [?]). Words as ariteft (ari, "heaven": Priese 1971, 282 § 31.2;
Meeks 1973 14, ariteri, "deity": Priese 1968, 175; "lord": Hofm.ann 1981, 348), mk
("deity", Hofmann 1981, 348) and tdhe fit, of course, in most general terms into
the context of a votive stela text and do not help us to determine its contents
with any precision.
ELT]
193 Description of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 40.

Pomponius Mela 3.85-88; 96-101. FGrH 673.24.
Source bibliography
Gisinger 1952 F. Gisinger: Pomponius Mela. RE XXI.2, cols. 2360-
2411. Stuttgart.
Dritter Teil. C 1. Leiden.
Meyboom 1995 P.G.P. Meyboom: The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina.
Silberman 1988 Pomponius Mela: Chorographie. Texte etabli, traduit et
annote par A. Silberman. (Collection des Universites
de France.) Paris.
Pomponius Mela is known only through what can be gleaned from his geo-
graphical work De chorographia ("Description of places"), written during the
reign of the emperor Claudius (AD 41-54), the earliest surviving work of this
kind in Latin. He was a native of Spain, but lived in Rome and writes from a
Roman standpoint (Gisinger 1952, 2361).
His work consists of three (short419) books, written in the style of a periplus,
or sailor's handbook, in that it follows in the main the coast line, largely ne-
glecting the inland areas. After a general survey it starts with the Mediter-
ranean coast of Africa, then the Eastern Mediterranean, the Bosporus and the
Black Sea. In Book 2 follow Macedonia, Greece and further westwards Spain,
the Mediterranean islands being added at the end. Book 3 describes the Atlantic
coast from Spain to the Baltic Sea, and passes, via the peoples of North and East
419 The whole work consists of ca. 70 pages in modern print.
840
The Sources
Europe, to the "Eastern Ocean" and India, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, the
Arabian Gulf, and Aithiopia.
De chorographia is a sketchy and selective work; frequently, phrases reveal
that the author is abridging a more detailed source (Gisinger 1952, 2389 f.). Mela
rarely names his authorities; when he does, it appears that his citation is taken
from an intermediate source. Thus the whole work is a compilation from a va-
riety of sources, something that the unevenness of its style also indicates. To
identify Mela's sources is often impossible (see Gisinger 1952, 2398-2405). His
work does have the value of giving in some cases information not found in
other authors.
For much of the material in the present text cf. FHN I, 52 and 6 5
(Herodotus). Our text is based on Silberman (1988).For an introduction to Mela
see Gisinger (1952);Silberman (1988)VII-XLIII.
Text
3 [85]Aethiopes ultra sedent; Meroen habent terram quam Nilus, primo ambitu
amplexus, insulam facit. Pars, quia vitae spatium dimidio fere quam nos
longius agunt, Macrobii, pars, quia ex Aegypto advenere, dicti Automoles. Pul-
chri forma atque corporis viriumque veneratores, veluti optimarum alii virtu-
tum. [86] [in] Illis mos est, cui potissimum pareant, specie ac viribus legere.
Apud hos plus auri quam aeris est; ideo quod minus est pretiosius censent: aere
exornantur, auro vincla sontium fabricant. [87] Est locus adparatis epulis sem-
per refertus; quia ut libet vesci volentibus licet, Heliu trapezan adpellant, et
quae passim adposita sunt adfirmant innasci subinde divinitus.
[88]Est lacus quo perfusa corpora quasi uncta pernitent; bibitur idem; adeo
est liquidus et ad sustinenda quae incidunt aut immittuntur infirmus, ut folia
etiam proximis decisa frondibus non innatantia ferat, sed pessum et penitus ac-
cipiat. Sunt et saevissimae ferae, omni colore varii lycaones et quales accepi-
mus sphinges. Sunt mirae aves, cornutae tragopanes <et> equinis auribus [et]
pegasi.
3 [96]Tunc rursus Aethiopes, nec iam dites quos diximus, nec ita corporibus
similes, sed minores incultique sunt et nomine Hesperioe. In horum finibus
fons est quem Nili esse aliqua credibile est: Nunc ab incolis dicitur, et videri
potest non alio nomine adpellari sed a barbaro ore corruptus. Alit et papyrum
et minora quidem eiusdem tamen generis animalia. [97] Aliis amnibus in
oceanum vergentibus solus in mediam regionem et ad orientem abit, et
quonam exeat incertum est. Inde colligitur Nilum hoc fonte conceptum, ac-
tumque aliquandiu per invia et ideo ignotum, iterum se ubi adiri possit osten-
dere; ceterum spatio quo absconditur effici, ut hic alio cedere, ille aliunde
videatur exsurgere.
[981Catoblepas non grandis fera, verum grande et praegrave caput aegre
sustinens, atque ob id in terram plurimum ore conversa, apud hos gignitur, ob
841
vim singularem magis etiam referenda, quod cum impetu morsuque nihil
umquam saeviat, oculos eius vidisse mortiferum. [99]Contra eosdem sunt in-
sulae Gorgades, domus ut aiunt aliquando Gorgonum. Ipsae terrae promuntu-
rio, cui Hesperu Ceras nomen est, finiuntur.
[100]Inde incipit frons illa, quae in occidentem vergens mari Atlantico ad-
luitur. Prima eius Aethiopes tenent, media nulli; nam aut exusta sunt, aut
harenis obducta, aut infesta serpentibus. Exustis insulae adpositae sunt, quas
Hesperidas tenuisse memoratur.(1011In harenis mons est Atlas,
Translation
3 [85] Inland4" live the Aithiopians. They inhabit the region Meroe, which the
Nile makes into an island by encircling it with its first embrace.One part [of the
people] is called Macrobiirthe Long-lived"1,because they live longer than us by
about half a life's length, the other is called Automoles r the Deserters1 because
they are immigrants from Egypt. They have good looks and are admirers of
bodily strength, just like others are of moral qualities. [86]They have the cus-
tom of choosing their leader according to his beauty and strength. Among them
there is more gold than bronze; accordingly they consider the scarcer metal the
more precious: they adorn themselves with bronze, and make fetters for the
criminals from gold. [871There is a place always filled with ready made meals,
and since everyone who wishes is permitted to eat as much as he pleases they
call it "the Table of the Sun" and contend that what is set forth around this
place is replaced forthwith by divine agency.
[88]There is a lake which makes bodies shine as if oiled when washed with
its water; they also drink from it; it is so fluid and so lacking in strength to sus-
tain things that fall or are thrown into it that it cannot even keep afloat leaves
fallen from the foliage nearby but let them sink to the bottom. There are also
the wildest of beasts, lycaones, displaying all the colours,421and creatures such
as we have heard the sphinges are.422There are wondrous birds, horned trago-
panes423 and pegasi with horse's ears424.
420Ultra in the Latin text means "beyond", i.e., seen from the viewpoint of a person on the coast.
421 Apparently a kind of wolf. It is also associated with Aithiopia by Gaius lulius Solinus, who
wrote a kind of summary of remarkable pieces of information from various parts of the world
(Collectanea rerunt mernorabilium, after AD 200). Solinus says that the lycaon "is a wolf with a
mane, with so many different appearances that they say it lacks none of the colours" (30.24).
Neither Mela nor Solinus makes it clear whether the variety of colour of the lykaones refers to
single individuals or to the species.
422 Probably the guenon, see Meyboom (1995) 22, 227 f. (n. 19), and, for a pictorial representation,
Pl. 11.
423 Believed by Pliny to be a fabulous bird, "of which some say it is bigger than the eagle"
(Naturalis historia 10.136).
424 Another fabulous bird; Pliny even says it was reported to have a horse's head (ibid.). Jacoby
(1958) punctuates this sentence differently; his text will give the following translation: "There
are wondrous horned birds, tragopanes, and ...".
842
The Sources
3 [96] Then Aithiopians come again, no longer the rich ones I mentioned ear-
lier, nor like them in stature, but smaller in size and uncouth, and called Hes-
perians.425 In their territory is ti.e spring that may well be believed to be the
source of the Nile; it is called Nunc426by the inhabitants, and it might seem
that this is not another name given to it but a distortion of its name in a
barbarian language. Papyrus grows in it; and the animals there are smaller
[than they are normally], but still of the same species. [97] While other rivers
turn towards the ocean, this is the only one that flows inland and towards the
East, and it is not known where it reappears. This has caused people to infer
that the Nile takes its beginning from this source, is led for some time through
inaccessible terrain and therefore is unknown, and again shows itself where it
can be approached; but the stretch where it is out of sight gives the impression
that the one goes in one direction and the other has another origin.
[98]The catoblepas427 is found among these peoples; it is an animal of no
great size, but it can barely sustain its large and heavy head, and it therefore has
its mouth mostly turned towards the ground. It is even more deserving of
mention because of a peculiar quality, for it never threatens by attacking or bit-
ing, but to have looked into its eyes is fatal. [99]Opposite them are the Gorgades
islands, once the home (they say) of the Gorgons. The mainland itself ends in a
promontory named Hesperu Ceras ("Horn of the West").
[100]Here begins the coastline that turns towards the West and is washed by
the Atlantic ocean. The first part of it is inhabited by the Aithiopians, the mid-
dle part by nobody; for it is either scorched, covered by sand, or infested by
snakes. Off the scorched land are some islands that they say were the home the
Hesperides.428 [1011In the sands is the mountain Atlas...
[TE]
Comments
3.85-88 and 96 present an extremely abbreviated version of Herodotus' descrip-
tion of the land and customs of the "Iong-lived" Aithiopians (cf. FHN I, 56, 62,
65, 66), elements of which were repeatedly included in the works of later Greek
and Roman authors (cf. FHN II, 101 107, 142 f., in this volume 187, 189, 197);
-
and it does not consist of correct and independent data, except for the basic geo-
425 Greek, "The Westerners", in contrast to the eastern Aithiopians described above, § 85.
426 Nunc (not mentioned anywhere else in ancient literature) is the reading of the principal
manuscript (V); editors other than Silberman have Nuchul following two later manuscripts de-
rived from V. The context implies that it is the name 'Nile' (NriXo;) that has been distorted in
the local language; in that case 'Nunc' is a less probable distortion than 'Nuchul'. It is tempting
to interpret 'nunc ' as the Latin adverb ('now') and suppose a lacuna: "it is now called [...] by the
inhabitants"; the reading 'Nuchul' might then be the result of an attempt to render the passage
more understandable. For the identification of the spring see the note by Silberman (1988) 319.
427 Greek, "looking downwards".
4281n Greek mythology the Hesperides were the sisters (of various names and number) who
guarded a tree which bore golden apples.
843
graphical setting of the region of Meroe. The excerpts presented here constitute
part of a description organised in the form of a periodos ges, a "journey round
the earth" or, more precisely in the actual case, a periplus or voyage along the
coastline (see Romm 1992, 26 ff.). Structuring a description in this way makes it
easy to organise geographical information. The geographer's perspective is
from the sea and his eyes are turned inland.
The image of Africa Mela presents rests upon his belief that the data avail-
able to him derived from a complete circumnavigation of the continent. On
the voyage to which Mela invites his reader, we are starting towards the S on
the Red Sea and reach the southernmost point of our voyage at the cape of the
Panchai, whence we sail westwards along the coast behind which live the Pyg-
mies and several other peoples, pass by the place called Theon Ochema, then
the land of the Satyri Aegipanes (Book 3.89-95, not quoted here) and reach the
land of the Hesperian Aithiopians. From here, i.e., the "Horn of the West", we
sail NW on the Atlantic ocean (Mela: W) and, shortly after reaching the height
of Atlas mountain, we reach the Libyan Sea, i.e., the Mediterranean and can
complete the continent's circumnavigation (see the map reconstructions pre-
sented by Sallmann 1979, 167; Silberman 1988, reproduced by Desanges 1994-
1995,figs 1, 2).
The Pygmies (cf. Herodotus 2.32; and see 187), whom Pomponius Mela calls
Hesperians, are placed at the same time in "western" Aithiopia (cf. 187) and in
a fabulous land where the source of the Nile is said to be found. Every ancient
geographer was occupied by the problem of the location of the headwaters of
the Nile which were not reached by ancient explorers (and which fed a river
that rose in summer and fell in winter as opposed to other rivers). The prob-
lem could only be solved by theories. The most successful of these was sug-
gested by Eudoxus of Cnidus in the 4th cent. BC (cf. Diodorus 1.40.1, Romm
1992, 150), according to whom the source of the Nile lay in the Antichthones,
i.e., an antipodal continent (separated from the known world by the Equator
and the Ocean), which would account for the reversed seasonal pattern of the
river. The river then reached the known world through an underground
channel running under Ocean. In his Book 1.4 Pomponius Mela accepts this
theory; in 3.96, however, he also presents an alternative in which the river also
has to pass beneath a desert (as is also described, on the basis of Juba's work, by
Pliny 5.10.52, cf. Romm 1992, 150 note 70). From the shores of the Hesperians
the geographer continues his voyage, as already indicated in the foregoing, on
the Atlantic ocean. The fabulous descriptions in 3.98 are based on Hanno's
Periplus; and several details will recur in Pliny's work (e.g., on the Gorgades is-
lands see 6.200; for Statius Sebosus as a probable source for Pliny in the descrip-
tion of these isles see, however, Desanges 1978a, 58 f.). The catoblepas also
comes from Hanno; and this mythical animal is also referred to, in various
contexts involving the Gorgons, elsewhere in ancient geographical literature
844
The Sources
(cf. Alexandros of Myndos quoted by Athenaios, Deipn. 5.221b, see also ibid.
5.221 f.; cf. Desanges 1978a,63).
[LT]
194 The conversion of Candace's treasurer. Ca. AD 60-100.

Acts of the Apostles 8.26 40.
-
Source bibliography
Aune 1988 D.E. Aune: The New Testament in its Literary
Environment. Cambridge.
Conzelmann 1987 H. Conzelmann: Acts of the Apostles : a Commentary.
Trans. J. Limburg et al. (Hermeneia.) Philadelphia.
Metzger 1994 B.M. Metzger: A Textual Commentary on the Greek
New Testament. 2nd ed. Stuttgart.
Nestle-Aland 1985 Novum Testamentum Graece. 26th ed. Stuttgart.
The Acts of the Apostles follows immediately after the four Gospels in the
New Testament and recounts what happened to the followers of Jesus Christ
after he was executed in Jerusalem ca. AD 33 and how the Christian faith was
spread by the missionary travels of the various apostles, especially Paul, in the
next three decades. According to its Prologue (1.1-2), it was composed by the
same man who wrote the Gospel of Luke; and this is supported by stylistic con-
siderations. The author, traditionally identified as the physician Luke (Loukas)
who was a companion of the Apostle Paul, must have received a good Hel-
lenistic education, as is evident from the literary traits of his Koine Greek and
from his rhetorical skill.
The book is usually dated in the 80s or 90s of the first century; but some,
pointing to the fact that no events later than the early 60s are narrated, prefer a
much earlier date (cf. Conzelmann 1987, xxxiii). Opinions also differ widely as
to its historical reliability and accuracy. As a literary work, it belongs to the his-
toriographical genre, but has no close cognates in surviving works in Greek (cf.
Aune 1988, 77-115).It is sometimes described as a piece of narrative propaganda
that takes advantage of techniques and motifs typical of Greek novels of travel
and adventure, while others prefer to emphasize the authenticity of many of
its concrete details. Its apologetic purpose, however, is beyond doubt; the apos-
tles are the heroes in the success story of the spread of the Gospel among Jews
and Gentiles.
Our extract is part of the story of the mission of one Philip—probably not
the Apostle by that name (cf. 1.13),but one of the Seven appointed as helpers to
the Twelve in 6.5 (cf. also 21.8)—who successfully preaches the Christian mes-
sage in the city of Samaria in the district of the same name between Judaea and
Galilaea in Palestine.
845
Our text is based on the 26th edition of Nestle-Aland (1985). Among many
commentaries, we mention the concise one by Conzelmann (1987, 67-69)
where further bibliography may be found.
Text
8 [26] "AyyCX.og å è icupiov .a?,TICTEN, Tzpå; (DiXtTrizov Uyow• 'AvaaTTIOt Kast
1rope1501) Katå gEa11J1Ppiav Tri. OSåv Tijv Koctc43aiv ovaav ducå
'IEpoiTaakillt Ei; NÇav, OCOTT]E.aTiv p.r-ll.to;. [27] xai dcvacvrå;
Koit 18oi)àvip AlOiow ci)votixo; 8.1wOcatTi; KavSoixii; PaalXiaaTK A1.91.--
Onow, O; Tjv it TroiaTi; tfl; cdycii;, ÔÇ iXSeCI ispoalcovTjacov Ei;
iEp01.)00c2t1j11, [28] ijv te imocrcpEckov Koci. icaelb.tevo; it TOO Oipliato; oci)-
T0.0 Kai åveyiwocricev Tåv TrpocITTITTiv 'Haociav.
[29] EITtev Tzveiiga -r6.5 cbtXircircly flpdaekOE xcit Ko».1-101-itt toi
åpgatt TOO'CO?.[30] HpocT8pagdw 8E å (Dikurizo; Tlicovaev cdreo-6 tivarv-
oiaKOWCO; 'Haatav tåv 7TO0(14CT1vKCA ETICEV•"Apa 7E ylvctiaKel; å åvaytv-
oiaxet; [31] 'O åè eurev• 1-16i; yåp åv auvaiwriv (3cNrm.T1tt; OSTrhaEt gE;
flapEKOOLECTEN,'CE 'CON/(1)i?,,In1rov dcval3åvta KaOiaaT. ai)v airre:). [32] 'H 8E
TtEptoxij rrj; ypactn); ijv liveyivcoaxev Tjv
Tcp63atov (T4Tayijv
KCCi.cti; Oci.två; Ti 'TOO Keipavto; odYråv d'ul:Kovo;,
oiito); dtvoiyet 'TO atåga cdruyii.
[33] 'Ev tfi Tanelvoiael CCO'COO i icpirnç aOTOO 1)peri.
tijv 'yEvE6cv cdytoi-3 ti; 811yy1jaEtca;
Crn aipetat OtTcå Tij; yij; i coi OCOTOO.
[34] 'A7COKOLOE't eiwoo; to,3 (1)1XiiTITW EI7tev • AEOgai GOU, nepi. tivo;
Trpolyrjtil; X,Eyet toiyzo; flepst kauto.6 TcEpi 'rEpou Ttvåg; [35] 'Avoicc;
å (13iXITETco; atåga aOTOO Kai dcpWilevo; åTTO ypoc.:A; TCCOTTI;EO-
meXiaaTo ocirre5 -cOv
[36] T2; åk btopetiovTo Kaucå 'ffiv åååv, TDMov iri Tt , Kai 4Tricytv å
eiwofTxo;. ti KCOX15E1. IIE PaTCTICSOTjVal.; [38] Ka't k.ic?t,EvaEv
TO OiNta Kai KaTEPriaav ållpåtepot Ei TO ScOp, å TE (Dikl7T7TO
å E1')VO0X0;, KCCi. 13OCICTUCSEN airrOv. [39] "OTE SE åvEPTIaav i TOO i58otTo;,
7IvEOlia Kupiob fipnctaEv TON7al,i)t,l7C7TOV OOK EISEV aOTOV oliK-ct å E1)-
v00X0 .7.cops.tieTo ydcp åååv airroT3 xecipcov. [40] (Diktruco; 8E Ei)pEOTI
ei; "Aarcov• Kai 8tepx61.1Evo; Eim.),yekieto tå; TrOket; Trciaa; (.1); ToT5
ketEiv odyråv Kataåpetav.
Translation
8 [26] An angel of the Lord said to Philip: "Get up and go at noon429 to the road
leading down from Jerusalem to Gaza." This is a desert road. [27] He got up and
went. And look, there came an Aithiopian man, a eunuch who was a high-
429 The words can also mean "toward the south".
846
The Sources
ranking official at the court of Candace,430 the queen of Aithiopia, and in

charge of all her treasure.431He had come to Jerusalem to worship [28]and was
now on his way back, sitting in his carriage reading the prophet Isaiah.
[29]The Spirit said to Philip: "Go up close to this carriage!" [30] Philip ran up
and heard him reading432 the prophet Isaiah. He asked: "Do you understand
what you are reading?" [31] The man answered: "How could I, unless someone
guides me?" He asked Philip to come up and sit with him. [32]The passage of
Scripture which he was reading was the following:
Like a sheep led to slaughter,
like a lamb silent before him who shears it,
he does not open his mouth.
[33]Through his humiliation his sentence was reversed.
Who can tell his offspring?
For his life is lifted from the earth.433
[34] The eunuch said to Philip: "Please tell me, about whom does the prophet
say this? About himself or about somebody else?" [35] Philip opened his mouth
and began, starting from this scriptural passage, to tell him the good news
about Jesus.
[36] As they drove along the road, they came to a source of water,434and the
eunuch said: "Here is water, what prevents my being baptized?"435 [38] He or-
dered the carriage to stop and they both stepped down into the water, Philip
and the eunuch, and he baptized him. [39] When they came up out of the
water, the Spirit of the Lord snatched Philip away, and the eunuch, happily
continuing his journey, did not see him any more.
[40] But Philip, it appeared, had come to Azotus.436 There he went around
spreading the good news in all the cities until he came to Caesarea.
[T1-1]
430 The word Kandake is written without the definite article in the Greek text; whatever the
historical reality (see FHN II, 85 Comments), it thus seems as if the author regarded it as a
proper name.
431 The word gaza should probably be translated "treasure" rather than the traditional
"treasury", with implications for the man's office.
432 It was customary to read aloud in antiquity.
433 A literal quotation from Isaiah 53.7-8 in the Greek version of the Septuagint.
434 The well referred to has been variously identified, either as one situated between Eleuthero-
polis and Ashkelon, or as one close to Ain Dirweh between Jerusalem and Hebron (Conzelmann
1987, 69 with n. 14).
435 Some New Testament manuscripts and versions add a verse at this place: "[37] He [Philip]
said to him: 'If you believe with all your heart, it is possible.' He answered: 'I believe that Jesus
Christ is the Son of God.'" This is no doubt an insertion into the original text "due to the feeling
that Philip would not have baptized the [ki]thiopian without securing a confession of faith,
which needed to be expressed in the narrative" (Metzger 1994, 315). The baptismal confession ap-
pears first in a 6th-century Greek manuscript, but the tradition is much earlier, as shown by a
quotation in Irenaeus (2nd cent.), Adversus Haereses3.12.8.
436 Ashdod, a Philistine city (7 km south-east of mod. Ashdod), north-east of the city of Gaza.
847
Comments
The story about the conversion of the queen of Meroe's treasurer was much
commented on in theological literature on the New Testament and in works
on the history of early Christianity. It also attracted the attention of historians
of the Middle Nile Region. Surveys of the relevant literature are presented by
Bauernfeind (1939), Bultmann (1967, 412 ff.), Haenchen (1971, 313 ff.) and Din-
kler (1975). In earlier literature on the history of the Middle Nile Region Kraus
(1931, 41), and in more recent studies Hengel (1979, 69), Vantini (1981, 33),
Scholz (see first of all Scholz 1988 and cf. 1986, 6; 1987, 112 ff., 131) and Estigar-
ribia (1992), put forward the view that 194 is to be accepted as evidence for the
beginning of the conversion of Nubia to Christianity in the lst cent. AD.
The historicity of the Acts of the Apostles 8.26-40 is strongly doubted in
modern exegetical literature (see Bauernfeind 1939, 129; Dibelius 1961, 20 f.;
Conzelmann 1963, 55; Haenchen 1971, 309 ff.; Dinkler 1975, 88) where, how-
ever, the question about the place of Candace's treasurer in the Meroitic evi-
dence is not raised.
Philip's Aithiopian convert is characterised in Acts as ckviip AiOiow
vooç ötivOcatig Kav8Ouc1; Polatkiacm; AiBtOncov,a description which has
been understood and translated differently by different scholars. While the ex-
pression àvp Ai9io, "Aithiopian man" is unproblematic, ciivofixo; has tra-
ditionally been translated as castrate (Plutarch, Dernetrios 25.5; Bauernfeind
1939, 127 f.; Bauer et al. 1988,654; Dinkler 1975,92; cf. Chantraine 1968-80II, 385
f. s.v. eiwrj); but an interpretation as "court official" (in Luther's translation of
the Bible: "Kammerer", "high political or military officer"; Haenchen 1971, 310:
"chamberlain", with reference to the Septuagint; cf. Kittel 1933-1969 II, 764)
might be considered. The text also says that he was a Suwicsin;, another term
denoting a high court office ("court official", cf. Bauer et al. 1979, 208; Haenchen
1971, 310; Bauer et al. 1988, 419) and that he was in charge of all the treasure of
his sovereign, Candace, Queen of the Aithiopians: whence his definition as
"treasurer" in the scholarly literature. All these Greek ranks and functions
sound general enough to be regarded as referring to actual Meroitic court titles;
but they cannot be identified, either individually or as a title-complex, with ti-
tles or titularies known from the Meroitic evidence (for Meroitic titles and titu-
laries see Hintze 1963; Millet 1969; Torok 1977a; 1977b; 1979; Hofmann 1981;
Török 1988a, 245 ff.; cf. also Meeks 1973). Consequently, they cannot in them-
selves form a basis for deciding whether the author of the story described an ac-
tual Meroitic dignitary with these titles, or used current expressions which sig-
nified in general terms court dignitaries in the contemporary Near East.
Nevertheless, Scholz specifically identifies the 8uvcicst% of the queen with
the pqr of the Meroitic inscriptions. The latter title, frequently qualified in its
early occurrences as pqr gori-se,"pqr of the king" (see FHN II, 152, (179), in this
volume (213)), is associated with a prince of the royal house who may be, in
one case, identical with the crown prince (see (215)). In later documents, dating
848
The Sources
from the 2nd through the 4th cent. AD (cf. Török 1977a, 34 ff.; 1988a, 248 f.), the
title denotes the highest office in the cursus honorum of high officials in the
territorial government and in the administration of the temples, and no
longer seems to be restricted to members of the royal family. Hence, Scholz's
suggested identification is most unlikely, especially under the conditions
obtaining in the lst cent. AD (cf. also Hofmann 1988, 40 f., who, however,
interprets the office of the pqr in a different way, see Comments on FHN II, 152
and (179)).
The next question that arises about the identity of the Aithiopian of Acts
8.26-40 concerns his religious conviction before his meeting with Philip. If we
accept the historicity of the story, it must also be accepted that the Aithiopian
made a pilgrimage from Meroe to Jerusalem and that he possessed a copy of
the Book of Isaiah which he studied on his way home. Though the narrative of
Acts seems to have been composed as a parallel to Luke's account of the first
conversion of a Gentile (i.e., a non-Jew and non-Samaritan; Haenchen 1971,
314 f.), it is nevertheless rather clearly indicated by his pilgrimage as well as by
his reading material that he confessed the Jewish faith. Accordingly, Scholz
suggests (Scholz 1988; recently: 1994, 687) that the Aithiopian's journey may be
explained as a consequence of his Jewish background: in the cautious formula-
tions of Scholz, he "bekannte sich zum Judentum" (1987, 124) and "die
Existenz der jildischen Diaspora in Kusch für die Pilgerschaft of the
Aithiopian] nach Jerusalem eine ausreichende Grundlage lieferte" (1994,
687). Estigarribia offers a more romantic explanation, viz., that the Aithiopian's
conversion was an episode in the course of a "diplomatic or commercial"
journey to "some kingdom in the east", thus attesting to the extensive contacts
maintained by Meroe with the contemporary world. Furthermore, if he was of
Jewish origin, he could have purchased Isaiah's book in Hebrew or Aramaic in
Jerusalem; otherwise he could have read it in Greek (Estigarribia 1992, 43 f.).
Scholz treats the existence of a Jewish diaspora in ancient Kush as a fact (see
Scholz 1987, 116, 123); but in reality it is not supported by any evidence. The
suggestion derives from an idea put forward by some exegetes (for literature
see Hofmann 1988, 41) according to whom the supposed "Jewish monotheism"
of Candace's treasurer derived from the traditions of the colony of Jewish
mercenaries settled during the Persian occupation (cf. Lloyd 1983, 280 ff.) of
Elephantine in Egypt.437However, that colony increasingly displayed signs of
syncretism during the period in which it is attested (cf. Kornfeld 1967, 9 ff.; Hof-
mann 1988, 42); and it disappears from the record by the 3rd cent. BC (cf. Krael-
ing 1953; Habachi 1975, 1221). So far, the textual and archaeological material
437It was also supposed, again without any genuine evidence, that members of the Jewish colony
on Elephantine emigrated to Aksum and there converted some tribes to their religion; from these
tribes would then have descended the Abyssinian Jews, the Falasha. On this matter see
Lanczkowski 1985, 120 f.
849
from the Middle Nile Region has failed to produce any evidence that the Jew-
ish colony of Elephantine emigrated to, or influenced, Aithiopia.
It would thus seem that, for lack of evidence, the treasurer of Candace can-
not be identified as a Meroitic dignitary, though, on the other hand, the de-
scription of him in Acts does, of course, not in itself exclude the possibility that
a Meroitic court official went to Jerusalem and was converted on his way
home.
To accept the historicity of Acts 8.26-40 would also imply that the spread of
Christianity in the Middle Nile Region started as early as the lst cent. AD.
While admitting that one cannot speak about Aithiopia as a Christian king-
dom solely on account of the treasurer's conversion, Scholz nevertheless sug-
gests (1987, 131) that "it justifies the assumption that also Christianity arrived,
among other religious currents, in the empire [of Kush] in the Middle Nile Re-
gion" in this period. He refers, however, as his earliest evidence for the pres-
ence of Christianity in Nubia, to objects from the post-Meroitic period, i.e., at
the earliest from the late 4th cent. AD.438In fact, no evidence for the existence
of Christian communities is known from the Middle Nile Region from the pe-
riod before the official conversion of the Nubian kingdoms in the 6th cent. (cf.
331). 319 322 indicate, however, that there may have occurred isolated conver-
-
sions in the upper strata of Nobadian society around the middle of the 5th cent.
[LT]
195 The sources of the Nile and the geography of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD.
Pliny, Naturalis historia 5.51-54.
Source bibliography
Conte 1994 G.B. Conte: Genres and Readers. Transl. G. W. Most.
Baltimore-London.
French 1994 R. French: Ancient Natural History. Histories of
Nature. London-New York.
Jacoby 1916 F. Jacoby: Iuba II. RE IX2,cols. 2384-2395.Stuttgart.
Kroll 1951 W. Kroll: C. Plinius Secundus der Åltere. RE XXI1,
cols. 271-439.Stuttgart.
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 2: Libri III-VII.Ed. H.
Rackham. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-Cambridge,
MA.
Winkler-König 1993 C. Plinius Secundus Naturkunde. Buch V.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt von G. Winkler in
Zusammenarbeit mit R. König. München.
438 0n the problem of the imported objects (which Scholz does not identify) with Christian sym-
bols and their irrelevance for post-Meroitic religion see Török 1988b, 69 f.
850
The Sources
Pliny the Elder, bom in AD 23/24 in Comum (modern Como in Northern
Italy), was educated in Rome, practised for some time as a lawyer, and pursued
a political career as procurator (financial administrator) in Spain, Germania,
Gallia, and Africa. At the end of his life he commanded the Roman fleet sta-
tioned at Misenum (near Naples) and lost his life during the great eruption of
Vesuvius in AD 79 when, out of scientific curiosity, he ventured too close to
the scene. His last hours are described by his nephew and admirer Pliny the
Younger (Letters 6.16), who also has given an account (Letters 3.5) of his uncle's
working habits as an avid reader and tireless excerptor ("He read nothing with-
out making excerpts. He used to say that no book was so bad that it could not
somehow be useful").
Pliny's career as a writer produced works on the use of the javelin in the
cavalry, a laudatory biography of his friend Pomponius Secundus, an account
of Rome's wars with Germania, a rhetorical handbook, a book on orthographi-
cal matters ("On doubtful language"), and a history of his own times.
His only surviving work, however, is the great encyclopaedia Naturalis his-
toria439 (Natural History, including geography, medicine, and art) in 37 books.
Book 1 gives an index of contents, with lists of his sources for each book. His
habit of regularly naming his authorities is a notable trait of the work (he even
criticizes those who pillage predecessors without acknowledgments, Praef. 22
f.); in all, he names more than 400 authors, Greek and Latin. On Pliny's sources
see most recently French (1994) 218-30.Book 2 deals with astronomy and mete-
orology, Books 3-6 with geography, Book 7 with anthropology, Books 8-11 with
zoology, Books 12-19 with botany and agriculture, Books 20-32 with medicinal
effects of products from animals and plants, Books 33-37 with metallurgy and
mineralogy, including art connected with metals and stones, as well as colours
and the history of painting.
The Naturalis historia is a result of compilation, not independent study.
Pliny did not sift, compare, or evaluate his sources, he simply collected them,
with a minimal attempt to edit or integrate his material. His uncritical attitude
led him also to include numerous factual errors, as well as marvels and fabu-
lous tales (which, incidentally, are themselves valuable sources for folklore,
superstition, and popular beliefs in antiquity). Although it is easy to point out
weaknesses and shortcomings in the Naturalis historia, the work is by virtue
of its size and completeness an invaluable storehouse of information on
numerous aspects of the ancient world.
For an introduction to Pliny see Kroll (1951).Conte (1994, 67-104) discusses
the attitudes and principles that shaped Pliny's work. French (1994, 196-255)
places the work within the framework of ancient science.
439 The conventional title; Pliny the Younger, however, refers to the work as Naturae historiae,
"Investigations into nature" (Letters 3.5.6); this may therefore well be the original title.
851
The text of the Naturalis historia has been edited in the Bibliotheca Teubne-
riana by Mayhoff (1892-1909, repr. 1967), in the English bilingual series Loeb
Classical Library by Rackham-Jones-Eichholz (1938-63). The edition of the
French bilingual series Collection des Universit& de France and of the German
bilingual series Sammlung Tusculum (Heimeran Verlag, München) are both
slowly approaching completion.
The present extract is marked by its flowery and metaphoric style, in partic-
ular the consistent personification of the Nile. This trait is probably due to
Pliny's source, which is here King Juba of Mauretania, named in section 51 (for
Juba see 186a, Introduction to source).
Our text is based on the edition of Winkler-König (1993). The relevant vol-
ume in the Loeb Classical Library is edited by Rackham (1952).
Text
5 [51]Nilus incertis ortus fontibus, ut per deserta et ardentia et immenso longi-
tudinis spatio ambulans famaque tantum inermi quaesitus sine bellis, quae
ceteras omnes terras invenere; originem, ut Iuba rex potuit exquirere, in monte
inferioris Mauretaniae non procul Oceano habet lacu protinus stagnante, quem
vocant Nilitidem. Ibi pisces reperiuntur alabetae, coracini, siluri. Crocodilus
quoque inde ob argumentum hoc Caesareae in Iseo dicatus ab eo spectatur
hodie. Praeterea observatum est, prout in Mauretania nives imbresve satiav-
erint, ita Nilum increscere.
Ex hoc lacu F.—.)fusus indignatur fluere per harenosa et squalentia con-
ditque se aliquot dier ,m itinere, mox alio lacu maiore in Caesariensis Maure-
taniae gente Masaesylum erumpit et hominum coetus veluti circumspicit, iis-
dem animalium argumentis. Iterum harenis receptus conditur rursus XX
dierum desertis ad proximos Aethiopas atque, ubi iterum sensit hominem,
prosilit fonte, ut verisimile est, illo, quem Nigrim vocavere.
Inde Africam ab Aethiopia dispescens, etiamsi non protinus populis,
feris tamen et beluis frequens silvarumque opifex, medios Aethiopas secat,
cognominatus Astapus, quod illarum gentium lingua significat aquam e tene-
bris profluentem. Insulas ita innumeras spargit quasdamque tam vastae mag-
nitudinis, quamquam rapida celeritate, ut tamen dierum V cursu, non brev-
iore, transvolet. Circa clarissimam earum Meroen Astabores laevo alveo dic-
tus, hoc est ramus aquae venientis e tenebris, dextra vero Astosapes, quod lat-
eris significationem adicit; nec ante Nilus quam se totum aquis rursus con-
cordibus iunxit, sic quoque etiamnum Giris ante nominatus per aliquot milia,
et in totum Homero Aegyptus aliisque Triton.
Subinde insulis impactus, totidem incitatus inritamentis, postremo in-
clusus montibus, nec aliunde torrentior, vectus aquis properantibus ad locum
Aethiopicum, qui Catadupi vocantur, novissimo catarracte inter occursantes
scopulos non fluere inmenso fragore creditur, sed ruere. Postea lenis et con-
852
The Sources
fractis aquis domitaque violentia, aliquid et spatio fessus, multis quamvis fau-
cibus in Aegyptium mare se evomat. Certis tamen diebus auctu magno per to-
tam spatiatus Aegyptum fecundus innatat terrae.
Translation
5 [51]The Nile springs from sources not identified with certainty, as it flows
through deserts and burning heat for an immensely long stretch, and has at-
tracted interest through peaceful reports only, not wars, by which all the other
countries have been discovered. It has its origin, as King Juba was able to ascer-
tain, on a mountain in Lower Mauretania, not far from the Ocean, where first
a lake is formed which they call Nilides. There fishes are found like the alabeta,
the coracinus, and the silurus.44° As a proof of this441one can today even see a
crocodile from this lake that Juba dedicated in the temple of Isis in Caesarea.442
Moreover, it has been observed that the Nile increases as it is satiated by snow
and rainfalls in Mauretania.
As it streams forth from this lake it disdains to flow through sandy and
parched regions and hides during several days' journey, then it bursts forth in
another, greater lake where the tribe of the Masaesyles lives in Mauretania
Caesariensis and surveys so to speak the people assembled, having the same
animals as proof (of its identity). Then it is a second time received by the sands
and is again hidden in the deserts for twenty days (until it comes) to the nearest
Aithiopians and, when it again senses man, rushes forth as the source which
probably is the one they have given the name of Nigris.
From there, dividing Africa from Aithiopia, it cuts right through the
(land of the) Aithiopians, although in the first part not many people live
alongside it, but many wild animals and great beasts,443 and it also causes
forests to grow. It bears the name of Astapus, which in the language of the peo-
ples there means "water flowing forth from darkness".444 It strews numerous
islands on its course, some of them so vast that although it flows with great
speed it takes five days, not less, for it to pass them by. Round Meroe, the most
famous of these (islands), it is called in its left channel Astabores, which means
"branch of water coming from darkness", to the right, on the other hand, (it is
called) Astosapes, which (name) adds the meaning 'side (branch)'. Nor is it
called the Nile until all of it is again united in one common stream, and even
440 Nilotic fishes.

441 1.e., that this lake in fact belongs to the Nile.
442 In Mauretania. Whether this remark, with the time indication "today", also derives from
King Juba or from another, later, source, is a matter of disagreement among scholars: from a con-
temporary source (Emperor Claudius?) according to Winkler-König (1993, 165, with
bibliographical references), against Jacoby (1916, 2390 f.) who emphatically rejects the idea of
an intermediate source.
443Belua, properly "monster", "beast", "big animal", is sometimes used for "elephant".
444 Referring to the subterraneous passage of the Nile.
853
then it was earlier called Giris for a stretch of several miles; moreover Homer
called all of it Aegyptus,"5 others Triton.
[54] Now and then it runs into islands and is then spurred on by the hin-
drances; finally it is hemmed in by mountains and becomes more violent than
ever, being carried on with rushing waters to the country of the Aithiopians
called the Catadupi, where, at the last cataract,446it forces its way past rocks (in
the river-bed) and seems not to flow but to crash down with a thundering
noise. Afterwards it becomes slow, its waters broken and its violence tamed,
also somewhat exhausted by the long distance, and empties itself into the Egyp-
tian Sea, although through numerous outlets. But on certain days it overruns
the whole of Egypt with a great inundation and covers the land with its fertile
waters.
[TE]
Comments
In the description of the Nile presented in his Book 5 Pliny drew on several
sources (cf. his source list in his Book 1): first of all Juba's Arabica (cf. 186a and
see Desanges 1987),but also on works by Herodotus (cf. FHN I, 56), Hanno (cf.
Comments on 193), Eratosthenes (cf. FHN II, 111), Artemidorus (cf. Comments
on 187, 189), Diodorus (cf. FHN II, 167), and Pomponius Mela (cf. 193). In 5.53
Aithiopi is initially viewed in an African perspective: the description
proceeds from the south towards the north, starting from sparsely inhabited
regions with elephants and other wild animals along the river Astapus, i.e.,
the Blue Nile (cf. FHN II, 109; in this volume see 187). With the mention of the
"island of Meroe", however, another source is introduced, for the perspective
is altered. Now it is from a northern viewpoint so that the Astabores (= Atbara)
is to the left and the Astosapes (Astasoba = White Nile) to the right of the ob-
server. Asta, as noted by Desanges (1978a, 313 note 32), occurs in the river
names Astaboras, Astapous, Astasobas and seems to have the meaning "river
water" or the like in a language spoken in the region in the Hellenistic period
(cf. Meroitic ato, "water"; and see Yoyotte 1954-1957,106 ff.). Both Astapus and
Astaboras "come from the darkness", i.e., arrive through an underground
channel passing under the desert (cf. Comments on 193). The origins of the
name Giris for a section of the White Nile south of its confluence with the At-
bara are obscure (it may perhaps be compared with the name Eger given to the
western Nile by the Anonymus geographer of Ravenna 3.2 [cf. 233], with the
Agger issuing from the Atlas in Vitruvius 8.2.6 and with the Ger of Suetonius
Paulinus [Pliny, Naturalis historia 5.15], similarly connected to the Atlas; for
the context cf. 193 and see Desanges 1987a, 137 f. note 101). The "hindrances" in
Ch. 54 are the Cataracts; while the mysterious Catadupians come from the Nile
4450dyssey 4.477.
4461.e., the northernmost.
854
The Sources
itinerary preserved by Pliny (FHN II, 108) from Bion's lost Aithiopica (cf. FHN
II, 105, Introduction to Source).
[1:11
196 The physical appearance of the Aithiopians. lst cent. AD.

Source bibliography
Beaujeu 1950 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, livre 2. Texte
traduit et commenté par J. Beaujeu. Paris.
Känig-Winkler 1974 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch 2.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt von R. Känig in
Zusammenarbeit mit G. Winkler. München.
Mayhoff 1906 C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII.Ed.
Rackham 1938 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 1. LibriEd. H.
Rackham. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-Cambridge
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195. The present extract fol-
lows a section on the relationship between the duration of daylight and the
reckoning of time in different parts of the world.
Our text is based on the edition of Beaujeu (1950).
Text
2 [189]Contexenda sunt his caelestibus nexa causis. Namque et Aethiopas vicini
sideris vapore torreri adustisque similes gigni, barba et capillo vibrato, non est
dubium, et adversa plaga mundi candida atque glaciali cute esse gentes, flavis
promissas crinibus, truces vero ex caeli rigore has, illas mobilitate sapientes, ip-
soque crurum argumento illis in supera sucum revocari natura vaporis, his in
inferas partes depelli umore deciduo; hic graves feras, illic varias effigies ani-
malium provenire et maxime alitum multas figuras igni volucres;
[190]corporum autem proceritatem utrobique, illic ignium nisu, hic umoris
alimento. Medio vero terrae salubri utrimque mixtura fertiles ad omnia trac-
tus, modicos corporum habitus magna et in colore temperie, ritus molles, sen-
sus liquidos, ingenia fecunda totiusque naturae capacia, isdem imperia, quae
numquam extimis gentibus fuerint, sicut ne illae quidem his paruerint, avol-
sae ac pro immanitate naturae urguentis illas solitariae.
Translation
There are things bound up with these celestial causes that deserve to be
2 [189]
linked to this discussion. For there is no doubt that the Aithiopians are
scorched by the heat through the closeness of the sun; they have a burnt ap-
pearance when they are bom, and their beards and hair are curly. On the other
855
Fontes Histor ae Nubiorum III
hand, people living in the opposite zone of the earth have a white and ice-like
skin and long blond hair. The freezing cold makes the latter savage, whereas
the mobility of the air makes the former wise. Even their legs prove this point:
among those in the hot region the quality of the heat draws the bodily juices to
the upper parts of the body, in the others they are driven to the lower parts by
the downwards movement of the moisture. Here [in the cold regionl ponder-
ous wild animals are brought forth, there a variety of animals, in particular a
multitude of different birds that are fast flyers because of the heat.447
[1901,Bodies, however, are tall in both regions, in the one by the effect of the
heat, in the other by the nourishment from the moisture. In the middle region
of the world, on the other hand, tracts of land are fertile for everything because
of the salutary mixture of both: bodies are of moderate stature and also their
colour has just the right blend; customs are mild, the senses unimpeded, the
intellects productive and able to encompass the whole of nature; it is also they
who control empires, something that the peoples on the extremities of the
world never have done; on the other: hand, they have not submitted to these
empires either, since they live so cut off and are so isolated through the vast-
ness of nature that oppresses them.
[TEl
Comments
In 2.189-190Pliny deals with the connections between racial difference and lati-
tude according to the environmental theory also prevalent in Strabo's image of
Aithiopia (cf. 187) and also applied to the Aithiopians by Herodotus (2.22), Lu-
cretius (6.722, 1109), Vitruvius (6.1.3-4), Ovid (Metamorphoses 2.235 f.) and,
later, by Lucan (10.221f.), Seneca (4a.2.18,cf. 209) and others (cf. Snowden 1970,
258 note 6). In this theory, physical appearance, mentality, and cultural devel-
opment are determined by the environment; and as a topical example Pliny
contrasts the black, wise Aithiopians with the white, savage inhabitants of the
opposite, northern, zone of the world (for this contrast cf. the numerous quota-
tions from ancient authors in Snowden 1970, 262 note 32; for the legs cf. Aris-
toteles, Problemata 14.4.909a; De generatione animalium 5.3.782b; Diodorus
3.8.2; for the curly hair of the Aithiopians cf. the authors quoted by Snowden
1970, 6 f. with notes 46-58). While the limitations of the environmental theory
are obvious to the modern reader, the correctness of the anthropological obser-
vations conveyed by Pliny's sources as to the few basic features that were taken
into consideration cannot be denied.
[LT]
447 The text may be corrupt here. "Heat" translates igni, properly "fire". Most manuscripts have
gigni, "are bom" or "produced", a reading adopted by König-Winkler (1974), who assume a
lacuna after volucres. Other editors bracket the words in ...volucres as an intrusion into the text,
so Rackham (1938); this would give the following end to this sentence: "... a variety of animals,
in particular of birds".
856
The Sources
197 The longevity of the Aithiopians. lst cent. AD.

Pliny, Naturalis historia 7.27.
Source bibliography
König-Winkler 1975 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch VII.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt von R. König in
Schilling 1977 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle. Livre VII. Texte
traduit et commenté par R. Schilling. (Collection
des Universits de France.) Paris.
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural History.. Vol. 2. Libri III-VII.Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195. This extract is from the
section in Book VII (§§ 9-32) on curious details concerning the bodies of differ-
ent peoples, particularly on the fringes of the known world. In an introduction
(§ 8) Pliny comments on the credibility of his reports: "But I will not myself
vouch for the truth in most of these things, rather I shall refer to the sources
that are given for all doubtful matters. We should not, however, scorn the
Greek authors; their diligence is the greatest and their tradition of research the
oldest." For another excerpt from this section in Pliny see 199.
Our text is based on the edition of Schilling (1977). Bilingual editions are
also available in English (Rackham 1942) and German (Kiinig-Winkler 1975).
Text
7 [27]Aristoteles in cavernis vivere Pygmaeos tradit, cetera de his ut reliqui.
Cyrnos Indorum genus Isigonus annis centenis quadragenis vivere, item Aeth-
iopas Macrobios et Seras existimat et qui Athon montem incolant, hos quidem,
quia viperinis carnibus alantur; itaque nec capiti nec vestibus eorum noxia
corpori inesse animalia.
Translation
7 [27]Aristotle relates that the Pygmies live in caves; otherwise his information
on them is the same as in the other authors. Isigonus448reckons that the Cyr-
nians, an Indian people, live for 140 years, similarly the Long-lived Aithiopi-
ans, the Chinese,449 and those who live on Mount Athos. In the case of the
448 Isigonus (from Nicaea, Asia Minor, ist cent. AD?) wrote a (lost) work On Wonders (Peri apis-
ton).
449 The Seres in Latin, a people in Eastern Asia, the Chinese or their neighbours.
857
latter he says it is because snake meat is part of their diet, and therefore their
head and clothes are not infested by creatures harmful to the body.
[TE]
Comments
For the Utopian origins of the "Long-lived Aithiopians" see Herodotus 3.114
(FHN I, 62), 3.22.2 (ibid. 65 and cf. Burstein 1981, 3 f.). For the Pygmies cf. 187,
193.
[1:n
198 Aithiopian tribes. lst cent. AD.

Source bibliography
Brodersen 1996 C. Plinius Secundus Naturkunde. Buch VI.
Herausgegeben und iibersetzt von K. Brodersen.
(Sammlung Tusculum.) Ziirich.
Desanges 1962 J. Desanges: Catalogue des tribus africaines de
classique. (Université de Dakar. Faculté des
lettres et sciences humaines. Publications de la section
d'histoire. 4.) Dakar.
Mayhoff 1906 C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae libri )00(VII. Ed.
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 2. Libri III-VII. Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195. Our text is based on the
edition of Mayhoff (1906).
For the continuation of this text see FHN II, 104.
Text
6 [189] Trogodytis et Rubro mari a Meroe tractus omnis superponitur, a Napata
tridui itinere ad Rubrum litus, aqua pluvia ad usum compluribus locis serv-
ata, fertilissima regione quae interest auri. Ulteriora Atabuli, Aethiopum gens,
tenent. Dein contra Meroen Magabarri, quos aliqui Adiabaros nominavere; op-
pidum habent Apollinis. Pars eorum nomades quae elephantis vescitur.
[190] Ex adverso in Africae parte Macrobii, rursus a Megabarris, Memnones
et Dabelli dierumque XX intervallo Critensi. Ultra eos Dochi, dein Gymnetes,
semper nudi, mox Anderae, Mattitae, Mesaches; hi pudore atri coloris tota cor-
pora rubrica inlinunt. At ex Africae parte Medimni, dein Nomades, cyno-
858
The Sources
cephalorum lacte viventes, Alabi, Syrbotae, qui octonum cubitorum esse di-
cuntur.
Translation
6 11891 Located beyond the Trogodytes and the Red Sea is the whole region after
Meroe. From Napata to the coast of the Red [Seal shore is a journey of three
days. Rainwater is stored in several places for the use [of travellers], and the in-
tervening district abounds in gold. The country further on is inhabited by the
Atabuli, an Aithiopian tribe. Then, opposite Meroe, live the Megabarri, whom
some have called the Adiabari; they have a town [named] Apollo's [town].
Some of them are nomads, who eat elephants.45°
[1901 Opposite, on the African side [of the Nile], are the Macrobii ("The Long-
lived")451, further, after the Megabarri, the Memnones and the Dabelli and, af-
ter 20 days' journey, the Critensi. Beyond them the Dochi, then the Gymnetes,
who are always naked,452 thereafter the Anderae, Mattitae, Mesaches; these,
ashamed453 of their black colour, smear their whole body with red ochre.
But454 on the African side are the Medimni, then the Nomads, who live on
milk from the dog-faced baboons,455 the Alabi, the Syrbotae, who are said to be
eight cubits tall.456
FrEl
Comments
In contrast to most remarks made by Pliny on Aithiopia, no direct or indirect
source can be named for the information presented in his Book 6.189-90 (cf. De-
sanges 1993b, 30). The description starts with the region between the "island of
Meroe" and the Red Sea Coast, where the Trogodytes are traditionally placed
(cf. FHN I, 66, II, 147, in this volume 189 and cf. Demicheli 1976, 30 ff.). In gen-
eral terms it is this region from which some of the Nubian gold originated (cf.
FHN II, 146). While the mention of the elephant-eaters and other fabulous
peoples derives from a Hellenistic ethnographical source, the remark made on
the storage of rainwater (referring perhaps to the reservoirs [Arabic, sing., hafir]
450 Pliny's Greek source may have mentioned the Elephantophagoi, "Elephant-eaters", cf. 189
(Strabo 16.4.10) and Desanges (1962) 196.
451 For the "long-lived Aithiopians" cf. FHN I, 65 and Desanges (1962) 190 f.
452Gymnetes is from Greek gymnos, "naked".
453 For the first two words in this sentence(hi pudore) the manuscripts have another tribe's name
(with various spellings); the text printed and translated here is a correction by Mayhoff (1906),
involving only a slight change of letters. The correction is adopted also by Rackham (1942) and
Brodersen (1996).
454 "But on the African side" seems to contradict "Opposite, on the African side..." in the begin-
ning of this paragraph.
455 A1so here Pliny's information may be due to a Greek tribe's name in his source, the Cynarnolgi,
"Dog-milkers", cf. Desanges (1962) 191.
456 About 3.5 m.
859
on the "island of Meroe", cf. M. Hinkel 1990; 1991) for travellers may perhaps
indicate that here direct information from the material collected by the Nero-
nian expedition is included (see 208). Kendall (1989, 694 ff.) also suggests that
6.190 contains correct ethnographical information, and compares Pliny's de-
scription with modern data from the southern Sudan (tribes not normally
wearing clothes; the application of red ochre as body decoration; extraordinary
tallness of the Raik Dinka; for literature see op. cit., loc. cit.).
[LT]
199 Nubian tribes. lst cent. AD.

Source bibliography
König-Winkler 1975 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch VII.
Herausgegeben und tibersetzt von R. König in
Schilling 1977 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle. Livre VII. Texte
traduit et commenté par R. Schilling. (Collection
des Universit& de France.) Paris.
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural history. Vol. 2. Libri III-VII. Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195. This extract is from the
section in Book VII (§§ 9-32) on curious details concerning the bodies of differ-
ent peoples, particularly on the fringes of the known world, cf. 197.
Our text is based on the edition of Schilling (1977). Bilingual editions are
also available in English (Rackham 1942) and German (Ki5nig-Winkler1975).
Text
7 [31] Trogodytas super Aethiopiam velociores equis esse Pergamenus Crates,
item Aethiopas octona cubita longitudine excedere, Syrbotas vocari gentem
eam. Nomadum Aethiopum secundum flumen Astragum ad septentrionem
vergentium gens Menisminorum appellata abest ab oceano dierum itinere vig-
inti; animalium quae cynoscephalos vocamus lacte vivit, quorum armenta
pascit maribus interemptis praeterquam subolis causa.
Translation
The Trogodytes beyond Aithiopia are swifter than horses, says Crates from
7 [31]
Pergan-ion, and he also says that there are Aithiopians taller than eight cubits;
the name of that tribe is the Sybotae. Of the nomad Aithiopians, along the riv-
er Astragus towards the north, there is a tribe called the Menismeni, who live
860
The Sources
twenty days' march from the ocean; they live on milk from the animals we call
cynocephali, of which they keep flocks, killing the males except for the sake of
breeding.
[lE]
Comments
This passage is quoted from a survey of some curious varieties of the human
species, where remarks also made elsewhere in the Natural History are re-
peated. Thus in 6.189-90 (see 198) and 191 we may also meet with, partly fabu-
lous, tribes placed in a geographical context which may be called realistic
within the limitations of the Africa-image of the 1st cent. AD, e.g., the
Medimni (in 199 Menismini) and the Syrbotes "who are said to be eight cubits
tall". 1n 6.191 there are also mentioned Nomads who live on the milk of the
cynocephaluses: these are doubtless Dalion's Dog-milkers (FHN II, 102) who
were included in Strabo's description as well (189) and declared fabulous by
Pliny himself in his Book 6.195. For the Trogodytes see 200. Crates of Pergamon
(or of Mallos) was a 2nd cent. BC philosopher who also treated geographical
questions in connection with his commentaries on Homer (cf. Kroll 1922). His
Aithiopian "data" probably came from his commentary on the Odyssey (Kroll
1922, 1635) from which Pliny may also have adopted other fabulous details, the
sources of which are obscure to us.
[LT]
200 Elephant hunting among the Trogodytes. lst cent. AD.

Source bibliography
Ernout 1952 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle. Livre VIII. Texte
etabli, traduit et commente par A. Ernout. (Collection
des Universites de France.) Paris.
König-Winkler 1976 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch VIII.
Herausgegeben und ilbersetzt von R. König in
Zusammenarbeit mit G. Winkler. Milnchen.
Rackham 1940 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 3. Libri VIII-XI. Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny's Naturalis historia in general see 195. This
extract is from Pliny's treatment of the elephant (8.1-34).
Our text is based on the edition of Ernout (1952). Bilingual editions are also
available in English (Rackham 1940) and German (Kig-Winkler 1976).
861
Text
8 [26] Trogodytae contermini Aethiopiae, qui hoc solo venatu aluntur, propin-
quas itineri eorum conscendunt arbores; inde totius agminis novissimum
speculati extremas in clunes desiliunt. Laeva adprehenditur cauda, pedes sti-
pantur in sinistro femine: ita pendens alterum poplitem dextra caedit ac praea-
cuta bipenni hoc crure tardato, profugiens alterius poplitis nervos ferit, cuncta
praeceleri pernicitate peragens.
Alii tutiore genere, sed magis fallaci, ingentes arcus intentos defigunt humi
longius; hos praecipui viribus iuvenes continent, alii conixi pari conatu con-
tendunt ac praetereuntibus sagittarum venabula infigunt, mox sanguinis ves-
tigiis secuntur.
Translation
8 [26] The Trogodytes, who border on Aithiopia, live by this [i.e., elephant] hunt
only. They climb up into the trees along their [the elephants1 trails; from there
they wait for the last of the herd and then jump down on to its hind parts.
With the left hand they cling to the tail and brace their feet against the left
haunch. While hanging in this manner the hunter cuts the hock of one leg
with his right hand, and when this has been lamed with his sharp two-edged
axe he strikes at the sinews of the other hock as he makes his escape.457All this
he performs with greatest speed.
Others use a safer but less reliable method. They string huge bows which
they fix in the ground at a long distance. These are held by especially strong
young men, while others with a similar great effort draw the bow and shoot
spear-like arrows at the animals as they pass. Then they follow their bloody
trail.
Comments
In Chapters 1-34 of his Book 8 Pliny presents a rich collection of literary infor-
mation about elephants. Chapter 26, from which we learn about the skill of the
Trogodytes as elephant hunters, derives from a description of the Aithiopian
Elephant-hunters in Agatharchides' work On the Erythraean Sea (see fgms 53
f., Burstein 1989a, 94 ff.) which was quoted by Diodorus (3.25.1-4,3.26.1-4) and
Strabo (16.4.9-10,cf. 189). The description given by the latter authors is embed-
ded in a detailed picture of the ethnographical map of the region between the
"island of Meroe" and the Red Sea coast; Pliny connects it only with the Tro-
godytes whom Agatharchides distinguished from the minor peoples to whom
the Elephant-hunters also belonged.
457 "as he makes his escape" translates the participle profugiens (nominative case); Rackham
(1940), followed by König-Winkler (1976), changes to profugienti (dative case), thus making it go
with the animal instead of with the hunter: "as it tries to flee".
862
The Sources
Pliny's elephant hunters kill the animal; so do Agatharchides' Elephant-

hunters, who are, on this accoun4-, sharply distinguished from their colleagues
in India and Arabia, who were able to capture the animals alive in order to
train them as extremely valuable war elephants (cf. Hofmann 1975, 54 f.). As
Agatharchides says in his fgm. 57 (Burstein 1989a, 99 f.), Ptolemy II (?) tried to
persuade the Aithiopian elephant-hunters "to refrain from slaughtering the
beasts in order that he might have them alive", but the hunters from the tribe
of the Elephant-hunters refused to change their ways. The unwillingness of the
native elephant hunters to learn the methods of capturing elephants alive con-
tributed to the Ptolemaic efforts to organise the elephant supply from
Aithiopia so that hunting was carried out by Egyptian experts and the beasts
were transported from Ptolemaic ports established on the Red Sea coast (cf.
FHN II, 119-122).
[LT]
201 On Aithiopian minerals. lst cent. AD.

Pliny, Naturalis historia 37.69-70; 92; 126; 156; 165; 167; 169; 177; 182.
Source bibliography
Baldwin 1995 Baldwin: Michael Psellus on the Properties of
Stones. Byzantino-Slavica 56, 397-405.
De Saint-Denis 1972 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, livre 37. Texte
traduit et commenté par E. De Saint-Denis.
(Collection des Universits de France.) Paris.
Hopfner 1926 Th. Hopfner: Ateti(å. RE XIII.1, cols. 747-769. Stuttgart.
Eichholz 1962 Pliny: Natural History. Vol, 10: Libri XXXVI-XXXVII.
Ed. D.E. Eichholz. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-
Cambridge MA.
Känig-Hopp 1994 Plinius Secundus Naturkunde. Buch XXXVII.
Zusammenarbeit mit J. Hopp. München.
Mayhoff 1897 C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae libri XXXVII. Ed.
C. Mayhoff. Vol. 5. Lipsiae.
Rossbach 1910 0. Rossbach: Gemmen. RE VII.1, cols. 1052-1115.
Stuttgart.
For Introduction to source on Pliny's Naturalis historia in general see 195. The
present extracts are from Pliny's treatment of stones in Book 37. For this part of
Pliny's work see Rossbach (1910, 1106-1113), who gives reasons (1106 f.) why we
should regard Pliny a connoisseur in this particular field. For the ancient liter-
ary tradition on the properties of stones see most recently Baldwin (1995). For
the numerous treatises on the medical and magical power of stones in particu-
lar see Hopfner (1926).
863
Our text is based on the edition of De Saint-Denis (1972). Bilingual editions

are also available in English (Eichholz 1962) and German (König-Hopp 1994).
Text
37 [69]Ab his Aethiopici laudantur ab Copto dierum itinere, ut auctor est Iuba,
XXV, acriter virides, sed non facile puri aut concolores. Democritus in hoc
genere ponit Thermiaeos et Persicos, illos intumescentes pinguiter, Persicos
vero non tralucidos, sed iucundi tenoris visum inplere, quem non admittant,
felium pantherarumque oculis similes; namque et illos radiare nec perspici,
eosdem in sole hebetari, in umbra refulgere et longius quam ceteros nitere. [70]
Omnium horum etiamnunc vitium, quod fellis colorem aut acris olei habent,
dilucidi quidem ac liquidi, sed non virides.
37 [92] Principatum habent carbunculi a similitudine ignium appellati, cum ipsi

non sentiant ignes, a quibusdam ob hoc acaustoe appellati. Horum genera In-
dici et Garamantici, quos et Carchedonios vocavere propter opulentiam
Carthaginis Magnae. Adiciunt Aethiopicos at Alabandicos in Orthosia Cariae
nascentes, sed qui perficiantur Alabandis.
37 [126]Hyacinthos Aethiopia mittit et chrysolithos aureo fulgore tralucentes.

Praeferuntur his Indicae et, si variae non sint, Tibarenae. Deterrimae autem
Arabicae, quoniam turbidae sunt et variae, fulgoris interpellati nubilo macu-
larum.
37 [156] Chloritis herbacei coloris est; eam in ventre motacillae avis inveniri di-
cunt Magi congenitam ei et ferro includi iubent ad quaedam prodigiosa moris
sui. Choaspitis a flumine dicta est, ex viridi fulgoris aurei. Chrysolampsis in
Aethiopia nascitur, pallida alias, sed noctu ignea.
37 [165]Heliotropium nascitur in Aethiopia, Africa, Cypro, porraceo colore, san-

guirteis venis distincta; causa nominis, quoniam deiecta in vas aquae,
fulgorem solis accidentem repercussu sanguineo mutat, maxime Aethiopica.
Eadem extra aquam speculi modo solem accipit deprenditque defectus,
subeuntem lunam ostendens. Magorum impudentiae vel manifestissimum in
hac quoque exemplum est, quoniam admixta herba heliotropio, quibusdam
additis precationibus, gerentem conspici negent.
37 [167]Hexecontalithos, in parva magnitudine multicolor—hoc sibi nomen

adoptavit—reperitur in Trogodytice. Hieracitis alternat tota miluinis nigrisque
veluti plumis. Hammitis ovis piscium similis est, et alia velut e nitro com-
posita, praedura alioqui. Hammonis cornu inter sacratissimas Aethiopiae
gemmas aureo colore arietini cornus effigiem reddens, promittitur praedivina
somnia repraesentare.
864
TheSources
37 [1691Haematitis in Aethiopia quidem principalis est, sed in Arabia et in

Africa invenitur, sanguineo colore, non omittendis promissis ad coarguendas
Magorum insidias. Zachalias Babylonius in iis libris, quos scripsit ad regem
Mithridatem, gemmis humana fata adtribuens hanc, non contentus oculorum
et iocineris medicina decorasse, a rege etiam aliquid petituris dedit, eandem
litibus iudiciisque interposuit, in proeliis etiam exangui salutarem pronunti-
avit. Est et alia eiusdem generis, quae vocatur menui, ab aliis xuthos; ita appel-
lant Graeci e fulvo candicantes.
37 [177]Ostracias sive ostracitis est testacea, durior ceramitide, achatae similis,

nisi quod illa politura pinguescit; huic tanta duritia inest, ut fragmentis eius
aliae gemmae scalpantur. Ostritidi ostrea a similitudine nomen dedere. Ophi-
cardelon barbari vocant, nigrum colorem binis lineis albis includentibus. De
opsiano lapide diximus priore libro; inveniuntur et gemmae eodem nomine
ac colore non solum in Aethiopia Indiaque, sed etiam in Samnio et, ut aliqui
putant, in Hispania litoribus eius oceani.
37[182]Sideritis ferro similis est; maleficio illata aliquis discordiam facit; nasci-
tur in Aethiopia.
Translation
37[69]Next in esteem to these [emeralds] come the ones from Aithiopia found,
according to Juba, at a distance of 25 days' journey from Coptos.458 They are
bright green, but rarely limpid or uniform in colour. Democritus reckons to the
same type those from Therme and Persia; the former have opaque intumesc-
ences, whereas the Persian ones are not translucid, but let the eye see a pleasant
uniformity of colour, he says, without allowing it to see through, like eyes of
cats or leopards; for like them they are bright but not transparent, and they also
become dull in the sun but radiant in the shade, and shine farther than the
others. [70]All these have moreover one defect, in that they have the colour of
gall or rancid oil; they are clear and bright enough, but not green.
37[92] First in rank are the carbuncles (carbunculi),459 so called because of their
likeness to fire;46°they are not affected by fire, however, and some have there-
fore given them the name acaustoe.461 There is an Indian and a Garamantic
variety, the latter also called Carchedonian Karthaginian] because of the opu-
458 ForJubaof Mauretania

see186.
459 "Pliny'scarbunculi
Mcluderubies,red garnet(pyropeand almandine),
andpossiblyred spinel.
HisIndiancarbunculi probablyincludeall three"(Eichholz1962).
460 Lat.carbunculus means"(live)coal".
461 Greekakaustos means"unburnt","incombustible". Pliny's"remarkthat carbunculi are unaf-
fectedby fireappliesgenerallyonlyto rubies"(Eichholz1962).
865
lence of Great Carthage462. They add the Aithiopian ones and the Alabandian,
which are from Orthosia in Caria, but are worked in Alabandae.463
37 [126] Aithiopia exports hyacinths464 and chrysolites, which have a golden

translucent brilliance. Preferred to these are the Indian kind, and also the
Tibarenian,465 provided they are not variegated. The Arabian ones have the
poorest quality, they are opaque and variegated, and their brilliance is inter-
rupted by clouds of spots.
37 [156] The chlorite (chloritis) has the colour of grass; the Ma gi466 say that it is
found in the stomach of the bird white waterwagtail where it is formed already
at its inception, and they have this stone set in iron for one of their traditional
wonder performances. The choaspitis is named after the river;467 it has a
golden brilliance with a tint of green. The chrysolampsis is found in Aithiopia;
it is pale except at night, when it is fiery.
37 [165] The heliotrope is found in Aithiopia, Africa, and on Cyprus. It has the
green colour of the leek, embellished by blood-coloured veins. The reason for
its name465 is that when it is immersed in a water jar and the sunshine falls on
it, the reflexion becomes blood-coloured; this is particularly the case with the
Aithiopian variety. Out of water this stone receives the sunlight like a mirror
and captures eclipses, showing the moon taking the place (of the sun). It also
provides a most manifest example of the brazenness of the Magi, for they pre-
tend that a person carrying it mixed with the plant heliotrope and in addition
uttering certain prayers is rendered invisible.
37 [167]The hexecontalithos, which shows a multitude of colours in a small

quantity (this is how it has its name469), is found in Trogodytice. The hieracitis
has all over a hue that changes like feathers between the kite's colours and
black. The hammitis resembles fish roe, and another variety seems to be com-
posed of soda, but is otherwise extremely hard. Hammon's (Amiirt's) horn be-
462 in Tunis, so called to distinguish the city from Nova Carthago ("New Carthage") in Spain,
today Cartagena.
463 Another town in Caria.
464 Greek hyakinthos, a precious blue stone, probably sapphire or aquamarine.
465 The Tibareni were a people on the south coast of the Black Sea.
466 A class of Persian priests and soothsayers.
467 The Choaspis, a river which debouches into the Persian Gulf east of the Tigris.
468 From Gr. helios "sun" and trepo "turn". When used of the plant heliotrope, the name refers to
the fact that it turns its leaves according to the position of the sun throughout the day (as Pliny
himself describes 2.109). Here, however, speaking of the stone, Pliny seems to interpret the name
as "returning (reflecting) the sun".
469 From Greek hexekonta, "sixty", and lithos "stone".
866
The Sources
longs to the most sacred gems of Aithiopia; it has a golden colour and the
shape of a ram's horn. They garanfee that it will induce prophetic dreams.
37 [169] The haematitis belongs primarily to Aithiopia, but it is also found in

Arabia and in Africa. It has a blood-like colour.470I ought not to omit the fol-
lowing information, which is sure to demonstrate the treacherous ways of the
Magi. Zachalias from Babylon, in the books he dedicated to King Mithridates,
ascribed man's fate to gems, and did not content himself with crediting the
haematitis with the power to heal eye and liver ailments, he even gave it to
those who were to ask a favour from the king;471he let it interfere in law suits
and court cases, and also pronounced it beneficial for a man loosing his blood
in battle. There is also another gem of the same kind which is called menui, by
others xuthos; this latter name is given by the Greeks to whitish gems with a
shade of yellow.472
37 [177]The ostracia or ostracitis has the colour of burnt clay, and is stronger
than the ceramitis; it resembles the agate, except that the latter acquires an oily
appearance when it is polished. It is so hard that one can use pieces of it to en-
grave other gems. The oistritis has its name from its similarity in appearance
to the oyster.473Ophicardelon is the name barbarians give to a gem in which a
black colour is encircled by two white lines. Of the obsidian I spoke in the pre-
vious book; gems with the same name and colour are found not only in
Aithiopia and India, but also in Samnium and, as some believe, in Spain, on
the coasts of its ocean.
37 [1821The sideritis resembles iron.474By using it with evil intent a person can
cause strife. It is found in Aithiopia.
[TE]
Comments
From Book 37 of the Natural History, in which Pliny presents the astonishing-
ly rich information (he states in Book 1: Summa: res et historiae et observa-
tiones MCCC, "Total: 1300 facts, investigations and observations") which he
had collected about precious stones, some excerpts are given here in order to
indicate the wide knowledge possessed by the Greek and Roman world of what
was for them the most important feature of the Middle Nile Region, namely,
the materials and wares that were obtainable from the Aithiopians. The sorts
470 1-laema is the Greek word for "blood".

471 The meaning seems to be that he recommended to the King's petitioners the use of the gem's
powers.
472 Xouthos is in Greek used for a golden yellow colour.
473 Greek ostreon.
474 Greek sideros.
867
of stones described by Pliny complement the lists of Nubian tribute and the
mentions of products from Aithiopia preserved in FHN II, 135 and 137. The
identification of the sources for his notes on the individual stones cannot be at-
tempted here. So much seems obvious, that his sources preserved many of the
ancient Egyptian metaphysical conceptions concerning precious stones (cf.
Aufrère 1991II, 797).
202 On the fauna of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD.

Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.172 f.; 8.32; 8.69.
Source bibliography
Brodersen 1996 C. Plinius Secundus d.Å., Naturkunde. Buch VI.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt von K. Brodersen.
(Sammlung Tusculum.) Ztirich.
Ernout 1952 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle. Livre VIII. Texte
traduit et commenté par A. Ernout. (Collection
des Universit6 de France.) Paris.
König-Winkler 1976 C. Plinius Secundus d.Å.: Naturkunde. Buch VIII.
Herausgegeben und ilbersetzt von R. Konig in
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 2. Libri III-VII. Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195. The first of the texts
given below is from Pliny's description of the coasts of the Red Sea in Book 6
(163-175),the two following are from his treatment of land animals in Book 8.
For Book 6 our text is based on the edition of Brodersen (1996), for Book 8 on
the edition of Ernout (1952).
Text
6 [172] Hinc Azanium mare, promunturium quod aliqui Hippalum scripsere,
lacus Mandalum, insula Colocasitis et in alto multae, in quibus testudo
plurima. Oppidum Sace, insula Daphnidis, oppidum Aduliton; Aegyptiorum
hoc servi profugi a dominis condidere.
11731 Maximum hic emporium Trogodytarum, etiam Aethiopum; abest a
Ptolemaide V dierum navigatione. Deferunt plurimum ebur, rhinocerotum
cornua, hippopotamiorum coria, chelium testudinum, sphingia, mancipia.
868
The Sources
8 [32] Elephantos fert Africa ultra Syrticas solitudines et in Mauretania, ferunt

Aethiopes et Trogodytae, ut dictum est; sed maximos India bellantesque cum
his perpetua discordia dracones tantae magnitudinis et ipsos, ut circumplexu
facili ambiant nexuque nodi praestringant. Commoritur ea dimicatio, victus-
que corruens complexum elidit pondere.
[69] Harum aliqua similitudo in duo transfertur animalia. Nabun Aethiopes

vocant, collo similem equo, pedibus et cruribus bovi, camelo capite, albis mac-
ulis rutilum colorem distinguentibus, unde appellata camelopardalis; dictato-
ris Caesaris circensibus ludis primum visa Romae. Ex eo subinde cernitur, as-
pectu magis quam feritate conspicua, quare etiam oviferae nomen invenit.
Translation
6 [172]Next [after Ptolemais] come the Azanian Sea, the promontory to which
some writers have given the name Hippalus, the lake of Mandalus, the island
of Colocasitis and further out at sea many islands where there is an abundance
of turtles; then the town of Sace, the island of Daphnis, the town of the
Adulites—Egyptian slaves who ran away from their masters had founded this
town.475
[173]Here is the most important trading centre of the Trogodytes, and of the
Aithiopians as well; it lies at a distance of five476days' sailing from Ptolemais.
They bring here a great quantity of ivory, rhinoceros horns, hippopotamus
hides, turtle shells, sphingia,477 and slaves.
8 [32]Africa, beyond the deserts of the Syrtes and in Mauretania, produces ele-
phants, so do the Aithiopians and the Trogodytes, as has been said. But India
produces the biggest, and also serpents that war against them in perpetual en-
mity; these are so big themselves that they easily reach around the elephants
with their embrace and strangle them by the hold of their coil. This struggle
leads to the deaths of both of them, for the elephant, vanquished, collapses and
crushes by its weight the serpent that has encircled it.478
[69] Two other animals have a certain similarity with these [i.e., the camels].
One is called the nabus by the Aithiopians;479its neck resembles the horse's, its
feet and legs the ox's, and its head the camel's. Its reddish colour is dotted by
475 The Greek name could be interpreted as meaning "Ex-slaves". The form Aduliton is a Greek
genitive plural, and presupposes a Greek source. See the note of Brodersen (1996).
476The manuscripts are divided between "five" and "two", the Roman numerals V and II having
been confused, see the textcritical appendix in the edition of Mayhoff (1906).
477 A kind of ape, see 193 (Pomponius Mela 3.88 with note).
478König-Winkler (1976) give references to similar stories in ancient literature.
479The giraffe is meant.
869
white spots, and for that reason it is called the camelopardalis480. It was first
seen in Rome during the circus games of the dictator Caesar. It has since been
seen from time to time; it is remarkable more for its appearance than for its fe-
rocity, and has therefore also been given the name "wild sheep".
[TE]
Comments
From the rich data pertinent to Aithiopian fauna Pliny presents several places
in his work, and especially in Book 8, only a small selection is given here.
While most of the data are chiefly the concern of zoologists and only indirectly
historians, the samples quoted above also contain direct historical information.
Complementing the descriptions in 195, in Book 6.171-173 Pliny speaks
about the East African coast starting from Ptolemais of the Hunts and proceed-
ing southwards towards the Bab el-Mandeb. In ancient geographical literature
Azania signified the entire coastal region as far south as the farthermost point
reached by ancient seamen, i.e., Rhapta south of the Equator (cf. Ptolemy
1.17,6.9 [cf. 222]; Periplus maris Erythraei 15, 16, 18; Tomaschek 1896, 2639). In
8.32 Pliny lists the places where elephants live (cf. 195, 200); 8.69 informs his
readers about the first appearance of the giraffe, called nabu by the Aithiopians
and camelopardalis by the Greeks, in circus games at Rome. The compound
Camelopardalis conveys the idea of a "spotted camel", and the name was
coined because of the resemblance of the giraffe to the Arabian dromedary
(Meyboom 1995, 119). The two animals were easily and generally confused, as is
demonstrated by the Palestrina mosaic, which, relying on early Hellenistic de-
scriptions, presents a wealth of correct pictorial information about Aithiopian
fauna. In this mosaic it is the representation of a dromedary that is inscribed in
Greek as NABOYC(ibid., fig. 12; besides Pliny 8.69 this is the only known occur-
rence of the word).
[LT]
203 On the flora of Aithiopia. lst cent. AD.

Pliny, Naturalis historia 13.43,47, 90; 16.160;17.133;18.100;19.161;20.36; 23.71 f.;
27.11f.
Source bibliography
André 1962 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XVI. Texte
traduit et commenté par J. Andr. (Collection
André 1964 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XVII. Texte
des Uniyersit6 de France.) Paris.
480 Greek, from karnelos, 'camel' and pardalis 'leopard' (the African panther [Falis pardus]), the
latter by reason of the animal's spots.
870
The Sources
André 1964a Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XIX. Texte

traduit et commenté par J. Andre. (Collection
André 1965 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XX. Texte
André 1971 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XXIII. Texte
traduit et commenté par J. Andre. (Collection
Ernout 1956 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XIII. Texte
des Universit6 de France.) Paris.
Ernout 1959 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XXVII.Texte
Jones 1951 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 6: Libri XX-XXIII.With an
English Translation by W.H.S. Jones. (Loeb Classical
Library.) London-Cambridge, MA.
Jones 1956 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 7: Libri XXIV-XXVII.With
an English Translation by W.H.S. Jones. (Loeb Classical
König-Hopp 1991 C. Plinius Secundus d.Å.: Naturkunde. Buch XVI.
König-Hopp 1991 C. Plinius Secundus d.Å.: Naturkunde. Buch XVII.
Herausgegeben und ikersetzt von R. K15nigin
Zusammenarbeit mit J. Hopp. Miinchen.
König-Hopp 1993 C. Plinius Secundus d.Å.: Naturkunde. Buch XXIII.
Känig-Hopp-Glöckner C. Plinius Secundus d.Å.: Naturkunde. Buch XVIII.
1995 Herausgegeben und übersetzt von R. König in
Zusammenarbeit mit J. Hopp und W. Glöckner.
Miinchen.
Le Bonniec-Le Bceffle Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle, Livre XVIII.
1972 Texte établi, traduit et commenté par H. Le Bonniec
avec la colloboration de A. Le Bceffle.(Collection des
Universits de France.) Paris.
Rackham 1945 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 4: Libri XII-XVI.With
an English Translation by H. Rackham. (Loeb Classical
Rackham 1950 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 5: Libri XVII-XIX.With an
English Translation by H. Rackham. (Loeb Classical
871
For Source Bibliography and Introduction to source on Pliny in general see 195.
Below are gathered the passages where Pliny mentions the flora of Aithiopia in
his treatment of botany and agriculture (Books 12-19) and of medicinal plants
(Books 20-27).
Our texts are based on the editions in the French bilingual series Collection
des Universites de France. The relevant volumes in the English series Loeb
Classical Library and the German series Sammlung Tusculum (when
available) have also been listed above.
Text
13 [43] Pomum ipsum grande, durum, horridum et a ceteris generibus distans
sapore quodam ferinae in apris evidentissimo, quae causa nominis. Quarta
auctoritas sandalidum, a similitudine appellatarum. Iam in Aethiopiae fine
quinque harum, qui plurimas, arbores tradunt, non raritate magis quam suavi-
tate mirabiles.
[47] In totum arentes Thebaidi atque Arabiae macroque corpore exiles, et ad-
siduo vapore torrente crustam verius quam cutem obducunt. In ipsa quidem
Aethiopia friatur haec (tanta est siccitas) et farinae modo spissatur in panem.
Gignitur autem in frutice ramis cubitalibus, folio latiore, pomo rotundo, sed
maiore quam mali amplitudine; coitas vocant. Triennio maturescunt, sem-
perque frutici pomum est subnascente alio.
[90] Aethiopia Aegypto contermina insignes arbores non fere habet praeter lin-
iferam, qualis Indorum atque Arabiae dicta est. Propior tamen huic natura
lanae maiorque folliculus granati modo mali, similesque et inter se arbores ip-
sae. Praeter hanc palmae, quales retulimus. Insularum arbores ambitu
Aethiopiae et nemora odorata in mentione earum dicta sunt.
16 [160] Ac si quis Aethiopas, Aegyptum, Arabas, Indos, Scythas, Bactros, Sar-

matarum tot gentes et orientis omniaque Parthorum regna diligentius com-
putet, aequa ferme pars hominum in toto mundo calamis superata degit.
17 [133] Coos insula et vites tunc serit, ceteri apud Graecos inoculare et inserere
non dubitant, sed arbores non serunt. Plurimumque in eo locorum natura pol-
let; namque in Aegypto omni serunt mense et ubicumque imbres aestivi sunt,
ut in India et Aethiopia, necessario post haec autumno seruntur arbores.
18 [100] Milio Campania praecipue gaudet pultemque candidam ex eo facit. Fit et

panis praedulcis. Sarmatarum quoque gentes hac maxime pulte aluntur et
cruda etiam farina, equino lacte vel sanguine <e> cruris venis admixto.
Aethiopes non aliam frugem quam mili hordeique novere.
872
TheSources
19 [161] Nascitur in summa tellure vix haerens et in sublime tendens in pu-

tribus et calidis maxime locis, medio serendum vere. Alterum eius genus sil-
vestre, quod rusticum vocant, alii Thebaicum, si tritum ex aqua potetur, in do-
lore stomachi <prodest>. In Carpetania nostri orbis maxime laudatur, alioqui
Aethiopico Africoque palma est; quidam <in> hoc Aegyptium praeferunt.
20 [36]Et quoniam plerosque similitudo nominum Graecorum confundit, con-

teximus et de sili, sed hoc est vulgatae notitiae. Optimum Massiliense, lato
enim grano et fulvo est, secundum Aethiopicum nigrius. Creticum odoratis-
simum omnium. Radix iucundi odoris est. Semen esse et vultures dicuntur.
Prodest homini ad tussim veterem, rupta, convulsa in vino albo potum, item
opisthotonicis et iocinerum vitiis et torminibus et stranguriae duarum aut
trium lingularum mensura.
23 [71] Sucus fruticis recentis accensi destillans sanat lichenas, furfures, man-
antia ulcera. [72] Nam lacrima quae ex arbore ipsa destillat, Aethiopicae
maxime oleae, mirari satis non est repertos, qui dentium dolores inlinendos
censerent, venenum esse praedicantes, atque etiam in oleastro quaerendam. E
radice oleae quam tenerrimae cortex derasus in mel crebro gustatu medetur
sanguinem reicientibus et suppurata extussientibus. Ipsius oleae cinis cum
axungia tumores sanat extrahitque fistulis vitia et ipsas sanat.
27 [111 Aethiopis folia habet phlomo similia, magna ac multa et hirsuta ab

radice, caulem quadriangulum, scabrum, similem arctio, multis concavum
alis, semen ervo simile, candidum, geminum, radices numerosas, longas, ple-
nas, molles, glutinosas gustu. Siccae nigrescunt indurescuntque, ut cornua
videri possint. [12]Praeter Aethiopiam nascuntur et in Ida monte Troadis et in
Messenia. Colliguntur autumno, siccantur in sole aliquot diebus, ne situm sen-
tiant. Medentur volvis potae in vino albo, ischiadicis, pleuriticis, faucibus
scabris decoctae potui dantur. Sed quae ex Aetiopia venit, eximie atque ilico
prodest.
Translation
13 [43] The fruit itself [i.e. the date of the syagrus, "wild boar datel is large, hard,
and has a rough surface; it differs in aroma from the other varieties by a certain
taste of game, most prominent in boar's meat, whence its name. Fourth in es-
teem are the sandalides (dates), so named by their likeness (to the shape of san-
dals). Moreover, they say there are five of those (date palms), at most, on the
border of Aithiopia, admired just as much for the sweetness (of their fruit) as
for their rareness.
[47]In the Thebais and in Arabia (the dates) are wholly of the dry kind; they are
thin and have a meagre pulp, and because of the constant scorching heat they
873
Fontes Historiae Nubiorum LII
are covered by a crust rather than a skin. And in Aithiopia they are actually
crumbled (that is how dry they are) and made into bread as if from flour.481
They grow on a bush with cubit-long branches and rather broad leaves; the
fruit is round, in size larger than an apple; these dates are called cofx. They take
three years to mature, and there is always fruit on the bush, as new fruit comes
in its stead.
[901 Aithiopia, which has a boundary common with Egypt, barely has any re-
markable tree except the one which yields flax, like the one in India and Arabia
that I have mentioned.482 But (its produce) is closer to wool in quality, and the
pods are larger, like the pomegranate; the trees themselves, however, are simi-
lar to each other. In addition, there are (in Aithiopia) palm trees, like the ones I
have described.483 The trees on the islands along the coast of Aithiopia and
their fragrant groves I mentioned in my description of these (islands).
16 [160] And if one carefully reckons the Aithiopians, Egypt, the Arabs, the Indi-
ans, the Scythians, the Bactrians, the numerous tribes of the Sarmatians and
the Orient, and all the kingdoms of the Parthians, about one half of the popula-
tion of the whole world lives under the domination of reeds.484
17 [133] On the island of Cos they also plant vines at that time [i.e., when the ete-
sian winds blow], while elsewhere in Greece they do not hesitate to graft both
buds and scions, but they do not plant trees. The nature of the region plays an
important role in this matter; thus in Egypt they plant in any month; and
wherever there are summer showers, as in India and Aithiopia, trees are of ne-
cessity planted afterwards, in autumn.
18 [100] Campania is particularly blessed with millet, from which they make a
white porridge. Also a very sweet bread is made. For Sarmatian483 tribes too
this porridge is an all important part of the diet, as well as coarse flour, mixed
with horse's milk or blood from the veins of its leg. The Aithiopians know of
no other grain than millet and barley.
19 [161] It [the cumin] grows in the upper layer of the soil, it scarcely establishes
roots, and stretches upwards particularly in loose soil and warm growing
481 Pliny's Latin does not make clear whether he is speaking of the inside of the date (so Ernout
1956) or its skin (so Rackham 1945).
482 The cotton plant, described Book 12.38 f.
§ 36 f.
484 This remark follows a mention of the importance of reeds for military use, i.e., for arrows,
among the peoples of the East.
485 The Sarmatians consisted of several nomad tribes in various regions in present day Poland and
South Russia.
874
The Sources
places; it should be sown in the middle of spring. There is another, wild, vari-
ety, which they call 'country cun in', others call it Thebaic; pounded and drunk
with water it is beneficial (when one is) in stomach pain.486In our part of the
world Carpetania487 yields (the cumin) most appreciated, otherwise the
Aithiopian and African take the first prize; of the latter some prefer the Egyp-
tian cumin.
20 [36]And since most people are confused by the similarity of the Greek names,
I add here something about the sil, though this plant is generally well
known.488 The best variety is the one from Marseilles, for it has a large grain,
of yellow-brown colour; the second best is the Aithiopian, which has a darker
colour. The Cretan variety has the strongest aroma. The root has a pleasing
smell. Even the vultures are said to eat its seeds. For men it is beneficial, when
drunk in white wine, against chronic cough, ruptures and dislocations, simi-
larly for people with spasms, liver ailments, colic, or strangury, in doses of two
or three spoonfuls.
23 [71] ... The sap that exudes from the green [olive] tree when burnt cures
lichen, furfures,489 and running sores. [72]As to the liquid that drips from the
tree itself—especially the Aithiopian olive tree—one cannot be too astonished
to find that some recommend it for smearing aching teeth, alleging that it is a
poison, and even recommend that it be extracted from the wild olive tree.490
Bark scraped from the root of the very youngest olive trees and added to
honey, when taken frequently, cures those who vomit blood and those who
have suppurating expectorations. Ash from the olive tree itself (taken) with
axle grease cures tumors, extracts purulence from fistulas and cures them.
27 [11] The aethiopis has leaves that resemble those of the mullein; they are
large, numerous and hairy from the root; the stem is quadrangular, rough, like
the one of the arction, hollow by reason of the numerous axils; the seed resem-
bles that of the vetch, it is white and twofold; the plant has numerous roots
that are long, full, soft, and sticky to the taste. When dried they become dark in
colour and hard, so that they may look like horn. [12] In addition to Aithiopia
486,, Beneficial" translates prodest, which is an addition to the text of the manuscripts. If omit-
ted, the text would have to be translated with a different punctuation, so Rackham (1950): "For
pounding up in water and using as a draught in cases of stomach-ache the most highly esteemed
kind in our continent is that grown at Carpetania, ..."
487 In Central Spain.
488 The Greek narnes that may cause confusion are sisaron, Lat. siser, the subject of Pliny's preced-
ing section, and seselis, Lat. sil. For the different species that the latter name may cover see the
note by Andre (1965, 140).
489 A disease that renders the skin scurvy or scaly.
490 For this section in Pliny see the notes by Andr. (1971, 97).
875
they grow on Mount Ida in the Troad and in Messenia. They are gathered in
the autumn and are dried in the sun for some days so as to avoid the taste of
mustiness. Drunk in white wine they are used as medicine for the uterus, as a
decoction it is given to drink to those suffering from ischias, pleurisy, and sore
throats. The one from Aithiopia has an extraordinary and instantaneous heal-
ing effect.
[Th]
Comments
Though the data material on Aithiopian flora Pliny collected from various
sources may only indirectly concern the historian, a selection from it is pre-
sented here in order to indicate its importance, to illustrate an aspect of ancient
Greek and Roman interest for the Middle Nile Region, and to point out its rel-
evance for the investigations concerning cultivation, production and diet in
Aithiopia. On the other hand, the same data are important for the investiga-
tion of Kushite trade. Rare species, such as the "sandalis date" (13.43), are dis-
cussed as well as more common ones, such as the xuSai.o; or vulgar date
(13.47), though the latter is confused with the coconut. 16.160 speaks about the
use of reeds for making arrows for warfare, naming, correctly, the Aithiopians
as the foremost among the peoples who were famous for their archers (cf.
Curto 1979, 767 ff.; for the arrows see H. Bonnet 1926, 156; Behrens 1982, 1006).
The herbs and plants mentioned in 19.161,20.36 and 27.11 f. were significant as
commercial items.
[LT]
204 Petronius' Nubian campaign. lst cent. AD.

Source bibliography
Brodersen 1996 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch VI.
Herausgegeben und iffiersetzt von K. Brodersen.
(Sammlung Tusculum.)
For Introduction to source for Pliny in general see 195.
The present extract follows the mention of the Emperor Nero's plans for a
campaign against Aithiopia (see FHN II, 108). For the Nubian campaign of
Petronius cf. also 205.
Our text is based on the edition of Brodersen (1996).
876
The Sources
Text
6 [181] Intravere autem et eo arma Romana divi Augusti temporibus duce P.
Petronio, et ipso equestris ordinis praefecto Aegypti. Is oppida eorum expug-
navit quae sola invenimus quo dicemus ordine: Pselcin, Primi, Bocchin, Fo-
rurn Cambusis, Attenam, Stadissim, ubi Nilus praecipitans se fragore auditum
accolis aufert; diripuit et Napata.
[1821 Longissime autem a Syene progressus est DeCCTXX p. nec tamen arma
Romana ibi solitudinem fecerunt: Aegyptiorum bellis attrita est Aethiopia vi-
cissim imperitando serviendoque, clara et potens etiam usque ad Troiana bella
Men-inone regnante; et Syriae imperitasse eam nostroque litori aetate regis
Cephei patet Andromedae fabulis.
Translation
6 [181] A Roman army, however, also penetrated this far in the time of the
Divine Augustus, under the command of Publius Petronius, himself of the
equestrian order and Prefect of Egypt. He conquered their towns—of which we
have found only the following names, in the order given here—Pselcis, Primi,
Bocchis, Forum Cambusis ("Cambyses' Market"), Attena, Stadissis; this is
where the Nile hurls itself down with such thundering noise that it deprives
the people living nearby of their hearing. He also destroyed Napata.491
[182] The farthest away from Syene he came was 870 miles, but it was not the
Roman army that made the country there desolate: it was in wars with the
Egyptians that Aithiopia was worn down alternately as master and subject, fa-
mous and mighty as late as the Trojan wars when Memnon was king; and the
story of Andromeda shows that Aithiopia reigned over Syria and our [i.e., the
Mediterranean] coast in King Cepheus' time.
[TE]
Comments
As stated in the list of contents contained in Book 1, Pliny devoted Book 6 of
his Natural History to the description of "sites, nations, seas, towns, harbours,
mountains, rivers, distances, present and past populations"; in 6.163-197he de-
scribes the geography of the Red Sea Gulf (163-169),the "Trogodyte Country"
(170-177),i.e., the region of the Red Sea Hills, and Aithiopia (177-197).He drew
upon various sources, most prominently the early Hellenistic geographers he
quotes in 6.183 (FHN II, 100): Dalion (cf. FHN II, 101 f.) and Bion (cf. FHN II,
105-108), Aristocreon (FHN II, 103 f.), Eratosthenes (cf. FHN II, 109-111), and
Artemidorus (cf. 189, Comments); indirectly, he also relied on Agatharchides
491 The manuscripts and some editors have Nepata, see the critical apparatus in Mayhoff (1906).
Brodersen (1996, 282) lists the spellings various editors have chosen for the place-names given
here.
877
(cf. FHN II, 142 147), Diodorus (cf. FHN II, 167), and Strabo (cf. 187 190). The de-
- -
scription presented in the present text is, however, also based on information
from two official reports.
As a rhetorical introduction to his summary of the second report, Pliny first
refers to the report of a reconnaissance expedition the emperor Nero sent to
Aithiopia—which he quotes in more detail in 6.184-86 (206) and also mentions
in 12.19 (208) contrasting its statement about the paucity of settlements in the
—
Nubian Nile Valley with the itinerary of Juba which he reproduced previously
(6.179, see 186a). This introduction is followed by what may be interpreted as a
summary of a portion of an official report describing the expedition C. Petron-
ius492 led to Aithiopia 25-24 BC. It is impossible to reconstruct the original
form and contents of the supposed official report, and it can only tentatively be
suggested that Pliny could have studied a report which was originally prepared
by Petronius and was then excerpted in the course of the preparations for the
Neronian expedition. Such a possibility is indicated by the direct connection of
the two reports in 6.181 as well as by Pliny's quotations from the Neronian re-
port (cf. 206, 208).
The description of the expedition closely corresponds to the narratives pre-
sented by the Res Gestae of Augustus (FHN II, 166), Strabo (190) and Cassius
Dio (205). The Res Gestae obviously presents a statement about a victorious
campaign fitted into the context of the achiev ements of Augustus (cf.
Comments on FHN II, 166). Strabo's description was based on information
received from Aelius Gallus, while Cassius Dio's text seems to be based on
direct information only as far as its chronological data are concerned; the rest
he filled out with indirect information from Strabo and/or Pliny. Thus, when
interpreting the textual sources on the war between Rome and Aithiopia, we
should keep in mind that they were composed from a Roman point of view,
reported a "just war" but, though only inexplicitly, also reflected Roman
foreign policy in its significant change from Republican concepts to the Pax
Augusta.
To the information provided by the Res Gestae and Strabo, Pliny's source
also adds a list of the names of towns Petronius captured, as Pliny says, on the
"Arabian", i.e., E bank of the Nile. Petronius' report may originally have stated
that his troops marched south along a road on the E bank, some of the settle-
ments he listed occur only in Bion's east bank list. It would seem, however, not
only that Bion's list was inconsistent in this respect (Faras and Megauda, e.g.,
are in fact on the W bank), but also that some settlements had counterparts on
the opposite bank.
492Pliny 6.181 gives him the praenomen abbreviation P. which is, arbitrarily, emended as Pub-
hus in the Loeb edition. According to Cassius Dio (207) his praenomen was rocios, i.e., Caius,
while Strabo does not record his praenomen at all (190). The preferences in modern litera ture are
arbitrary: Bureth 1988, 475 has C. Petronius, while Bagnall 1985 and Bastianini 1988, 503 opt for
P(ublius) Petronius.
878
The Sources
In Table C below Pliny's list is confronted with the itinerary of the Nero-
nian expedition (see 206) and with the corresponding place-names in the lists
of Bion (FHN II, 108) and Juba (186a); and their Meroitic and modern equiva-
lents are also given. The toponyms were identified on the basis of Priese
(1984a); for the identification of Stadissis see Török (1979, 8 f.). We do not fol-
low Desanges (1978a, 313 f.) in identifying, with reference to Stephanus of
Byzantium (under 13(.5yxt),Bocchis with some settlement in the region of the
Third Cataract because this place-name is followed in the list by Forum Cambu-
sis = Faras and also because its correspondence with Meroitic Beqe/Boqh is ob-
vious. The deafening Cataract is, according to Desanges (1978a,313) most proba-
bly the Third; yet it would seem that in ancient literature such a property
might have been ascribed to any of the Nile Cataracts.
Table C
BION W/EJUBAPETRONIUS NERO Meroitic Modern
I. Between the First and Second Cataracts
Pselcis Dakka
Tacompson (W)Tacompson Hiera Maharraqa
Sycaminos
Pindis (W)PidemaPrimis Pedeme Qasr Ibrim
Bogghi (E)Bocchis Beqe/Boqb Ballana
Phitor[?] (E)Tapros Forum Phrse Faras
Cambusis
Tamania Attena Tama Tmh Gezira
Dabarosa
Between the Second and the Dal Cataracts

TessataStadissis Sdose Saras
Between the Dal and Third Cataracts

Pindi (W)Pidibotas Primis Pedeme Amara (W)
Acina Tagab (?)
South of the Third Cataract

Patigga (E)Patingan Pitara Kawa
Bagada (E)Maga(da)s Gagauden Megauda
ne(s)o(s) Articula "Island"
Tarcanda Tergedum Tergis
Nabatta Napata Napata Npte Napata/
G. Barkal
Pliny, as already indicated above, compared the toponym list of Petronius' ex-
pedition with the itineraries of Bion and Juba. The differences led him to as-
sume that the majority of the settlements the two latter recorded had ceased to
879
exist by Petronius' time, a conclusion he believed to be supported by the obser-

vation of the Neronian expedition that in Aithiopia there was nothing but
desert. In 6.182 he also offers an explanation, referring to the devastating effect
of Aithiopia's wars with Egypt, by which he probably means the Twenty-Fifth
Dynasty as well as the subsequent conflicts with Saite, Persian, and Ptolemaic
Egypt (cf. FHN I, (28), (36),41-43,57, 64, FHN II, (83),97, (129),(131),133-135,137).
When one confronts these statements with the evidence of archaeology,493
it is evident that they cannnot be accepted at face value. Without suggesting
that Pliny's intention was propagandistic,494 we may assume that he was mis-
led by the small number of settlements Petronius named between the First and
Second Cataracts (six) as compared to the twenty-three named by Bion (cf. FHN
II, 108) and the eleven named by Juba (see 186a). Before we conclude that all
three lists, if ordered according to the chronology of their authors, indicate a
process of decline, we should point out that Juba's short list is similarly based
on a source of the Early Hellenistic period (see Comments on 186a). Conse-
quently, they do not prove that by the early lst cent. AD only one half of Bion's
settlements were still in existence. Instead, they show nothing more than that
Juba excerpted his sources too economically, or that Pliny, or some other au-
thor between him and Juba, omitted a number of place-names that were origi-
nally included in Juba's work.
A confrontation of Bion's lists with the Petronian and Neronian lists may
furnish an explanation for the nature of the two latter. The Petronian list
names three strategically and politically important settlements (Dakka, Qasr Ib-
rim, and Faras) and names Stadissis which marks the end of the first part of the
campaign at the Second Cataract. In addition it lists Bocchis/Ballana and At-
tena/Gezira Dabarosa, both of which could at that time have been settlements
of importance, even though the archaeological record is less illuminating in
their case.495Moreover, it would be mistaken to believe that the settlements
missing here but present in Bion's itinerary were not extant in the period cov-
ered by the Petronian and the Neronian reports. The opposite is indicated by
the archaeological evidence from Bion's Aramum and Sesamum (Wadi el
Arab, see Emery-Kirwan 1935, 108 ff.), Ariae (Aniba/Karanog, see Woolley 1911;
Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1909; 1910). In addition, a number of settlements
493 For the archaeological evidence, which cannot be discussed here in any detail, see Adams
1977, 333 ff.; for an earlier dating of the entire Lower Nubian archaeological sequence of the
Meroitic period and a corresponding re-assessment of Meroitic settlement history in the period
between the late 2nd cent. BC and the 2nd cent. AD see literature quoted and discussed in the
Comments on FHN II, 140 as well as the surveys presented in Williams 1985; 1991.
494 If there was such an intention, it more probably underlay Petronius' reports inasmuch as he
was unable to achieve lasting success in Aithiopia, and that of the Neronian expedition, which
had to support the decision not to conquer Aithiopia (cf. 206, 207).
493 For a Meroitic settlement from the 2nd-lst cent. BC at Gezira Dabarosa see, however, Hewes
(1964).
880
The Sources
and cemeteries dating from the lst cent. AD, the ancient names of which re-
main unknown, have been archaeologically verified in the region (for a list see
Török 1988a, 193 ff.).
The Neronian list is a record of distances measured by a reconnoitering ex-
pedition which also had to produce a map (see 208). The first distance (54
miles) is measured between Syene (Aswan) and the Egyptian-Aithiopian
frontier at Hiera Sycaminos (Maharraqa); the second (72 miles) from Hiera
Sycaminos to Tama (Gezira Dabarosa) at the Second Cataract; the third (120
miles) from Tama to Primis (Amara) at the Dal Cataract; the fourth (64 miles)
from Primis to Acina (Tagab?) at the Third Cataract; the fifth (22 miles) from
Acina to Pitara (Kawa); the sixth (103 miles) from Pitara to Tergedum (Tergis)
which lay at the great bend of the Nile; the seventh (80 miles) from Tergedum
to Napata; and finally the eighth from Napata to the "island of Meroe" (360
miles).496 The geographical structure of this list is quite obvious—so much so
that it may also be supposed that these points of reference and the distances
between them were marked on the map itself, on the basis of the observations
rnade by the expedition and the summaries of shorter measurements made by
its members between villages and/or other points of significance.
It cannot be overlooked that while the Petronian itinerary neatly lists the
principal settlements between the First and the Second Cataracts and names
the place which was reached at the Dal Cataract, it does not contain the name of
any settlement between the Dal Cataract and Napata. The lack of names of set-
tlements in the Nile Valley is usually explained by hypothesizing that Petron-
ius' troops marched along the Korosko-Abu Hamed desert road (for the vari-
ous views cf. Hofmann 1977a). It has also been pointed out, however, that the
time between the late summer or early autumn of 25 BC and the late winter of
24 BC would not have been sufficient for the army to travel the distance
Alexandria-Napata-Alexandria (see Hofmann 1977a), not even if the desert
road were taken—in fact it would have been even less so since in this case an
extra detour would also have had to be made back from Stadissis to Korosko
(Török 1989-1990).Thus, though it adds new information to what is contained
in the other sources on the Romano-Aithiopian war, 204 also further strength-
ens the impression that the Roman perspective on the events was not only
propagandistically biased but also deliberately distorted the geographical facts
concerning Aithiopia. The reasons for this become quite obvious once we also
realise the correctness of the Neronian assessment of the map of Aithiopia.
ELT]
496 Probably along the road leading across the Bayuda from Napata or rather Sanam on the op-
posite bank to the point opposite Meroe City where the Nile was crossed again.
881
205 The Nubian campaign of C. Petronius.Early 3rd cent. AD.

Cassius Dio, Roman History 54.5.4-6.
Source bibliography
Boissevin 1898 Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiarum Romanarum quae
supersunt. Ed. U.Ph. Boissevin. Vol. II. Berolini.
Cary 1917 Dio's Roman History. With an English translation by
E. Cary. Vol. 6. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-New
York.
Millar 1964 F. Millar: A Study of Cassius Dio. Oxford.
Cassius Dio497came from one of those distinguished provincial families with
Roman citizenship whose members, from the 2nd century AD, were able to
make a career in Roman politics, administration, and intellectual life. He was a
native of Bithynia (Asia Minor), the son of a Roman senator, a near relative of
the renowned orator Dio from Prusa (Dio Chrysostomus), and governor of
Dalmatia and Cilicia. He came ca. AD 180 to Rome where he entered politics,
became a member of the Senate and was twice consul. During his career he also
occupied top administrative positions in several parts of the empire (Perga-
mum and Smyrna, Africa, Dalmatia and Pannonia).
Cassius Dio's literary career began with two minor works in support of the
emperor, a pamphlet on the dreams and prodigies that portended Septimius
Severus' accession to power and a history of the civil wars that preceded this
event. These works seem to have suggested to the author the grander design of
writing the whole history of Rome, into which his earlier works were ab-
sorbed.
The work, entitled Roman History (Romaike historia), written in Greek
and consisting of 80 books, covered the entire period from the earliest,
mythical beginnings to his own time (ending AD 229). Only books 36-54,
dealing with the events of 68-10 BC, are extant; but shortened versions and
excerpts from great parts of the rest of the work have been preserved (cf. 207).
Cassius Dio's personal experience in Roman politics and administration on
the highest level makes his books on imperial Rome, especially on contempo-
rary events, particularly valuable; for Republican Rome he has been found
lacking in knowledge and understanding. His outlook is that of the Roman
senatorial class; his style bears the mark of the rhetorical influences of his time,
which sometimes are allowed to interfere with historical accuracy (Millar 1964,
42-44). This applies especially to the speeches assigned to historical persons.
Cassius Dio is also known to have written a biography, since lost, of his
compatriot, the historian Arrian.
For a fuller introduction to Cassius Dio see Millar (1964).
497 0r Dio Cassius (handbooks vary); his full name was Cassius Dio Cocceianus.
882
TheSources
The present text is based on the edition of Boissevin (1898). An English

bilingual edition is provided by Cary (1917).
Text
54.5[4] 'T7c6öè TOv aiyzOv ToiitaV XpOvov oi AiEhOTCE;oi incp Aiyinttuu 01-
KoilVTE; npoexoipTiaav J.tèv géxpt itOkeco Ifk 'EXecimvtivrigdwogaa-
1.1v1"K,navta Tå v toa. nopOoiiv're, ilyom.tv% cr(gatv Kav8Ociew TruO6-
gevot è ‘1.tocilEldc 7COU Fåtov Fletpoivtov Ttiv TfR Aiyintwu åpxovTa
npoatévat, itpocutfiX.Oov pkv ch; Kai 6toupc.o6i.tevot, KaTaX,114:10éVTE;
trj 680) ivrt-rjaricav, MAK TOISTOUKai ç trjv oliceiav airrOv kitcandcaavTo.
Kast icaX.63; Kai IcE1 åycovtaål.tevo 7C6XEl OcUa; <TE>Kai Na-
ndvriv PaaiXelov Cdrativ EXal3ev. Koci. icivi1 èv iccercalecigni, v •.répc1,)
nvt xcopio? 4)pol)på KateXcicgli. 6 yap flerpctivto 1.uice nepartépa) Stå
te rrjv 411.1.0v Kai Stå rtpoeX,Oeiv Katdc xoSpav getå
ltav't6; Tatii atpatoii iteivat icaX6.); 81.)vr1ee't åvexaSprlae, itXdov otirroii
brayOgevoç.
Kåv toxito,) Tc13vAiOtOncov toi; (ppoupoig btteegvow aiOiç te
szstpåtevcre, Iccit atpetpol) pirticrato, Kai TTjv KavSåKriv
a1)J43fivai øl iivåreaaev.
Translation
54.5[4] About the same time the Aithiopians who live beyond Egypt advanced
as far as the town called Elephantine, ravaging everything in their way, under
the leadership of Candace. When, however, somewhere near there they learnt
that Gaius Petronius, the governor of Egypt, was approaching, they anticipated
his arrival and withdrew, in order to make good their escape, but were over-
taken on the march and defeated, whereupon498 they enticed him even into
their own territory.499
[5] After he had fought a successful battle there too, he captured among
other cities Napata,800 their royal residence. That town was razed to the
ground, while a garrison was left behind in another place; for Petronius could
not proceed further because of the sand and the heat, nor with any profit re-
main in the country with his whole army, and consequently withdrew, bring-
ing with him the greater part of his men.
498 "whereupon"translatesthe Greekphrase Toxitou(lit."fromthis"),whichmaybe either

temporal("afterthis")or indicatea consequence.
499 TheGreekverbheretranslated"enticed" doesnot necessarilyimplyintention;an alternative
renderingis:"hewasdrawnto followafterthem...".
800 Napatais a correction
by Dindorfin his editionof CassiusDio;themanuscriptshaveTanapa.
Theeventis, however,recordedseveralplacesin ancientliterature,and the correctionmustbe
consideredsecure.
883
[6] At that point the Aithiopians attacked his garrison, and he again march-
ed against them, rescued his men, and forced Candace to make terms with
him.
[Tb]
Comments
The passage quoted here from Cassius Dio's Book 54 refers to the Roman-
Aithiopian war among the events of 22 BC; yet, as frequently occurs in his
work, the annalistic structure is not strictly observed and the whole course of
the events is described under the heading of the year when they began (cf.
Schwartz 1899, 1687 ff.). While the chronological data on which this particular
passage is based originate from archival sources, the narrative of the war itself
presents a rather superficial summary of Strabo's description (see 190).
[LT]
206 Nero's centurions in Aithiopia. lst cent.

Pliny, Naturalis historia 6.184 187.
-
Source bibliography
Brodersen 1996 Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Buch VI.
Herausgegeben und übersetzt von K. Brodersen.
(Sammlung Tusculum.) Zfirich.
Desanges 1993 J. Desanges: Pline l'Ancien et Wroe. Prace archeo-
logiczne 56, 27-40.
Detlefsen 1904 Detlefsen: Die geographischen Bilcher (II, 242-VI
Schlug) der Naturalis Historia des C. Plinius Secundus.
(Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte, 9.).
Berlin. (Repr. Rome 1972 as Studia Historica, 113.)
Hintze 1959 F. Hintze: Studien zur meroitischen Chronologie und
zu den Opfertafeln aus den Pyramiden von Meroe.
ADAW 1959/2. Berlin.
Mayhoff 1906 C. Plini Secundi Naturalis historiae libri 37. Ed. C.
Mayhoff. Vol. 1: Libri I-VI. Lipsiae.
Rackham 1942 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 2: Libri III-VII. Ed. H.
MA.
For Introduction to source for Pliny see 195.
The present text is based on the edition of Brodersen (1996).
Text
6 [1841Verum omnis haec finita nuper disputatio est quoniam a Syene DCCCC
.DZKV Neronis exploratores renuntiavere his modis: a Syene Hieran
884
The Sources
Sycaminon LIIII p., inde Tama EXXII regione Euonymiton Aethiopum, Primi
CXX, Acinam EXIM, Pitaram XXV, Tergedum CVI. Insulam Gagauden esse in
medio eo tractu; inde primum visas aves psittacos et ab altera, quae vocetur
Artigula, animal sphingion, a Tergedo cynocephalos. Inde Nabata EXXX,
oppidum id parvum inter praedicta solum. Ab eo ad insulam Meroen CCCEX.
[1851 Herbas circa Meroen demum viridiores, silvarumque aliquid apparu-
isse et rhinocerotum elephantorumque vestigia. Ipsum oppidum Meroen ab
introitu insulae abesse EXX p., iuxtaque aliam insulam Tadu dextro subeun-
tibus alveo, quae portum faceret.
Aedificia oppidi pauca; regnare feminam Candacen, quod nomen mul-
tis iam annis ad reginas transiit; delubrum Hammonis et ibi religiosum et toto
tractu sacella. Cetero cum potirentur rerum Aethiopes, insula ea magnae clari-
tatis fuit. Tradunt armatorum CCE dare solitam, artificum TIT. Alii reges
Aethiopum XLV esse hodie traduntur.
Universa vero gens Aetheria appellata est, deinde Atlantia, mox a Vul-
cani filio Aethiope. Animalium hominumque monstrificas effigies circa ex-
tremitates eius gigni minime mirum, artifici ad formanda corpora effigiesque
caelandas mobilitate ignea. Ferunt certe ab orientis parte intima gentes esse
sine naribus, aequali totius oris planitie, alias superiore labro orbas, alias sine
linguis.
Translation
6 [1841 But this whole dispute501 has now come to an end as Nero's explorers
have reported the distance from Syene [to Meroe) to be 975 miles,502
(calculated) in the following way: from Syene to Hiera Sycaminos ("The Holy
Sycomore Tree") 54 miles, from there to Tama 72 miles by the region of the
Aithiopian Euonymites, to Primi 120 miles, Acina 64 miles, Pitara 25 miles,
Tergedus 106 miles. The island of Gagaudes was reported to be situated in the
middle of this stretch; from there on they observed parrots and from another
island on, called Artigula, the sphingion,503 from Tergedus on dog-faced ba-
boons. From there to Nabata is 80 miles; that little town was the only one of
the aforementioned (that still existed). From there to the island of Meroe is 360
miles.
[185] Only around Meroe did the grass become greener, the report said, some
forest could be seen, and traces of rhinoceroses and elephants. The town of
Meroe itself was situated 70 miles from the place where one lands on the is-
5011. e., on the distances in Egypt; for the immediately preceding text of Pliny see FHN II, 100.
502For several of the distances given here the figures in the manuscripts vary. Brodersen (1996)
gives a useful conspectus showing which figures various editors have chosen to print (p. 282). The
chaotic state of the figures in the manuscripts can be seen in the critical apparatus of Mayhoff
(1906).
503The sphingion or sphinx (plur. sphinges) is probably the guenon ape, see 193 (Pomponius Mela
3.88 with note).
885
land, close to another island, Tados, situated in the right channel as one goes
upstream, and making a harbour.
The town had only a few buildings. A women, Candace, ruled. This
name has been passed from queen to queen for many years.504There was both
a much revered temple for Hammon [Amån] in the town and shrines for him
throughout the whole region. At the time when the Aithiopians took power,
however, the island was of great renown.505 They say that it would supply
250.000 armed men and 3000 artisans.506Today the other Aithiopian kings are
said to be 45 (in number).507
The whole people was given the name of Aetheria, then Atlantia, and
a little later it took its name from Aethiops, son of Vulcan.508It is not at all
surprising that around their farthest regions monstruous shapes of animals
and men are formed, as fiery volatility has the capacity to shape bodies and
carve figures. Certainly in its easternmost part they say there are tribes without
noses, their whole face being flat and even, others without the upper lip,
others without tongues.
[TE]
Comments
As indicated by the statistical data presented in Book 12.84 of the Natural His-
tory, in the trade with India and China which was maintained via the Red Sea,
Rome imported yearly in the reign of Nero goods to the value of 100 million
sesterces. Thus it may be supposed (Desanges 1978a, 323), but not regarded as
proven, that the intended military campaign against Aithiopia (see 207) was
motivated by the idea of achieving unrestricted Roman control over the
Aithiopian Red Sea coast and, at the same time, securing direct access to
African luxury goods. So much seems probable, however; namely that the re-
504 The verb in this sentence is in the indicative mood, whereas Latin grammar demands the sub-
junctive in subordinate clauses and infinitive in main clauses if the content is presented as re-
ported from another source (the Latin oratio obliqua construction). Rackham (1942) changes to
subjunctive (transisset for transiit); we have translated the indicative that stands in the text.
505 The Latin verb for "was" (fuit) is in the indicative mood (cf. preceding note), apparently indi-
cating that Pliny no longer reproduces the centurions' report. Desanges (1993, 29, 36) still prefers
to believe that the contents of this whole paragraph should be ascribed to the report of Nero's
explorers.
506 Detlefsen (1904) changed the word for "artisans" (opificum) to "elephants" (elephantum),
and is followed by Brodersen (1996). Desanges (1993, 36) rejects the correction.
5137This sentence translates Mayhoff's text, which changes the reading of the manuscripts in two
places: For alii ("the other") the manuscripts have alere, "feed" or "keep" (or the meaningless
alare); alere would belong to the preceding sentence ("keep 3000 artisans"); for esse, "to be", the
manuscripts have et, "and". Desanges (1993, 36 f.) defends the manuscript reading Reges
Aethiopum XLV et hodie traduntur, which translates "Even today the kings of the Aithiopians
are said to be 45 in number"; Desanges rejects, however, the interpretation of Hintze (1959, 27 f.)
who understands the meaning to be that there had been 45 Aithiopian kings in succession.
508 Vulcan, or the Hephaistos of Greek mythology, was the blacksmith of the gods. Aethiops is
explained as "bumt-face" (from aitho "burn" and ops "face").
886
The Sources
connaissance expedition which is described in this text and which Nero sent to
Aithiopia some time between AD 61 and 63 (for the date cf. Schur 1923, 52; De-
sanges 1978a, 325; Hofmann 1978a, 133 f.) served the purpose of careful prepara-
tions for a military venture.
Pliny probably had direct access to the documentation the expedition put to-
gether in Aithiopia (cf. 208). The distances (on their reliability see Desanges
1993b, 34 f.) listed in 206, as shown in the Comments on 204 above, indicate
that Pliny collected the information he conveys here from a structured
cartographical source, i.e., a map (cf. Sherk 1974) in which the distances
between significant places and points were exactly indicated. The toponyms
were confronted in Table C in the Comments on 204. The kind of map
prepared by the centurions is revealed by the notes made on the fauna and
flora and quoted by Pliny (see also 208). Independently of the data destined to be
included in the map, the members of the expedition also collected other
information on Aithiopian history as well as on the conditions existing there.
According to this information Meroe (City) possessed few buildings at the
time the expedition was there. While the urban structure of lst cent. AD Meroe
City, insofar as it can be understood on the basis of the incomplete archaeologi-
cal investigation of the site (cf. Garstang et al. 1911; Shinnie-Bradley 1980;
Török 1997, Ch. 2.6), may be judged as fairly developed509 in comparison with
contemporary Egyptian towns. The structural and architectural perception of
the town must have been different for a Roman centurion. The mention of the
temple of Amtin refers to the edifice excavated by Garstang (Garstang et al.
1911, 11 ff.; Shinnie-Bradley 1980,91 ff.; Török 1997, 116-128).
There have been several attempts to identify the Candace mentioned here
with an historical queen of Meroe. It seems that Pliny at this place (as also in
6.181 f., see 204) repeats the old topos in ancient literature according to which
Aithiopia is ruled by a queen by the name of Candace (cf. FHN II, 85, 105, in this
volume see 189). Hofmann (1978a, 134) has suggested that the centurions were
referring to Queen Amanitore (see (212)) who is, for chronological reasons, the
best candidate by far. Starting with the reference to Candace, Pliny seems to in-
tertwine information received from the Neronian expedition with remarks on
Aithiopia collected from the works of earlier writers: the remarks on Aithio-
pia's past grandeur, on the origins of the Aithiopian race, and on the fabulous
tribes present a mé.lange of such gleanings. Pliny's mention of a Candace as
ruler of Aithiopia at this time seems, however, to contradict Seneca's reference
to a king (see 209). Scholarly opinions about the discrepancy between the two
"The degree of urban development cannot be precisely ascertained, especially since we have no
information about the whole of Meroe City. Our judgement is formed on the basis of the presence
of hierarchically and functionally separated quarters and of architecturally planned monumen-
tal streets and edifices in the settlement. It cannot of course be suggested that the structure of the
central town was determined by notions connected with monumental imperial architecture in con-
temporary Rome; but it cannot be doubted that it also incorporates the spatial aspect of the rites
connected with the temples and the presence of the ruler.
887
narratives on this point and the solutions suggested for it will be briefly dis-
cussed in the Comments on 209.
The note on the forty-five kings of Aithiopia probably derives from the
records of the centurions (cf. Desanges 1993b, 36). In Hintze's view (1959a, 27 f.)
the sentence Reges Aethiopum XLV et hodie traduntur ("Even today the kings
of the Aithiopians are said to be 45 in number") indicates that, counting from
the end of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty in Egypt (cf. FHN I, (28)), the Candace in
Nero's day was the forty-fifth ruler on the throne of Aithiopia. Accepting
Hintze's interpretation, but rejecting his view that the generation of rulers
should be counted excluding those buried in the royal pyramids at Gebel
Barkal, which he believed, with Reisner (1923), to have been the burials of a
collateral dynasty, Hofmann (1978a, 134) counted Natakamani as the forty-fifth
ruler. Desanges (1993b, 37), however, suggests, with reference to Seneca's re-
mark on the proximis regibus (see 209), that the forty-five kings in Aithiopia in
Nero's time should be compared with the 18 kingdoms in Parthia that Pliny
(6.112) mentions. Perhaps the kings were vassals and administrators of territo-
rial units.
ELT]
207 Nero sends spies to Aithiopia. Early 3rd cent. AD.

Cassius Dio, Roman History 62.8.1-2.
Source bibliography
supersunt. Ed. U.Ph. Boissevin. Vol. III. Berolini.
Cary 1925 Dio's Roman History. With an English translation by
E. Cary. Vol. 8. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-
Cambridge, MA.
For Introduction to source on Cassius Dio in general see 205. The present ex-
tract is from the abridgment ('epitome') of Cassius Dio's Books 36-80 made by
the monk Ioannes Xiphilinus in Constantinople in the llth century, here com-
bined by Boissevin (1901) with a passage from the so-called Excerpta Valesiana
(for the details see the apparatus in Boissevin's edition). Xiphilinus' epitome is
our main source for this otherwise lost part of Dio's work, and was arranged ac-
cording to emperors.
The context of this extract is the Emperor Nero's dealings with the Arme-
nian king Tiridates and the Parthian king Vologaesus. The latter had refused to
visit Nero in Rome, sending a message that it would be easier for Nero to
come to Asia.
Our text is based on the edition of Boissevin (1901). An English bilingual
edition is provided by Cary (1925).
888
The Sources
Text
62.8 [1]Népow öè èir jtèv kICEIVON,
1:AK .7c)
,E1)crE,
IcaiicEpOpyijv czc OW,01)
jnv Ol)& toç AiEliona; 'rj tåg rniXa; tå; Kaania, dicsnEp vevciet. [2]
Tå TE yåp åk)k,a Kai. IcataaicOnoug iccezépoxsE 1tC1VEv,OCXXI3C. tairra 1.1EV
iccit xp6vou Kal, 7t6v01) Opctiv SeöjlEva iWuEv airecigatå oi npoexcopri-
aEtv, ç öè Tfiv 'EXIdcöabrepatctian,
Translation
Nero did not sail against him [Vologaesus], even though he was angry
62.8 [1]
with him; in fact he neither (went) against the Aithiopians nor the Caspian
Gates,510 as had been his intention. [2]He did, however, among other things
send spies to both places, but when he realized that these two projects would
need both time and effort and hoped that things would take care of themselves
for him he crossed over to Greece
FrEl
Comments
In a remark added to his narrative of the coronation in Rome of the Parthian
prince Tiridates as king of Armenia, Cassius Dio also includes this mention of
a campaign that the emperor planned (cf. also 206), but did not carry out,
against the Aithiopians. Since the remark stands in the part of his work which
discusses the events of the year AD 66, it may safely be brought into connection
with the reconnaissance expedition described by Pliny (206) and Seneca (209);
and it also seems very likely that the information collected by this expedition
in Aithiopia was needed for the careful preparations for a military undertaking
on such a scale and to be conducted in such a remote place.
[LT]
208 Aithiopian ebony and ivory tribute and Nero's "map". 1st cent. AD.
Pliny, Naturalis historia 12.17 19. -
Source bibliography
Ernout 1949 Pline l'Ancien: Histoire naturelle. Livre XII. Texte
König-Winkler 1977 C. Plinius Secundus d.Ä.: Naturkunde. Eiticher
XII-XIII.Herausgegeben und übersetzt von R. König in
Rackham 1945 Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 4: Libri XII-XVI.Ed. H.
MA.
5113An important strategic gateway to the realm of the Parthians.
889
For Introduction to source to Pliny's Naturalis historia in general see 195. This
excerpt is from the section on trees. Our text is based on the edition by Ernout
(1949); bilingual editions are available also in English (Rackham 1945) and
German (König-Winkler 1977).
Text
12 [17] Lanigeras Serum in mentione gentis eius narravimus, item Indiae arbo-
rum magnitudinem. Unam e peculiaribus Indiae Vergilius celebravit hebe-
num, nusquam alibi nasci professus. Herodotus eam Aethiopiae intellegi
maluit in tributi vicem regibus Persidis e materia eius centenas phalangas ter-
tio quoque anno pensitasse Aethiopas cum auro et ebore prodendo.
Non omittendum id quoque, vicenos dentes elephantorum grandes,
quoniam ita significavit, Aethiopas ea de causa pendere solitos. Tanta ebori
auctoritas erat urbis nostrae CCCX anno; tunc enim auctor ille historiarum
condidit Thuriis in Italia. Quo magis mirum est quod eidem credimus, qui
Padum amnem vidisset neminem ad id tempus Asiae Graeciaeque visum.
Cognita Aethiopiae forma—ut diximus, nuper allata Neroni principi—
raram arborem Meroen usque a Syene fine imperii per 17)CCCCEXXXXVI p.
nullamque nisi palmarum generis esse docuit. Ideo fortassis in tributi
auctoritate tertia res fuerit hebenus.
Translation
12 [17] The wool-bearing trees among the Chinese511 I told of when mentioning
that people, as well as the size of the trees in India. Among the trees special to
India Vergil mentioned512 only ebony, claiming that it grows nowhere else.
Herodotus preferred to regard it as belonging to Aithiopia, reporting that the
Aithiopians paid as tribute to the Persian kings hundred logs of its wood every
second year, along with gold and ivory.513
[18] There is one more thing I should not omit since Herodotus reports it:
the amount of ivory that the Aithiopians used to pay for the same reason was
twenty large elephant tusks. That shows the value of ivory in the 310th year of
our city;514 for it was at that time the historian composed his work in Thurii,
Italy.515 There is;therefore, all the more reason to wonder why we trust516 this
511The Seres in Latin, a people in Eastern Asia, the Chinese or their neighbours.
512 Georgica 2.116 f.
513Her. 3.97.3, see FHN I, 57 (Herodotus says two hundred logs).
514444 BC.
515Herodotus was among the citizens of the colony of Thurii in South Italy, founded by Pericles
444/443 BC.
516Lit. "So much more astonishing it is that we trust..."; it is difficult to see any logical relation
to the preceding, probably some process of condensing or combining the sources lies behind here.
890
The Sources
same man's contention that nobody had up to that time been found, whether
in Asia or Greece, who had seen the river Padum.517
[191The information on Aithiopia that has become known518—recently
brought to the EmperorNero, as I have said519—hasshown that trees are rare
from Syene, the border of the empire, to Meroe, a distance of 996 miles,570and
that there is no tree Itherelexcept for those of the palm species. That is probably
the reason why ebony took the third place in the assessment of the tribute.
[TE]
Comments
In the Comments on 204 and 206 we have already discussed the data acquired
by Pliny from information collected by Nero's centurions in Aithiopia, and we
have mentioned Sherk's study on Roman cartography according to which
Pliny's description derives from a map consisting of measurements of
distances as well as (pictorial?)notes on fauna and flora (1974, 540 f.). Sherk
interprets forma in the present text as referring to that "map" (cf. footnote to
the translation above).
The remark that trees are rare from Syene to Meroe and oniy the palm
species was observed looks authentic, though it is partly contradicted by Book
6.185 (206) where, on the basis of the same source of information, Pliny speaks
about forests in the region of Meroe City.
ELT1
209 The Neronian expedition to Aithiopia. lst cent. AD.

Seneca, Naturales quaestiones 6.8.3-5.
Source bibliography
Oltramare1929 S&Ièque: Questions naturelles. Texte &abli et traduit
par P. Oltramare. (Collection des Universits de
France.) Paris.
517 1. e., the Po. The reference is to Her. 3.115; this statement
rests on a misunderstanding, due to a
confusion of identical river names, see the note in König-Winkler (1977) 197. There are, however,
also doubts as to the Latin text here, see next note.
518 The manuscripts show some variations here; for the participle cognita ("known") some have
the masculine form cognitum, in which case it must belong to the preceding sentence, so König-
Winkler (1977): neminem ad id tempus Asiae Graeciaequeaut sibi cognitum. Aethiopiae forma
...: "that nobody up to that time had been known to Asiae or Greece or to himself ...".
519 6.181, see FHN II, 108.; cf. 209 for Seneca's report of Nero's Aithiopian expedition. Some
translate the Latin word forma (basically "shape", "appearance") "map" here (as in Forma urbis
Romae); it seems to us more likely that it refers in general to the documentation on Aithiopia
that the expedition brought back; Rackham (1945) translates "The exploration of the geography
of Ethiopia ...". (The Oxford Latin Dictionary cites the present instance (s. v. forma 6) under the
heading "Arrangement, pattern, configuration, or conformation".)
520 1.e., ca. 1574 km; the actual distance along the Nile is ca. 1670 km.
891
Corcoran 1971-72 Seneca: Naturales Quaestiones. With an English

translation by Th.H. Corcoran. (Loeb Classical Library.)
Vol. 1-2. London-Cambridge, MA.
Griffin 1976 M. Griffin: Seneca. A Philosopher in Politics. Oxford.
(Paperback edition 1992.)
Lucius Annaeus Seneca521was a native of Spain, bom ca. 4 BC, but educated in
Rome where he made a career as speaker, diplomat, and politician. As a result
of imperial intrigues he spent eight years in banishment on Corsica, but be-
came, after his recall in AD 48, teacher and tutor of the future Emperor Nero.
In 62 he was forced to retire from the court and devoted the rest of his life to
literary and philosophical activity. After the Pisonian conspiracy in AD 65 he
was suspected of complicity and Nero ordered him to commit suicide.
Seneca is the most prominent representative of the practical-ethical Roman
brand of Stoic philosophy. His philosophical works all have an educa tional
purpose, pervaded by a moral earnestness and high ideals that made him an
important influence in the spiritual life of the Christian West, though many
have found it difficult to reconcile his praise of the simple life and his sermons
against man's greed, ambition, and vane desire with his own involvement in
Roman power politics, court intrigues, and high finance.
Among Seneca's writings are the so-called Dialogues522(in 12 books), which
include "On Anger" (the longest, occupying 3 books), "On Providence", "On
Peace of Mind", "On the Shortness of Life", as well as three letters of consola-
tion to persons in bereavement. His collection of 124 literary letters,523 known
as "Moral Epistles", are likewise educational in character. Even in the "Investi-
gations into Nature" (Naturales quaestiones), from which the present extract is
taken, Seneca finds room in many places for edifying passages. The work is,
like his letters, addressed to his friend Lucilius, and treats of subjects like fire,
air, and water, including a long section on the inundations of the Nile, as well
as winds, earthquakes, and comets. It is a speculative work that enjoyed great
popularity all through the Middle Ages; for natural science its value is only
historical.
Seneca's preserved writings further include "On Clemency" and "On Bene-
fits", as well as nine tragedies which became influential as models for later Eu-
ropean tragedians, particularly for French classical drama and for Shakespeare.
Of peculiar interest is the witty, some would say tactless, satirical pamphlet
521 0ften called 'the Younger' to distinguish him from his father of the same name, author of
rhetorical works (Seneca 'the Rhetor').
522 They are not in the form of conversations like Plato's dialogues, but are more properly to be
called tracts or talks.
523 They are formally letters, but are in the style of essays and were probably meant for publica-
tion.
892
The Sources
written on the occasion of the death of the Emperor Claudius, describing

Claudius' soul seeking admittance among the gods in heaven and the ensuing
negotiations.
Of his lost works may be mentioned his speeches, a biography of his father,
and two geographical works, one on Egypt, another on India (Seneca is known
to have spent time early in his career in Egypt, staying with an aunt who was
married to Gaius Galerius, prefect of Egypt).
As an introduction to the life and work of Seneca Griffin (1976) may be rec-
ommended.
The text presented here is based on the edition of Oltrarnare (1929). An edi-
tion with English translation is available in the Loeb Classical Library (Corco-
ran 1971-72).
Text
6.8 [3] Nescis autem inter opiniones quibus enarratur Nili aestiva inundatio et
hanc esse, a terra illum erumpere et augeri non supernis aquis sed ex intimo
redditis? Ego quidem centuriones duos, quos Nero Caesar, ut aliarum virtu-
tum ita veritatis in primis amantissimus, ad investigandum caput Nili mis-
erat, audivi narrantes longum ipsos iter peregisse, cum a rege Aethiopiae in-
structi auxiIio commendatique proximis regibus ad ulteriora penetrassent. [4]
"<Post multos dies, sicut illi> quidem aiebant, pervenimus ad immensas
paludes, quarum exitum nec incolae noverant nec sperare quisquam potest: ita
implicatae aquis herbae sunt at aquae nec pediti eluctabiles nec navigio, quod
nisi parvum et unius capax limosa et obsita palus non fert. Ibi, inquit, vidimus
duas petras, ex quibus ingens vis fluminis excidebat."
[51 Sed sive caput illa sive accessio est Nili, sive tunc nascitur sive in terras
ex priore recepta cursu redit, nonne tu credis illam, quicquid est, ex magno ter-
rarum lacu ascendere? Habeant enim oportet pluribus locis sparsum umorem
et in imo coactum, ut eructare tanto impetu possint.
Translation
6.8 [3] Don'tyou know that among the theories put forward for the summer in-
undation of the Nile also this has been suggested, that the river springs from
the earth and is increased by water not from above but fiowing from the inte-
rior? I have myself listened to the two centurions whom the Emperor Nero, a
most truth-loving man, in addition to all his other qualities, had sent to ex-
plore the sources of the Nile. They told how they had travelled a long distance
as they, with assistance from the King of Aithiopia and recommendations to
the neighbouring kings, had reached very remote regions. [4] "After many
days", according to their story,524 "we arrived at an enormous stretch of marsh-
524 The text is corrupt

at this point; probably some words have been lost. The words translated
"after many days" are supplied by Oltramare (1929); others have suggested other ways of mend-
ing the text.
893
land from which the natives knew of no outlet, nor can anybody hope to find
one, so overgrown is the the water with grass; and it is impenetrable both for
men on foot and for a boat, which the muddy and overgrown swamp can carry
only if it is small, for one man only. There", they said, "we saw two rocks, from
which a violent stream of water gushed forth."
[5] But whether this was the source or the arrival of the Nile, whether it
arose there or returned to the earth after having been received from an earlier
course —don't you think that that water, whatever it is, rises from the great
world lake? The earth must necessarily have water spread in different places
and collected deep in its interior525in order for it to spew water forth with such
force.
[TE]
Comments
In Book 6.8.3 of his work Seneca defends the correctness of the tradition con-
cerning the existence of a "hidden sea" and underground rivers and refers to
the Nile which, as was also maintained by Pomponius Mela (193) and, quoting
Juba as an authority on the question, Pliny (Natural History 5.52526),passes be-
neath the desert in an underground channel for a distance of several days'
journey. According to Seneca this theory was proved by two centurions who
were sent by Nero to investigate the source of the Nile. With the help of neigh-
bouring kings to whom they were recommended by the king of Aithiopia and
after a long journey they reached marshlands in which they saw two rocks
from which a great quantity of water issued. Yet, as Seneca adds in Book 6.8.5, it
cannot be decided whether what the centurions found was the source of the
Nile itself or of one of its tributaries, or was the place where the river returned
to the surface from its underground channel.
There can be hardly any doubt that the centurions in question belonged to
the expedition sent by Nero to Aithiopia some time between AD 61-63. Other
sources on the expedition (204 208) indicate that it was intended to provide in-
-
formation for the preparations for a military campaign; it would seem that
Seneca gives a scientific reason simply because it fits better into the actual con-
text of his work. The marshlands may be identified as the papyrus swamp re-
gion of the Sudd (Kirwan 1957, 16 f.). By contrast, the "two rocks" have a leg-
endary character; for they seem to paraphrase Herodotus' sentences about the
mountains Krophi and Mophi, the mythical sources of the Nile between Syene
and Elephantine (2.28,cf. Lloyd 1976,28 ff.). It was suggested (cf. Desanges 1993b,
37) that the mention of the "neighbouring kings" lends support to the interpre-
tation of Pliny's forty-five kings in Aithiopia (see 206) as contemporaries.
525 "Deep in its interior" translates in imo, a correction of the manuscripts, which have in uno, "in
one place".
526 Pliny, however, also quotes Juba according to whom the Nile rises in proportion to the
precipitation observed in Mauretania.
894
The Sources
While the connections between the two remarks remain obscure, it seems
likely that, as indicated by the narrative of the centurions quoted by Seneca,
there existed semi-independent or vassal states on the southern fringes of the
Meroitic kingdom.
Seneca speaks about a king of Aithiopia of the time of the expedition of the
centurions. This is contradicted by Pliny's remark (see 206) that at this time "a
woman, Candace, ruled". This discrepancy led Schumann (1930, 16, quoted by
Hofmann 1978a, 133) and Hintze (1959a, 27 ff.) to think that Nero sent two re-
connaissance expeditions to Aithiopia, the first occurring under the reign of a
king (Hintze 1959a, 29: Amanitenmomide [here (217)]), the second under his
successor, a queen (ibid.: Amanikhatashan [here (225)]). Referring to the cir-
cumstance that Seneca was in the position to collect first-hand information
during his time in Nero's service, Hofmann (1978a, 133 f.) accepts his version.
She also puts forward the suggestion that Nero's centurions arrived in Meroe
in the reign of Natakamani and met both the king and "seine Gefährtin" the
Candace Amanitore and adds that Pliny restricted himself to mentioning the
latter because he had already spoken elsewhere (see 204) about a Candace. To
the latter suggestion of Hofmann we prefer, however, Desanges' hypothesis
(1973, 145) that Nero's centurions went to Aithiopia during the co-regency of a
king and a queen,527for such a hypothesis receives excellent support from the
evidence for the co-regency of Natakamani and Amanitore (see (211), (212)).
[1-11
210 Greek inscription referring to Philae and the Dodecaschoenus. AD 69 79 -
(?).
OGIS II 670. IGRR I 1296.SB V 8901.I. Philae II 161.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 É. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [= I. Philae
This text was inscribed on three sandstone blocks which were discovered
reused in the walls of Coptic houses inside and in front of the temple of Au-
gustus at Philae. Their present location is unknown (cf. E. Bernand 1969, 146).
The formula used shows that the three inscribed blocks served as (part of) the
base of a statue; and the beginning of line 1 shows that the person to whom the
dedication was made was an emperor.
The dating of the inscription depends on what emperor's name is supplied
in line 2. It should be noted that the reading of the Emperor Vespasian's name
527 As an example of a co-regency he also refers to Aqrakamani and Naytal, see FHN II, (161),
162.
895
there is highly uncertain (only two letters, the v and the final v, are recorded as
being clearly visible). Several other emperors' names have been suggested,
among them Augustus and Marcus Aurelius. Moreover, most earlier editors
assume that there was one more (now unreadable) line between the present
lines 2 and 3; E. Bernand (1969, 148) rejects this on the basis of the photograph
published by L. Borchardt.
Our text follows that of E. Bernand (1969, 146-150, with Pl. 95 and 101),
checked against the photo (which is, however, useless for the beginning of line
2). Bernand supplies the earlier bibliography, a French translation, and a de-
tailed commentary.
Text
Airtoxpå[topa Kaiaapal
2 gi)?[airaatavåv lEI3aatO]v
3 Tåv aortfipa ei)epyéTiv,
4 o ånå (1)1,X6wK&t AcoSeicaaraivau.
Translation
Empelror Caesarl Ve[spasian Augustuls, Saviour and Benefactor, (set up by)528
the people (?) of529 Philae and the Dodecaschoenus.
[TH]
Comments
This brief dedication is quoted here to illustrate the status of the Dodeca-
schoenus as part of Egypt in the lst cent. AD (cf. 188, Comments). It seems that
the people from Philae and the Dodecaschoenus honoured the Emperor Ves-
pasian jointly because they belonged to the same territorial-governmental unit
(cf. Lesquier 1918, 467 f.).
[LTI
(211) Natakamani. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Sources: 1. Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs53°
on a barque stand from the ternple of Isis at Wad ban Naqa, Berlin 7261,
Griffith 1911a, Pls XXIV f., REM 0041, the same on two smaller stands and on
the fragment of an altar from same site, see Griffith 1911a, 67, REM 0040; 2.
Throne name in Egyptian hieroglyphs on the pylon of the Ami.in temple B 500
528 The name of the emperor is in the accusative, while the inhabitants (?) are in the nominative
case. A verb like civerlicccv, Ithey] set up, dedicated [this statue ofr, is understood (E. Bernand
1969, 149).
529 Literally: "those from...". What sort of group these people represented is uncertain: inhabi-
tants, priests, or what?
530 I.e., the Throne name in Egyptian, the Son of Ré name in Meroitic hieroglyphs.
896
The Sources
at Gebel Barkal, LD V, 15/h; 3. Fgm. of Son of Rê name in Egyptian hieroglyphs

on a stray block at the Amiln temple B 500 ibid., LD V, 15 i; 4. Son of Rê name
in Egyptian hieroglyphs, entrance to Hypostyle (B 514), jamb and thickness, LD
V, 14 g; 5. Son of Rê name in Meroitic hieroglyphs, Naqa, Apedemak temple,
Zibelius 1983, inscr. 3, 11, 18, 24, 25; 6. Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyp-
tian/Meroitic hieroglyphs, Naqa, temple of Amûn, Griffith 1911a, 63, REM
0023, 0024, 0029, 0033-0038;7. Son of Rê name in Meroitic hieroglyphs, Amim
temple, Amara, Griffith 1912, 12, REM 0084; 8. Son of Rê name in Egyptian hi-
eroglyphs on a sandstone block found in secondary context in building M 281,
Meroe City, Garstang et al. 1911, Pl. XII/7, REM 0419; 9. Son of Rê name in
Meroitic hieroglyphs from kiosk M 279 in the Amiln temple, Meroe City,
Garstang et al. 1911, Pl. XII, REM 0415; 10. Son of Rê name in cursive Meroitic,
stela of unknown provenance, Moscow, Pushkin Museum Inv. no. unknown,
Griffith 1912, 53, REM 0126; 11. Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian hiero-
glyphs, S and (fgm.) W walls of mortuary cult chapel of Beg. N. 22, Chapman-
Dunham 1952, Pl. 18 B.
Titles/documents
5. 1. 6. 11.
Throne name Hpr-ki-W
"Rê-is-One-whose-ka-is-
come-into-being"
Son of Rê name Ntkmni qore Ntkmni
"Ntkmni, ruler"
4.
Throne name
Son of Rê name Ndk3mn531
Evidence for reign

In their surviving monuments (and disregarding here the fragmentarily pre-
served and/or dislocated reliefs with the seemingly separate representation of
one of them) Natakamani and Amanitore are represented together; and both
are shown wearing the costume and regalia of rulers. Confusingly for research,
however, Natakamani is qore, "ruler" in document 5; and the titles Son of Rê
(document 4), nb t3wy (documents 1, 2) and bity hwy (documents 5-7) added to
-
the cartouche also attempt to present an equivalent to the qore included in

document 5 in the cartouche. On the other hand, Amanitore only bears the ti-
tle ktke, "Candace", written in some of her cartouches (see (212)), though she is
also wrt and nbt hwy, "great one, mistress of Two-Lands". One might conclude
-
from the absence of qore in Amanitore's titulary that while Natakamani was
the actual ruler, Amanitore was his non-ruling mother or consort (cf. Hintze
531 Nd frequently stood for nt in Egyptian inscriptions of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods.
897
1959a, 33; Wenig 1967, 43; Hofmann 1978a, 122 ff.). In Amanitore's titles
"Candace" and "great one, mistress of Two-Lands" one may indeed discern a
revival of elements of the titulary of some Napatan queen mothers. The iden-
tity of their regalia and especially the iconography of Amanitore receives, how-
ever, a quite special accent from the complete symmetry of their appearance in
the temples of Naqa and Amara (cf. Török 1987b, 49 ff.), a symmetry in which
every ritual action of the king has a mirror-image in an identical action of the
queen. The iconographical pattern is based on the principle of a pair of central
actors and is clearly different from the traditional pattern in which the figure of
the royal consort or the queen mother "follows" the figure of the ruler in ritual
scenes. Though we know that this latter pattern too in fact meant that the two
persons were acting "side-by-side", it has different connotations than the sepa-
rate and symmetrical action of the two figures at Naqa and Amara. Also, taking
into account the suggested meaning "(royal) sister" (= wife of the king) or the
like for ktke (Hofmann 1977b) and, in addition, the significance of the
representations of the trio King-Queen-Prince (see (212)), it may well be
suggested that Natakamani and Amanitore were co-regents. This can be best
understood if we compare it to the Ptolemaic concepts of the co-regency of the
royal couple and/or of the king and his mother, and, in general terms, with
Ptolemaic dynastic ideology (cf. Fraser 1971 I, 259 ff.; Quagebeur 1978, 256 ff.;
Winter 1978, 148 ff.; Koenen 1983, 157 ff.; Török 1987b, 49 ff.; Hölbl 1994 passim,
esp. 183 ff., 254 f.). The prominent role played by the (crown) princes
Arikankharor (see (213)), Arkhatani ((214)) and Shorakaror ((215)) in the
iconography of the monuments of the period seems to point in the same
direction. Neither Natakamani nor Amanitore is attested as sole ruler; and the
absence of the title gore in the latter's mortuary chapel seems to indicate, but
does not necessarily prove, that, even if she survived Natakamani, she did not
become sole ruler. Two of the three princes attested in their company
apparently predeceased them, and only Shorakaror is attested as a ruling king
(see (215)).
Natakamani's reign has been variously dated within the period between
the last third of the lst cent. BC and the 60s of the 1st cent. AD (Reisner 1923, 76:
15 BC-AD 15;532 Dunham 1957, 7: AD 1-25; Hintze 1959a, 33: 12 BC-AD 12;
Wenig 1967, 43: AD 1-20; Hofmann 1978a, 128 ff.: around AD 62, i.e., around the
time of the expedition of Nero's centurions, cf. 206 209). Here Hofmann's
-
dating is accepted since it is also supported by the topographical position of
532 It seems necessary to note here, as was already emphasized in the the Comments on FHN I,
(31), that the absolute regnal years introduced by Reisner and adopted by subsequent scholars
were based on a speculative estimation in which the absolute dates of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty
and some later synchronisms (as, e.g., the case of Arkamaniqo, FHN I, (114)) were used as fixed
points for a chronology that rested upon the typological and archaeological sequence of the royal
burials and in which approximations of the individual lengths of reigns were made on the basis
of the size of the tombs. Consequently, in the FHN no guesses about absolute regnal dates will be
accepted.
898
TheSources
Natakamani's and Amanitore's burial place in the Begarawiya North cemetery

as well as by some datable finds from the funerary equipment of the co-regents
(Török 1989a, 133 nos 101 f., 135 no. 113) and of the princes associated with
them (Hofmann 1978a, 131 f:). The association of Natakamani's reign with the
Neronian expedition was suggested by Hofmann (1978a, 133 f.) with reference
to Pliny's (206) and Seneca's (209) narratives, which, if confronted, render
strong support for the dating of the expedition to the period of a co-regency in
Meroe (see in more detail in Comments on 209).
Inscriptions in its mortuary chapel (see document 11 above) identify Beg. N.
22 as the burial place of Natakamani (cf. Dunham 1957, 116 ff.).
Comments
The reign of Natakamani and his co-regent Amanitore (see (212)) was, to judge
by the sheer quantity and the splendid quality of the monuments associated
with them as builders or restorers, one of the most prosperous periods of
Meroitic history. Temples of Amån were erected by them at Naqa (see, with
earlier literature, Wenig 1981) and Amara (PM VII, 157; Wenig 1977); and the
"late" temple of Amiln at Meroe City (Garstang et al. 1911 ff.; Shinnie-Bradley
1980, 91 ff.; Török 1997, 116-128) and the great sanctuary of Amiln at Gebel
Barkal (PM VII, 215 ff.) were restored and enlarged. They also built a temple
dedicated to Isis at Wad ban Naqa (Priese 1984b; 1984c) and erected an Apede-
mak sanctuary at Naqa (Brinks 1983; Gamer-Wallert 1983; Zibelius 1983). A
large palace at Gebel Barkal (for its current excavation see Donadoni-Bosticco
1982; Bosticco 1989; Donadoni 1990; 1993; Vincentelli 1989; 1992; 1993) and the
opening of a processional avenue flanked by small sanctuaries leading to the
late Temple of Amån at Meroe City (cf. Bradley 1982; 1984) indicate the
planned monumental architectural reconstruction of the central temple- and
royal quarters of the ancient capital cities Napata and Meroe City; while the
temples of Amån at Naqa and Amara may be interpreted as royal and cult
institutions around which the urban development of a fairly recent (i.e., Naqa,
for the earliest known architectural remains cf. FHN II, (148), (149)) and, in the
case of Amara, of an ancient, but apparently up to that time unimportant,
settlement began. Whereas, for lack of published archaeological evidence, it
can only be stated in general terms that the urban growth of Naqa, Wad ban
Naqa and Napata was significant during Natakamani's reign, the excavations
at Meroe City (for Garstang's results see Török 1997, 36 ff. and passim; and see
Shinnie-Bradley 1980; Bradley 1982; 1984) also presented more detailed
evidence for a qualitative change in the development of the settlement. Here,
however, we must refrain from a detailed discussion. It may suffice to point
out that an urban development of such a complexity and of such a
revolutionary speed is the best indicator of significant developments in the
social, economic and cultural spheres. The discovery of a considerable quantity
of jar stoppers impressed with seal stamps, which display a wide variety of
899
figurative and symbolic marks which also have analogies from Meroe City
(e.g., Tärök 1997, 212 find no. 951-q; 247 f. finds x-10 to x-24; Figs 127, 128) and
from a palace at Gebel Barkal (Vincentelli 1989; 1992; 1993), provides important
evidence for the investigation of the administration of royal and temple
property.
The building and restoration of sanctuaries of Amim at settlements of
traditional importance as well as at more recently founded settlements is
relevant from the viewpoint of governmental structure. It may be concluded
that complexes of Amim sanctuaries and royal residences continued to
function as centres of territorial and economic government, and that state
administration was in the hands of the clergy. The iconography of the king and
his co-regent Amanitore in the temples of Amim displays an adherence to the
kingship dogma as it was shaped in the early Meroitic period. This is also
underlined by the reliefs of the temple of Apedemak at Naqa (cf. Gamer-
Wallert 1983) which show a close conceptual relationship with the Apedemak
temple reliefs of Arnekhamani at Musawwarat es Sufra (cf. FHN II, (125) -127;
Hintze et al. 1971; 1993; for iconographical questions see also Török 1990). At
the same time, however, changes in religious concepts, kingship ideology, and
intellectual orientation are also prevalent in these and other monuments.
They may be identified partly as results of developments in the country and
partly as results of more recent encounters with Egyptian concepts and means
of expression.
The reasons for the prosperity of the period remain unknown to us; but, in
view of the quantity and quality of the Egyptian imports and the consistency of
the cultural influence received from Egypt, we may assume that it was mainly
due to a significant increase of trade with Egypt and Rome and a consolidation
of political contacts. If so, there can be no doubt that Natakamani's period
marks the unfolding of a process which started several decades earlier with the
peace treaty of Samos (cf. 190). The wider context, as regards internal develop-
ments, of the new, or apparently new, features in Natakamani's and Amani-
tore's co-regency is also indicated by the completely unusual importance given
to the crown prince in their monuments, though this is not an innovation but
the final stage in a process of changes in the state ideology: viz., of the process
starting with the not fully explicable occurrence of a prince "crowning" Queen
Shanakdakheto (FHN II, (149)) and then, generations later, of a similar "queen-
maker" in the reign of Amanishakheto (FHN II, (177)) and continuing with the
emergence of Akinidad, a royal prince associated with three subsequent rulers
and enjoying a semi-royal status (FHN II, (179)). The concept of the unity of
King, Queen, and (Crown) Prince is most explicitly summarized in the decora-
tion of the column capitals in the temple of Amim at Naqa where the four
sides of the cube-shaped capitals (LD V, 67/a; Griffith 1911a, Pl. XXIII)display
the cartouches of Natakamani, Amanitore, and Arkhatani (cd. (214)) sur-
900
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mounted by double shu-plumes and flanked by the figures of the Two Ladies,
i.e., the crown goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet.
The style and execution as well as features of the iconography of the reliefs
at Naqa, Meroe, Gebel Barkal, and Amara show a strong influence from Egypt
and also the participation of Egyptian artists and craftsmen; Upper Egyptian
models of the late Ptolemaic and early Roman periods are prevalent in the
unique architecture of the so-called Roman kiosk in front of the Naqa Apede-
mak temple (cf. Kraus 1964; for its dating Török 1984a). The remarkable intel-
lectual niveau of the priesthood which was probably responsible for the icono-
graphical programs of the temples of Natakamani and Amanitore may be
judged by the harmonious synthesis of Meroitic and Egyptian concepts and on
the balanced complexity and logical structure of these intricate programs (cf.
Wenig 1977; 1981;Gamer-Wallert 1983; Hintze et al. 1993).
An archaizing tendency is manifest in several details of the reliefs at Naqa
and Amara and is most prevalent in the iconography of the mortuary cult
chapel reliefs of the co-regents (cf. Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 18/B-E; Yellin
1979 157 ff.)533.The re-emergence of Throne names in Egyptian hieroglyphs
and the adoption of the traditional Kushite Throne name (cf. Malo-
wiebamani, FHN I, (55)) also neatly emphasize the conscious adherence to the
tradition of the early Meroitic period (see Arnekhamani's Throne name, FHN
II, (124)). This is also suggested by the iconographical connections between the
temples of Apedemak at Naqa and Musawwarat es Sufra. The re-emergence of
the use of Egyptian hieroglyphs to write the King's Son of Rê name (which also
occurs in Meroitic hieroglyphs) may be interpreted as a small, but significant
detail of the impact of contacts with Egypt. Moreover, the use of Egyptian hi-
eroglyphics to write more than just the royal cartouche names may perhaps be
surmised on the basis of the name listed as no. 4 above among the Sources of
Natakamani's titles; for it represents an alternative writing of what was usually
written with different signs. The evidence for Amanitore's name as well as for
the names of the three princes represented in their company also shows at-
tempts at a more extensive use of Egyptian hieroglyphics than in the preceding
period.
[LT]
(212) Queen Amanitore. Titles. Evidence for co-regency.
Titles
Sources: 1. Throne and Daughter of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hiero-
glyphs and Daughter of Rê name also in Egyptian hieroglyphs on a barque
stand from the Isis temple at Wad ban Naqa, Berlin 7261, Griffith 1911a, Pls
XXIV f., REM 0041; 2. Throne and Daughter of Rê names in Egyptian hiero-
533 Cf. also the incompletelypreserved dark grey basalt statue of a striding Natakamani from
Meroe City M 998, now Liverpool Museum 49.47.709, Török 1997, 231 f. find 998-1, Pl. 191.
901
glyphs on blocks from Gebel Barkal, Ami'm temple B 500 (?), LD V 15/e, g, k,
PM VII, 211; 3. Daughter of Rê name, with title ktke in cartouche, in Meroitic
hieroglyphs on the pylon of the Apedemak temple, Naqa, REM 0004, Zibelius
1983, 35 inscr. 23; 4. Throne and Daughter of Rê name in Egyptian/Meroitic hi-
eroglyphs in the Amim temple at Naqa, Griffith 1911a, 63, REM 0023, 0024,
0027, 0031, 0033, 0034-0038;5. Daughter of Rê name in Meroitic hieroglyphs in
the temple of Amiin at Amara, Griffith 1912, 12, REM 0084; 6. Daughter of Rê
name in Meroitic hieroglyphs on a block from Meroe City M 281, Garstang et
al. 1911, Pl. XII/7, REM 0419; 7. The same on a block from kiosk M 279 in the
forecourt of Amim temple M 260 at Meroe City, Garstang et al. 1911, Pl. XII,
REM 0415; 8. Throne and Daughter of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic
hieroglyphs from kiosk M 280 in front of Amim temple M 260 at Meroe City,
Garstang et al. 1911, 73 no. 18, REM 0418; 9. Daughter of Rê name in cursive
Meroitic in the text of a stela of unknown provenance, Moscow, Pushkin
Museum Inv. no. unknown, Griffith 1912, 53, REM 0126; 10. Title and
Daughter of Rê name in Egyptian hieroglyphs on blocks from the mortuary
chapel of Beg. N. 1, Berlin 2259, 2246, LD V, 47; 11. Daughter of Rê name in
Meroitic hieroglyphs on W wall of the mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 1, Chapman-
Dunham 1952,Pl. 18/F.
Titles/documents
1. 2.
Throne name Mry-k;-Rc Mry-lu-Rc
"Rê-is-One-whose-ka-
is-loved"
Daughter of Rê
name Mnitore/Imn--ryt Imn--r(yt)
10. 3.
Title in cartouche Kn-ti-[k]y ktkel
"Candace" "Candace"
Daughter of Rê
name Imn-c-ryt Mnitore
4. 8. 11.
Throne name Mry-k;-W
Daughter of Rê
name Mnitore
Evidence for reign

For the monuments of Amanitore and their dating see (211), with Comments.
In the surviving monuments Amanitore is represented together with King
902
The Sources
Natakamani and in the presence of one of the princes Arikankharor (see (213)),
Arkhatani ((214)) or Shorakaror ((215)). These contexts indicate that she may
have been either the mother or the wife of Natakamani. The probable
meaning "royal sister" of her title ktke, however, and the iconographical
contexts in which she is always a member of a conventional trio consisting of
the King, the Queen, and a Prince strongly suggest that she was in fact the
king's consort and the mother of the three princes. Her assumed status as co-
regent was already discussed in the Comments on (211). Amanitore was buried
in Beg. N. 1 (Dunham 1957, 120 ff.).
Comments
Already the name Amanitore, consisting of the name of Amfin in the manner
that characterizes the names of the actual rulers who were given an Amim-
name either when selected as crown prince or on their ascent to the throne, is
the first indication of her unusual status. As already indicated in the Com-
ments on (211), Amanitore appears in all of her preserved monuments in full
regalia. Moreover, in the reliefs of the Amian- (cf. Wenig 1981) and Apedemak
temples (cf. Gamer-Wallert 1983) at Naqa, in the column reliefs recorded from
the Amiin temple at Amara (cf. Wenig 1977), and in the reliefs surviving from
the buildings erected during Natakamani's reign, Amanitore is not only repre-
sented in the possession of the insignia that characterize a Meroitic ruler, but
her place in the iconographical context is also completely equal to that of
Natakamani. In the textual evidence Natakamani is distinguished as qore,
"ruler"; while Amanitore bears the title ktke, Candace. However, her name is
written in a cartouche which is preceded by the titles s3t R, "Daugther of Rê"
and/or nbt wt, "lady of diadems". The first of these frequently occurs in the
titularies of Ptolemaic queens (for Arsinoe II, Cleopatra II, Cleopatra IV and
Cleopatra V see Troy 1986, 178 f., 181 no. A/11), the second is attested in the tit-
ularies of the God's Wives of Amiln Karomama Merytmut (Twenty-Second
Dynasty) and Ankhnesneferibre (Twenty-Sixth Dynasty; see Troy 1986, 177 f.)
but was more probably adopted from the titulary of a Ptolemaic queen, Arsinoe
II (Troy 1986, 178). The Daughter of Rê name may also be introduced by the
Egyptian hieroglyphs for the title wrt nbt t3wy, "the great one, lady of Two-
Lands", which occurs in this form only in the titulary of Queen Abar, wife of
Piye (see FHN I, (6), (19), and see Troy 1986, 176) in Temple B 300 at Gebel
Barkal (LD V, 7/c). Moreover, she also has a Throne name, Mry-k3-Rc,which is
modelled on the Throne name of Aspelta (FHN II, (35)). These features indi-
cate, on the one hand, an archaismthat found models in the Kushite past, and,
on the other, they point towards prototypes borrowed from Ptolemaic queen-
ship. E.g., reference to the throne of Geb, i.e., the royal throne, is frequently
made in titularies of Ptolemaic queens, apparently with the meaning of "co-
regnant" (Quagebeur 1978,258).
903
The monuments of Amanitore's co-regency were discussed in the Com-

ments on (211), where a general appreciation of her period was also presented.
She was buried in Beg. N. 1. In her mortuary cult chapel (Chapman-Dunham
1952, Pl. 18/D-F) the representation of the Henu-Bark procession of Sokar (S
wall) was modelled on an iconegraphical type which first occurred at the Be-
garawiya North cemetery in Arqamani's pyramid chapel (Chapman-Dunham
1952, Pl. VIA, cf. FHN II, (129)). Representations associated with the Choiakh
Festival of Osiris are preserved on the rest of the walls; and, as Yellin (1979)
showed, the iconographical program of the chapel was conceived as a complex
whole centered around the Choiakh rites, and the individual relief scenes can-
not be interpreted as more or less isolated and independent scenes and vi-
gnettes. Significantly, the reliefs were inscribed in Egyptian with mortuary texts
(see Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 18/D, E). On this issue see (213) below.
The stepped pyramid superstructure (Dunham 1957, fig. 79) of Beg. N. 1 was
built in two stages and has the appearance of a steep pyramid placed on top of a
truncated pyramid. It was apparently modelled on a similarly intriguing pyra-
mid at Gebel Barkal dated to the late 3rd to mid-2nd cent. BC (Bar. 8, Dunham
1957, 59 ff.), which Dunham (1957, 6) ascribed to a queen of unknown name of
Arnekhamani (cf. FHN II, (125)) and Hofmann (1983, 62 ff.) to King Kash(...) (cf.
FHN II, (93)). Not only is the shape of the pyramid of Beg. N. 1 intriguing, it
also remains obscure: why were the burials of the co-regents erected at the two
opposite ends of the plateau of Begarawiya North? We refrain here from
speculations.
(213) Prince Arikankharor. Titles. Evidence.
Titles
Sources: 1. Title and personal name in Meroitic hieroglyphs written in car-
touches, Naqa, temple of Apedemak, REM 0005, 0017, Zibelius 1983, 16 inscr. 1,
30 inscr. 17; 2. Personal name in Meroitic hieroglyphs written in a cartouche on
a block from kiosk M 279 in the forecourt of the late temple of Amfm at Meroe
City, Liverpool Museum 49.47.723, Garstang et al. 1911, Pl. XII/1, REM 0415,
Török 1997, 128 find 279-1, Fig. 59; 3. Personal name in Meroitic hieroglyphs
written in a cartouche on a sandstone tablet from Meroe City (?), Worcester Art
Museum 1922.145, REM 1005, Wenig 1978, Cat. 125; 4. Personal name in cursive
Meroitic, stela of unknown provenance, Moscow Pushkin Museum Inv. no.
unknown, Griffith 1912, 53, REM 0126; 5. Throne- and "Son of Rê" names in
Egyptian hieroglyphs written in cartouches on the W wall of chapel of Beg. N.
5, Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 19/A; 6. Titles and Personal name written in
Egyptian hieroglyphs on the same wall of the mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 5,
Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 19/A; 7. Title and Personal name in Egyptian hi-
904
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eroglyphs in cartouches in the S wall relief, Beg. N. 5, Chapman-Dunham 1952,

Pl. 19/B.
Titles/documents
5. 6.
Throne name cnI3-1(;-W hm-ntr 2nw pkr[tr]
"Rê-is-One- "second prophet, pkr[tr]"
whose-ka-lives"
Son of Rê name Irk-nhr Irk-nhr
1. 7.
Title pqrtr-qo Wsir hm-ntr 2nw
"the Osiris,534second prophet"
Personal name Arikhror-qo Irk-nhr
Evidence
Arikankharor is represented in the company of Natakamani ((211)) and Aman-
itore ((212)) in the reliefs of the temple of Apedemak at Naqa (Gamer-Wallert
1983) and on relief blocks originating from kiosk M 279 in the forecourt of the
late temple of Amfin at Meroe City (cf. Török 1997, 116 ff.). His dress and in-
signia (cf. Török 1987b,30 ff.; 1990, 179 f.) as well as his Meroitic title pqrtr535in-
dicate in themselves an elevated status (for pqr/pqrtr cf. FHN II, 152 comment
on line 38, (179)). This status is more clearly defined as that of the heir to the
throne by the iconographical context in which Arikankharor occurs as a mem-
ber of the trio King-Queen-Prince, a type of representation that was destined to
convey the message of dynastic unity, continuity, and legitimacy. The relief on
the sandstone votive tablet in Worcester (Wenig 1978, Cat. 125, cf. document 3)
represents him in the royal attire, slaying his enemies. He is protected by the
otherwise unknown winged goddess T1y536and receives his triumph from a
deity whose figure is, however, no longer preserved. In addition to such semi-
royal features, which may best be compared with the unconventional iconogra-
phy of Akinidad (see FHN II, (179)), the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for nswt bit -
<nb> tuvy "King of Upper and Lower Egypt, (Lord) of Two-lands" (document 1)
is found to stand before his cartouches. While, like Akinidad, in the temple of
534 Referring to Arikankharor, who became Osiris after he died. As a saviour god, Osiris was a
helper in one's triumph over death. In Egypt identification with him was at first a privilege of
the king; in death, however, every man became Osiris (women Hathor) by the Late Period. Cf.
Griffiths 1981 629 f.
535 In document 1 complemented with the ending -qoof unknown meaning. Personal names comple-
mented with -qo are tentatively interpreted in the literature as nominal sentences with the
meaning "N [who is al noble [one]" (Griffith 1911b, 35 f.; Priese 1971, 279) or "N is he" (Hintze
1979, 194; Hofmann 1981, 54 ff.). For the issue see Zibelius 1983, 64.
536 Reading of the name inscribed in Meroitic hieroglyphs after Millet 1977, 319 note 4 (earlier
reading: Talakh, for literature see Wenig 1978, 203).
905
Apedemak at Naqa he has his title written in a cartouche, in the Egyptian in-
scriptions of his mortuary chapel Arikankharor also has a Throne name in a
cartouche, viz., repeating Anlamani's Throne name (FHN I, (33)). In
the Egyptian text on the S wall of the chapel (see document 6) he is also de-
scribed as "Second Prophet", a high priestly title attested under the Twenty-
Fifth Dynasty but quite unusual in this late period. Its actual significance re-
mains obscure (for Meroitic priestly titles cf. Török 1977b). The chapel (Beg. N.
5, Dunham 1957, 123 ff.) was decorated with excellently executed reliefs and in-
scribed in Egyptian hieroglyphs (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 19). The relief on
the N wall (ibid., Pl. 19/A) represents the prince enthroned under a canopy and
holding a staff and a flail and wearing a diadem with one uraeus;537 behind
him stands his own image being protected by a goddess wearing as her head or-
nament a Macat feather and the figure of a falcon. In the relief on the S wall
(ibid., Pl. 19/B) Arikankharor stands behind the enthroned Osiris who presides
as judge over the weighing of the Prince's heart (cf. Seeber 1976). Both these
scenes seem to represent the Prince in a semi-royal context; and the scene on
the S wall associates him with Osiris as father of Horus and thus presents him
as heir, alluding to his status in life.
Imported objects found in Beg. N. 5 (cf. T45rök 1989a, 135-138 nos 114-129) in-
dicate a splendid grave inventory and support the dating of the reign of
Natakamani and Amanitore to the middle decades of the lst cent. AD. There
can be little doubt that Arikankharor predeceased Natakamani and Amanitore
and was buried by them: the reliefs of his mortuary chapel with their fine qual-
ity and carefully composed complex iconography as well as with their Egyptian
texts represent, together with the reliefs and the Egyptian texts in Amanitore's
chapel (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 18/D-F, cf. (212)), a remarkable episode in
the Begarawiya North cemetery. In the preserved material, they are the first
chapels inscribed in Egyptian since Beg. N. 7 (Arqamani), which was erected
some time around the turn of the 3rd to 2nd cent. BC (cf. FHN II, (129)), and are
the last chapels in which a revived interest in Egyptian mortuary texts is mani-
fested in such a form. Beg. N. 22 and especially Beg. N. 1 and Beg. N. 5 have
unmistakeably archaizing iconographical program and mortuary texts inscrib-
ed on their walls, the typological models for which may be identified in Beg. N.
7. The texts show, however, similarly unambiguous signs of more recent inspi-
rations received from the grammar and orthography of Ptolemaic and early
Roman Egyptian temple inscriptions, and Yellin (1979, 159 ff.) demonstrated
that the Henu Bark Procession and Choiakh Festival scenes (Beg. N 1) as well
537 Cf. Török 1987b, 78 no. 152. Note that the drawing in Chapman-Dunham 1952 is erroneous
insofar as it shows two uraei above the Prince's forehead: the uraei wear the feathered crown of
Aminn, yet only two feathers are depicted, which clearly indicates that there was only one
uraeus originally represented in the relief.
906
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as the judgement scene (Beg. N. 5) were modelled on Ptolemaic recensions of

Theban prototypes of the Ramesside period.
[1-T]
(214) Prince Arkhatani.Titles. Evidence.
Titles
Sources: 1. Throne name and Son of Rê name in Egyptian/Meroitic hiero-
glyphs written in cartouches, doorways of temple of Amûn, Naqa, Griffith
1911a, 63, REM 0023, 0027, 0029; 2. Fragments of a Throne and a Son of Rê name
in Egyptian hieroglyphs on a block from the Arnfin temple B 500 at Gebel
Barkal, LD V, 15/f, tentative identification by Griffith (1912, 4). On account of its
completely uncertain reading, document 2 is disregarded in the following.
Titles/document
1.
"Throne name" nh-1“-Rc
"Re-is-One-whose-ka-lives"
"Son of Rê name" Arkhtni
Evidence
Prince Arkhatani is represented in the company of Natakamani and Amani-
tore in the reliefs of the temple of Amån at Naqa (Griffith 1911a, 62 ff., Pls XXI-
XXIII; Wenig 1981). He appears there as member of the trio King-Queen-Crown
Prince in as unusual a manner as Prince Arikankharor in the temple of
Apedemak at Naqa and in the reliefs surviving from kiosk M 279 in the
temple of Amûn at Meroe City (cf. (213)). His status is indicated at Naqa in the
scenes of the doorway by his appearance in all rites connected to the ruler's
legitimation (he is also shown performing, with Natakamani and Amanitore,
the royal rite of Vasenlauf ["running with the vase", cf. Kees 1912], Griffith
1911a, Pl. XXI) and receives the diadem from the same deities who also confer
kingship on Natakamani and Amanitore in identically formulated scenes. His
cartouches are preceded by the Egyptian titles ntr mnh "beneficent god" in a
writing which has as its model the hieroglyphic variant of the Ptolemaic royal
epithet "Euergetes" (cf. Griffith 1911a, 63), and nswt bit <nb> t3wy, "King of
Upper and Lower Egypt, (Lord) of Two-lands". In Naqa his figure is
consequently accompanied with a double cartouche (see document 1) inscribed
in Egyptian hieroglyphs with his Throne name cnh-k3-1, which is identical
with Arikankharor's Throne name (see (213)), and, in Meroitic hieroglyphs,
with his Son of Rê name.
907
It would appear that Arkhatani predeceased Natakamani and Amanitore.

Yet, since his burial place was not identified,538 it cannot be stated with
absolute certainty that he did not ascend to the throne. The lack of any
monument of Arkhatani as ruler seems, nevertheless, to speak against such a
possibility; and the small number (probably only the temple of Amitn at Naqa)
of his monuments may also indicate that he was crown prince for a shorter
time than Arikankharor (cf. (213)). There are no good indications that would
allow us to establish a chronology for the monuments in which the individual
princes appear; stylistically and iconographically, however, the temples of
Amtin at Naqa and Amara are closely related with each other, while the reliefs
of the temple of Apedemak at Naqa and the preserved reliefs of Natakamani,
Amanitore and Arikankharor from Meroe City seem to belong to another,
rather different, yet homogeneous, iconographical and stylistic group. It is thus
tempting to suggest that the three princes associated with Natakamani and
Amanitore followed each other as crown princes in this order: 1.
Arikankharor, 2. Arkhatani, 3. Shorakaror.
[LT]
(215) Shorakaror. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Sources: 1. Personal name in Meroitic hieroglyphs in cartouche, Amara,
temple of Amûn, Griffith 1912, 12, REM 0084; 2. Throrte and Son of Rê names
in Meroitic hieroglyphs in cartouches, Gebel Qeili, rock drawing, Hintze 1959b,
fig. 2, Török 1988a,fig. 45, REM 0002.
Titles/documents
1. 2.
Throne name Mnslhe
Son of Rê name Sorkror Sorkrr
Evidence for reign

In his two preserved monuments the name of Sorkr(o)r is written with the
Meroitic hieroglyph for the consonant which was transcribed in the literature
until quite recently as and believed to have the value "sh" (cf. Griffith 1911a,
49 sign list). In more recent literature it is transcribed as s (cf. Hainswor th-
Leclant 1978, 9, in the sign list). Although we use the latter transcription in the
volumes of FHN (cf. Introduction, General Note to the Meroitic Texts), we
make exceptions in the case of names which are generally used in the literature
in their traditional transcription, as the name of Shorakaror is.
538 Hofmann 1978a, 115 tentatively identifies Beg. N. 14 as his tomb; however, no find from the
tomb, the chapel of which was destroyed by Budge, gives any clue; cf. Dunham 1957, 96 f.
908
The Sources
Shorakaror's name and figure occur in the column reliefs preserved from
the temple of AmCm at Amara (LD V, Pls 69-70; Griffith 1912, 9 ff., Pl. VI;
Wenig 1977, figs 6-11) and in a rock drawing at Gebel Qeili, 92 miles E of Khar-
toum on the road leading from Khartoum to Kassala, incised on the N face of a
granite boulder. It is of monumental dimensions (covering ca. 3.70x2.0 m) and
represents Shorakaror and an unknown solar god. While the Amara reliefs
represent Shorakaror—as Arikankharor and Arkhatani were—as a member of
the trio King (Natakamani)-Queen (Amanitore)-Prince and wearing princely
dress and insignia (cf. Török 1987b, 30 ff.), the Gebel Qeili drawing shows him
in the possession of full royal regalia. The drawing is divided into two
"registers". In the upper one the King is represented in the act of receiving vic-
tory and prosperity/fertility from a deity. He stands on a podium (?) the sides of
which are decorated with the figures of bound captives. This podium (?) also
marks the top side of the lower register in which seven dead enemies are rep-
resented, belonging to four different enemy types distinguished from each
other by their headdresses (see Török 1989a, 105 ff.). The King wears a belted,
knee-length, sleeved tunic and sandals; his knees are protected by knee-pieces
in the form of lion heads. He wears a diadem with streamers and with one
uraeus over the Kushite skull-cap; a necklace of large beads with a pendant in
the shape of the ram-headed Amiin, and a cord with groups of small bells (?)
across his chest and left shoulder. Though the representation of the skullcap
may in its simplicity be misleading and could be interpreted as natural hair,
such an interpretation is contradicted by the clearly indicated chinstrap starting
from the ear tab of the cap.539A quiver hangs behind the King's back, held by a
cord across his breast and passing over his left shoulder, and a medium long
sword in its scabbard hangs, similarly at his back, from a short cord attached to
the scabbard and passing around the King's left shoulder. In his right hand the
King holds a spear, a bow and three arrows, and the end of a long cord the
other end of which is divided into seven cords, each tying the elbows of a cap-
tive. The cord runs through the left hand of the deity whom the King faces.
Since the captives with tied elbows turn towards the King, they are presented
by the deity to the King and not vice versa. Of the deity only his head, repre-
sented en face, and his two arms are depicted; while with his left hand he holds
the prisoners, in his right hand he holds out a bundle of dura (Andropogon
Sorghum) to Shorakaror. His long hair is loosely arranged in curls; above his
539The Kushite headdress was described by Russmann in her fundamental study as a tight-
fitting cap over which the uraeus diadem was worn (1974); in later studies (Russmann 1979; 1995),
however, she interprets it as an uraeus diadem worn over natural hair. Arguments for Russmann's
original view were presented by Sguenny (1982), and in Török 1987b (9 ff.) where the
representation of a scullcap on the Sandstone Stela of Piye (cf. FHN I, 8), and of a scullcap
complete with diadem and streamers held by a goddess on one of the rings from the
Amanishakh-eto treasure (Priese 1992, fig. 42/a), and the depiction of an identical skullcap
with diadem and streamers on the imprint of a bag seal from Beg. W. 126 were discussed in a
broader context. In her recent study (1995) Russmann ignores the above-quoted studies.
909
forehead emerges a pointed cone-shaped symbol, and his head is surrounded

by an aureola from which radiate twelve rays.
Shorakaror's appearance in the Amara reliefs indicates that he was selected
as heir to the throne by the co-regents Natakamani and Amanitore (see (211),
probably after the deaths of Arikankharor ((213)) and Arkhatani ((214))
who were successively crown princes but predeceased the co-regents. His burial
place is unknown; the hypothetical identification (Beg. N. 10) suggested by
Dunham (1957, 7) and Hintze (1959a, 33) is not supported by any evidence.
Hofmann (1978a, 124 ff.) regards his Gebel Qeili monument as a non-royal rep-
resentation commemorating the military achievments of a prince as army
leader because of its iconographical affinities to the Arikankharor tablet (cf.
(213)). She suggests (ibid.) that Shorakaror was buried in Beg. N. 15 and denies
that the chapel reliefs, the remains of which were destroyed by Budge
(Dunham 1957, 133) and some details of which are known only from Lepsius
(LD V Text, 297: lion or dog under the throne of the deceased devouring an en-
emy; goddess holding captives on a cord), would have belonged to a royal
burial.
Comments
Shorakaror appears in the company of Natakamani and Amanitore in the col-
umn reliefs of the temple of Amim at Amara as a member of an iconographi-
cal unit which we have identified above (see (211) (214)) as the trio of a king
-
and a queen as co-regents and the crown prince as designated heir to the
throne. It was also suggested (Comments on (211) and (212)) that this type of
the iconographical association of the three central figures of the royal family
was influenced by Ptolemaic dynastic ideology and cult, but, at the same time,
was the result of a long political development that had presumably already
started in or around the reign of Queen Shanakdakheto in the late 2nd cent.
BC. The hypothesis was also put forward that Shorakaror actually inherited the
throne of Natakamani and Amanitore after their deaths, since the two earlier
crown princes, Arikankharor and Arkhatani (cf. (213), (214)) had predeceased
the co-regents. Shorakaror's kingship is indicated by the iconography of his
Gebel Qeili monument. While it is obvious, as Hofmann (1978a, 127) pointed
out, that in this monument Shorakaror's depiction as triumphant warlord
does not seem to differ from that of Arikankharor on the Worcester tablet (cf.
there are also small differences between the two representations which
are highly significant. In the relief on his tablet Arikankharor wears a diadem
with the head of the atef-crowned lion god Apedemak above his forehead and
has no diadem streamers (see Wenig 1978, Cat. 125). By contrast, at Gebel Qeili
Shorakaror wears a diadem with one uraeus above his forehead; the uraeus
has the head of the Nubian Amiln and wears an atef-crown supported by ram's
910
The Sources
horns.540 He also has long streamers hanging down from his diadem. An anal-
ysis of the iconographical evidence (Török 1987b, 31 ff.) has demonstrated that
Arikankharor's headdress traditionally distinguished a (crown) prince as war-
lord, while Shorakaror's headdress at Gebel Qeili is that of a ruler as tri-
umphant warrior. Shorakaror's kingship is further supported by his Meroitic
Throne name which consists of the name of Amiln with the epithet 113,"great".
The Nubian Amim bears this epithet in the Amiin temple of Natakamani and
Amanitore at Naqa (cf. Griffith 1911a, 63). The King's Son of Rê name appar-
ently consists of the theonym (A)sor, Osiris (cf. Griffith 1912, 12); and he may
have taken it when he became crown prince since it seems to make a statement
about his being the heir to Osiris, i.e., alludes at the relationship between Osiris
and his son Horus. The Throne name with Amim establishes, in turn, a link
with the traditional Son of Rê names containing the name of the dynastic god.
The Gebel Qeili rock drawing is usually interpreted as a monument of the
pacification of the southern parts of the "island of Meroe" in a period when the
maintenance of undisturbed trade contacts with the interior of Africa was of
vital importance (cf. Török 1988a, 280). This is not necessarily contradicted by
the observation (Hofmann-Tomandl 1986, 122) that the drawing is on the side
of the rock which faces the Gebel and is hardly visible because it is not deeply
engraved; for good visibility is not necessarily the criterion of a monument
which "records" and manifests the relationship between a king and his divine
progenitor. Moreover, the relation of the drawing to the Gebel may also have a
special significance. Close to the rock bearing the drawing, higher up, there is a
cave in which Whitehead and Addison (1926, Pl. X/2; Hofmann-Tomandl
1986, fig. 2) found and recorded—with minor errors in the rendering of the
crowns —a now-destroyed painting showing the ram-headed Ami'm in the
company of Mut being worshipped by a queen and a prince (?).541The cave was
in all probability a chapel in a mountain that was regarded sacred; and thus the
triumphal monument faced the sacred mountain and its deity and not the
open areas defended by the King S of the Gebel.
Two special details of the triumphal monument require further comment.
The solar deity points towards syncretistic influences from late Hellenistic
Egypt. An enthroned deity, represented with a similar radiating nimbus and
with his head en face, also occurs—in the company of Harpocrates—on the
bezel of a ring from Beg. W. 134 (Dunham 1963, 231 fig. 2) and, more signifi-
cantly, in the upper relief register of the interior N wall of the Apedemak tem-
ple at Naqa (Gamer-Wallert 1983, 212 f., Pl. 59, Bl. 11/a). The interpretation of
540 According to the inscriptions accompanying figures of the ram-headed Am0n in the Amian tem-
ple at Naqa (REM 0024, 0027, 0034, 0035, 0037), the atef-crown supported by ram's horns was an
insignium of the Amiin of Tolkte, i.e., Naqa. For the identification of the placename see Zibelius
1972, 172.
541 Though it would be very unusual to show a king behind a queen, this may perhaps have been
the case here, for the male figure also seems to have diadem streamers.
911
this figure as Helios-Zeus-Amiin suggested by Gamer-Wallert (1983, 213),

among other arguments, on the basis of a bilingual inscription from Karnak in
which Amen-Rê, written in Demotic, is equated with Zeus-Helios-Ammon,
written in Greek (cf. Grimm 1978, 106), seems highly probable.
While the syncretistic solar deity points towards Hellenistic influences of a
recent date, the representation of the dead enemies on the battlefield follows,
probably on the basis of Twenty-Fifth Dynasty or Napatan prototypes, icono-
graphical models of the Egyptian New Kingdom and may indicate the existence
of pattern books compiled in the course of the late lst cent. BC and the lst cent.
AD which contained various themes and iconographical details copied from
Nubian Twenty-Fifth Dynasty monuments (for a detailed discussion of the is-
sue see Török 1989a, 105 ff.; 1997, 106 ff.). The Gebel Qeili drawing may thus be
interpreted as a monument of a remarkable intellectual orientation in which
an openness towards the cults and expressive means of late Hellenistic and
early Roman Egypt was coupled with a traditionalism that developed into an
archaizing and, in some cases, a sort of antiquarian attitude. The first obvious
signs of this orientation may be observed in Akinidad's temple building at
Meroe City (M 250, cf. Török 1991; 1997, 102-114),and it unfolds in the edifices
erected by Natakamani and Amanitore.
In an indirect manner, Shorakaror's reign is dated in relation to the reign of
Natakamani and Amanitore to the second half of the AD 1st cent. If Hof-
mann's (1978a, 127 f.) hypothetical identification of Beg. N. 15 as his burial
place is accepted, this dating may also be supported by finds from this tomb (for
millefiori and other decorated glass paste beads datable to the period ca. 50 BC-
AD 50 see Dunham 1957,fig. 89).
[LT]
(216) Amanitaraqide. Evidence for reign.
Evidence for reign

In the burial chamber of Beg. N. 16 Reisner discovered two intrusive offering
tables inscribed in cursive Meroitic (Dunham 1957, 137, fig. 91). In the text of
both there occurs the royal benediction formula (cf. Hintze 1959, 34 ff.). One of
them (Khartoum 2333, REM 0816) was inscribed for Mnitrqide (i.e., Amanita-
raqide) whose father was Piskr; his mother's name is Mnhdoke. The other table
was inscribed for Aryesebohe (REM 0815, see (216a)). Amanitaraqide is not at-
tested in any other monument.
Comments
The pyramid Beg. N. 16 was restored (Hofmann 1978a, 138: perhaps re-built)
when the pyramid Beg. N. 36 was erected just SE of it and partly over its subter-
ranean chambers (cf. Dunham 1957, 137). Dunham (op. cit., loc. cit.) supposed
that the table of Aryesebokhe originally belonged to Beg. N. 16 and that Amani-
912
The Sources
taraqide's table came from Beg. N. 36, on the assumption that the lettering of
Aryesebokhe's table reflects an earlier stage of cursive Meroitic paleography
than that of the Amanitaraqide table. By contrast, Hintze (1959a,49 f.) and Hof-
mann (1978a, 138 f.) suggest that it is the text of Amanitaraqide which displays
earlier palaeographical features. Their view may also be supported by the scene
on the table (Anubis and Nephthys pouring a libation for the dead) which is
executed in the style of late tables in a flat raised relief while the Amanitaraqide
table has an incised scene in the style of 2nd cent. BC-lst cent. AD offering ta-
bles (e.g., cf. the Tedeqeri table from Beg. W. 19, Dunham 1963, fig. 61, for its
dating to the 2nd cent. BC cf. Török 1989a, 122 nos 22-24).Thus it seems possible
that the offering table of Amanitaraqide originally stood in the mortuary cult
chapel of Beg. N. 16;542since, however, no name is preserved from there, the
attribution of the tomb remains hypothetical. Finds from Beg. N. 16 (Dunham
1957, figs 90-92; for the dating of the glass vessel in fig. 91 to around AD 100 cf.
Hofmann 1978a, 207 f.) indicate a dating around the end of the lst cent. AD.
The text engraved on Amanitaraqide's offering table provides information
about his filiation. His father Pisakar and mother Amankhadoke are unknown
from any other document. On the assumption that all rulers were direct de-
scendants of earlier rulers, Pisakar was regarded as a ruling king; and the buri-
als Beg. N. 38 (Dunham 1957, 7, reading the name as Pisapade) and Beg. N. 15
(Hintze 1959, 33; Wenig 1967, 43) were, tentatively, attributed to him. Pisakar's
name does not seem, however, to fit into the known types of royal names. By
contrast, the name of Amanitaraqide's mother Mnhdoke is compounded using
the name of Amrin, and this may indicate direct royal descent. However, pri-
vate names containing the name of Amrin are fairly frequent in the lst
through 3rd/4th cent. AD (see Török 1984b, 167 f.), though it also seems rather
likely that persons with names of this type belonged to the broader royal clan
(as may be indicated by the occurrences listed in op. cit., loc. cit.).
The unpublished mortuary cult chapel (cf. LD V Text, 317; Wenig 1971, 271)
of Beg. N. 16 was built inside a very small (ca. 5x5 m) pyramid. This architec-
tural solution is unique in the Kushite royal and non-royal necropolises; and
its typological prototypes are completely obscure, unless we suppose that it was,
superficially, influenced by the New Kingdom pyramid tomb type represented
by tombs discovered at Soleb (SchiffGiorgini 1971,82) and Debeira (Save-Söder-
bergh-Troy 1991, 184 ff., fig. 45) in which the interior of the pyramid superstruc-
ture seems to have contained a serdab, i.e., a room for the statue of the de-
ceased.
[LT]
542 While accepting the sequence Amanitaraqide-Aryesebokhe, Török 1988a, 180 ; 1989a, 123 f.,
1989b, 539 f. suggests that the burial sequence was Beg. N. 36-Beg. N. 16, a conclusion which may
be supported with datable finds of a (late) Augustan date from Beg. N. 16 (see (216a)), but proba-
bly cannot be maintained in view of the fact, disregarded in the papers quoted above, that the
pyramid Beg. N. 36 is partly built over the subterranean parts of Beg. N. 16, and that Beg. N. 36
has a later type of descent (Type VI of Dunham 1957) than N. 16 (Type IV).
913
(216a) Aryesebokhe. Evidence for reign.
Evidence for reign

As already indicated in (216), two offering tables were found in the subter-
ranean burial chamber of Beg. N. 16, one belonging to Amanitaraqide (see
ibid.), the other (Boston MFA, mv. no. unknown, REM 0815) to Aryesebohe,
who, according to the royal benediction formula used in the offering table text,
was a ruling monarch. The table is inscribed in cursive Meroitic and according
to its text Aryesebokhe was begotten by Teritebhtey and born by Wlamni(..)ptide. It
was suggested that the offering table came from Beg. N. 36 which was, conse-
quently, Aryesebokhe's burial place.
Comments
Referring to its typological features (according to Dunham 1957, Charts I, II:
Type XII pyramid superstructure, Type VI stair descent, Type II chapel vault),
Hofmann (1978a, 176 ff.) dates Beg. N. 36 to the late 3rd cent. AD, although she
notices that in the burial chamber there was found a glass vessel type which,
according to her (op. cit., 211) is known only from late lst cent. BC and lst cent.
AD contexts.543It may also be added that the above-listed typological features
already occur in tombs dated by Dunham to the late lst and 2nd centuries AD.
Since, however, the connection between Beg. N. 36 and the offering table of
Aryesebokhe is, albeit likely, only hypothetical, the late lst or early 2nd cent.
AD dating of this ruler is hypothetical too.
The king's name seems to consist of the elements Ar and yesebohe. For the
latter, as a verbal complex, the meaning "incarnation" or the like has been sug-
gested (Macadam 1966, 61). In Ar we may perhaps recognize the Meroitic name
of Horus (cf. in REM 0407 = 277, line 5; for private names containing Ar[e] see
Török 1984b, 168 f.); and the name would thus seem to have been adopted at
the ascent to the throne. In Aryesebokhe's case, as with Amanitaraqide ((216)),
the father's name does not seem royal, while his mother's name contains the
theonym Amim.
[LT]
(217) Amanitenmomide. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Source: Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs in the
reliefs on the N and S walls of the mortuary cult chapel, Beg. N. 17, the block
with the cartouches from the S wall now Berlin 2269, Griffith 1911a, Pl. XXXIV,
Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 21/A, B. Son of Rê name REM 0066, 0067.
543 0n the carinated bowl in opaque red glass and its Augustan and early post-Augustan dating
see, with literature, Török 1989a, 123 f. no. 30; fragments of an analogous bowl were found in Bar.
4, see op. cit., 124 f. nos 36, 37.
914
The Sources
Throne name Nb-mjct-Rc

Son of Rê name Mnitenmrimide
Evidence for reign

Beyond his pyramid burial in the Begarawiya North cemetery (Beg. N. 17, Dun-
ham 1957, 142 ff.), Amanitenmomide's reign is not attested by any other mon-
ument in which his name appears. Hintze (1959, 50 no. 10) attributed an offer-
ing table fragment from Beg. N. 18 (Dunham 1957,fig. 98) inscribed for [..]ni[...]
to him; but this name can be reconstructed in various forms. His filiation and
family relations remain unknown.
Comments
Amanitenmomide's Throne name follows the structural pattern of the Egyp-
tian Throne names adopted by the previous generations and may have been
modelled on the Throne name of Amenophis III (Beckerath 1984, XVIII/9 T 1),
some of whose temples and other monuments (among them the magnificent
lions Amanislo brought from Soleb to Gebel Barkal, see FHN II, (115)) were
still standing in Nubia (cf. PM VII, 63 f., 83, 164 f., 181 ff., etc.).
In the burial chamber of Beg. N. 17 Reisner found one male and two female
skulls. The first belonged, according to the anthropological investigation
(Dunham 1957, 143 f.), to a man who was ca. 30 years old at the time of death
and is believed to be the skull of the King (ibid.; Hofmann 1978a, 143). Hof-
mann (ibid.) assumes that the descent of Type VI, in which the pyramid is
erected over the descent and the subterranean tomb chambers, i.e., after the
burial has been performed, was introduced in Beg. N. 17, and she explains this
innovation with the supposedly early and sudden death of Amanitenmomide.
As indicated in (216a), however, this type of descent seems to have been intro-
duced before Beg. N. 17.
The reliefs of Amanitenmomide's mortuary cult chapel in Beg. N. 17 show
the influence of the archaizing iconography of Natakamani's chapel Beg. N. 22.
On the N wall (Chapman-Dunham 1957, Pl. 21/A) the King offers bread, milk,
incense and four calves to Osiris enthroned. He wears the Double Crown and is
dressed in an ankle-length tunic over which he wears a royal apron decorated
with the image of a falcon. On the S and W walls he is represented enthroned
and receiving mortuary offerings from a prince (S) and from Anubis and
Nephthys (W). In both scenes he wears the tripartite Meroitic royal dress com-
plete with a tasselled cord (cf. Töräk 1990) and an archaizing royal headcloth
with chinstrap and one uraeus,544 presumably modelled on Natakamani's
headcloth (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 18/C).
The dating of Amanitenmomide's reign to the first half of the 2nd cent. AD
is suggested on the basis of two amphorae imported from Lower Egypt found
544 On the S wall with ram's head wearing the atef crown, cf. (215); for the Twenty-Fifth Dy-
nasty royal headcloths see Török 1987b, 13 f. Type A VI.
915
in his burial chamber (for the type see Callender 1965, 12; Hofmann 1978a, 145,
171; Hofmann 1991b,235 ff.).
[LT]
218 Queen Cleopatra speaks to the Aithiopians and Trogodytes in their own
languages. Ca. AD 110-115.
Plutarch, Life of Antony 27.3-5.
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half the space to Romans. As a philosopher, he was a convinced Platonist, and
he had a deep devotion to traditional Greek religion (he was a priest at Delphi).
Plutarch is a learned writer to whom we owe much information about
Greek and Roman thought and customs; but he also put his personal stamp on
everything he wrote, and not just stylistically. His humanity, ethical concern
and psychological insight have earned him a readership through the millen-
nia. He writes in what has been called a "reformed Hellenistic Greek" (Russell
1973, 22); and with his rich, partly poetical vocabulary, fondness for metaphors,
sophisticated word-order, and occasionally entangled periodic structure, he is
often easier to understand than to reproduce faithfully in translation.
916
The Sources
The extant literary work from Plutarch's hand consists of 50 biographies, of

which most belong to the series of Parallel Lives of famous Greeks and Ro-
mans, and 78 works of miscellaneous content, conventionally referred to as his
Moralia (cf. 219). For each pair of biographies, Plutarch has chosen one Greek
and one Roman public figure of comparable character or achievement, for ex-
ample Alexander and Caesar, Demosthenes and Cicero. He treats them sepa-
rately, but in most cases adds an epilogue devoted to a systematic comparison
of the two. His interest lies less in important historical events than in character
and typical behaviour; he wants to show his readers how individual virtue or
vice reveals itself in action.
Our extract is from Plutarch's biography of Mark Antony (probably com-
posed ca. AD 110-115,cf. Pelling 1988, 4), the Roman statesman who after the
murder of Julius Caesar in 44 BC gradually emerged as Octavian's chief rival
for supreme power and was finally defeated in a naval engagement at Actium
in 31 BC. A decade earlier, he had formed an alliance with Queen Cleopatra VII
of Egypt; and the romantic encounters between the general and the queen over
the years until they both committed suicide after Actium play a major role in
Plutarch's biography. The characterisation of Cleopatra quoted here belongs to
the description of their very first meeting at Tarsus in Cilicia in 41 BC.
Plutarch shows a special interest in Egyptian matters, perhaps awakened by
his teacher of philosophy in Athens, the Egyptian Ammonius. As a young
man he visited Alexandria (Quaest. conviv. 678C), though we do not know
exactly when or under what circumstances (Jones 1971, 15). His familiarity with
Egypt, probably acquired mostly through reading, is evident both in the present
work and, still more, in his treatise on Isis and Osiris (219).
Our text is based on the critical edition of Ziegler (1971),compared with the
texts edited by Flacelière (in Flacelière-Chambry 1976) and Pelling (1988).There
are English translations by Perrin (1920) and Ian Scott-Kilvert (1965). In addi-
tion to the fundamental study of Plutarch by Ziegler (1951), there is a general
introduction to his writings by Russell (1973), while Jones (1971) places him in
his historical context. The commentary by Pelling (1988) on the Life of Antony
is particularly strong on the literary aspects of the biography.
Text
27 13 yåp ijv (.1S;X,éyouatv cd)TO tèv KWY ouUTO TO icdtX.ko w'tfjç 1:Yå
ItåNtll SuaitapåPkrrrov o.68' olov icicXiEczi toç 186vTa;, àv ' eixrv
auvStainiat; OulywcTov, fi gopilyrj p.sTå Tfi; v To5 StaXyECTOCC1.ntøaveST-
TITN iccå To15 neplOovTo; ågot 7T(N nepi tiv OinXiav iOoiç åvcpcpé
IdvTpov. [4] .Hovi Sè Kai 49EyyotvTç 7r.tjv To5 ko.). Kål Tijv yX6iTTav
diancp OpyavOv 7COXISX0p8Ov El'YICETO5Tprcovaa icae' ijv PolikoiTo
ölåkEKTov, OXiyot; rcavtdciram pj.trIv(N veniyxotve PapPåpotç, toç
7cX,Eiatoç cdyril ocOTfi; ånE&Sou tàç årcoicpicret; oTtov Aieiowt Tpoyyko-
öliTai; EPpaiot; "Apavt potç MToç IlapOvaiot. [5] IlokX631.,
917
tal Kcd(X.X.X.cov k>qtakiv yÄ.ctrctaç

, T 1 Itpci cdyrfi; PaatXiow oi)& Tfiv
Aiy-Diudav dcvocaxogévcovnapaXaPeiv Suikeictov, TO
bcktruivuov.
Translation
27 [3] For her [Cleopatra's] beauty was in itself, we are told, anything but incom-
parable or apt to strike those who saw her;545but one was inevitably taken by
her presence, and her appearance, combined with her persuasive speech and
the atmosphere which somehow surrounded her whole manner, was exciting.
[4] It was also a pleasure to hear her voice, and she readily tuned her tongue,
like a many-stringed instrument, to any language she wished. There were in-
deed few foreigners whom she addressed through an interpreter; she delivered
her responses by herself to most of them, be they Aithiopians, Troglodytes,546
Hebrews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes or Parthians. [5] She is said to have learnt
many other peoples' languages as well, while the kings before her could not
even bear to learn the Egyptian language, indeed some of them even gave up
speaking Macedonian.
[THI
Comments
In his enthusiastic praise of Cleopatra's charm and wit Plutarch, whose source
for this remains unknown (cf. Ziegler 1951, 911 ff.), also lists the foreigners or
"barbarians"—i.e., in his usage, all other nations than the Greeks and Ro-
mans—with whom the queen could converse in their own language. Among
these, the Aithiopians and the Trog(1)odytes (the inhabitants of the region of
the Red Sea hills, cf. 189) are also mentioned. Plutarch's reference to Cleopatra's
command of so many languages is meant partly to indicate her extraordinary
intellect; but Cleopatra's knowledge of Egyptian is also contrasted with the dis-
interest of her predecessors in the language of the country they actually ruled.
The passage may, albeit only in very general terms, be interpreted as record-
ing some contemporary information about a visit by (an) Aithiopian embassy
(or embassies) in Alexandria. It is quite likely, however, that—as is also indi-
cated by the coupling of the Aithiopians with the Trogodytes—the Aithiopians
whom the queen addressed in their language came from the Dodecaschoenus:
her identification with Isis as a "New Isis" (cf. Plutarch, Life of Antony 54.9 and
545 Cleopatra's unsurpassed beauty was otherwise a commonplace; Plutarch's description stands
out as "the most critical and objective description of Cleopatra in ancient literature" (I. Becher,
quoted by Pelling 1988, 190).
546 We do not follow Pelling (1988, 191) in substituting Tpwyo&tizat; for the TporyXo5irrat; of the
manuscripts; no doubt "Cave-dwellers" was what Plutarch believed their name to be (cf. FHN I,
66 Cornments).
918
The Sources
see Hölbl 1994, 265 ff.) might well have brought about a close relationship be-
tween Cleopatra and the sanctuary of the goddess on Philae.
219 On the mythical queen Aso of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 120.

Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 13.356B,39.366C-D.
Source bibliography
Babbitt 1936 Plutarch's Moralia. Vol. 5. Trans. F.C. Babbitt. (Loeb
Classical Library.) London-Cambridge, MA.
Froidefond 1988 Plutarque: CEuvresmorales. Vol. 5: Isis et Osiris. Texte
&abli et traduit par C. Froidefond. (Collection des
Universit& de France.) Paris.
Griffiths 1970 Plutarch's De Iside et Osiride. Ed. J.G. Griffiths.
University of Wales Press.
For a general introduction to Plutarch see 218 Introduction to source. Plutarch's
Moralia, "Moral treatises", have their conventional name from a number of
works which deal with moral philosophical topics. But it is a very varied col-
lection, and a prominent place is taken by treatises on religion. In De Iside et
Osiride, "On Isis and Osiris", to which our extracts belong, Plutarch combines
his interest in religious antiquities with his special knowledge of Egyptian cul-
ture to give us the most detailed account in Graeco-Roman literature of the
myth and cult of the Egyptian deities Isis and Osiris. Typhon is the Greek name
for the Egyptian Seth, Osiris' wicked brother who treacherously kills him by
making him lie down in a coffin, putting on the lid and throwing it into the
Nile. The making of this coffin is described in our first extract. In our second
extract, Plutarch gives an allegorical interpretation of the plot described in the
first.
On the basis of stylistic considerations, Isis and Osiris has been placed
among Plutarch's latest works, and attempts to identify Clea, the priestess at
Delphi to whom the treatise is dedicated, have pointed in the same direction.
The combined indications suggest a date ca. AD 120 (Griffiths 1970, 17; Froide-
font 1988, 14-23).
Our text is based on the critical edition of Froidefont (1988).There is an En-
glish translation by Babbitt (1936). Griffiths (1970) provides the most complete
treatment, with introduction, critical text, English translation and a detailed
commentary.
Text
13 [356B] TipSiva 8' àt6vtoç 1.1kvot')0v veoycEpirtv, 8tdc TO Tfiv 'Iatv cii
goiXa cinA.Cerrea0at Kod. npoaxetv ytcpazoig xot)aav, 7C12(VEXO6WC1. 8
86Xov wmcavåaeat, aivaj.tàtaç div8pag [38ol.tiipcovta Ica't 8-tio ICETCOLTillévON,
919
Kai auvepy6v xov'ta f3aaiktaaav Ai9toitiaç 1tapol3aav, ijv Ovogå-

Oualy S' 'Ocript8o; EicgEtpriaågEvov Xåepa TO $363ga leed
KaTaraKeudtaavTa npå; 1EyE0o; Xåpvcoca, Kakrjv iccd ICEK06g11flEV1IV
7CEpITTC);EiCTEvEyKeiv El; 'CO augnOmov.
39 [366C] `H SE T146-WN tI3ouÄi iccx tapavvç ccOxgo.15 öivaaç Tjv

7rucpat1jaavto; Kast Sta6opileavto; TT1V TE yEvvc5aav 6ypOrirca TOv
NEiXov Koit oci5431XYCLV, i è6.uvEpyå; cdrco6 PacnXi; AiOtölrow aiviTTETat
itvodt votiou; èl AiOtoiciaç
, ötav yåp cgyrat "Cciiv "CTICTICOv EICIKpaTliCSCOM
TOCvE4T1 irp6 TI)N7Ai0107LiCtv ,avv6wrcov ict 0)X156COMtcy6 TOv NEikov
[D] ociiovta Op.Ppoug Katappayfivat, KaTExcov 6 Tu6d.w brtOXEyEl, Ked,
TOTE Kpatirjaa; navtånaat T6v NEiXov Evavtiov åel3EvEia;
csuaTakEv-ca Kcit froEvta KoiXov xeci. TanEtv6v Woxsev E•k TTIN/OåXacycsocv.
Translation
13 [356B]While he [Osiris] was away, Typhon (Seth) is said to have dared no
coup because Isis was constantly on her guard, attentive and in full control. But
no sooner had he returned, than Typhon contrived a plot against him, having
made seventy-two men his accomplices and with the help of a queen, called
Aso, who had arrived from Aithiopia. He had Osiris' body measured in secret
and fabricated in his size a beautiful and lavishly adorned coffin which he
brought to the (home-coming?) party.
39 [366C] Typhon's treacherous seizure of power stands for the force of the
drought after it has overcome and dissipated the moisture that breeds and
swells the Nile; and his helper, the queen of the Aithiopians, symbolizes the
south winds from Aithiopia. Wheri these overcome the Etesian (monsoon)
winds which are driving the clouds towards Aithiopia, and prevent the rains
which swell the Nile from falling, then Typhon prevails and scorches; fully
victorious he forces the Nile, which has receded because of its weakness and
flows nearly empty and low, into the sea.
Comments
The passages quoted here from Plutarch's celebrated work on the myths of
Osiris and Isis in particular, and on aspects of Egyptian religion, cults, and wis-
dom in general are taken from discourses on the symbolic meaning of the
Osiris myth and on Osiris as the originator of civilisation.
The first passage is from an explanation of Isis as a symbol for Earth and
Osiris as a symbol for the Nile. According to a suggestion by Jean Leclant (in
Griffiths 1970, 310) the Queen's name, Aso, may be interpreted as correspond-
ing with Asi, an early form of the Meroitic Wos, Isis (attested in one single text,
920
The Sources
REM 0049, mortuary stela of Taktidamani from Beg. W. 18, lst cent. BC, Berlin
2253, Wenig 1978,Cat. 120; cf. Griffith 1911a,Pl. XXVII;Dunham 1963, 99 ff.).
The origin of Plutarch's Aso may be indicated by the second passage quoted
above, in which he explains her role in the myth as a symbol for the southern
breezes from Aithiopia: the personification of the southern wind which helps
Typhon may have been based on a legend (?) about an Aithiopian goddess or
on a Kushite (or Philaean?) version of the Osiris myth.
[LT]
220 The southernmost milestone yet found in the Roman Empire. Ca. AD 103-
107.
CIL III 141482.
Source bibliography
Bastianini 1988 G. Bastianini: Il prefetto d'Egitto (30 a.C.-297 d.C.):
Addenda (1973-1958).ANRW II 10.1,503-517.
Hanslik 1965 R. Hanslik: M. Ulpius Trajanus la). RE Suppl. X, cols.
1035-1102.
Mommsen 1902 Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum III 2: Inscriptionum
Orientis et Illyrici Latinarum Supplementum. Ed. Th.
Mommsen, 0. Hirschfeld, A. Domaszewski. Berlin.
CIL1
Monneret de Villard U. Monneret de Villard: La Nubia Romana. Roma.
1941
Pflaum 1967 H.-G. Pflaum: Un nouveau diplôme militaire d'un
soldat de l'arm& d'Egypte. Syria. Revue d'art oriental
et d'archologie, 339-362.
de Ricci 1900 S. de Ricci: Le milliaire le plus m&idional du monde.
Acad&nie des inscriptions & belles-lettres. Comptes
rendus, 78-96.
Schwartz 1952 J. Schwartz: Un piWet d'Egypte frapp de "damnatio
memoriae" sous le règne d'Hadrien. CdE 53, 254-256.
Syme 1957 R. Syme: C. Vibius Maximus, Prefect of Egypt.
Historia 6, 481-487.
White 1973 P. White: Vibius Maximus, The Friend of Statius.
Historia 22, 295-301.
The milestone bearing this inscription was found on the W bank of the Nile at
the village of Abu Tarfa, 67 km to the south of Philae, measured by the course
of the river (Mommsen 1902, 2301), and subsequently brought to the Berlin
Museum and given the inv. no. 13842.
Where the stone originally stood is, however, uncertain. The suggestion by
de Ricci (1900, 79 f.), repeated as a certainty by Monneret de Villard (1941, 34),
921
that it was originally set up in the region of Ombos but was later, probably in
the recent past, transported over one hundred kilometers southward to the
spot where it was found, rests on a misreading of the inscription (not repro-
duced here) on the back of the stone, see Mommsen (1902, 2301), who also cites
various other attempts to decipher that inscription.547 The stone may, of
course, have been transported as ship's ballast, as de Ricci (loc. cit.) also sug-
gested. If, however, it originally stood 47 km (32 Roman miles, cf. lines 5-7 in
the inscription) south of Philae (i.e., in the vicinity of Qertassi), as seems likely,
then the distance to its find spot (67 km south of Philae) would be only 20 km;
and to transport it over this distance could easily have been accomplished by
several means.
The text was edited in the great collection of Latin inscriptions, Corpus In-
scriptionum Latinarum, commonly referred to as CIL, by Mommsen (1902,
2301), who also gives a transcription of the inscription. The text given below is
based on Mommsen's text and facsimile; we reiterate, however, his caution
that both readings and interpretation are fraught with difficulties.
Text
[Imp. Caes. divi Nervae f. Nerva Traianus Aug. Germ. Dac. pont. max. trib.
pote] I st. [... imp. cos. V I P. P., I C. Maximo Ipraef. Aegy. 15 a Philis
XXXII, I dutå (1)1.X2vI CII( )
Tra nsla tion

(In Latin:) [Emperor Caesar, the Divine Nerva's son, Nerva Trajan Augustus
Germanicus Dacicus,548 pontifex maximus, given tribunician pow]er [7+x
times, proclaimed Imperator 4+x times],549 consul 5 times , Father of (his)
Country, when C. [Vibi]us Maximus was Prefect of Egypt;550 (5) From Philae 32.
(In Greek:) From Philae ...551 32.
ETE]
547 It is not known whether the two inscriptions on the stone are of the same date or otherwise
connected.
548 I.e., the Emperor Trajan; as adopted son of the Emperor Nerva he also bore his adoptive fa-
ther's name.
549 Trajan's imperial titulary year by year can be found in Hanslik (1965).
550 C. Vibius Maximus is attested as Prefect between August 30, AD 103 and March 26, AD 107, see
Bastianini (1988) 507. There are several Vibius Maximus'es mentioned in Latin literary and doc-
umentary sources; none of the attempts to equate some or all of them have led to unambiguous re-
sults, see Pflaum (1967) 346 f., White (1973). The hypothesis put forward by Schwartz (1952) 254
that there were two prefects of Egypt by the name of Vibius Maximus at different times has not
won general acceptance, see Syme (1957).
551 The meaning of the Greek letters before the numeral is unexplained.
922
The Sources
Comments
The milestone on which the present text is preserved is a rare specimen, only
two having been found in Nubia; and even though it was not found in situ,
there is no compelling reason to think that it did not come from the Dodeca-
schoenus (cf. Introduction to source above). Both milestones were found on
the west bank of the Nile (Monneretde Villard 1941, 15, 17 and 34), where the
main Roman road and settlements in the region lay, but record distances from
the Roman camp at Philae on the east bank. The Itinerarium Antoniniana
(prob. late 3rd cent. AD) records stages along routes on both sides of the Nile
(op. cit.), and both routes terminate the Roman road system at Hiera
Sycaminos (Maharraqa).This accords well with other sources which indicate
that after the Treatyof Samos in 20 BC (see 190, 204, 205) the Dodecaschoenus,
i.e., the stretch of the Nile Valley between Syene (Aswan), i.e., the first Cataract,
and Fliera Sycaminos was controlled by the Roman administration in Egypt
and that the latter settlement was on the frontier between the Kingdom of
Meroe and the Roman Empire (Adams 1983, 94).
Whether there was any substantial Roman presence south of Hiera
Sycaminos is a moot point. Adams (1982a, 26; 1983) has presented archaeologi-
cal evidence which he construes as showing that the stronghold of Qasr Ibrim,
which lay well to the south of Hiera Sycaminos, was a Roman "military out-
post on alien soil, beyond the limits of Roman colonization and administra-
tion" from the time of the Roman conquest of Egypt "down to the time of Sep-
timius Severus, and indeed long afterward"(Adams 1983, 98-99). He based his
argument on the high proportion of finds of Egyptian origin and a military
character (96-97) and of ceramic material also from Egypt (97), datable to that
timespan, and on a statistical evaluation of the chronological distribution of
the textual finds made there (Adams 1982a). His assumption that such objects
indicate that Roman troops were actually stationed on the site is debatable, and
until the contents of the texts have been fully published it will be impossible to
assess their historical implications adequately. What has so far been published
(see Anderson et al. 1979;Dorandi 1994, 72 ff. nos 1227-1238),however, without
exception indicates only a short Roman military occupation of the site—and
that prior to the campaign of Petronius (see Török 1987a, 163 ff). Also, it would
be a break with Roman practice elsewhere in Egypt to leave a force so far from
support and without a means of rapid communication. As yet there is no evi-
dence for a system of signal towers of the kind attested with certainty in the
Eastern Desert (Zitterkopf-Sidebotham1989) and probably also in the Dodeca-
schoenus (Curto et al. 1973,51-52).
Roman Egypt was protected from her southern neighbour by three cohorts
(cf. 190) stationed in a stronghold complex which encompassed Syene,
Elephantine and Philae and from which units were detached and sent for duty
at outposts at Talmis (Kalabsha),Pselchis (Dakka) and Hiera Sycaminos in the
Dodecaschoenus (for these forces cf. Speidel 1988, 771; 783 ff.). These cohorts are
923
reported in the frontier area in AD 99 (CIL III 141472;Speidel 1988, 776);and this
situation remained unchanged until the 3rd cent. AD (cf. 238, 239).
Our milestone is concrete evidence of the attention the Roman govern-
ment paid to maintaining the arteries of communication that were essential
for securing the southern border of their Empire in the Nile Valley.
[RHP-LT]
221 Aithiopians in Alexandria. Ca. AD 71 75 or 105 (?).

-
Dio Chrysostom 32.36, 39-41.
Source bibliography
von Arnim 1893 Dionis Prusaensis quem vocant Chrysostomum Quae
extant omnia. Ed. H. von Arnim. Berlin.
Cohoon-Lamar Crosby Dio Chrysostom with an English translation by J.W.
1940 Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. Vol. 3. (Loeb Classical
Library.) Cambridge, MA-London.
Jones 1978 C.P. Jones: The Roman World of Dio Chrysostom.
Cambridge, MA-London.
Dio Cocceianus or "Chrysostom" was bom ca. AD 40-50 in Prusa in Bithynia
(Bursa in NW Turkey)—hence his name Prusaensis, "of Prusa"—and died ca.
AD 110 or later. He is thus a contemporary of Plutarch (cf. 218) and is another
Greek who was an active citizen of the Roman empire and left us an histori-
cally important and eminently readable literary ceuvre. His nickname, Chryso-
stomus or "Golden-Mouthed", indicates the high regard in which his elo-
quence was held. Some 80 of his orations are extant.
Dio was a rhetorician and a philosopher, a combination with a built-in con-
tradiction that scholarship has traditionally resolved by dividing his life as well
as his writings into two distinct periods, before and after ca. AD 83 when he
had the traumatic experience of being exiled from Italy and Bithynia by the Em-
peror Domitian. Though this view needs modification (cf. Jones 1978), there is
no doubt that Dio in his youth devoted himself primarily to rhetorical exer-
cises, whereas in his mature years he came to look upon himself as a philoso-
pher with a calling morally to reform his compatriots in the Greek cities of the
empire.
Dio travelled widely in the eastern parts of the Roman empire, and some of
his most important speeches were originally delivered to such great Greek
cities there as Rhodes, Alex andria, and Tarsus. From his Stoic-Cynic
philosophical standpoint he delivers advice to the citizens, sometimes with
direct reference to some acute political crisis in the city. This makes the
published versions of his orations an important primary source for us
concerning the socio-political conditions of his time.
924
The Sources
The oration "To the People of Alexandria" (IlpO; 'AXEotv8pel.;), from which
our extract is taken, has usually been dated after Dio's exile, in the reign of Tra-
jan (ca. AD 105); but more recently a date as early as ca. AD 71-75, in the reign of
Vespasian, has been suggested on prosopographical grounds (cf. Jones 1978,
134). It is probable that Dio used the occasion of his performance in the theatre
of Alexandria to travel in Egypt itself as well (Jones 1978, 36 with n. 4); and his
references, in our extract, to the ethnic composition of his audience imply
some prior investigation on the spot.
Our text is based on the critical edition of von Arnim (1893). There is a text
with a parallel English translation by Cohoon-Lamar Crosby (1940); and the
Alexandrian oration is discussed in some detail by Jones (1978, 36-44).
Text
32 [36] Keitat yåp v auv8cygo,)uvi tfi; OXii; yfj; Kai Toiv ickeiatov
ålafficlagvo.w 0vöv, ancp åyopå .tuiç itdXoç i tortitå i)våyo.uact
itåvta; Koti Seuevti CrUade 'CE dXXoiç icai icaEr Ocov ai.Ov 6go4niXoug
[391 Kai viv Ebtov nspi tfj; itOXEco; Segal. 3o61Evoç tïv dç On åv
dcamtovfrce Cr6 Kpa yiyvetat Toiiro oi)8' v åkiyot, ånamv åv-
0painot;. 140] Opoi -pap .-yety-ye
oi) wivov "EXX,Tiva; nap' tïv oi)8"I-caXoi)
oiöè ånå To-iv ickriai0v upiaç, At3iiç, KiktKia;, 01)6E 'toç 7Cp
£1(EivOU; AiBioitaç 01)8E "ApaPOC; (30,,X.dc Kai BalC"Cp101.) ica't Z-Icti9a
Ilépaa; Ked. 'Iv8(.5v xlvag, oì avvOco3vtoa Kal nåpetatv
diate LEÏÇ IlEV OCKCYUETE £v6;, äv OlSTO) "C1>X11,KlOaM60 Kal 'Coi)T01)
0-1W11001.), OCKOI5ECT0Eèntå pupicov 0vciv oiYK bC1.6"CallévOW iuïç, Kai
Opåte j.tv Tpd; i 'ré 'r'rapaç iivt6xou, OpäcsOe è i)Tai TOCTOUTCON, p.hr
'EXXIlvoW, TOCM1)"CCON/
& 3api3åpew. [41] Ti o13v o.EcTOE tolito'K ici
népata ?,136v-ra kéyetv;
Translation
32 [36] It [Alexandria] is situated at the juncture, so to say, of the whole world
and of the most remote nations, like a market-place of a single city that brings
everyone together in one place, exposing them to each other and making
them, as far as possible, into one people.
[39] My intention with what I just said about the city was to show you that
whenever you behave badly, this happens not in secret or before a few, but be-
fore everyone. [40] I, for my part, can see among you not just Greeks or Italians,
not only people from neighbouring Syria, Libya (North Africa) and Cilicia, nor
yet those beyond them, Aithiopians and Arabs, but even Bactrians, Scythians,
Persians and a few Indians—here together with you as spectators on every
occasion. Therefore, while you are listening, as may happen, to a single cithara-
925
singer, even one that you know from before, you are yourselves being heard by
countless nations who do not know you; and while you are watching three or
four chariot-drivers, you are being watched by countless Greeks and countless
barbarians. [41]What, then, do you imagine they will say when they have re-
turned to the end of the world?
Comments
This speech was meant to remind the people of the metropolis of their vices
and debased ethical standards. Dio's rhetoric uses a wealth of argumentative
metaphors, and in the excerpt presented here he paints a powerful picture of
the world-wide audience before which the Alexandrians live their improper
lives: for even among his own audience, besides the familiar Greeks and Ital-
ians, Dio sees not only neighbouring peoples, among them Aithiopians, who
apparently belonged to the more common sights in the streets of Alexandria,
but also other, more exotic people. Though we do not receive any further clue
from Dio as to who the Aithiopians in Alexandria were and the reasons for
their presence there, it may well be supposed that not all of them were slaves
who would never return to their native land; some of them might have been
able to act as vehicles of cultural influence.
222 Description of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. AD.

Ptolemy, Geographica4.5.33, 4.7.5-7.
Source bibliography
Dritter Teil. C. Leiden.
Müller 1901 Claudii Ptolemaei Geographica. Ed. K. Müller. Vol. 1:2.
Paris.
Polaschek 1965 E. Polaschek: Klaudios Ptolemaios: Das geographische
Werk. RE Suppl. X 680-833.
Stevenson 1991 Claudius Ptolemy: The Geography. Trans. E.L.
Stevenson. New York. (Orig. publ. 1932.)
Toomer 1996 G.J. T[oomer]: Ptolemy (4). The Oxford Classical
Dictionary. 3rd ed. Oxford-New York, 1273-1275.
Claudius Ptolemaeus, or Ptolemy, was active at Alexandria ca. AD 146-170. He
was a learned and prolific writer on scientific topics, including astronomy, geo-
graphy, and music, all on a mathematical basis. His influence in these sciences
lasted for a millennium and a half, in the Christian as well as the Moslem
world.
926
TheSources
His Guide to Geography(Fecoypaøye4 lignjyriat) in 8 "books" is mostly con-

cerned with establishing the lati tude and longitude of places to allow the con-
struction of maps. Thus, Books 2-7 consist chiefly of long lists of place names,
while Book 1 provides instructions on how to draw a map of the world and
Book 8, on the basis of the intervening lists, details the various parts of such a
world map. For his topographical lists and distances Ptolemy had to rely on the
written reports of travellers, so-called itineraria;and his geographical construc-
tion is of course dependent on their detail and accuracy, or lack of such. With
regard to the Roman empire and immediately adjacent areas, his work has
been characterized as "moderately accurate" (Toomer 1996, 1274), whereas the
remoter parts of the world fare less well.
There is no edition of Ptolemy's Geography that meets modern standards.
Our text is based on the edition of Müller (1901, of Books 1-5), which also pro-
vides a Latin translation and comments. As to be expected, the medieval
manuscripts exhibit many variant forms of the place names, for which see
apparatus and comments. There is an English translation by Steven-
son (1991),covering Books 1-8.2. For a general introduction to Ptolemy, with an
up-to-date bibliography, see Toomer (1996).
Text
4.5 [33] Elta A(.08EKdaXCEINO;,Tti; die civaTokv Eicriv "ApaNg KocXoligevot
'A6aiov v oiç Ocis'dcvaTov Toi3 7coTagoli liEtå TON,KaTappIiKTID, TOv
litKpOv,
9at; L"y' Ky' L"8"
qepå Evicdquvo L"8" Ky' yo"
(1)0L.ai(11 (DiXat) yo" tcy' L"
METaKOMfd.) yo" t13"
jç devtucp.i) dit/t0SucT1103V
TOi Itatagaii
L" t[3".
4.7 [5] TO öè Xourciv TCY6Neikou TO geTdc TOv KaTappoixTriv

ypa«aeTat Stå T(.5vitpoaex6v a1.YC6? 0ael.g (X01.)MvoiStüç
METa. 'COvYEX.Kl.vica TOv Méyav KaTappc'ocTlIv,oS i Oéat bzxEi..
goipoc; L" Icp"L"
Ocrtåjakv Sualurw to13 ILO'Cag.015
10E-ivtatK6410U.aUe•
Taai L" 113'
B6cov kr3' yo"
Ai)T613a L" L"
(Deoip cf8" y"
yo"
11TegtOig 1c' 8"
vO' L"
Kocaou TcquEia vO'
927
'Epxcia vO' L" tTl'

EatOcx0a L"
Måpop L" yo"
ter L"
Tocei;
'AnO è dwoctoXo3vTO/157r0T0410{51c6ittca oeiöc•
livot")v KP'
BeptiOi L"
I-Epr,c6 lea'
Ildvratta yo" L"
flovropi ()C'
fIptiç MtKpå tO' L"
L" L"
Nånata K' 8"
Xa-KO tO' L"
XICX:V80C1C11 L"
'Opf3a8Otpo1.) yo"
flpïnç MeyOck1
kweEi30ev Eiè viaonotEltat 1 MepOri xoipa 1')7c6te Toti NEikOU ItCYCOl-
flois) OULO81)61.16-ivfivto; octitfK Koit incO tot3 'Acycal3Opocnotattoti Ocit deva-
-co2t6v tivro;, èv ij £1,61, 1C6XEL
MepOri L" tc' y"113"
Eax6 yo" tc' S'
'EaTip yo" ty' L"
Aapdw iceign tr3' L"
elta i auvoulmj "Coii Nei2t0u TCOTal_UAicà TO15 'Actair660; notagoii
113'
eita i CTIA,041)1"CCI{j'AaTa136pa otcto ca TO'f) 'AaTanOSo
L" ta' L".
Translation
4.5 [33] Then the Dodecaschoenus, east of which are the Arabs called Adaioi.
Among those on the east side of the river after the Small Cataract
which is situated at61° 50-552 23° 45' (are):
Hiera Sykaminos61° 45' 23° 40'
Philae61° 40' 23° 30-
Metakompso61° 40' 23° 5'
opposite to which on the west side of the river (is)
Pselkis61° 30' 23° 5'.
552 The Greek computations, exemplified by the present case, are based on fractions of a sixty-
minute degree: 61 1/2 1/3, i.e., 61 degrees, plus one half a degree, plus one third of a degree = 61
degrees 30 minutes plus 20 minutes = 61 degrees 50 minutes.
928
The Sources
4.7 [5] The rest of the Nile after the greater Cataract will be described by reference
to the villages adjacent to it, which are situated as follows:
After Pselkis and the Great Cataract, which is situated at the following de-
grees: 60° 30' 22° 30'
there lie on the west side of the river the following villages:
Tasitia 60° 30' 22°
Boon 62° 21° 40'
Autoba 61° 30' 21° 30'
Phthuri 61° 15' 21° 20'
Pistre 61° 20° 40'
Ptemithis 61° 20° 15'
Abounkis 59° 30' 20°
Cambyses' Storehouses 59. 18°
Erkhoas 59° 30' 18°
Satakhtha 60° 30' 18°
Morou 61° 30' 18° 40'
Nakis 62° 19° 30'
Tathis 61° 17°
On the east side of the river (are) the following villages:
Pnoups 62° 22°
Berethis 62° 21° 30'
Gerbo 62° 21°
Pataita 61° 40' 20° 30'
Pontyris 61° 20°
Primis Minor 60° 19° 30'
Arbis 60° 30' 18° 30'
Napata 63° 20° 15'
Sakole 63° 19° 30'
Sandake 63° 18° 30'
Orbadarou 62° 40' 18°
Primis Maior 62° 17°
From here the Island of Meroe is formed by the river Nile which is on its
west side and the river Astaboras which is on the east; on the island there are
the cities
Meroe61° 30'16° 25'
Sakolkhe61° 40'15° 15'
Eser61° 40'13° 30'
the village Daron62°12° 30',
then the confluence of the river Nile and the river Astapous
61° 12°,
then the confluence of the river Astaboras and the Astapous
62° 30' 11° 30'.
[THI
929
Comments
The excerpts (see also 223) included here from Ptolemy's monumental geo-
graphical work partly complement, and partly attest to the correctness of the
itineraries of the Nile Valley south of Aswan as recorded by Pliny (cf. FHN II,
108, in this volume 186a, 204, 206). The aim of the Geographia (see Ptolemy's
introduction to Book 2) was the presentation of a list of the places in the
oikumene the locations of which could be defined by astronomical means (for
Ptolemy's dependence on Marinos' lost Diorthosis Tabulae Geographicae,a pi-
oneering collection of measurements for the cartographical representation of
the world edited around AD 114, see Ptolemy, Geogr. 1.6.1; for Ptolemy's histor-
ical context cf. Dihle 1994, 114 ff.), in order to make possible the establishment
of coordinated maps of Asia, Libya (i.e., Africa) and Europe. The lists for the in-
dividual maps are introduced by brief notes on the borders of the area in ques-
tion, and sometimes the names of the peoples living there are also presented.
The principal part of the text is, however, the lists of place names with the data
on their latitudes and longitudes. These latter data are included here, but with-
out further comment. In Table D below, Ptolemy's toponyms will be con-
fronted with their equivalents in the itineraries recorded by Pliny (P = itinerary
of Petronius, 204; N = Neronian expedition, 206; Eth.: Ethiopian, cf. Comments
on 298 f.). It is important to note that Ptolemy did not list the toponyms consis-
tently in their geographical order (but they are presented below in a N to S se-
quence) and that some are garbled beyond recognition. Our table is based on
Priese 1984a, with minor alterations.553
Table D
PTOLEMY BION / JUBA PN Meroitic Modern

Dodecaschoenus
Philae Philae
Pselcis Pselcin Dakka
(Me)tacompso Tacompsos Maharraqa
Hiera Sycaminos Hiera Sycaminos Maharraqa
Between Maharraqa and the Second Cataract

(?)Ar(a)b is Aramam W. el Arab
Primis micra Pidema Q. Ibrim
Cambusou tamieia Forum Cambusis Abu Simbel
Abuncis Bocc(h)in Beqe/Boq Ballana
(?)Arabis
(?)Gerbo Curambim Qrbe Abu Simbel
Phthuri Phitor Phrse Faras
Satakhtha Sqeki Ashkeit
553 In contrast to him, we identify Tassitia = Stadissis (in P.) with Saras instead of Abka, cf. 204.
930
The Sources
Boon Buma Buhen

Tasitia Tessata Stadissim Sdose Saras
Between the Second and Third Cataracts

Primis megale Pindimis Primi Pedeme Amara
Beyond the Third Cataract

Pnoups (P)nups Kerma
(?)Pataita Patigga Pitara Kawa
Erkhoas Arca(s) Argi
Berethis Beressa
Napata
5. Island of Meroe
Sacole Saco(1)a (?)Dunqeil
Sandace S(a)candos Skdi (?)Berber
Nakis Eth. Negues (?)
Orba Al(a)be Eth. Alwa El Mogren
Daru And(a)ro Eth. Daro Shadinab
(Darru)
Sacole Sacolcem (?)Mutmir
Meme Bedewe Begarawiya
Daron kome Darden
Eser Asar
223 Geography of Aithiopia. 2nd cent. AD.

Ptolemy, Geographica 8.16.8-9. FGrH 673 Anhang 32.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source, see 222. In the present ex-
tract, we base our text on that of Jacoby (1958, 305).
Text
8.16 [8] "Prj 1`.).TcO
A'iyuntov AOioidaç tà pv Ncircoc-ca geyietriv
ipav xst. chrx5v ty 8', iccå, Stécrdpcev 'AXEavSpcia; irpôç civcc-cokdc; täç
cpaç ç' ô öè iikto; tç To15 "C131)yivetal xcerå icopucl)rjv, iircéxwv Tfig
Tponfig bcc'erepa l.toipa; Xa c'.
[9] 'H è MEp61 ji.CylCYTTIN,iutépocv XEt (.;)p63vT7, Kal 61..6t111(E. V
'AX.eaviSpeia icp(s) civatokå; dipa; pl6c; kap,Påvel.. Si; tof) ETOD;
TON, ijklov xcerå KomAlYriv,Otav dutéxl Tfi; 0Epivfl; Tpordj; •iccitepa
goi.pa; gy'.
931
Translation
8.16 [8]In Aithiopia below Egypt Napata has (as) its longest day (a period) of 13
hours 15 minutes, and it is at a distance of one hour 10 minutes east of Alexan-
dria. The sun is in the zenith twice a year, each time being 31 degrees 10 min-
utes from the summer solstice.
[9] Meroe has (as) its longest day (a period) of 13 hours, and is at a distance of
one hour 15 minutes east of Alexandria. It has the sun in the zenith twice a
year when each time it is 45 degrees 20 minutes away from the summer sol-
stice.
[TH]
Comments
Omitting the detailed lists he gives in Book 4 (see 222), in Book 8 of his geo-
graphical work Ptolemy summarily repeats the contents of the individual map
sections designed in Books 2-7. Here we present his summaries concerning the
regions of Napata and Meroe.
[LT]
224 Conflict between Romans, Aithiopians and Trogodytes in the 1st cent. AD.
Papyrus 'della raccolta Milanese (Collezioni del Castello Sforzesco di Milano)'
40.
Source bibliography
Stroux 1953 J. Stroux: Das historische Fragment des Papyrus 40
der Mailånder Sammlung. (SDAW 1952:2.) Berlin.
Turner 1950 E.G. Turner: Papyrus 40 'della raccolta Milanese'.
JRS 40, 57-59.
Vogliano 1940 A. Vogliano: Un papiro storico greco della raccolta
Milanese e le campagne dei Romani in Etiopia.
Milano.
This papyrus fragment was first published by Vogliano (1940, with photos); re-
vised texts (on the basis of Vogliano's photos) with new supplements were
supplied by Turner (1950) and Stroux (1953, with photo). For the discussion on
the nature of the text—a fragment from an historical work or a document?—
see Comments below. Turner (1950, 58) suggests, on palaeographical grounds, a
date some time in the second half of the first century AD. The fragment con-
sists of the upper left part of a sheet of papyrus; the narrative clearly continues
from another sheet.
932
The Sources
We base our text on Turner's readings in places where he differs from Vo-
gliano (1950);554 but we have largely stripped it of the supplements suggested by
Vogliano, Turner, Stroux, or later discussants. Both Vogliano and Turner
reckon with a loss of ca. 20 (±5) letters at the end of each line; with that amount
of lost text in a non-formulaic piece of writing, any larger supplement must be
purely exempli gratia and thus, in our context, potentially misleading rather
than helpful.
Text
rcapeyveto iccà Poixl)o; irocycilie[vo;
AN, è xåt 0556 IICTOCTCE[g4Mci
(?) tC.Q.
nåpxo) imcd;, oii<>557 o`t AiOionE; E[ ç tå
'(1)Euyov, 65v 'C<OC>558 Koplicl)ågoi KA[ . O öè Staa ] -
5 rtapvte; i)7cOPoix1)ou TpwyoSKyrat559

atåvuov è T6»1 1.1r1Cée», [ na - ]
payevécsOai notrgsåvtaw 11API-j[
[- -- åv icrXeucyOcixst ijpEgiqc E[
Translation
Rufus too arrived bring[ing] [ I
, and on came also the [ who had been se]nt for [ ]
[the p]refect ([e]parchos)560cavalry whom the Aithiopians [
fled [to the mou]ntains, the tops of which the [
5 The Trogod[ytes who had been dis]persed (?) by Rufus [ ]
when the cavalry and [ ] had taken stand (?) [ ]
to [ar]rive after [ ] had made [ ]
[ ] if (?) they were commanded [ I in silence (?) [ ]
Comments
In his edition of this papyrus, Vogliano (1940) suggested that the fragment,
which he dated to the second half of the lst cent. or the early 2nd cent. AD,
came from a literary work and was possibly a fragment of a description of the
554 In some of these cases Stroux (1953),basing himself on the same photos as Turner, finds that
Vogliano was right after all. We are not in a position to arbitrate between them.
555 Turner's emendation of EI1HAEENin the papyrus.
556 Vogliano reads oi, supplements getarte[tinOilevoi ], and emends the finite verb to plural
(btfiX0<o>v);so does Stroux without commenting on Turner's revised reading.
557 Turner's emendation of OTO in the papyrus.
558 According to Turner (1950,57), the papyrus has "TU;corrected to rouç by suprascription of o".
559 Stroux (1953, 11) suggests the supplement Towyo[urixilv eiç Xo)pav - - -] (or similarly).
560 Supplement by Turner (1950, 58 n. 4): "itc(pxN is the usual Greek term for praefectus alae."
Vogliano had suggested thiplparclzos and is supported by Stroux. The title is in the dative case,
and we do not know how it was constmed in the sentence.
933
campaign led by C. Petronius to Nubia (cf. 190, 204). He also suggested that its
author was Nicolaus Damascenus (cf. FHN II, 158). According to Vogliano, the
preserved text speaks about a battle between Aithiopians and Romans, the in-
fantry of the latter being commanded by the Rufus mentioned in line 1.
Turner (1950) identified Trogod[ytail in line 5 and pointed out that the text
was written by an unprofessional hand and found grammatical errors in lines
2-4 and 7. Consequently, he suggested that the papyrus came from a private let-
ter or rather from an official report about some minor military operation, and
he found its palaeographical analogies in papyri dating from the period be-
tween ca. AD 60-94; these dates would also define the period in which the
events described occurred.
Stroux (1953, 19) presented a new reconstruction of the text, providing ar-
guments for his view that the papyrus came from a literary work about Petron-
ius' campaign. In his reconstruction, the text refers to a major battle fought at
an undefined place from which the Roman troops return to Egypt via the land
of the Trogodytes; the last preserved line would indicate that an embassy of the
defeated Aithiopians was on its way to Augustus.
Katznelson (1970, 226 f.) agreed with Turner as to the non-literary character
of the fragment and as to its dating, but, albeit without offering an alternative,
refused to connect it with a military conflict in the second half of the lst cent.
AD.
Finally, in a recent paper Bersina (1989) put forward another hypothetical
reconstruction of the fragmentary text as well as a translation. In her view, the
papyrus recorded a battle between Romans and Aithiopians. The major dimen-
sions of the conflict are indicated, in Bersina's opinion, by the fact that Rufus
commanded the Roman forces. In her opinion this Rufus could be identical
with Marcus Mettius Rufus (attested August 3, 89-91/92 AD, Bureth 1988, 480
f.561)or with Marcus Iunius Rufus (attested July 1, 94-June 21, 98 AD, Bureth
1988, 481), both Prefects of Egypt; with reference to Turner's dating of the docu-
ment, Bersina opts for the former and suggests that the battle was fought be-
tween AD 89-92.
Török (1989a, 372 f.) points out, however, that Turner's dated palaeographi-
cal analogies do not necessarily show that the papyrus had to have been
written after 60 and before 94 AD: it could just as well have been written in 59
or in 95. The text does not indicate Rufus' rank, and his identification as a
Prefect is completely arbitrary. While a Prefect's rank and rank titles (bcotpxN,
icpc'enatog ilyej_toiv)are not necessarily indicated in a document of this kind,
his gentilic name ought not to have been omitted (e.g., Mettius Rufus occurs in
POxy. 237, VIII.25 as Måpico; Mét110; 'Poixpo; in SB 9163 as Métrto 'Poi4N).
In sum, it seems that Turner's original suggestion concerning the minor na-
ture of the conflict as well as his general dating should be preferred to other
561 Bersina 1989, 222: 88/9 - 91/2.
934
The Sources
views, the more so since troubles in the Trogodytica were recorded around AD
84 (see Desanges 1992,370).
[LT]
Amanikhatashan. Evidence for reign.
The reliefs of the N and S walls of the mortuary cult chapel of Beg. N. 18 depict
a ruling queen seated on a lion throne. She wears a vulture headdress with
one uraeus (with sundisc [?] and two tall feathers) and streamers, and is dressed
in a long coat with a broad sash and a tasselled cord. In her right hand she
holds a long stave scepter and a pine cone (?)562(cf. Dittmar 1983, 162 ff.), in her
left a scepter and a flail. Her Throne and Daughter of Rê names were inscribed
in cartouches in front of her head; of the Egyptian hieroglyphs of the Throne
name only the sign for Rê is preserved. This cartouche is preceded by the
Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for s4t1 R<,"Daugther of Rê" and nb[t] 1-rwt,lady of
diadems" (cf. Amanitore, (212)). The other cartouche is preceded by the
hieroglyphic signs for nswt-bit nb hwy, "king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of
Two-lands" and consists of the name Ininljt§n in Egyptian hieroglyphs. No
other monument of Queen Amanikhatashan is known.
From her grave inventory (see Dunham 1957, 147 ff.), however, a number
of fine Meroitic563and imported564 objects were left behind by the grave rob-
bers. They indicate, in rather broad terms, a lst-2nd cent. AD dating for the
burial. Close stylistic connections between the harness plaques and the bell
with figures of prisoners from Beg. N. 18 and similar finds from Beg. N. 16
(Dunham 1957, fig. 90; Kendall 1982, figs 57, 68/b) indicate that the two pyra-
mids are chronologically close (cf. (216)).
[LT]
Tarekeniwal. Evidence for reign.
East of the chapel of Beg. N. 19 an offering table (REM 0825) was found
(Dunham 1957, 164 note 29) which was inscribed in cursive Meroitic for King
Ariteriyesbokhe (cf. (228)). Its text also names Ariteriyesbokhe's father
Trekeniw1.565 Hintze (1959a, 52) identified this Tarekeniwal as the owner of
562 According to Hofmann 1978b, 37 a mirror; in other representations of similarly shaped objects,
however, also the incised indication of the scales of the "pine-cone" are preserved.
563 E.g., silver plaques from a harness with representations of deities, Dunham 1957, fig. 96, cf.
Kendall 1982, Cat. 68 and fig. 57; bronze bell with engraved prisoner figures, Dunham 1957, fig.
97; Kendall 1982, Cat. 77.
564 E.g., bronze figural lamps, Dunham 1957, fig. 97; Kendall 1987, Cat. 81; Török 1989a, 144 f. nos
194 f.; silver vessel, Dunham 1957, fig. 97; Török 1989a, 145 no. 198.
565 Hintze 1959a, 51 reads Tarekeniwal, which seems to be well supported by the photograph
(Dunham 1957, Pl. XL/B) and drawing (ibid., fig. 116); while Hofmann 1978, 140 only discerns
.r.keniwl, while the REM gives trekeniw.
935
Beg. N. 19, whose name, according to the Son of Rê name inscribed in Meroitic
hieroglyphs on the pylon of the mortuary cult chapel (Griffith 1911a, 83 f.;
Chaprnan-Dunham 1952, Pl. 22/C; REM 0062, 0063), was Trekeni(.)1 qo. This -
identification was refuted by Hofmann (1978a, 140 f.), who assumes that the de-
stroyed sign in the name on the wall of the chapel of Beg. N. 19 could only
have been a Meroitic hieroglyph for d or h, and not, for lack of space, a w. The
three signs, however, are all low broad ones; thus there is no reason why the
name could not be restored as Hintze suggested, viz., as Trekeniwl.
If this reconstruction of the name is accepted, Tarekeniwal can also be iden-
tified as the consort of Amnihlik and the father of King Ariteriyesbokhe. The re-
liefs of his mortuary chapel Beg. N. 19 (LD V, 49, 50/a; LD Erg., Pl. LXI/1; Chap-
man-Dunharn 1952, Pl. 22) place unusually strong emphasis on the image of
the ruler as triumphant warrior. The symmetrically arranged, identical reliefs
on the front of the pylon show him in the pose of slaying his enemies. He
wears over his natural hair566 a diadern with streamers and one uraeus with
ram's head and the atef crown (cf. Török 1987b, 32 f.) and a military costume
richly decorated with divine images. His enthroned image on the S wall of the
interior of the chapel similarly bears a triumphant message: the King wears the
same headdress as in the pylon reliefs and is dressed in the tripartite royal cos-
turne with tasselled cord (cf. Török 1990). In his right hand he holds a spear in-
stead of a stave-scepter, and in his left a bow with arrows. Frorn his necklace of
large beads hangs the image of the triad of the Nubian Arnrin, Mut, and
Chonsu (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 22/A). No other monurnent frorn
Tarekeniwal's reign survives; the humble rernains of his grave inventory
(Dunharn 1957, 175 ff.) provide no evidence for a more precise dating. A dating
in general terms to the second half of the 2nd cent. AD may be suggested on the
basis of the typological features of Beg. N. 19 and its topographical position in
the cemetery.
[LT]
(227) Amanikhareqerem. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Sources: 1. Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs on
the so-called "omphalos of Napata", Boston MFA 21.3234, Griffith 1916a, Dun-
ham 1970, Pls XXXV f., REM 1004; 2. Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyp-
tian/Meroitic hieroglyphs on the base of a sandstone statue of a ram from
Saiyal Sirag (= El Hassah of Crowfoot 1911, 3 f., Meshra al Hassan/Giblab of
Shinnie-Bradley 1977, ca. 10 km S of Meroe City), Shinnie-Bradley 1977, 29 f.,
Wenig 1992, fig. 1, REM 1151; 3. Son of Rê name in Meroitic hieroglyphs on the
566The echeloned design indicates natural hair; but the King's chinstrap may also be interpreted
as an indication that a scullcap was intended.
936
The Sources
base of a sandstone statue of a ram from Soba,567Sudan National Museum,

Griffith 1911a, Pls XV f., REM 0001.
Titles/documents
1. 2.
Throne name Nb-mict-R Nb4m3ct1-Rc
Son of Rê name Mnhreqerem Mnhreqerem
3.
Throne name [Nb-rngt-Re]
Son of Rê name Mnbreqe[rem]
Evidence for reign

Amanikhareqerem's reign is attested by the above-listed monuments which
indicate that he made donations to the great Ami:in temple B 500 at Nap-
ata/Gebel Barkal (document 1) and embellished or built sanctuaries in the
neighbourhood of Meroe City at the site of modern Saiyal Sirag (document 2)
where the remains of a red brick temple were found in 1974 or 1975 (? unpub-
lished, cf. Shinnie-Bradley 1977, 29) and at Soba568 (document 3). The first-
named monument shows, if the conventional dating of the King is accepted,
that the great temple of Amiln at Gebel Barkal was in use in the late 2nd cent.
AD; the statues of rams indicate the extent of Meroitic control over the Butana
region. No other monument survives from Amanikhareqerem's reign; his fil-
iation and family relations remain unknown. The suggestions made for the
identification of his burial place569are completely hypothetical.
Comments
Amanikhareqerem's Throne name was modelled on Amanitenmomide's
Throne name (see (217)) and is preceded by the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs for
nswt bit nb twy, "king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of Two-lands" in docu-
ment 2. His Son of Rê name consists of the theonym Ami:in, and is preceded in
document 3 by the Egyptiart hieroglyph cnh; in document 2, however, it is pre-
ceded by the Egyptian hieroglyphs for nswt bit nb hwy, "king of Upper and
Lower Egypt, lord of Two-lands", and nswt bit is written with the swt-plant and
the bee signs. This latter detail appears to be somewhat archaizing. In Wenig's
opinion (1992, 7 f.) it may indicate an earlier dating, since in this writing the ti-
tle does not seem to occur after Taftyidamani (cf. FHN II, (150), (151)). On the W
front of the temple of Apedemak at Naqa (Zibelius 1983, 30 ff. inscr. 18, 21),
567 Removed from Soba and placed in front of the Governor's Palace in Khartoum before 1873 by
ja'far Pasha Mazhar or his successor Izma'il Pasha Ayoub, see Zach 1987.
568 For the recent find of a relief representing Hathor, a badly damaged sphinx figure, and the
base of a granite statue see Welsby-Daniels 1991, 296 ff.; Welsby 1995, 180.
569 Wenig 1967, 43: Beg. N. 37; Hofmann 1987a, 157 ff.: Beg. N. 41.
937
Fontes Historiae Nubiortan
however, both Natakamani and Amanitore have the signs bit t3wy written
with the bee above their cartouches (cf. (211), (212)). Nevertheless, we follow
earlier suggestions concerning Amanikhareqerem's dating (Hofmann 1978a,
157 ff.; Wenig 1978, 17; Török 1988a, 181), although we are aware of the
completely hypothetical nature of the late 2nd cent. AD chronological context
into which we thus have placed his reign.
The "omphalos" of Napata is a miniature (height 61 cm) dome-shaped
sandstone shrine with a small interior niche, the portal of which was appar-
ently closed with the leaves of a (not preserved) miniature door. The surface of
the "omphalos" is covered with three registers of raised relief decoration_ The
lowest register consists of a frieze of lotus plants, while the top register is deco-
rated with the representation of seven strings of beads, probably imitating an
elaborate bead collar usually worn by deities and rulers. collar seems to
have encircled an ornament on top, now lost, which probably imitated the dec-
oration of the top of a Meroitic reed hut as is represented on a bronze bowl
from Karanog tomb 187 (Cairo JE 41017, Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pl.
XXVII; for ostrich eggs on the apex of huts in the Sudan see Kendall 1989, 653).
The central register shows two processions moving towards the niche as a cen-
tre, each procession being led by the King; in both processions the third figure
is again the King, and the second and fourth figures are winged goddesses. All
figures of the King wear a skullcap with diadem (two uraei with sundisc, cf.
Török 1987b, fig. 21) and streamers, and he is dressed in a short kilt.
Griffith (1916a, 255) interpreted the "omphalos" as an imitation of the
Greek omphalos of Delphi and also connected it with the aniconic image of
Amrin, an idea also accepted by Steindorff (1938). Hofmann (1970, 190 ff.), not
finding direct models for this object among the Egyptian and Meroitic shrines
and representations of shrines, suggested that the "omphalos" imitated the In-
dian type of sanctuary called stupa. A more probable explanation was,
however, put forward by Steindorff (1938, 150) and also advocated by Kendall
(1982, Cat. 84), viz., that the object represented a sanctuary in the form of a reed
hut of a well-known African type (see above). As Wenig (1978, 209, with
reference to a verbal communication of K.-H. Priese) also pointed out, in the
Nastaseri Stela (FHN II, 84) the words Ic;(r), "shrine", "chapel" (cf. lunette, in
title of Queen Pelkha) and Npy, Napata (cf. line 50), were occasionally written
with a determinative in the shape of a similar reed hut crowned by a uraeus.
[LT]
(228) Ariteilyesebokhe. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Source: Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs on two
fallen blocks (Khartoum 2340; unregistered) from the interior reliefs of a chapel
938
The Sources
found in the neighbourhood of Beg. N. 30, Dunham 1957, 164 note 29, 173, Pl.
XXXV/C, D, REM 0823.
Throne name Hpr-k3-W

"Re-is-One-whose-k3-comes-into-being"
Son of Rê name Aritetiyesebohe
Evidence for reign

Besides the above-listed blocks from a mortuary chapel, the King's name is also
attested in the text of a mortuary offering table (Dunham 1957, 177, fig. 116, Pl.
XL/B) inscribed in cursive Meroitic from the debris E of chapel Beg. N. 19
(which belonged, however, to Tarekeniwal's pyramid, see (226)). This text
(REM 0825) also names Ariteiiyesebokhe's mother Amnihlik as well as his father
Trekeniwl. As already mentioned above (see (226)), the Tarekeniwal of REM
0825 is probably identical with King Tarekeniwal, the owner of Beg. N. 19.
Aritefiyesebokhe's Throne name occurs rather frequently in the Kushite
evidence (see FHN I, (55), II (124), in this volume (211), (258)) and was probably
taken over from King Natakamani's titulary (cf. (211)).
The identification of Beg. N. 34 as Aritetiyesebokhe's burial place was sug-
gested by Dunham (1957, 164 note 29) and also supported by Hinkel (1981 383
ff.) who in 1977-79 discovered several relief blocks originating from the
mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 34 as well as fragments from the front of its pylon.
The blocks bear fragments from a scene in sunk relief which represented
Aritetwesebokhe in the pose of slaying his enemies. According to Hinkel (1981,
384) the (unpub-lished) scene on the pylon of Beg. N. 34 was closely related, in
iconographical type and style, to the scenes on the pylon of Beg. N. 19 (cf. (226)).
ELT]
229 Maharraqa. Demotic graffito of Pa[.]. 2nd cent. AD.

Cairo temp. Inv. no. 9.12.20.15.Griffith 1937, Mah. 1. Burkhardt 1985, 97.
Text and translation
(1)1i3t-spr4't n 3wtkr[tr — — ' (2) 3tryns [— —

(1) rFourthl regnal year of Empe[ror (2)Hadrian [
(3) ibd 2 Prt sw 21

(3) second month of Winter, on the twenty-first (day),
nrnkl[ — — S3— — rriwt — — (4) 3rtry

Par-1,[son of (whose) mother (4) Artreye,
p3 mr_[tmhI [- -]
the rdistrict [ commissionerl [...]
939
(5)(m) bd-.11st n 73-kml[rswl

(s)before Isis of rTakoml[rpso
[RHII
Comments
In FHN II, 180-185 we presented the evidence concerning the non-Egyptian
officials employed in the civil and temple administration of the Egyptian
Dodecaschoenus in the lst cent. AD. According to Burkhardt (1985, 77), no
Meroitic officials occur in the surviving 2nd cent. AD inscriptions from the
Dodecaschoenus; but 229 seems to present evidence to the contrary. It was
written, if our supplementation of the fragmentary /./3mr [m§q is correct, by a
"strategus" (for the office see Comment on Translation and Comments, FHN
II, 180) whose name is, however, not completely preserved. His origin is
indicated by the Meroitic name of his mother 3rtry, who may be identical, in
view of the individuality of Meroitic personal names, with the lady Aretroye,
mother of another "strategus" (Meroitic pelmos, cf. Griffith 1912, 38, 51; Hintze
1963, 18 no. 203), who is attested in REM 0132 (from Faras; this is the only
occurrence of this name in a Meroitic document).
229 was inscribed on the wall of the chapel of Isis at Maharraqa and was des-
tined to secure for ever its commissioner's adoring presence before Isis of Ma-
harraqa (for the definition of the religious significance of the Demotic adora-
tion or obeisance inscriptions [henceforth also termed proskynema, plur.
proskynemata] see Geraci 1971, 18; for their typology see Burkhardt 1983). Grif-
fith (1937, 15 f.) restored the name of the ruler as Autocra[tor Caesar Titus
Aelius] Hadrianus [Antoninus Sebastos], and suggested a dating to 16 January
141 AD; a shorter reconstruction could, however, be suggested, viz.,
Autocra[tor Caesar Traianusl Hadrianus [Sebastos], in which case the date
would be AD 120 (as is preferred by Burkhardt 1985,97).
[LT]
230 The Dodecaschoenus in the middle of the 2nd cent. AD. Ca. AD 147-149.
Aelius Aristides 36.48, 36.55-56.
Source bibliography
Behr 1968 C.A. Behr: Aelius Aristides and the Sacred Tales.
Amsterdam.
Behr 1981 P. Aelius Aristides: The Complete Works. Vol. 2.
Trans. C.A. Behr. Leiden.
Bowie 1996 E. Bo[wie]:Aristeides 3, P. Ailios. Der Neue Pauly.
Altertum. Vol. 1. Stuttgart-Weimar, 1096-1100.
Keil 1958 Aelii Aristidis Smyrnaei quae supersunt omnia. Ed. B.
Keil. Vol. 2. Berlin. (Reprint of the edition of 1898.)
940
The Sources
Publius Aelius Aristides, one of the most celebrated Greek orators of the Ro-
man Imperial period, was born in AD 117 in Mysia (NW Asia Minor). He stud-
ied at Smyrna, Pergamon and Athens to become a professional orator. In AD
141-142he made a journey to Egypt, delivered his declamations in Alexandria,
and travelled widely in the country, reaching as far as the Aithiopian border
beyond Philae (for details, see Behr 1968, 15-21).There he fell ill and had to re-
turn home to Smyrna (in his Oration 45, Regarding Sarapis, he thanks the god
for his happy return). His later career took him to Rome a couple of times, but
the great Greek cities of the province of Asia were his main stage, both as a
public orator and as a teacher of rhetoric, and during his long periods of illness
and convalescence. He died after AD 181; his latest extant speeches take account
of the earthquakes which hit Smyrna in the late 170s.
More than 40 works by Aelius Aristides have survived, many of them ad-
dresses for festive occasions, others political, ideological or polemical speeches,
historical declamations, and prose hymns to gods, as well as an intimate ac-
count of illness and healing, his Sacred Discourses. His style is painstakingly
classicistic, taking the great Attic orators of the fourth century BC as its models;
it brought him many readers and imitators throughout Late Antiquity and the
Byzantine era.
Our two extracts are from his Egyptian Discourse (36), an essay on the inun-
dation and sources of the Nile in which Aristides uses his own observations
and interviews in Egypt to refute Herodotus and other classical authorities; it
was based on his year-long stay in Egypt but was written some years later, prob-
ably ca. AD 147-149(Behr 1968,19 n. 63; 1981,402).
Our text is based on the critical edition of Keil ([1898]1958).There is a recent
annotated English translation by Behr (1981).For a short up-to-date account of
Aristides, with bibliography, see Bowie (1996); the standard work on his life is
Behr (1968).
Text
36 [48] ... <1-2;civijEtv iü "CO'); 13031.10'l);o toi; AiBioWiv Ttv 11)poupå, noki)
tç OxEIN anomtacsa; 20i5 stotagoi5, i.)itcp13å; &t TOv OpRov, 6; ECT
npc5to; iyrtp KOCTOL80157COW, Ei; (Dika; 61é3aXov. "Enti 6' ociStri vfjao;
pxeciptov Aiylintoy icast Aiestoitia;, toacaitri TO l_tyEelo; Ocyriscep
7tOXI;' steptppei 6' OCUTTp/å Nciko; docw.13(.6; j.técniv auto..6 TC01.6W.'Erce't
45' 'Irccvijetv, XOPoDV 7CI:jkly ducå tc6v ertX,div Kcd npoa-
c661COW vi3v 'yé 1r01) TCYl) Ka tappcheca; OxifccsOat Kai. to1ç ayovtag
avipoStow, oi 6' sjyvciouv.
36 [55] csot 6X,i7cov iixoucsa av6pO; Ai0ioitoç TCW 61WOCTO5v.

yap i'nzapxo; Ck7U:Ovti5yavcv, ivia itcïçbt1311I.IEN/ toi3 Xcopiou,
7ct-rpordiv Sé tt; xo.)v 61' piTv.ov ci; X.6-you; KEV. Kat Ocsa
941
Rv napOvTo kOyob 7CapaXeivco, ,1)11S' iç MEp011v, ijirEp

aTstv ilEyitYTT] T63v v Aiatonioc ia o Tå PocaiXeta Td3v AiOtOncov,
TeTTapow a't)..tat öè Kast EiTtE jnivdv ocirr6Oev dvat nXot3v, icaTappaKTa
bC8XECOal, 7tOO)Ç åkX,01); (1XX.01.;, CYXESÔN, Ei; Kai. tplCiKOWCa
toi.); atilliCavta; "1:).7tp '11Xxtv géxpt MepON, icast Toi3To nåv dvoct TO
ytyvcoaxOgevov öt) 'CO13ILOTO4I015.
[561 MEp6% 6 itéKetVa 06 1.1pArr1gat i.tee'570 OnOaov aOK dvat
TO Oeta KOCO'`v, OcXkå dvat OctigaTa, div TO tèv Tepov ritvov tijv
XpOocv, TO 8' .TEpov d(po Tai3Ta öèalMOVTa Kai. .WVtEV yiyv-
caOat TOv NeiXov Tot3Tov. Tå 5è vo) aUT' ocUTO 4Ti ytyvoioicetv
åUov AiOtOncov o.63éva yE navTeké; åXX' dvat 1.tv avOpainou gék-
ava;—j.t6.avTépou k1yT63v TE Koci Toiv OgOrmov—Tai.); 'Unp odyr6w aici•
Translation
36 [48] ...When I was on my way south [from Syene] to the Altars571where the
Aithiopians have a garrison, the road took me far from the river bank; but I cut
over to the anchorage which is the first above the First Cataract (Katadoupoi),
and passed over to Philae. This is an island on the border between Egypt and
Aithiopia, no larger than the city on it. The Nile flows around it, leaving it ex-
actly in its middle. When I was on my way back, I travelled again the same
route from Philae; I expected now at least to see the Cataracts and kept asking
my guides, but they were ignorant.572
I will tell you briefly what I heard from an Aithiopian, one of those in-
36 [55] ...
vested with power there. For the governor (hyparchos) happened to be away
when we reached the place [probably, the "Altars", south of Philae], but there
was someone in charge,573and he entered into conversation with me through
interpreters. I will omit all that is irrelevant to the present account [about the
sources of the Nile]; but he did say that from that place to Meroe, which is the
greatest city in Aithiopia and the place where the Aithiopian royal palace is sit-
uated, there is a four, or I think he even said a six months' voyage by boat, and
that there are many other cataracts, one after another, about thirty-six in all
570 Following Behr (1981) 460, we restore the manuscripts' reading in place of the conjecture (1)'
adopted by Keil (1958).
571 Behr (1981) 405 suspects that Aelius Aristides is referring to modern Qertassi between Philae
and Talmis; in fact, our text is in itself too vague even to allow us to say on which bank of the
Nile he travelled south from Philae, not to speak of how far.
572 Aristides kept insisting that he wanted to see the Cataracts and managed to get there from
Syene by boat; this is vividly described in ch. 49-50.
573 We do not know whether Aristides is using these terms for the Aithiopian "governor" and his
"deputy" to express his clear understanding of the local administrative hierarchy or is using
them more vaguely, especially since his classicistic language would in any event have prevented
him from employing current specific terminology.
942
The Sources
from Pselchis (Dakka) to Meroe, and all this concerns just the known course of
the river.
[56] Beyond Meroe—I do not remember how far—he said that the stream is
no longer a single one, but there are two streams, one of which is earth-like in
colour, the other almost like air. When these come together and mingle, then
this Nile is created. About the region further upstream he said that he knew
nothing more himself and that no other Aithiopian knew it either, at least in
any detail; but the people are black, blacker than themselves and their neigh-
bours, the further south one gets
[TH]
Comments
As already indicated in the Comments on 188, 210 and 220, the Dodecaschoe-
nus continued to be part of Egypt and under Roman control during the 1st and
2nd centuries AD; and Roman cohorts were stationed in the area, as far south
as Hiera Sycaminos/Maharraqa. At the same time, however, in Roman litera-
ture the ancient topos of Philae as the place where Egypt ends was rnaintained.
The non-Egyptian character of the Dodecaschoenus might have been obvious
to a learned traveller such as Aelius Aristides who, apparently, also received
information about the particular character of its government from, among oth-
ers, an Aithiopian dignitary whom he met on his journey to the region of the
First Cataract in 142 AD (cf. Gärtner 1979, 558): we may perhaps even identify
this Aithiopian as a Meroitic official from the Dodecaschoenus (cf. FHN II, 180-
185, in this volume 229). It would seem, however, that the knowledge of
Aithiopia proper this Aithiopian possessed was not more profound than that
of any other inhabitant of the region on the Aithiopian frontier; for he be-
lieved that Meroe (City) was at a distance of four or six months' journey and,
even more absurdly, also told Aelius Aristides about a fabulous number
(thirty-six) of cataracts beyond Pselchis (modern Dakka).
Desanges (1969, 142 f.) interpreted Aelius Aristides' narrative as evidence
for the status of the Dodecaschoenus as "a sort of Romano-Meroitic 'co-princi-
pality— in the domain of Isis of Philae. The evidence reviewed in FHN II (180-
185) and in the present volume (220, 229, 231, 232, 238-240, 242-247) indicates a
Roman government employing the services of the native élite rather than a
sort of condominium, which, if we take the term strictly, would mean that the
Meroitic kingdom too was officially involved in the government of the region.
This could clearly not have been the case; nor does the participation of the
non-Egyptian élite in the government of a frontier province necessarily
indicate a "high degree of autonomy" (Desanges 1978a,338).
[LT]
943
231 Philae. Demotic graffito of Paêse. 2nd cent. AD.

Griffith 1937,Ph. 251. Burkhardt 1985, 109.
(1)t; wgte n Pa-'Ist sy n Pr-n-b-snt

(1)The obeisance of Paêse the elder son of Pshentsône,
p; Icrny n 1st (2) p; rd n 1st

the clêreti of Isis (2)and agent of Isis,
(m-)1,;1:1
1st di cnh nb(t) Pr-mb
before Isis Life-giver, Lady of Pure-house (the Abaton),
(3) t; hne nbt Pr-3-11s

(3) the Mistress, Lady of Final-island (Philae),
t; tsyt n t; p(t) (4) br p; b rhr — '

the ruler of heaven, (4) rpossessor of the earth',
riwl=y lle r-hr=t dd r.ir nhme(=y)

I pray you: "Save (me)."
[RHP]
Comments
This Demotic text, which is inscribed on the N face of the pilaster of the W
colormade of the Hypostyle of the temple of Isis, belongs to a type of adoration
(for the significance of proskynema, plur. proskynemata, see Comments on
229) which combined the Egyptian w§te, "obeisance" (Griffith's translation;
Burkhardt translates 'Anbetung') formula with a prayer. This type of adoration
was characteristic of the proskynema texts inscribed by Meroites who made a
pilgrimage to Philae from the Dodecaschoenus and, later, from beyond the
Egyptian frontier. The same type of adoration does not seem to have been
adopted by Egyptian worshippers and may therefore be regarded as a
proskynema form which reflects a Meroitic rather than an Egyptian personal
religiosity. It must be added, however, that Meroitic equivalents of the Demotic
t; w§te inscriptions, i.e., tewiseti inscriptions, are known only from the Dodeca-
schoenus (for a list cf. Török 1984b, 177), and the only known Meroitic prayer
graffito was inscribed on a rock at Gebel Abu Dirwa near Dakka (REM 0091C,cf.
Törfflc1984b, 176). Thus it would seem that the adoration+prayer type was de-
veloped by non-Egyptian worshippers in the Egyptian sanctuaries of the Dode-
caschoenus.
944
The Sources
Paêse was member of a non-Egyptian &ite family from the Dodecaschoe-

nus. This family, which is referred to as the "Wayekiye574 family" after ale
name current among several of its most prominent members (Millet 1969, 77
ff.; Burkhardt 1985, 89 ff.), is attested for eight generations in Demotic and
Meroitic inscriptions (see 243 -247, 249-255, 262, 263). Its male members, in their
capacity as priests and domain officials, played a leading role in the administra-
tion of the Dodecaschoenus. 231 is the earliest evidence of the family's emer-
gence: its writer is a krny and rd of Isis, and prays to the goddess in what seems
to be a critical moment in his life. His titles also occur elsewhere in the sources.
The former is known from Meroitic inscriptions in the form qoreft; and it is
tempting to explain the Meroitic word as deriving from qore, "ruler", while in-
terpreting the as a suffix signifying a subordination (i.e., qorefi = "[the one]
belonging to the ruler", cf. Hintze 1963,7; Hofmann 1981a, 61 f.). The latter title,
translated as "agent (of Isis)", occurs in Meroitic texts (REM 0088 = 247, 0089 =
246, 0099, 0111, 0122) in the form perite (Wosse). Pase's chronological position
in the middle decades of the 2nd cent. AD is indicated by dated texts of his de-
scendants: his grandson Wayekiye (A) is known to have written a Demotic
obeisance in 227/228 AD (245).
ELT]
232 Philae. Demotic graffito of Sosen. AD 190/191.

Griffith 1937, Ph. 223. Burkhardt 1985, 108.
(1) rSsn' p3 mr-§n n h3t-sp 31

rSosen', the /esonis-priest in the thirty-first regnal year,
S3 Hr-nbt-it=f mr-§n
(2)son of Hornakhtyotef, (also) a /esonis-priest.
[RHP]
Comments
Griffith (1937, 78), basing himself on the orthography of the graffito, suggested
that the thirty-first year refers to the reign of Commodus, and he dated the text
to 190/191 AD. The graffito was inscribed on the roof of the Birth House and
represents one of the simpler types (Burkhardt 1985, 21 Type 1.2.1.3) usually
written by Egyptians. 232 was, however, the proskynerna (for the significance of
proskynemata see Comments on 229) of a priest belonging to a Meroitic family.
His father's Egyptian name occurs in several documents of the Wayekiye fam-
574The name is recorded as Wygy; (245), Wygy (250, 254, 255), Wyge (252), Wyngy; (260) in De-
motic, and as I/1Tyky in hieroglyphic (251) inscriptions. In the Comments on these inscriptions,
however, the form Wayekiye will be preferred since it corresponds more closely to the original
Meroitic name Wyekiye (246).
945
ily (cf. Comments on 231). The Hornakhtyotef of 232 is identical to the earlier
of the two persons of this name and is distinguished in the literature as Horn-
akhtyotef (Harentyotf) I (cf. Burkhardt 1985, 90 ff.; Török 1986a, 300 ff., where,
however, the Hornakhtyotef in 232 is regarded as different from Hornakhtyotef
I, father of Wayekiye (A)). According to Burkhardt's reconstruction of the fam-
ily tree (1985, 90 ff.), which will be preferred here to other suggestions (Millet
1969, 91; Török 1986a, 301), Hornakhtyotef I married twice. Sosen of 232 was
bom from the first marriage with a lady who remains unnamed here but is
perhaps identical with the Tr.t-Wigy.t, described as the wife of a Hornakhtyo-
tef and the mother of a Ssn (or Pasn?) in the Demotic graffito Ph. 409 (Burk-
hardt 1985, 96, 113; Török 1986a, 301 ff.). From the second marriage with the
lady T3-p§ was bom Wayekiye (A) (see 245). According to Burkhardt (1985, 90
f.), T3-75,§
appears, to have been the daughter of Paêse (see 231). We accept this
hypothesis here, and sum up the relations of the early generations of the fam-
ily as follows:
Gen.1 P3-gr-n-t3-snt= NN
Gen. 2 Paêse = NN (231)

I?
Gen. 3
Tr.t-Wigj.t = Hornakhtyotef I = Bê'k(244) Makaltami (243)
Gen.4 Sosen (232) Wayekiye A (245)
If one accepts that the Sosen of 232 is identical with Ssn (Pasn ?), it can also be
supposed that at some point of his career Sosen also received the title of a sh-ns
n K, "royal scribe of Kush". This title indicates that there existed some sort of
official contact between the temples of the Dodecaschoenus and the king of
Meroe already as early as the end of the 2nd cent. AD (for the title see 249). His
title "lesonis-priest", corresponds to the Greek designation (referring
nevertheless to a priestly title in the Egyptian cults, cf. Otto 1905 I, 38 f.) 7C1-
CYCCi.TTI;Kcit åpxtepelk, which denotes, albeit somewhat vaguely, the high
priest of a temple ("Tempelvorsteher", "high priest") and/or the chief temple
official responsible for administration and economy (for Philae in the Roman
period see Otto 1905 I, 45 f. with note 4), who was elected by the priestly college
of the temple for a tenure of one year (Otto 1905 I, 50). This latter circumstance
may also explain the expression "the lesonis-priest in the thirty-first regnal
year" in 232 (for the correspondence of the terms mr n,XecToivt, 'TCLI:YtderTi;
Kcà àpepeiç see Otto 1905 I, 39 note 2).
[LT]
946
The Sources
233 Geography of Aithiopia. Ca. 2nd cent. AD.

Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia 5.28.3.
Source bibliography
Lasserre 1979 F. Lasserre: Ravermas Geographus. Der kleine Pauly.
Vol. 4, 1343.
Schnetz 1990 J. Schnetz: Itineraria Romana. Vol. 2. Ravennatis
Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica. 2nd
ed. Stuttgart.
Schnetz 1951 Ravennas Anonymus: Cosmographia. Eine
Erdbeschreibung um das Jahr 700. Obers. v. J. Schnetz.
(Nomina Germanica, 10.) Uppsala.
The present text is an extract from a Latin Cosmographia or "Description of the
World" compiled in the 7th century in Ravenna; its unknown author is con-
ventionally referred to as Ravennas Geographus, "the geographer from Raven-
na". See further Lasserre (1979).
Our text is based on the critical edition of Schnetz (1990); the same scholar
also published a German translation (Schnetz 1951).
Text
Ad partem vero meridianam habet totus mundus finem oceanum qui
5.28 [3]
venit de praedicta India Thermantica Elamonte. Qui oceanus tangit Persas,
Arabas, Egyptum inferiorem, Ethyopas Auxumitanos, Ethyopas Candacissos,
Ethyopas Trogloditorum, Ethyopas Garamantium, Ethyopas Biblobatis
Translation
On its south side the whole world has as its boundary the ocean which
5.28 [3]
comes from the above-mentioned India Thermantica Elamonte. This ocean
touches the Persians, the Arabs, Lower Egypt, the Aksumite Aithiopians, the
Candacian Aithiopians, Aithiopia of the Troglodytes, Aithiopia of the Gara-
mantes, Aithiopia Biblobatis (?)
[TH]
Comments
When our geographer compiled his cosmography at Ravenna in the 7th cen-
tury, he did so mainly on the basis of literary data that a certain Castorius
(whom he frequently quotes) had collected in the 4th cent. AD from various
older sources (cf. Treidler 1979 and Chron. 3.1.1). Our extract apparently derives
from a Roman geography of the 3rd or early 4th cent. AD. It is in fact more a
list of geographical names (as are large parts of the Cosmographia, cf. Funaioli
1914, 305 f.; Lasserre 1979) than a proper description; and it presents a mix of
traditional geographical commonplaces and more recent information. There
947
are parallel passages on Aithiopia, partly more detailed, elsewhere in the

Cosmographia (1.2-3, 3.1, 3.3, and 3.12).
The image of the African continent bounded by water and the list of
Aithiopias—Aithiopia of the Candaces, i.e., Meroe (cf. FHN II, 85, 105, in this
volume 189, 194, 206); Aithiopia of the Trog(1)odytes, i.e., the region between
the Nubian Nile and the Red Sea (cf. 198); and Aithiopia of the Garamantes,
i.e., the region of the easterrt Sahara (cf. Herodotus 1.183; Strabo 2.131; Pliny,
Naturalis historia 5.36 f.; cf. Dessau 1910)—are well-known from the work of
earlier authors. Aithiopia Biblobatis (described in some detail in Chron. 1.3.1) is
no doubt legendary, while the reference to Aksumite Aithiopia, i.e., the king-
dom of Aksum, probably was adopted from a source of the 2nd or 3rd cent. AD.
The earliest mentions of Aksum are in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 4-5, a
sailors' handbook for the Red Sea dating from the late lst or the early 2nd cent.
AD (for the earlier dating: Dihle 1965,9 ff.; for the later: Mathew 1975) and then
in Ptolemy's Geography (4.7.8, cf. 223); the source on which Castorius relied
could be, directly or indirectly, either of these.
[LT]
234 Copy of an inscription of a king of Aksum (Adulitana II). 2nd or 3rd cent.
AD.
Cosmas Indicopleustes 2.60-63.OGIS I 199. SB V 8545B.B-D-S277.
Source bibliography
Bernand-Drewes- E. Bernand-A.J. Drewes-R. Schneider: Recueil des
Schneider 1991 inscriptions de l'Ethiopie des p&iodes pr&axoumite
et axoumite. Vol. 1-2. Paris 1991.[= B-D-S.]
Burstein 1998a S. Burstein (ed.): Ancient African Civilizations. Kush
McCrindle 1897 The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egyptian
Monk. Trans. J.W. McCrindle. London.
Munro-Hay 1991 S. Munro-Hay: Aksum. An African Civilisation of Late
Antiquity. Edinburgh.
Wolska-Conus 1968 Cosmas Indicopleustès: Topographie Chr&ienne. Ed.
W. Wolska-Conus. Vol. 1. (Sources Chrffiennes, 141.)
Paris.
The text of this inscription, known as "Adulitana II", survives thanks to an
Alexandrian merchant who, ca. AD 520, read and copied it at Adulis on the
Red Sea and then included it in his work on Christian Topography. The
inscription itself has never been found.
The work was probably published anonymously, ca. AD 550, by a writer
who only wartted to be known as "a Christian"; the name by which he is
commonly called, Cosmas Indicopleustes, "Cosmas who sailed to India", first
948
The Sources
appears in some manuscripts of the eleventh century. So, what we know of the
author is just what we can read out of his work. He lived in Alexandria and
was a Christian who belonged to the Nestorian Church; his Christian
Topography is polemical against both pagan and other Christian views of the
world. He was a merchant by profession and travelled widely by sea, though it
is doubtful whether he ever reached as far as India. In our context, however,
the important thing is that he himself visited ports on the Red Sea coast. He
published several works on geography and theology, but only his Christian
Topography is extant. On his life and work, see Wolska-Conus (1968, 15-43).
In Book II (ch. 54), Cosmas describes a throne (diphros) he has inspected in
Adulis, "as is called the city of the Aithiopians, situated two (Roman) miles
from the coast, which is the harbour of the Aksumite people, where we, the
merchants from Alexandria and Ela (Elat), also engage in commerce". The
throne was placed at the entrance of the city, "on the western side, facing the
road from Aksum". It was of white marble and had been erected by "one of
those who reigned here, a Ptolemy". There follows a detailed description, first
of the throne, then (ch. 55) of an object575of basalt, about three cubits high, that
had stood behind the throne but was then (nyn) lying on the ground, its lower
part shattered. "The whole block (marmaron), as well as the throne, were filled
with Greek characters."
At the time of his visit to Adulis, Cosmas continues (ch. 56), at the begin-
ning of the reign of Justin I (AD 518-527),the King of Aksum, Ella Asbeha (see
327), who was preparing a war against Himyar, had written to the administra-
tor (arkhon) of Adulis and asked to have the texts of the throne and stela
copied and brought to him. It was Cosmas and a fellow merchant, the future
monk Menas, who were charged with this task. Cosmas kept a copy for his own
use as well and, he states, will now include the text in his book "as a contribu-
tion to the knowledge about the places, inhabitants, and distances". This is
done in ch. 58-63, followed by Cosmas' own geographical and historical com-
ments (ch. 64 ff.).
What Cosmas looks upon as one continuous text was, however, two; only
the one on the stela (= Adulitana I, B-D-S 276) was carved for a Ptolemy
(Ptolemy III Euergetes, 246-221BC), while that on the throne, the beginning of
which is missing in Cosmas' transcription (cf. Comments below), belongs some
four or five hundred years later and must have been carved for an Aksumite
king. This is the one we present here.
Parallels in other Aksumite inscriptions in Greek (e.g., our 285 -286, 298 -299)
confirm that Cosmas' text is a credible Aksumite inscription. It should be kept
in mind, however, that in this case we do not possess the original stone, but
just a copy by an amateur, and that, in addition, Cosmas' work has subse-
quently been subjected to all the usual vicissitudes of medieval textual tradi-
575 The word used by Cosmas, eikon, usually means "picture", "statue"; but the description that
follows shows that here reference must be to a "tablet" or, more properly, a "stela".
949
tion. Especially the non-Greek names will have suffered from this process; in
fact, the extant manuscripts often differ in the forms of the names.
Our text is based on the critical edition of Wolska-Conus (1968, 373-379),
which includes a French translation and comments. An English translation of
the whole work was published by McCrindle (1897); his version of our inscrip-
tion is reproduced in Burstein (1998a, No. 15), and there is a new translation of
the text in Munro-Hay (1991, 222 f.). For a bibliography and detailed critical ap-
paratus of the inscription, see E. Bernand in Bernand-Drewes-Schneider (1991,
378-382).
The richness of this text is far from being exhausted by the translation and
comments we are providing; in particular, attention should be paid to the vari-
ous readings and comments contained in the medieval manuscripts and avail-
able in the critical apparatus of Wolska-Conus' edition (1968).
Text
2 [601 ... å OwSpetoicsa; Tå pamksiou 8v11 eipTivd.)-
eaOat KEXE"UCTOC, EIZOXE1.11160C KU iyrc'ecca wixat; tå incaycypaggva
esvo; btoxgicya, ITELTOC "A'yage icc Etyl)TivE vIACTICSOC Tijv
nåvicov T6w nap' airecii; Kai aitv tepudtrv. Al3a iccz Zniya-
priv Kast 'Ayyc43 Ttcip.aa Kai 'AOayaoi); K&I Kakadc Kai
E1vo; npav Tal5 NeiXau v uCY3CiT01.;KLt X1OVOS6EMOpeatv oixoi5vta,
ol; Stå nawai; v1.11)£TOL icast Kai xt6vE PaElciat, ôç géxpt yo-
vdctaw KaTaHetv tåv dcv8pa, TOv notai_tOv &a3&ç intétaa, .1LEVECt AaMvE
içcà Zåå raPaXdc oticaiiwra nap' OpEct Orpgcliv i)Scitwv pktiovn xast
xoucappliTo?. 'ATa241.63 KUL Beyde ica tà csi)v azoi; Ov1 noiwca Tay-
7aitdiv, Tå tép Tio-v AiTtintov Opiffiv oixo.i3vm, i)no-rdca; TtEEIS-
EaOat 1roi11aa Tffi, OSåv OCICOTCYVTfk t1Ç Paatkria töncov géxpt
IrEl.TOC'Avvrive Ica't Metive èv anoxprIgvol; oilcoiwta Opeat.
Xcaéa 1..t71.6.10N,Kai Sual3ateitatov OpN
dcvrX06wca ptpopijaç Katrlyayov, xa't deneXxcii.tiiv tautö TO1); TE
, 01.); ainoiv Kast yuvacç Kai naiSa; napOévou; ia 7C(5C'CYCWTijv
Uncipxoucrav aitoiç Krficylv. 'Pauao5 Ov gEa6yEta 2u.PavarcS6pcov f3ap-
r3oipow oiKoiivta 7CE&0OVgeyciXow ckviiSpow, Kai EcIXOurE Ovoç inté-
taa, olç Kai tai); aiyaXoç Tfi; (2.100
,å6CTI-K (1)1)2k,å(SCSEtv £KEXEIX3å.
Tairca nOcvta Tå E8N/11(Speatv icY)poiç nr(1)pouprigva al'YrÔç yd)
Tod; idaç napcbv yucijaa; iccx. imouga;, 6uxptcrågriv a&zoi; ndcaa
tdc; xeipa; it 4:16pot. "AXXa è nXeiata OviElf6vTa inturden got ic
(5pot. Kai népav è Tfi; Oakcicsa% oiicoivtaç 'ApaPita; icat
Ktvat6olcoX,niTa, wrpoitEwa vautticåv Keti ICE@ICOvStanegyfo4tevo;, Ka
linarcica; aiyrdiv toç 13acstXéaç, (])6pou; tflç yrj zekeiv 'ICEXE'llera
08E15ECTOal gEt' EipTvrç eat irkEECSOWL,åTC6 TE AEUKfK KO:11% C.0; T(iiv
£a[3aiow xclipa; Trok4.1.Ticsa.
950
The Sources
ilåvta öè taiita tå Ovi1 irp&cog cii. gOvo; Pam?).,écov tciiv icp?)

to6i)nétaa, 81: iv (.t) itpôç tOv liéytatov OcOv to "Aptiv
Ei)xaptcytiav, å JtC Kcd è'yévv11cE, 81' oi) nåvta tå OvT tå Ogopoiivta
4.115 yfj ducO pkv OCVOLTOXf1; 1.1xpt ktPavoyco(I)Opop, OcicO Sewç géxpt
Tfi; Al01,01ria; X0G601) TOTECOV, ‹nr' EllawcOv 7coiicsa, å pkv od)tO;
2.€4Ci.)vic. vticlicsa;, å è StaitEpirOgevN, Kast, EV iprviKat acstrjaa;
nåvta tOv i)rc' to KOagov KatijkOov iç tijv td-? zü icc to)
"Apeet Ica't tei? floactSoivt Ovatåaat l)10Ep tciiv icko.togévcov• ål3poicsa;
pxyl) tå årpateiSgata Koci rcotrjaa, 1t TOISTO) TO) teing) KaOicsa;
t6v8E tOv Sill)pov napocEliiienv to) "ApEEticoirc tE tfig !_tfjg Paatkciag
ElKOCYCC113 £136611q).
Translation
2 [60] after that, having gained strength (?)576 and commanded the nations
closest to my kingdom to keep peace, I waged war and subdued in combat the
following nations:
I warred with the nation of Gaze, then after defeating (the nations of)
Agame and Siguene I appropriated half of all their belongings and people. (The
nations of) Aua, Zingabene, Aggabe, Tiamaa, Athagaoi, and Kalaa, and the na-
tion of Samene, who (all) live beyond the Nile in inaccessible and snowy
mountains with winter storms and frost and snow so deep that a man sinks up
to his knees—these I subdued after crossing the river. Then (I subdued) (the
nations of) Lasine, Zaa, and Gabala, who live at a mountain seething with
streams of hot water. Having subdued (the nations of) Atalmo and Bega (Beja)
and all the nations of the Tangaites together with them, who inhabit the
region up to the boundaries of Egypt, I had a land route made from the places
in my kingdom all the way to Egypt; then (I subdued) (the nations of) Annene
and Metine who inhabit precipitous mountains.
I warred with the nation of Sesea; they had climbed the greatest and
most inaccessible mountain, but I surrounded them and brought them down,
and I chose for myself their young men and women and children and young
girls and all their possessions. I subdued the nations of Rauso who live in great
waterless plains in the midst of incense-gathering barbarians, and (I subdued)
the nation of Solate whom I also commanded to guard the coasts of the sea.
All these nations who were enclosed by mighty mountains I defeated,
myself present in the fray, and subdued them; and I granted them all their
lands in return for paying tribute. Numerous other nations came under my
rule of their own free will to pay tribute. And the Arabites and Kinaidokolpites
576 What the verb dvöpetcico means here is obscure; whether "gain strength" is appropriate de-
pends on what had been said in the preceding narrative. Is it really intransitive, or was there a
direct object before it? An attractive possibility would be "come to manhood" (but hardly "play
the man", as Lampe's Patristic Greek Lexicon translates our passage, also mistakenly referring it
to Ptolemy).
951
who live across the Red Sea—having sent a fleet and an army there and sub-
dued their kings, I commanded them to pay land-taxes and to travel in peace by
land and sea, and I waged war from Leuke Kome to the land of the Sabaeans.
[63] I subdued all these nations as the first and only one of the kings down
to my day. For this I am grateful to my greatest god Ares who also begat me and
through whom I laid under me all the nations bordering on my country from
the east to the Land of Incense, from the west to the territory of Aithiopia and
Sasu. Some I went myself to defeat, others (I defeated) by sending expeditions.
Having imposed peace on the whole world under me, I went down to Adulis
to sacrifice to Zeus and Ares and to Poseidon for the shipping. After I had gath-
ered my armies and made them into one, I took my seat in this place and had
this throne made as an offering to Ares in the twenty-seventh year of my reign.
[TH]
Comments
Like other known triumphal inscriptions of Aksumite kings (cf. 285, 286),
Adulitana II was engraved on a stone throne. Cosmas first copied the broken
Greek inscription of Ptolemy III Euergetes on the stela behind the throne, then
added the inscription on the throne as if it were the continuation of the same
text. It remains obscure whether he overlooked the first lines of the latter with
the name and the titles of the Aksumite king or failed to find the missing part
of the throne on which they were engraved or whether the upper part of the
monument with this section of the text had already disappeared at the time of
his visit.
The kingdom of Aksum to the SE of the kingdom of Meroe originally had
its center at Aksum, which lay at the intersection of routes connecting the Nile
with the Red Sea port of Adulis (cf. 189) and Adulis with the region of the First
Cataract, and Aksum with the interior of Africa. Its E border was the Red Sea. It
emerged as a centralised kingdom uniting earlier tribal kingdoms in the 1st
cent. AD and by the early 3rd cent. AD it was powerful enough to intervene in
South Arabia and develop political and commercial contacts across the Red Sea
as well as with the Mediterranean world. By the late 3rd cent. Aksum was a
successful rival of Meroe in the commerce of exotic African wares (for the his-
tory of Aksum see Munro-Hay 1991,30 ff.).
The triumphal inscription preserved for us by Cosmas was erected by a pre-
Christian king of Aksum (for the date of the conversion of Aksum see Com-
ments on 285) in order to perpetuate the memory of his campaigns, of which
he gives a general account and a list rather than an annalistic description. The
individual victories are, nevertheless, listed in a manner which indicates a
carefully designed sequence that was intended to reflect a coherent political
scheme: the description starts with the pacification of the peoples living along
the borders of Aksum and continues with campaigns against peoples living N
of Aksum, perhaps between the Takkaze and the Atbara (?) and against the
952
The Sources
tribes of the Atalmo, Beja, and Tangaites in the region between the Nile and
the Red Sea, S of the Egyptian border.577 It would seem that campaigns were
conducted into this latter region in order to secure the trade routes between
Egypt and the Red Sea ports as well as between Aksum and the Red Sea ports. It
may well have been trade interests that motivated the unnamed king also to
send a fleet and a land army across the Red Sea to Leuke Kome (site unidenti-
fied) and the country of the Sabaeans in South Arabia. In the concluding sec-
tion the king states that he was the first of his dynasty to extend his power over
all neighbouring peoples: to the east as far as the Land of Incense, probably
northern Somalia, and to the west as far as Aithiopia and the Sasu. A conflict
with Aithiopia, i.e., Meroe, may explain the campaign to the region of the Red
Sea Hills; the Sasu probably refers to a region in the NE of the modern Sudan.
It is, however, unlikely that it is an error for Kasu, Kush, i.e., Meroe (so Kirwan
1972a, 174 f.). With regard to Meroe, however, the most important indication
of the text is that the unnamed Aksumite ruler established a caravan route be-
tween Egypt and his country which avoided the Nile Valley; this means that
he tried to secure a direct trade route which was in most serious conflict with
Meroitic interests in the commerce of exotic wares from the interior of Africa
(cf. Burstein 1984, 220).
According to Drewes (1962, 103 ff.) and Munro-Hay (1991,80) the inscription
was erected by Sembruthes, an Aksumite ruler dated to the period between ca.
230 and 250 AD (cf. also Munro-Hay 1991, 73 ff.). High regnal year dates occur
only very rarely in the Aksumite evidence, so "year 27" here may indeed be as-
sociated with Sembruthes who in another inscription (in É. Bernand et al. 1991,
375 no. 275) has a year 24. However, the unknown king of 285 too has a year 21
(or 24), and it is not certain that the latter can be identified with Sembruthes or
with the king of Adulitana II. Wissmann (1964, 66 ff.) suggested an earlier, 2nd
cent. AD, date, equally hypothetically.
[LT]
(235) Amanikhedolo. Evidence for reign.
On account of the royal benediction formula (cf. Hintze 1959, 34 ff.) in the text
of his offering table, Hofmann (1978a,155 ff.) included Amnhedolo (REM 0838) in
the list of the rulers of the Meroitic kingdom. Hintze (1959, 63), by contrast, sug-
gested that Amanikhedolo was a prince since his father Akedhetiwl was not a
ruler. However, there are rulers with non-ruling fathers attested in the sources
(see (216), (216a)); and Amanikhedolo might have been legitimated as a descen-
dant of kings through his mother Amanipiteke, whose name includes the
theonym
577 The attempts hitherto made to identify the topo- and ethnonyms were surveyed by Kirwan
(1972a, 173 f.). Samene, a mountain region S of the Takkaze valley, and Bega = Blemmyes may be
regarded as more or less secure; the rest are very doubtful and hence not specified here.
953
The table was found built carefully into the roof of the burial chamber of
Beg. W. 109 (Dunham 1963, 199, fig. 145) so that its inscribed side had been
"visible" to the deceased. Such a curious re-use of an (excellently preserved) of-
fering table clearly indicates a deliberate act of pious character, and it may well be
imagined that it was for the burial of a descendant or relative of Amanikhedolo
that this offering table had been removed from Begarawiya North. The
motivation remains, however, obscure since the provenance of the table re-
mains unknown (Hofmann 1978a, 157 f. suggests, hypothetically, Beg. N. 43).
[LT]
Takideamani. Evidence for reign.
Takideamani is attested in the Meroitic hieroglyphic text of an offering table

(Berlin 2255, Griffith 1911a,Pl. XXXI/60, REM 0060) found by Lepsius (cf. LD Text
V, 313) in Beg. N. 29 (Dunham 1957, 166 ff.). The royal benediction formula (cf.
Hintze 1959, 34 ff.) and the now destroyed reliefs of the mortuary cult chapel (LD
Text V, 313) indicate that Takidemani was a king. The names of his parents,
Adeqetli (father) and Nptdheto (mother), do not seem to indicate direct royal de-
scent.
Bronze578and ceramic objects (Dunham 1957, fig. 109, bottom rows) from the
surviving part of the grave inventory in Beg. N. 29 indicate a dating to the first
half of the 3rd cent. AD.
[LTI
Mashaqadakhel (?). Evidence for reign.
The name Msqdbel or Ssqdhel occurs as the owner's name in the cursive Meroitic
inscription of an offering table with royal benediction formula (cf. Hintze 1959,
34 ff.) found in an apparently secondary position in the descent of Beg. W. 113
(Dunham 1963, 225 f., fig. 157/3, REM 0844). The name of Mashaqadakhel's (?)
mother is not preserved; his/her father's name was A[...lble. Hofmann (1978a,
159) thinks Mashaqadakhel was a female and assigns to her, as an hypothesis,
the small pyramid Beg. N. 32 (Dunham 1957, 178 f.), in the mortuary cult chapel
reliefs (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 23/A-C) of which a queen is represented.
The identification of the owner of Beg. N. 32 (or of any other uninscribed late
burial in the Begarawiya North cemetery) with the owner of REM 0844 remains,
however, speculative. It may be pointed out with greater probability that his/her
name seems to contain the theonym Mash. The cult of Mash is indirectly
attested by theophoric personal names (for a list see TOrök 1984b, 169) and,
578 For a hanging lamp in Hellenistic style and with a Meroitic "property" mark which was ap-
plied on the original mould for the lamp see Dunham 1957, fig. 109; Török 1989a, 144 no. 191; the
same "property" mark also appears on a bronze bell with representations of prisoners, Dunham
1957, fig. 110, top; for the marks cf. Török 1972, figs 1, 4, 5.
954
The Sources
directly, by priestly titles (Torök 1977b, esp. 414 ff.) dating to the 2nd and 3rd cent.
AD. The contexts of the latter579 as well as the unique invocation Wosi Msmni,
"Oh Isis, oh Mash-Amani" in the offering table text REM 0430 from Meroe City
support the identification of Mash as a Meroitic form of Amfin, perhaps Amen-
Re, who was worshipped in the temples of Arnim. The names and titles also
indicate that the cult emerged in Meroe City; if so, it may also seem tempting to
suppose that Mashaqadakhel's name (if we read it correctly) marks the royal
acceptance and promotion of the Mash cult.
[LTI
238 The last mention of the Coh. II Ituraeorum equitata at the Egyptian-
Aithiopian frontier. AD 205.
POxy. IV 735 + V p. 315. CPL 134. CPJ III 465. ChLA IV 275.
Source bibliography
Bruckner-Marichal A. Bruckner-R. Marichal: Chartae Latinae Antiquiores.
1967 Vol. 4. London. [= ChLA IV.1
Cavenaile 1958 R. Cavenaile: Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum.
Wiesbaden. [= CPL.]
Fink 1971 R.O. Fink: Roman Military Records on Papyrus.
Cleveland, OH.
Grenfell-Hunt 1904 B.P. Grenfell-A.S. Hunt (ed.): The Oxyrhynchus Papyri.
Part IV. London.
Sijpesteijn 1981 Small Notes on Bilingual Papyri. ZPE 42, 107-110.
Straus 1978 J.A. Straus: Notes sur quelques papyrus concernant
l'esclavage dans l'tgypte romaine. ZPE 32, 259-262.
Tcherikover et al. 1964 V.A. Tcherikover et al.: Corpus Papyrorum
Judaicarum. Vol. 3. Cambridge, MA. [= CPJ III.]
This papyrus is a fragment of records concerning troops, written partly in Latin,
partly in Greek. Portions of three columns have survived. Of Col. I, only the last
(Latin) letters of a few lines are legible. Col. II preserves some fragmentary
names in Latin, the complete text of a receipt written in Greek (lines 5-11), one
line in Latin (line 12), and another list of names in Latin. Of Col. III, the left part
is extant, showing again a list of names in Latin.
The papyrus was found at Oxyrhynchus near the entrance to the Fayyum in
the north of Egypt. The date at the end of the receipt refers to "the 14th year of a
joint reign, which on palaeographical grounds is probably that of Septimius
Severus and Caracalla" (Grenfell-Hunt 1904, 227), i.e., AD 204/05; Thoth 7 then
corresponds to Sept. 4, AD 205.
579 The priests of Mash at Karanog are, in most cases, at the same time also priests of Amim and/or
Amim of Thebes, cf. Török 1977b 414 f.; 1984b 164, 170.
955
The text was first published by Grenfell-Hunt 1904 (POxy IV 735 + Pl. V, with
corrected readings in POxy V [1908]p. 315). It was republished by Cavenaile 1958,
Tcherikover et al. 1964 (with Eng. trans.), Bruckner-Marichal 1967 (with
facsimile), and Fink 1971, 335-337 (No. 81, with Eng. trans.). Improved readings
were successively adopted in these publications, and a couple of others have
since been suggested by Straus (1978, 260 f.) and Sijpesteijn (1981, 107 f.). It was
only through the latter's new reading in Col. II, line 8, that the identity of the
military detachment was revealed and consequently the relevance of this
Oxyrhynchus papyrus for Nubian studies.
Text
Col. II
1-4 (List of personal names in Latin)
5 MaX(OX(ii M[..]VCN[0]1) 07CtiOW O1')iKT(0—
pt Kol_tapivo?Kataapow oixovål.tou
oi)ucapiou xaipetv. 4tetpiilkicsav
o npoxigevot ititeiç icpal(atSiou) Emiv(n;) OtptOwi)
i)Tcp j.trVôç 06.)0 nupoii ciptO43a;itev-
10 TIiiCOVTa. ("CCYK) KupicovXE3aat6w
06.)0 1.
item pedites VI Belei
13-17 (List of personal names in Latin)580
Translation
(list of names)
(5) Malochos, son of M[..]nanos, adjutant (optio),581 to Victor, deputy
(vicarius) of Comarinus, treasurer (oikonomos)582 of the emperors,583 greeting.
The above-mentioned cavalrymen of the praesidium at Syene,584 50 in
number,585 have been apportioned fifty artabas of grain for the month Thoth.
(10) Year 14 of our Lords the Augusti, Thot 7.
580 Interestingly enough in our context, the last name but one in Col. III (line 29) was read Etiopius
Chut by Grenfell-Hunt, while De Ricci in POxy V p. 315 corrected it to Eponuchus; the latter read-
ing has generally been adopted by editors, with Cavenaile (1958, 254) as an exception.
581 The rank of optio designated "a junior officer chosen by a centurion or decurion to assist him"
(OLD).
582 Corresponding to the Latin dispensator.
583 The case endings in the presentation of the addressee in lines 6-7 have been altered by attrac-
tion; they make no sense as written in the papyrus. We follow Straus 1978, 260 f., in assuming that
the text should be read as 0.6iicuopt Kcogapivou Katacipaw obcovåp.ou miumpic9 rather than
Grenfell-Hunt's OUixtcopt Kcogapivou Kaiacipcov oixo~ oVucapio? (presumably meaning
"to Victor, vice-economus of Comarinus, slave of the emperors").
584 Grenfell-Hunt's reading npaitow had been a crux and some had replaced it with npoStwv ("of
the first", Tcherikover et al. 11964, 26 f.). Finally Sijpesteijn 1981, 107 f., reinterpreted two letters
and restored the abbreviated reference to the "praesidium at Syene".
585 Grenfell-Hunt's dtpiOucrw was divided into åp1.01.4 already by De Ricci in POxy V p. 315.
956
The Sources
(12) Likewise infantry of Beleus' century:586

(list of names)
{TH]
Comments
The evidence presented by the receipt POxy. IV, 735 recording the supply of grain
for fifty cavalrymen from the praesidium at Syene but transferred to the area of
Oxyrhynchus can also be complemented by BGU XI, 2024 from AD 204 which
similarly attests the posting of troops from Egypt's southern frontier for longer
periods to Middle Egypt. Speidel (1988, 794) supposes that their transfer was
connected with the persecution of Christians during this period. He also points
out that the garrison stationed in the region of the First Cataract had been used
as a source for reserves in Egypt ever since the lst cent. BC.
Here it seems relevant to offer a brief survey of the units stationed in the
region of the Egyptian-Aithiopian frontier during the 3rd cent. AD. After AD
204, the Cohors II Ituraeorum equitata no longer appears in the evidence relat-
ing to the Aithiopian frontier; and only one cohort, the I Flavia Cilicum equitata
is attested there until AD 217/218 (see 239). A curator of this latter cohort is,
however, still mentioned in a papyrus from AD 232 (PPar. 69; Lesquier 1918, 143;
Speidel 1988, 777 f.), which indicates the presence of a curator at Syene and a
regular commander of another auxiliary force at Elephantine or Philae (see
Speidel 1988, 778). The lack of later evidence concerning the troops stationed at
the frontier may be accidental and does not, of course, mean the end of the de-
fence of Egypt in the south (for a general survey of the evidence concerning the
troops stationed in Egypt see Daris 1988). It may, however, indicate a period of
increasing neglect of the outposts south of Philae: it seems that 248 was written
in the last years of Roman control in the Dodecaschoenus (for the subsequent
developments see 249 ff.). It also seems significant that the latest pieces of the so-
called "Pselchis Wine Series", i.e., the Greek receipts for wine on ostraca issued
to troops stationed at Dakka, date from the second decade of the 3rd cent. AD; no
later example is known (cf. Låda-Rubinstein 1996).
[LT]
586 A century (centuria) was a standard military unit consisting of roughly 100 soldiers. The sign for
it in the Latin text, VI, was misunderstood by earlier editors as the numeral 6, as pointed out by
Fink 1971, 336. This list of infantry is believed to have been followed by another receipt, similar
to the extant one conceming the cavalrymen.
957
239 A late mention of the Cohors I Flavia Cilicum equitata at the Egyptian-
Aithiopian frontier. AD 217/18.
ILS III 8919; At 1905, 54.
Source bibliography
Alston 1995 Alston: Soldier and society in Roman Egypt. A social
history. London-New York.
Bilabel 1923 F. Bilabel: Siglae. RE II A, cols. 2297-2315.
Daris 1980 Daris: P. L. Bat. XIX 11 e le cohortes Cilicum. ZPE 39, 185-
188.
Dessau 1916 Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, ed. H. Dessau. Vol. 3.2.
Berolini. [= ILS.]
Devijver 1982 H. Devijver: Cohortes Cilicum in the service of Rome.
ZPE 47, 173-183.
Lesquier 1918 J. Lesquier: L'arme romaine d'Egypte d'Auguste å
Diocl&ien. (Wmoires publi& par les Membres de
l'Institut Franais d'Archologie Orientale du Caire, 41.)
Cairo.
Pflaum 1967 H.-G. Pflaum: Un nouveau diplôme militaire d'un soldat
de l'arme'e d'tgypte. Syria. Revue d'art oriental et
d'archologie, 339-362.
Speidel 1988 M.P. Speidel: Nubia's Roman Garrison. ANRW 11.10.1,
767-798.
Zawadzki 1969 Zawadzki: Un nouveau praefectus castrorum en Égypte
et deux oMisques &igs par un centurion. CdE 44, 106-
117.
This inscription is the latest in a series of five dedications found at the head-
quarters of the Roman garrison at Syene and set up by military units stationed
there at different times (Zawadzki 1969, 106, n. 1). The text below is based on the
one printed by Dessau (1916), with the single correction noted in the footnote.
Text
M. Opellio Antonino I Diadumeniano nobilissimo I Caesari, principi iuven-
tutis, I Aug. n. filio, sub Iulio 5 Basiliano praef. Aeg., coh. I Fl I Cilicum eq.,
curante Furnio Diabone 7587leg. II Tr. Fort.
587 The sign 7 is a symbol (sigla) for centurio. For a survey of siglae used in Latin inscriptions see
Bilabel (1923) 2311-2313.
958
The Sources
Translation
For M. Opellius Antoninus Diadumenianus, most noble Caesar, princeps iu-
ventutis,588 son of our Augustus589, under Julius (5) Basilianus, Prefect of
Egypt,590 by the First Flavian Cohort of Cilicians with mounted contingent,591
Furnius Diabo, centurion of the second legion Traianic Brave, commanding of-
ficer.592
[TEl
Comments
See Comments on 238.
240 Greek inscription referring to Philae and the Dodecaschoenus. AD 213 217. -
I. Philae II 179.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 t. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [= I. Philae II.]
This inscription is reported to have been incised on the lintel of a doorway
leading to the staircase east of the kiosk of Nectanebo at the southern end of the
island of Philae. It was first published by É. Bernand (1969, 191 f., with Pl. 101) on
the basis of an old transcript; the first letters of each line were covered by a wall
when the text was copied in 1896, and the stone does not seem to have been
reinspected since.
Our text is based on that of Bernand, who also provides a French translation
and comments. His restorations in lines 9-10 presuppose that the inscription is a
dedication closely parallel to 210.
Text
[Tfilg yfig iircdcafig 0a[koia]-
[afi]ç Kai rfig Okfig oi-Kowtévfig
588 Princeps iuventutis, "foremost of the young", was, as a title of official importance, first con-
ferred upon the Emperor Augustus' grandsons Gaius Iulius Caesar and Lucius Iulius Caesar.
589 0pellius Diadumenianus was a son of the Emperor Macrinus.
590 Iulius Basilianus is attested as Prefect between April AD 217 and March 6, AD 218, see Bas-
tianini (1988) 507.
591 The Latin text of Dessau (1916) says 'coh. III', ("Third Cavalry Cohort of Cilicians"), but 'III' is
corrected to 'I Fl.', "First Fl(avian)", in a footnote. This correction is endorsed by specialists in the
field of Roman military organization in Egypt, see Lesquier (1918) 86 with note 4; Pflaum (1967)
353. The presence of the First Flavian Cohort in Egypt is well attested (see the list of documents
given by Alston [19951 176), whereas there is no other evidence for a "cohors III Cilicum". The error
probably arose from a misreading ('III' for 'I F1') by the first editor, see Dafis (1980) 188; Devijver
(1982) 173 f.
592 The curante in 1. 6 of the Latin text refers to his title curator, which he held in his capacity as
commander of all the cohorts stationed on the Nubian frontier, cf. Speidel (1988) 778.
959
[SE]nuitiv, Mi-roxpeitopa
[Kailaapa, Måplcov Ai)pijktov
5 [Esloufjpov 'Avtoweivov,
[I-Ia]paucOvgératov, [Bpur]'(avticOv)
[g,y]tatov, FEpgavudw 1.4y](1.a-cov),
[Ein](b)xf), Ei)acl3f1,[E13ccaTöv],
(3(17x6
IXiv Kcxï{3,C08EKOCCIXOn -
10 [vou], TOv auTitivei)?[pyéTriv].
'Ere dcyc404)].
Translation
[Th]e [ma]ster of all land and s[ea] and the whole world,593 Emperor [Cae]sar
Marcus Aurelius (5) [Se]verus Antoninus, [Pa]rthicus Maximus, [Bri]tannicus
[Max]imus, Germanicus M[aximus], [Fel]ix, Pius, [Augustus], (dedicated by) [the
people (?) o]f594Philae and [the Dodecaschoe(10)nus],their be[nefactor].
May it be for the be[st].
[TH]
Comments
This loyalistic dedication from Philae in honour of the Emperor Caracalla dates,
as indicated by the emperor's titulary, from the period between 213 and 217, i.e.,
between Caracalla's adoption of the title Germanicus Maximus on May 20, 213
and his death on April 8, 217 (cf. Rohden 1896, 2446 ff.). If correctly restored, the
text attests to the maintenance of the administrative structure of the
Dodecaschoenus in the same form as indicated in 210 of the lst cent. AD.
[LT]
241 Pestilence in Aithiopia (?) in AD 200. Early 3rd cent. AD.

Cassius Dio, Roman History 76.13.1.
Source bibliography
supersunt. Ed. U. Ph. Boissevin. Vol. 3. Berlin.
Cary 1927 Dio's Roman History. With an English translation by E.
Cary. Vol. 9. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-
Cambridge, MA.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source on Cassius Dio in general
see 205. The present text is established by a combination of the epitome of Cas-
593 The Emperor Caracalla (AD 198-217) had the ambition to be a second Alexander the Great and
a kosmokrator, "lord of the world".
594 Literally: "those from...". As in 210, what sort of group these people represented is uncertain.
960
The Sources
sius Dio by Xiphilinus and the Excerpta Valesiana (cp. 207), and is taken from
the description of the Emperor Septimius Severus' stay in Egypt AD 199-200
during his campaign against the Parthians.
Our text is based on the edition of Boissevin (1901). An English bilingual
edition is provided by Cary (1927).
Text
76.13 [1] E'ilcoat 8' oi.iv iji.tépa; ti
oktoplciqc rcpoesöpEliaa; ç tiv FlaXatcy-
tiviv getå TO13TO 0cKai To) 11outi1i EN/1171.6E, Kal MyvicTov div
åvco Stå TO'£)NeiX,ou àvé?uy icti. d8E nåaav aimjv rckijv f3paxcov• o'U
yåp Tjauvirjei irpôç tå rfç AiOtoicia; p.s06pux Stå Xotp,o5811vOcsov
Translation
76.13 [1]So, after having conducted the siege for twenty days595 he [Severus]
thereafter went to Palestine and offered a sacrifice for Pompey. He then sailed up
the Nile to Upper Egypt and saw all of it except for a short stretch; for he was not
able to enter into the border area of Aithiopia because of a pestilence.
[TEI
Comments
In his description of Severus' stay in Egypt between the late winter of AD 199
and the winter of 200, which resulted in the modernisation of the Egyptian
governmental system (creation of municipalities, autonomy of the metropoleis;
cf. Fluss 1923, 1972 f., 1985),Dio briefly mentions the emperor's journey to Upper
Egypt. It took place in the early summer of AD 200 (cf. Fluss 1923, 1973;
Volkmann 1971, 40) and was interrupted, before the emperor could cross the
frontier of Aithiopia, by a pestilence. It seems probable that by the frontier, the
region of the First Cataract is meant and that the emperor had originally
intended to proceed as far south as the Dodecaschoenus which was traditionally
described by classical authors as "Aithiopia" (cf. 188, 210, 230); for there is no
reason to believe that he would have wanted to enter Meroitic territory. It
remains unclear whether the pestilence occurred in Aithiopia, i.e., in the Dode-
caschoenus, or in Upper Egypt; the former possibility is the more likely.
Pestilences in Antiquity usually brought about far-reaching demographic,
economic, and political consequences. Though it was generally assumed that
pestilences originated in Aithiopia (see FHN II, 68), and the devastation epi-
demics caused in Egypt in the 2nd and 3rd cent. AD is known (cf. the evidence
reviewed by Hofmann 1978a, 188), their impact on Meroe remains, despite re-
peated references (see 257), unknown to us. It may be supposed, however, that
the neglect of the Roman defence of the Dodecaschoenus (cf. 238, 239) and the
abandonment of the region in AD 298 (see 280, 318) was, to some extent, also
595 The preceding pages describe the unsuccessful siege of the city of Hatra in Mesopotamia.
961
prompted by the effects of the epidemics in AD 200 and around the middle of
the century (cf. also Walser-Pekåry 1962, 25; Pekåry 1976, 118 f.).
[Un
242 Silent trade on the Egyptian-Aithiopianfrontier.Ca. AD 220.

Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 6.2.
Source bibliography
Anderson 1986 G. Anderson: Philostratus. Biography and Belles Lettres
in the Third Century A.D. London-Sidney-Dover, NH.
Bowersock 1969 G.W. Bowersock: Greek Sophists in the Roman
Empire. Oxford.
Bowie 1978 E.W. Bowie: Apollonius of Tyana. Tradition and
Reality. ANRW 11.16.2, 1652-1699.
Conybeare 1950 Philostratus: The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Trans.
F.C. Conybeare. Vol. 2. London-Cambridge, MA.
Jones-Bowersock 1970 Philostratus: Life of Apollonius. Trans. C.P. Jones. Ed.
G.W. Bowersock. (Penguin Classics.) Harmondsworth.
Kayser 1870 Flavii Philostrati Opera. Ed. C.L. Kayser. Vol. 1. Leipzig.
Flavius Philostratus, the author of Life of Apollonius and Lives of the Sophists,
was probably born in the reign of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-80) and died in the
reign of Philip the Arab (AD 244-49). He belonged to a family from the island of
Lemnos, but was an Athenian citizen and spent part of his life in Athens. He
also frequented court circles in Rome. Several members of his family wrote
books, and therefore the authorship of some of the works surviving under the
name "Philostratus" cannot be decided with certainty. But the two biographical
works mentioned, as well as some minor works, are securely ascribed to our
Philostratus (sometimes referred to as Philostratus the Elder). He was a promi-
nent exponent of the Greek literary movement called the "Second Sophistic", a
term he himself coined in his Lives of the Sophists; these "sophists" cultivated
public declamation as an art form and were often politically influential in their
cities (see Dio, 221, and Aristides, 230, and cf. Bowersock 1969).
The Life of Apollonius from which our extract is taken was commissioned
by the Empress Julia Domna but was not completed until after her death in AD
217. It celebrates the Neopythagorean holy man Apollonius of Tyana (in Cap-
padocia, E Asia Minor) who lived in the first century AD and had now, in the
reign of the Severans, become an object of cult. Philostratus' work may be de-
scribed as a romantic biography or a biographical novel, and it is uncertain how
far this Apollonius figure is the author's own invention or where he relies on
earlier sources of any documerttary value (cf. Bowie 1978). The quest for wisdom
brings his hero both to India and to northern Aithiopia; and after a general
962
TheSources
description of Aithiopia and the Nile based on literary sources including

Herodotus (6.1), there follows the description of the silent trade which we have
selected here (6.2).
Our text is based on Kayser's critical edition (1870). There is bilingual edition
of the Life of Apollonius in the Loeb Classical Library by Conybeare ([1912] 1950)
and a more recent partial translation by Jones (in Jones-Bowersock 1970). The
monograph by Anderson (1986) discusses Philostratus' sources in a chapter with
the telling title "Apollonius in Wonderland" (on Aithiopia, pp. 215-220).
Text
6.2 'A4:11K6fiEv0;
yåp Tå A101457tOWTE Kai Aiyuntiow Opta, 1;u1cOcInvov
oc6Tå 6voi.ugoum, xpucycis? TE åarigo? kvTuxe Kod. Ko6,
pipo? Koci åpoigacnv, EKEITO & nåvta ål:1)15Xaicta v 680->
aXICYTTj• Ked å u 3o.62LETat o-ye;.)STIX0)4503,vogicTat yåp
pç åyopåv Ai8ioirç ånåyoncnv, Uiv Ai(koicia 8i8comv, ol S' åvEÄ.0-
1.1Evol nåaav 1.1.1(1)époucstv ç TOv ce6tOv iipov åyopåv Aiyuntiav iaot)
(giav oivol5p,Evot to3v atoç OvTow t à 01C OvTa. Oi è Tå Opta uisw
igccipow o'ocol3vTN 0157C0)1.1éXavE; åXXå 6p.64ukot TO xpoiga, geXaivov-ra.
yåp oi. AL01.67tOW, 01, è låXÅ,ov Aiywuriwv.
-1uvi.ç cr6v 6 'AitoXovi.oç
-- toi tiç åyopå "Oi 45 xpriatoi"
""Ekkrive, vgij 63oX16 6BoUv TICTI Kai Tå divta atoïç 1NÜXfl
KOM1kE'60VTE; ica0E1.pyv1ivte,(Y6 ()am Çiv, 6 j.tv Buyovrépa CTKTIIZT4IEVO
dipå yågow, 6 8' DiOv 113'n TekoiwTa ç åv3poc;, 6 6' èpvoi) nktipcomv, 6
6', oS; oixoöogoiTo oixiav, 6 8é, dç ociax.6votTo xprigancyril IITTow To.6
naTpO; Sigat. KaX(.7)8' åp' ccV,ìva 6 TrXIY6TO;årill(Og rcparucv 1,66TTI;
TE
i.xX.a 8' dercKetto ai8lipo;
Ogovootivtcov t(i'Wåv9poincov, kai. i yfl nåGa 6}ce.t.gia."
Translation
6.2 When he [Apollonius] came to the border between Aithiopia and Egypt, a
place they call Sycaminos (Maharraqa), he happened upon uncoined gold, linen,
ivory, roots, perfume, and spices. All of this was lying unguarded at a fork in the
road. I will explain what this means, for the custom is still observed to this day.
The Aithiopians come with some of the goods that Aithiopia produces, and the
Egyptians carry everything away and bring to the same place Egyptian goods of
equal value, buying what they lack with what they have. Those who live at the
border in the interior are not quite black, but all of the same colour, less black
than the Aithiopians but blacker than the Egyptians.
When Apollonius understood the nature of this trade, he said: "Our excel-
lent Greeks say they cannot live without one obol begetting another and unless
they can force up the price of their goods by retailing and hoarding. One gives as
his excuse that he has a daughter of marriageable age, another a son about to
963
enter manhood, one must pay his club subscription, another is building a house,
another still says he would be ashamed to seem less good a business-man than
his father. Well it was where wealth was not honoured but equality flourished,
'and the black iron was hidden away',596 because people lived in harmony and
the whole earth was considered one."
[TH
]
Comments
According to Philostratus, the Nile and the Indus resembled each other in their
natures, and the religious rites celebrated for them were also similar; on the
whole, there were close similarities between Aithiopia and India. This may also
explain why Philostratus' hero, the sage Apollonius of Tyana, undertook a
journey to Aithiopia to meet the Gymnosophists or "Naked Sages", the pupils
of the Indian Brahmans (cf. Vita Apoll. 6.11). When he arrived at the confines of
Egypt and Aithiopia, the sight of the market place at [Hiera] Sycaminos (modern
Maharraqa), i.e., the actual Egyptian-Meroitic frontier (cf. 220), where the curious
items of a silent trade were displayed, struck the sage as an example of
uncorrupted ethical values and inspired his moralizing comments on the
corruption money economy caused in Greece. He contrasts Greek profit-hunting
with the loftiness of an exchange that is destined to satisfy basic needs and
nothing more.
If the Utopian picture of Aithiopian business practices as portrayed by the
philosopher during his search for Indian Gymnosophists in Aithiopia were not
enough to caution the reader about the imaginativeness of the narrative, the
mention of uncoined gold waiting to be picked up should signal to us that we
are in fact reading a parable with a philosophical message (for Philostratus'
views cf. Bowie 1974). In spite of its obvious character as a fable, Philostratus'
narrative has nevertheless been quoted in the literature on Nubian economy as
evidence for barter and for an international market at Hiera Sycaminos (e.g.,
Kirwan 1959, 26; Adams 1977, 349; Desanges 1978a, 321 note 72; cf. also Bersina
1989, 222 f.). In an earlier study Török (1984c,51) suggested that Philostratus' ev-
idence is supported by a remark of the Roman satirist Juvenal (Sat. 11.124) ac-
cording to whom the Aithiopians ferried ivory to Syene.597 More recently,
however, he has expressed doubts concerning the veracity of Apollonius' al-
leged experience at Hiera Sycaminos (Tärök 1986a,288 ff.; 1989a 82 f., 372 f.).
JUTI
596 Probably an allusion to Hesiod, Works and Days, verse 151.

597 For Aithiopian merchants (?) arriving by boat at Elephantine see FHN II, 103.
964
The Sources
243 Philae. Demotic graffito of Makaltami.Early 3rd cent. AD.

Griffith 1937, Ph. 344. Burkhardt 1985, 111 f.
(1) p3 ntr [3] Wsir Wn-nfr

(1)(0, you) [great] god, Osiris Onnophris,
Pr-3 (2) n p t (r) dr=f g3cdt

King (2) of the entire land in perpetuity.
bbs (3) [ti] pt — — p3ym

(you who) cover (3) [the] sky ... the sea,
snd (4) [=k m] t nb

fear (4) [rof whoml is in every land,
p3 — [rntr1] p3 nb mgt (5) p3=ytsy — —

(o you) — great [rgodl], (oh you) Lord of Maat, (5)my lord ,
Ink MIcItmy (6) riw=yl [ — ] bk — —

I, Makaltami, (6) rI shall' [ ] servant
sdm r n3=y (7) gllw — —

listen to my (7) prayers ,
mtw=k ir ri3nty (8) hn b3t=y

and do that which (8) is in my heart,
[mtw=k] dit n=1 t gmet (9) —

[and] grant me the power (9) • • •
[RHP]
Comments
The prayer of Makaltami (for its somewhat anomalous type see Burkhardt 1985,
59 f.) was incised in Demotic between the hands of the king and the shoulder of
Osiris in the pronaos of the temple of Isis, over the W doorway in a relief scene
representing Ptolemy IX offering to Isis and Osiris. Since the prayer is directed to
Osiris Onnophris, the place for the inscription may be regarded as carefully
chosen indeed. The place of the graffito indicates at the same time that its writer
had access to the interior of the sanctuary; and from this we may conclude that
he occupied a high position in the priestly hierarchy.
Makaltami's priestly office is indicated in the Meroitic mortuary text of his
relative Wayekiye (A) (see 246): he was pelmos, i.e., "strategus", district com-
missioner, and chief manager of the economic affairs of temples (probably with
965
a competence that extended over the whole Dodecaschoenus, cf. FHN II, 180,
and in this volume see 229). According to 246 Makaltami stood in a mde-rela-
tionship to Wayekiye (A), i.e., he was his (maternal) uncle (for the meaning of
the Meroitic relationship word see Hintze 1974 20 ff.: mother's brother; but see
also Török 1977b, 407 note 11: the mde-relationship can also refer to the brothers
of one's grandmother598). Accordingly, Burkhardt (1985, 91, 96) regarded
Makaltami as an uncle of Wayekiye (A) on the assumption that the latter's
mother was a sister of Makaltami and the daughter of Paêse (see 231, 245).
Burkhardt's—on this point hypothetical—reconstruction of the relationships of
the early generations of the Wayekiye family was reproduced in the Comments
on 232.
[LT]
244 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Welc.First half of the 3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1937, Dak. 33. Burkhardt 1985, 102 f.
(1) [ b3t-sp ? n — ] nty hwy [ — —]ibd 2 pre sw 9 py hrw nfr

(1)[ Regnal year ? of King ] Augustus [ ] second month of Winter, day 9, this
good day,
p3 hrw nty iw w313P3-1<rnys3P3-di-n3-ntrw mwet=f (2) [ —

the day on which Pecfêrefison of Petenent6r, his mother (being) (2) [
—]t n Bk 53 Pa-Ist p3 kwr'rny n 1st p3 rt n 1st

... r-' to Bêk son of Paêse the qêreil of Isis, the agent of Isis,
ir hb r p3 Icwe n p3ntr 3(3) [Dbwti n P3-nblse

to do work on the shrine of the great god (3) [Thoth of Priub]s,
lw=f hde=f n nb n rr38' (r-)dr=f

gilding it with gold of rone eighth' all over
hn te=f mdt-rmt-n-ntr
in his piety,
iw bn-pw=f t3nkt n p3 t3 n-drt=f

without having taken anything at all from it/him
598 According to Hofmann 1974, the mde-relationship is one between a lord and his client. In view
of the high social position of the majority of persons who refer to their being in a mde-relation-
ship to other high dignitaries, and the fact that they actually were, as can be demonstrated
through the cross-references in the evidence, in such a family relationship to their alleged
"patrons", Hintze's interpretation is preferred to her suggestion (cf. also Török 1988a, 256 with
note 699).
966
TheSources
(4)[ — — ]=f n ibd 3 pre

[ [ him/it in the third month of Winter,
hrw 20 m-s3hb r.ir=f r Pr-lw-lk

20 days after he sent to Final-island (Philae)
m-s3 p3 hm-ntr p3 r—' irm m mbw

for the hont-priest, the r—', and the waab-priests,
lw=f tn p3hb [ —
and he relevating the message' ...
— ]riw=fl ir pe=f iyla

(5)he celebrating its Feast of Entry,
iw=w ir mnhet n py
vestments being made for this great divinity as well,
dd I.ir py §y Dhwti n P3-nbse(6)[r dit n=]f

that this great divinity, Thoth of Pnubs, should (6) [give hi]m
ki byt 3t nfrt
a long life and a great and good old age
irm te=f hmyt irm ne=f hrtw §cdt

with his wife and his children for ever
iw dbe hpr iw w3h=fhde (7)p3kwe n rn=f

because of the fact that he gilded (7)the shrine in question
r d3dest 200
on 200 places.
[RHP]
Comments
This Demotic graffito was incised on the W front of the temple of Dakka close to
the doorway leading from the temple court to the pronaos of the chapel of
Arqamani (Ergamenes) (cf. FHN II, (129)). Its text is typologically special among
the graffiti written by Meroites insofar as it contains a report about its writer's
activity and, instead of the usual longer prayer, only a brief formula asking for a
long life in return for what the writer has done for the deity (for its structural
and grammatical similarity to report+prayer texts see, however, Burkhardt 1985,
61). Its official character is obvious from its (now lost) dating according to the
regnal year of a Roman emperor of the 3rd cent. AD (for the occurrence of the
epithet nty hwy in titularies of Alexander Severus, Gallus, Valerianus and
Gallienus see Griffith 1937, 32) as well as from the structure of the text: it re-
967
counts that Bêk, son of Paêse, qorefi and agent of Isis (for the titles see 231), car-
ried out restoration work on the temple of Dakka on behalf of Pegêreii, son of
Petentår, and organised a Feast of Entry (or Inauguration) for Thoth of Dakka
with the participation of priests of both the hont- and waab classes from Philae.
The identity of Pegêreft son of Petenentôr (perhaps "the qoreri", son of Pe-
tenent6r?) remains unknown. That he commissioned the restoration indicates
that Mc was his subordinate. Bêk's titles "qorefi and agent of Isis" seemingly
describe him as a temple official in the service of Isis of Philae; but the actual ac-
tivity described in 244 suggests that his authority was not specifically connected
with the temple of the goddess on Philae. It seems, instead, that the qoreris and
agents of Isis occurring in the Demotic graffiti of the Dodecaschoenus were offi-
cials serving a centralised authority which was identical to, or closely associated
with, a priestly college that united the clergy of the main temples of the Dode-
caschoenus. Such a clericalised civil+temple administration also seems to be
indicated by another Demotic graffito from Dakka which reveals, at the same
time, that the structure of this administration had not changed much since the
Augustan period: in Dak. 29, for example, work done at Dakka is reported by a
"strategus and agent of Isis of the Abaton and Philae and agent of Thoth [of
Dakka]" (see FHN II, 181).
Bêk was son of the Paêse of 231 and thus a member of the Wayekiye family;
his family relations are shown in the Comments on 232. It is worth noting that
he "inherited" his offices from his father in accordance with the tradition pre-
vailing in Egyptian temples (cf., with examples from Philae, Otto 1905,207 ff.).
[LT]
245 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (A). AD 227/8.

Griffith 1937,Ph. 421. Burkhardt 1985, 119 ff.
n Wygy; s3n Hr-nht-it=f3 r.ms T3-pg

(1) t; In7tt
The obeisance of Weygeye, son of Hornakhtyotef, whom Teshepesh bore,
dy m-13;131st n Pr-3-wcb Pr-3-115

(2) here in the presence of Isis of Pure-island (the Abaton) and Final-island
(Philae)
irm n ntrw qyw n hwt-ntr (3) n 1st nty htp irm=s

together with the great gods of the temple-compound (3) of Isis who dwell with
her:
tw=y smwh m-b3h=wt

I am adoring (you) in your presence,
968
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iw=y hb n=t rmn

bowing my shoulders down to you,
(4) 1w n=y hr hs nn hb
my mouth uttering praises without diminution.
tw=y sn-t3 n=t

I am prostrating myself to you,
iw=y dw3 n t3=t ft

adoring your awesomeness;
snty=t hn ht(=y)
(5)and fear of you is in my body.
sdm n3=y glIew

Listen to my prayers,
t3 hnwt n ri; trcy

(o) mistress of the countries,
wsryt n (6) n3ntrw (r) dr=w

(you) mightiest of (6) all the gods!
r.1r=t 11n=1 n p3=t hrl n htp

Do you come to me with your peaceful countenance
nty n3 ntrw rgy.w n in33=f

at the sight of which the gods rejoice.
(7) sdm ru=y sbrw t3=y hnwt iy 1st

(7) Listen to my petition, my lady, o Isis,
mtw=t dit n=1 t3 gmt r rsmt) p31.1r(8) n3=y snw c3yw

and grant me the power rto emulate' what (8)my elder brothers did,
mtw=t dit n=1 hsyt mq.et ft r hr p; gy n n3Pr-31AT

and grant me favor, success, and esteem in the presence of the divinity of the
Kings!
(9) Ink p3=t bk

(9) I am your servant;
mnh h3t=y
and my heart is pious.
969
sdmt sprew n n3 nty ww

(0 you) who hear the petitions of those who are far
[rr smt'] n3 nty (10) hny n=s

reven as'l those who (10) are near to her,
t; nty dit nht wc r

you who make one mightier than many,
iw=s dit p3=s hfte hr p3=s mryt

delivering her enemy into the hands of her beloved.
iw=y r bw-n3y (11) n h3t-sp 7 n Swry3 3Ikstr3 Pr-3 p3=n tsy3

I came to this place (11) in the seventh regnal year of Severus Alexander, the
King, our lord,
irm Fir-nht-it=f (12) p; krne n Ist

with Hornalchtyotef, (12) the qêreti of Isis.
ir=n p3 iyke n t3 gwet n Ist n Pr-3-mb n wpe n nuy

We made the rdedicationl of the chapel of Isis of Pure-island (the Abaton) in
new work.
(13) ir=n t3y yre n.im=s r Pr-3-wcb n p; rn n n3 Pr-qw n3=11 tsynV

(13) We ferried it across the river to Pure-island (the Abaton) in the name of the
Kings, our lords.
n3-3e mdt (14) rmt n ntr iw w;h=n rir=wr

Numerous are the pious (14) things which we did.
she hm-ntr n Sptt m m§‹ iy n 11:3

Written by the hont-priest of Sothis in the going and coming of the Moon,
wb n p3 5 sb3 1-111w
waab-priest of the five living stars,
(15) hr-tp n nsw n

(15)Chief ritualist of the King of Kush.
[RHP]
Comments
This monumental prayer, which frames a report about the activity of Wayekiye
(A) and his father Hornakhtyotef I (see Comments on 232), is dated to the sev-
enth regnal year of Severus Alexander, i.e., AD 227/8. The father bears the title
of qoreriof Isis (cf. 231, 244), indicating a high office in the administration of the
temples of the Dodecaschoenus. Wayekiye (A) himself, who refers to the pious
970
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deeds that his elder brothers had carried out in the service of Isis and which he
wants to emulate, is hont-priest of Sothis and waab-priest "of the five living
stars", as well as hr-tp n nsw n K, "chief ritualist of the King of Kush". The first
two titles denote, in general terms, the higher priesthood of the Egyptian sanc-
tuaries and correspond to the Greek ispo«ti;, "prophet" and icpElk, "priest",
respectively (for the broad meaning of both titles cf. Otto 1905, 76 ff.). The first of
them, as it seems, indicates membership in the highest echelon of the priest-
hood of a temple; the second to a lower one (in the Decrees of Canopus and
Rosetta the waab-priests were listed last, cf. Otto 1905, 90, and constituted the
fifth phyle, cf. HMbl 1994, 101). Combinations of titles including several priest-
hoods on different levels of the hierarchy in different sanctuaries and of differ-
ent deities are, however, frequent in contemporary Egyptian texts and abun-
dantly attested in 2nd through 4th cent. AD Meroitic inscriptions (see Tör ök
1977b); and they can be interpreted as evidence, on the one hand, for the exis-
tence of several cults (of synnaoi, i.e., deities sharing a temple) in the same
temple, and, on the other, of priestly colleges uniting the priesthood of several
sanctuaries (see ibid. and Török 1984b,165 f.).
Seemingly, the titles of Wayekiye (A) refer to two cults and to a court office.
Although the star Sothis was worshipped in the personified form of the goddess
Sothis, especially in her form Isis-Sothis (cf. Kåkosy 1984; for representations at
Philae cf. PM VI, 210, 219, 223 ff.), the second title, which refers to the five
planets (cf. Loprieno-Behlmer 1985), i.e., an astronomical notion and not a
temple cult, makes it sufficiently clear that the first title too defines its owner as
an astronomer. The third title also points in this direction.
Viewed together, all three titles of Wayekiye (A) seem to be connected with a
special category of the priests belonging to the class of icpoypaggaTei the
learned "writers of the sacred books" (for the broad meaning of the term cf. Otto
1905, 87 ff.). We find them under the terms wnwty in Egyptian and ci)po?.6yo,
oSpowcOrco;in Greek documents (see Osing 1985, 100). They were educated, as
the Greek terms reveal, in astronomy and astrology and were responsible, as the
Egyptian title "hour-watcher" suggests, for measuring the 12 hours of the day
and the 12 hours of the night and for defining their lengths during the course of
the year as the lengths of the two parts of the day changed with the seasons.
They carried out their task, which was a very complicated one considering the
actual state of astronomy, with the help of the sundial by day and the clepsydra,
or of astronomical calculations, by night. They used astronomical instruments
called fry n bny-wnwt, 4oïvi Ocetpokoyia, "hour-priest's stave", and mrhyt,
åpoXöytov, "hour-indicator", and used stellar charts (cf. Gardiner 1947 I, 61* f.;
Spiegelberg 1917, 113 f.; Osing 1985, 100). Horologoi and horoskopoi are
mentioned in the sources relating to the temples in the Ptolemaic and Roman
periods and are also to be found in the service of the Ptolemaic court.
The third title "chief ritualist of the King of Kush" may be interpreted as ev-
idence for a significant intellectual contact between the Meroitic court and a
971
learned priestly member of the Meroitic 6ite in the Egyptian Dodecaschoenus. It

appears very likely that Wayekiye (A) received what sounds like a court title
from the Meroitic ruler in return for introducing, or re-introducing, in Meroe
the methods of time-reckoning in the advanced form practiced by the priests of
the Egyptian temples of the Roman period (cf. Borchardt 1920; Neugebauer-
Parker 1960-1964 I, 95 ff.; II, 3 ff.). Wayekiye (A), a priest of an Egyptian sanctuary
in the Egyptian Dodecaschoenus, belonged, however, to a non-Egyptian élite
family of this region; and the invitation he received to Meroe was addressed, as
we may well speculate, not only to the learned Egyptian priest but also to the
aristocrat of "Aithiopian" origin. Considering the fact that Wayekiye (A) and his
wife were buried beyond the Egyptian border (see 246, 247) and not in the still
Egyptian Dodecaschoenus, it is indeed tempting to conclude that Wayekiye (A)
not only acted as a vehicle of Egyptian knowledge but also as an instrument of
Meroitic political influence. As we shall see (250 ff.), the next generation of the
family acquired some sort of administrative power over Lower Nubian ter-
ritories beyond the Egyptian border as well. The burial place of Wayekiye (A)
seems to indicate that the family was at home not only in the Egyptian Dodeca-
schoenus, but also in Meroitic Lower Nubia.
While the political role played by Wayekiye (A) remains obscure, the text of
245 provides clear testimony of his splendid education. Despite its brevity, the
beautifully formulated prayer presents a well-balanced choice of the epithets of
Isis; and while the notion of reciprocity is obvious, one cannot fail to discern the
sincerity and the intensity of the piety of the writer. For the journey of the
divine barque see FHN II, 170.
[LT]
246 Medik. Funerary inscription of Wayekiye (A). First half of the 3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1912, Pls VIII, IX. REM 0089.
This round-topped sandstone (?) stela was discovered in 1911 by Firth (cf. Grif-
fith 1912, 17) in the filling (?) of a pit grave on the rocky edge of the desert on the
W bank of the Nile in the district of Medik at the hamlet called Aqêba, S of
Maharraqa (ancient Hiera Sycaminos). Its measurements as well as its present
whereabouts are unknown. The cursive Meroitic text was engraved in fifteen
horizontal lines. The text is given here on the basis of its REM edition.
Text
qo„ Wyekiyeqo„
Sipesiyeto„ Qoresemye„ *mdemdetlo„
(3)Mlome„ pelmos„ yetmdelo
(4)Mqoltemoye pelmos„ Bede(5)wetel„ yetmdelo„
972
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Pheme„ (6)qorefilhl„ yetmdelo

Be(7)ke„piritel„ yetmdelo„
sn(8)ptete krorol„ yetmdelo
(9)Mtewwi plmos„ adblit„ yet(10)mdelo„
plsn„ qbftli,, penn(11)*ani„yetekelo„
sor„ qor(12)deli„ yrohetelo„
penn„ (13)34nekw„ h*tkelo
(14)Wosi„ Soreyi„
atthm(15)lole„ ythto„
Comments
In an unusual manner, which may perhaps be explained as a result of the in-
consistent use of the diverging traditions of both Egyptian and Meroitic grave
inscriptions in the same text, the structure of 246 differs at several points from
the standard Meroitic non-royal funerary text (for the type see FHN II, 155). In-
stead of beginning with the invocation of Isis and Osiris (which is placed at the
end of the Description and thus opens the Benediction) it starts with the Nom-
ination of the deceased; yet from the Nomination the names of the mother and
the father of the deceased are missing. Instead, a rather lengthy Description fol-
lows in which the following mde-relations (maternal uncles and great-uncles
[?]) are listed: Sipesiye and Qoresemye, both without titles and combined in one
nominal sentence, indicating perhaps some connection between the two, the
meaning of which escapes our understanding: the strategus (for the meaning of
pelmos see 229, 243) Mlome; Mqoltemoye, who is identical with the Makaltami
of 243 and bears here the title of a strategus in Meroe; Pheme, a great/chief qorefi
(for -lh as "great", "chief" see Hintze 1963, 18 no. 206; for qoreii see 231); Beke,
who is identical with the Bêk of 244 and here bears the Meroitic title pirite as an
equivalent of Egyptian p3-rd, i.e., "agent" (cf. Griffith 1911b, 9; Hintze 1963, 19 no.
218); Mtewwi, identical with the Mn.(wi of 249 and the Manitawawi of 267. If,
however, we accept Burkhardt's carefully composed family tree (1985, 96), this
latter seems to be a brother-in-law and not an uncle of Wayekiye, which may
indeed explain his monuments that apparently date from after Wayekiye's
death. Furthermore, there is (are) listed as mde-relation(s) the person(s) who are
covered by the expressions snptete krorol and plsn qbneli, about which we
cannot decide whether they contain names and titles or only titles. In snptete we
can recognise the place name Npte, Napata, with the locative suffix -te (c f.
Griffith 1911b, 8, 23) and in s perhaps a word with the meaning "person" (cf.
Hofmann 1981a, 69 no. 28). The title (?) kroro is frequently attested in titularies
of high dignitaries (cf. Hofmann 1981a, 71 ff. nos 33-39); and plsn is supposed to
derive599 from Egyptian Greek Xecsdivt;,a high priestly title with the
meaning "Tempelvorsteher" in the Roman period (Otto 1905, 39, 49).
599 Hintze1973b,
335,however,doubtsthisderivation.
973
The text concludes with an expression consisting of a numeral (referring to

funerary offerings?) and a brief Benediction of a somewhat unusual form (cf.
REM 0137).
Wayekiye's funerary inscription is associated with the traditional Meroitic
funerary monuments through its language and, partly, its structure; and the
adaptation of the Meroitic concept of social identity and traditionalism is obvi-
ous from the Description, which emphasises belonging to a (maternal) clan.
This latter aspect of the text is the more striking in that the Nomination, where
in other texts, as a rule, the parents are named and thus the concept of patrilin-
earity is also present, is deliberately incomplete. As indicated above, inconsis-
tencies in the structure of the text may reflect a mixture of cultural traditions;
and the same may be indicated by the fragments of embalmed mummies and
painted mummy case(s) reported from the site where the stela was found
(Griffith 1912, 17).
A general dating of the text to the first half of the 3rd cent. AD results from
232 and 245. As shown by 255, Wayekiye (A) predeceased his wife Taêse (cf. 247,
255). For Wayekiye's descent see the Comments on 232.
[LT]
247 Medik. Funerary inscription of Taêse, wife of Wayekiye (A). First half of the
3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1912,Pls VIII, IX. REM 0088.
The text of 247 was inscribed at Medik (for the site see 246) on the rock surface at
a pit grave on the rocky edge of the desert. The eleven horizontal lines in cur-
sive Meroitic were incised into a sunk rectangular panel. Measurements and the
preservation of the text are unknown. We follow here the REM edition.
Text
(1)Tyesiqowi„
Sseno„ terikelowi„
Soni tedhe(2)lowi„
Pyesi„ hbh*e„ mdetowi„
pelmos„ atolise Yere(3)deb„qorpse„ Ulosi yetmdelowi„
Sqol„ lomde„ pelmo(4)s„ yetmdelowi„
kroro„ ptenowi„ kdi[1„
kso*s[1„ yetmdelowi„
perite„ Wos(se)„ an(t) [...1(6)[...1
(7)1...1k„yemli„ yetmdelowi„
qoreii Wosse (8)perite„ Mtwye„ a[..]bn„
yereHteni„ (qo)reii Hok(y/se)[...1
(9){
974
The Sources
(10)[...]„ Hniy„ qoriyi[li„kelo„
Comments
Like her husband's funerary inscription (see 246), Taêse's (the original Egyptian
form of the Meroiticised Tyesi was Ta-Iset) lists her important family relations;
but, unlike 246, it is structurally closer to the standard Meroitic non-royal fu-
nerary inscription and begins with a more complete Nomination. However,
here too the initial Invocation is missing.
Taêse was a daughter of Sseno and the lady Soni and stood in a mde-rela-
tionship to the hbhri Pyesi (the name is of Egyptian origin; the title, of unknown
meaning, occurs frequently in Lower Nubian Meroitic titularies), to Yeredeb, a
pelmos atolis, "strategus of the water" (for ato, "water", see Griffith 1911b, 23, 44
f.),600to Hlosi, a qorpse (meaning unknown), and to the "strategus" Sqol-lomde
(?). The expression kroro„ Ptenowi„ kdi[.]„ in line 4 perhaps means that she was
the sister (for kdi as sister in relation to a brother see Griffith 1911b, 66 note 2;
Hintze 1963, 15) of a dignitary called Patenowi. In line 5 the titles perite (cf. 246)
and ant "prophet" (Griffith 1911b, 57) refer to a relation in the service of the
goddess Isis (=Wos); in line 7 a qorenT(cf. 231) and "agent" of Isis is mentioned.
Here, however, also the name, Mtwye, is preserved; and this person we may
identify as Taêse's brother who is also known from 249 and 267. Taêse survived
her husband Wayekiye (A) (see 255). Her family relations are summarized below
(cf. Burkhardt 1985,96):
Gen. 3 Ssno = Soni (247)
see 232
Gen. 4 (249) Mniwi = Grmrwi.t (252) Taêse = Wayekiye (A)
Gen. 5 Wayekiye (B) (252)
Gen. 5 Hornakhtyotef II (250 f.) = NN Qêreri (254) = NN Shetelten (255)
Gen. 6 P3-r-lAT-nfr*= Tsône (262) Bekemete (261)
600 Hofmann 1976a compares the "strategus of the water" to the priestly title nauarchos attested
in the Greek Isis-cult of the Hellenistic period and associated with the rite called navigidiurn
Isidis, the sea voyage of Isis. On the other hand we also know bearers of the title pelmos adblis,
"strategus of the land", from Meroitic evidence (cf. 270); and this renders Hofmann's suggestion less
likely.
975
Gen. 7 Wygte (262 f.) = NN
Gen. 8 T3-r.t-pa-tw.t**
* Attested in Griffith 1937, 64 Ph. 111.

**Attested in 262.
[LT]
248 Pigs in the temple of Talmis. Greek decree of the strategos of Omboi and
Elephantine. AD 248/9 (?).
OGIS I 210. IGRR I 1356. SB V 8534. Wilcken, Chrest. 73. I. Prose 63.
Source bibliography
A. Bernand 1992 A. Bernand: La prose sur pierre dans l'Egypte
hell&tistique et romaine. Vol. 1-2. Paris. [= I. Prose.]
Bingen 1997 J. Bingen: Date et genèse d'OGIS I 210 (Talmis -
Kalabchah). CdE 72, 348-354.
Desanges 1974 J. Desanges: Review of A. Bernand 1969 and E. Bernand
1969. Erasmus 26, 232-235.
Gauthier 1911-1914 H. Gauthier: Le Temple de Kalabchah. Vol. 1-2. (Les
Temples immergs de la Nubie, 3.) Le Caire.
Lajtar 1996 A. Lajtar: Review of A. Bernand 1992. BO 53, 461-468.
Wilcken 1912 L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundzüge und Chrestomathie
der Papyruskunde. Band 1: U. Wilcken: Historischer
Teil, 2: Chrestomathie. Leipzig-Berlin.
This inscription, measuring 25 x 47 cm, was carved on the wall of the pronaos of
the temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha. The date attributed to it depends on what
emperors' name one supplies in line 11: In 1823, A.J. Letronne (followed by most
editors, including Wilcken 1912 and A. Bernand 1992) suggested [Philippi]
Augusti, i.e., Marcus Iulius Philippus, "Philip the Arab", Roman emperor from
AD 244 to 249, and his son of the same name whom he made Caesar in 244 and
Augustus in July or August of 247. R. Cagnat in IGRR (followed by Desanges
1974, 233) opted for [Maximini] Augusti, which would refer to Maximinus
Thrax, Roman emperor from AD 235 to 238, and his son. Bingen (1997, 349 f.)
now reads the figure (6) for the year and argues that this must refer to the sixth
year of the joint reign of the Philippi, recognized to begin in Egypt as early as the
spring of AD 244. The inscription would thus belong to AD 248/9 (to be exact,
between August 29, 248, and August 28, 249).
All this presupposes, of course, that line 11 really belongs to the original in-
scription; the remains of the line as shown in the photo published by Gauthier
976
The Sources
(1914, Pl. 69A; cf. 1911, 193) makes one feel less confident that this is so than ear-
lier editors and commentators seem to have been.
We follow the text given by Wilcken (1912, 102 f.), except for line 11 where
we have adopted Bingen's improved readings (Bingen 1997, 350). The same text,
except for line 11, is also printed by A. Bernand (1992 I, 142 f., 1992 II, 163-166),
who supplies a French translation, bibliography and commentary.
Text
Ai'ffliiX(tN) Bricapiew 6 al 'Al.q.utivto atp(atnyO;) '0143(ituu) 'EXep(av-
tivN). To pat(iatou) MiSpowN StalSexogev(ou) tirV dtpXlEpcocnivnv St' (itiv
'eypay(e) IKEXclicsav'co liåvtag "C01); oipoç e?.ccaet-ivat 15årcO
ICO)1.11];T iecoç TfK (AcoSeica)axoi(vov) IrapayyXXeltat nåat KEKTI-1-
gévot xoipou; T015T01.);EE,1)AX.0"Cel EVTO; nevteicaiöeica ijp.ep6iv de/t0 'C'FKnpo-
ketgevr1; ccô.trç, npO 000a4163v xizruat tå itepi -COISTOU I iceke-ues13evta rcpå
tO SiwacrOca tå nepi tå iepå OprjesPolcla Katå tå vevoplapiva yeiveaOca.
[('EtuK)] /6O1T .03V icupicov iiperw [[[4:1)0diercco]y]]602
ZePaatciiv.
Translation
Aurelius Besarion alias Ammonius, strategos of Omboi and Elephantine.
Since the vir egregius603 Myron, acting High Priest (of Alexandria and All
Egypt), has ordered me in writing that all the pigs be driven out (5) of the temple
of the village Talmis in the Dodecaschoenus,
command is issued604 to all those who own these pigs to drive them out
from the above-mentioned village within fifteen days, keeping before their eyes
what has been ordered in this matter,
so that the holy (10)rites may take place in the customary way.
[In the year] 6 of our lords [Philippi] Augusti.
ITH1
601 [Eroug y]. Cailliaud (in A. Bernand 1992 II, 165), rErou; .I/ Wilcken, [("Etou).1" A.
Bernand, [C'Etax);)] Bingen 1997 (based on a new photo).
602 The name of the emperors has been erased. [cliikiluto)v] Letronne, VI)ikinnwly Bingen,
[Mccigivcov] Cagnat, cf. Introduction to source.Lajtar 1996, 467, rejects the supplement suggested
by Cagnat: the two emperors in AD 236-238, father and son, had different cognomina and thus
could not be jointly described as "Maximini" (similarly Bingen 1997, 349); in his view only the
supplement Philippi is possible, and hence the date 247/8 as well.
603 The Greek epithet used here, kratistos, "most excellent", denotes a vir egregius, a status des-
ignation within the Roman administrative hierarchy.
604 A. Bernand (1992 II, 165) interprets the verb here (5/6 icapayyékkEtat) as a middle form
rather than a passive (just as W. Dittenberger did in OGIS, pace Bernand who has misunderstood
his Latin) and makes Aurelius Besarion in line 1 its subject: "Aurlius B&arion, enjoint å tous ...".
While linguistically doubtful, this obviously improves the structure of the text. The sense is
essentially the same; in either case, it is the strategos who issues the order. Bingen (1997, 350-353)
explains the unusual structure by suggesting that the inscription is a shortened, unofficial copy of
the original letter.
977
Comments
Indirectly, but in clear terms, this inscription reports the appalling conditions
prevailing around AD 248/9 (?) in the once so splendid temple at Talmis
(modern Kalabsha), which Arqamani built for the cult of the native deity Man-
dulis (Arnold 1975, 6; Dewachter 1970, 2 f.; cf. FHN II, (129)). After Augustus an-
nexed the Dodecaschoenus in 21/20 BC, the temple was expanded (Gauthier
1914) and the cult of the god re-interpreted in order to satisfy the religious re-
quirements of a mixed population consisting of "Aithiopians", Egyptians, and
Roman soldiers stationed in the Dodecaschoenus (for the cult of Mandulis cf.
Hänfling 1980; Totti 1987; TI5rök 1989-1990).
Though we find swine on the estates possessed by Egyptian temples, the an-
imal was under a religious taboo and, according to Herodotus (2.47, 164), swine-
herds were forbidden to enter any temple area (cf. Helck 1984, 763). The measures
reported in 248 were no doubt preceded by a period of scandalous neglect, during
which the temple precincts were unguarded and swine could enter the sacred
places. The conspicuous publication of the decree suggests that steps were now
being taken to put an end to this state of affairs.
When viewed against the background of contemporary documents relating
to the temples at Philae and Dakka, the case indicated here might seem unusual
and be regarded as an isolated phenomenon occurring in a poor provincial en-
vironment. On the other hand, it was the temples of Philae and Dakka that were
in an exceptionally good position; and it is the situation of the Kalabsha temple
which may be regarded as typical of most smaller temples in 3rd cent. Egypt (for
the decline of Egyptian sanctuaries in general, see Bagnall 1993, 261 ff.).
Significantly, it was the strategos of Ombos and Elephantine, a man of Egyp-
tian descent with a double, Egyptian and Greek/Roman, name who took the
appropriate measures and ordered the pig-owners of Kalabsha to get their ani-
mals out of the temple: at the time of the events reported in the inscription,
Kalabsha was in Roman territory.
[LT]
249 Philae. Demotic graffito of Mnitwi and Homakhtyotef II. Mid 3rd cent. AD. -
(1) rn=w mne dy

(1) Their names remain here
(m-)b3h 1st n P-1w-wip (2) P-iw-lk

in the presence of Isis of Pure-island (the Abaton) (2) and Final-island (Philae),
(m-)b3h p3 ntr c3 Ir-hms-nfr

in the presence of the great god Arensnuphis,
978
The Sources
(m-)13311r—' Hwt-hr
in the presence of r—' Hathor,
(3) (m-)1331)
p3 ntr Hr-nht-it=f
(3) in the presence of the great god Hornakhtyotef,
(m-)b3hn3 ntrw 3yw n t3hwt-ntr n (4) P-iw-wcb P-iw-lk

and in the presence of the great gods of the temple-complex of (4) Pure-island
(the Abaton) and Final-island (Philae),
Mntwe hn Hr-nht-it=f
Menetewe and Hornakhtyotef,
n3 hm-ntr n 1st (5) n3 krny rfi rtw n 1st

the hont-priests of Isis, (5) the qêreris, the agents of Isis,
m rtw n Pr-<3 n P3-fi-n-Nhs

the agents of the King of the Land of Nubia,
(6) n3 rpyw n t3h3st n Ty-km-600

the princes of the country of Takompso,
rn; r-'htp n p3 fiy-n-30,

the r— of the Triacontaschoenus,
m sh-nsw n
(7) the royal scribes of Kush,
nty rh n3 gt1/47
n p3 5 sb3cnh
who know the risings of the Five Living Stars (the planets)
linr gm wg (8) (n) ir 3bt n P3-W 'Ph

and find out the times (s) of the eclipses of the Sun and Moon,
iw hr iw=w n P3-b-n-Nhs hr rnpt

when they come annually from the Land of Nubia (Aithiopia)
mtw=w ir n3 filsw (9) n 1st

and perform the services (9) for Isis:
fi tsy3 t n p t (r-)dr=f
"(0) great mistress of the entire land,
Iw=n §Ile (m-)133h=tdd

we pray in your presence, saying,
979
r.ir(=t) int=n
"Please bring us (here again)
mtw=n 1.,t=t n-hn itny nb

so that we may worship you in all splendor."
[RHP]
Comments
As indicated by the filiation presented in 250, Hornakhtyotef II (so numbered in
order to distinguish him from Hornakhtyotef I, his grandfather artested in 232)
was the son of Wayekiye (A) and Taêse. In 249 he appears in the company of his
maternal uncle Mntzve, who is identical with the Manitawawi of the Meroitic
documents relating to the Wayekiye family (cf. 247, 267). Their brief graffito
unites a proskynema formula (introduction) with a prayer (end) and, framed by
these two formulae, their titulary and a condensed report. While the beginning
and the end of the text are stereotypical, and the structure of the whole corre-
sponds with the report+prayer type of inscription which is characteristic of the
graffiti of the Meroites in the Dodecaschoenus (cf. Burkhardt 1985, 58), its central
part presents some unusual information about this region.
One part of the rich titulary shared by Manitawawi and Hornakhtyotef II is
known from the titularies of the earlier generations of their family (cf. 231, 232,
243 247) and indicates that they succeeded Hornakhtyotef I and Wayekiye (A) as
-
hon t-priests ("prophets"), qoreris, and "agents" of Isis, that they followed
Wayekiye (A) in his learned occupation as "hour-watcher" (the titles connected
with the Five Planets), and that they were also "royal scribes of Kush", a func-
tion or title apparently inherited from Sosen of 232 (cf. Griffith 1937, 112 Ph. 409:
"The obeisance of Sosen, son of Hornakhtyotef [I], the name of his mother "D-
§r.t-Wigji [?], royal scribe of Kush"). New titles are, however, also added: they are
"agents" of the King of the Land of Nubia (= Meroe), princes of the country of
Takompso (modern Maharraqa) and chiefs (?) of the Triacontaschoenus.
The careers of the earlier "royal scribes of Kush" were connected with the
temples of the Egyptian Dodecaschoenus, even if Wayekiye (A) probably also
started to play. a political role that was based on his ties with Lower Nubia be-
yond the Egyptian frontier (cf. 245 f.). This is not the case with Hornakhtyotef II
and Manitawawi: their titles "agent of the King of the Land of Nubia", "prince of
the country of Takompso", and "chief (?) of the Triacontaschoenus" indicate
that they no longer served the King of Egypt but were in the service of the ruler
of Meroe, and were appointed by the latter as princes of the region where
Wayekiye (A) had been buried (cf. 246) and as governors (?) of the entire Tria-
contaschoenus, i.e., the Nile Valley between the First and Second Cataracts. If
the titles in themselves do not appear sufficiently convincing to confirm our
impression that by the time 249 was written the Dodecaschoenus had passed
over to Meroitic supremacy (see Török 1979, 98 ff.; 1988a, 288), the remark that
Hornakhtyotef II and Manitawawi "come annually" to Philae in order to per-
980
TheSources
form the services for Isis gives a perfectly clear description of such a situation.
For a regular official visit to Philae by high dignitaries of non-Egyptian descent
who are priests and agents of Isis of Philae and, at the same time, agents of the
King of Meroe and princes and chiefs of the former border region and of all of
Lower Nubia including the Dodecaschoenus, could only have been possible if
the Dodecaschoenus with the estates of Isis was in Meroitic possession and the
priesthood of Isis of Philae had come to terms with the new lords of the region.
In 260 f. and 265 f. we shall find further indications to support the above inter-
pretation (see also (259)). For a different reconstruction of the mid-3rd cent. sit-
uation in the Dodecaschoenus see Burstein n.d.
[LT]
250 Philae. Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Mid 3rd cent. AD.
-
(1)t; Inzte n Hr-nht-it[=f — ]

The obeisance of Hornakhtyot[ef — ]
p3 krny n 'Ist
(2)the ciê.reil of Isis,
p; rt [n 1st
the agent of Isis,
p3] (3) hm-ntr n 1st

thel (3) hont-priest of Isis,
rp n h3st 1`Km-6001
prince of the country of Nemsu' (Takompso)1,
(4)sy n 1Wlygy mwt=f [Ta-Ist]

son of 1Welyegeye,his mother (being) [Taêse],
(m-)b3b1st n Pr-mb Pr-3-lk(6)t3ntrt 3t

(5)in the presence of Isis of Pure-island (the Abaton) (6)and Final-island (Philae),
the great goddess:
tw=y 11r-ir[=t — ] (7)iy 1st dd

I pray yo[u — ] (7) 0 Isis, saying,
r.it=t int(=y) hr rnp[t hn (8) cg-shnnfr nb

"Please bring me (here) yearly on (8)every good commission,
981
Irm ne(=y) sn[w —

with my breth[ren ..."
(9) [—]r— [ • 1
(9)
[RHP]
Comments
As seems to be indicated by the absence of the titles "royal scribe of Kush",
"agent of the King of the Land of Nubia", and "chief (?) of the Triaconta-
schoenus", 250 was written at an earlier stage in Hornakhtyotef's career than 249,
at a time when he had not yet assumed the priestly rank of Wayekiye (A) as
"hour-watcher" (cf. 245) and when the Dodecaschoenus was still firmly under
Egyptian control. He already bears, however, the title "prince of the country of
Kemsu" (probably = Takompso). As suggested by the burial place of Wayekiye
(A) (see 246), the Wayekiye family originated from, or was given land by the
Meroitic ruler in, the region of Takompso (Maharraqa) on the Meroitic side of
the Egyptian-Meroitic frontier. If this assumption is not entirely wrong, the title
may be interpreted as one borne by the senior male members of the family.
250 also names Hornakhtyotef's parents Wayekiye (A) and Taêse (the latter
name destroyed in the graffito but restored on the basis of 251 by Griffith 1937, 85
and Burkhardt 1985, 111).
[LT]
251 Dakka. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Hornakhtyotef II. Mid 3rd cent.
-
AD.
Griffith 1937,Dak. 30. Burkhardt 1985,99 ff.
HIEROGLYPHIC TEXT (four lines, reading from right to left)
(1) rn=f mn rii m(-b);h Dhwty n P;-nbs ntr nb Pr-Slkt

(1) His name remains tforever1 before Thoth of Pnubs, (the) great god, lord of
Pselkhis,
Tfnt s;t
Tefnut, daughter of Rê,
ntrw e3w n hwt-ntr (2) n Pr-Slkt

and (the) great gods of the temple complex (2) of Pselkhis,
Hr-nd-It=f §3n ‘A/yky mwt(=f) Ta-Ist

Harendotes, son of Wayekeye, (his) mother (being) Taêse,
982
The Sources
Icrny n 1st rd (3) n 1st m lw-Mb

qêrefi of Isis, agent (3) of Isis on Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the Aba-
ton),
ripy n h3st n rT3-kml-600t

prince of the country of Takompso,
hri-tp n nsw n Kt rh-ihi wr m niwt rW3dl-wr

chief ritualist of the King of Kush, great expert in the cities of Great-rgreen',
n b3k' n (4) F.Ir n h3t-sp 3f m rpscil n iht 3f

as servant' of (4) Horus in regnal year three during the repiphanyl of the three
cows,
hm-ntr n Spdt m in§< n

hont-priest of Sothis during the Trocessionl of the Moon,
wrb n p; 5 sb3 nhw

waab-priest of the Five Living Stars (the five planets),
nty rh p31, n ir rybyl n

who knows the time of rthe shining' of Sun and Moon.
DEMOTICTEXT(seven lines, here numbered continuously with the preceding

hieroglyphic text)
(5) iw=y dy
Since I was here
Iw=y iryt n mr-n n p3y y phwty n P3-nbs p3ntr

and was /esonis-priest of this great divinity, Thoth of Pnubs, the great god,
n3 ntrw n t; Icnbe 3t
and the gods of the Great Court,
lw 113-cri hrwt lw w31:1=f

hpr n t3rnpt n rn=s
nd since there was a beautiful festival that took place in the year named,
w3b=n dit ir=w ir t3wpt n p3 Icwe n n p3y

we had them do the work on the stone shrine of this great divinity
irm Snpte p; mr-n pe(=y) sn

(6) together with Senpate, the /esonis-priest, my fellow (priest),
hn t3=n mdt-rm-n-ntr
in our piety,
983
iw=n hd=f n nb r d3d3n st 500

overlaying it with gold on 500 places,
iww3h=n ir p3=fiyk n ibd 3 mw hrw 22

and celebrated its (Festival of) Entry in the third month of Summer, on the
twenty-second day,
p; t3y-yr n 1st t3ntrt

the Crossing of Isis the great goddess.
p; i.ir=k r dit n=n fi gme

(0) great divinity, give us the power
mtw=n ir gr wpt mwyt=f (7)m r—' p3=r51irpy

and we will again perform another work like it (7) rin her' temple.
t; rnpt lw=y iryt n mr-gri w3h=y m r Pr-3-Ik

The year I was /esonis-priest I went to Final-island (Philae)
— — h rcrylc
tpi 3ht sw 4 Msw(t) 1st

in the first month of Inundation, on the fourth day, the Birth of Isis,
hrw iw w3h=n ir=f

there being a beautiful festival that we celebrated
(m) b31.1t hrt n p; t (r) dr=f 1st t3 ntrt 3t

in the presence of the great mistress of the whole country, Isis, the great goddess,
hr p; hft-h(r)
in the dromos,
n p; rn (8) n3 Pr-3w n3=n tsy3

in the name (s) of the Kings, our lords,
w3 b605pr-3 pe(=y) tsy3 dit in=w 3tPr.-35 n3=y
after (the) King, my lord, had caused them to bring 5 royal letters to me
iw=y n lw=y iryt n mr-gn n t rnpt n rn=s

while I was in Pselkhis and was /esonis-priest in the year in question,
605 0r is this a second form in a main clause: "The King, my lord, had caused..."? I am uncertain
whether wih in this text is a simple past or a perfect.
984
The Sources
lw=f shy n3=y n w3h-shn nb nty swt

writing to me every order which was issued.
w3h=f w3h-shn n p3 hry pyt

He ordered the captain of the archers
(9)dit ir=w n=y t33ry n mnwt

(9)to have made for me the rrank of r—',
p3 krny n 1st rd n 1st rp(y) rt; h3st"Pel-3rrs'

r(0f)1the qérefi of Isis, agent of Isis, and prince of rthe country of Piares'.
w3h=f rdit
He rgave it to me'
lw=y iryt n mr-§n n t3rnpt n rn=s cn

while I was still /esonis-priest in the year named.
tw=y sm r-r=k p3 ntr wr 3 ir hpr

I greet you with praises, (o) very great god, (you) who truly began coming into
being,
p3 nb n p3
(you) lord of (peoples') lifetime(s)
— (113)- p3h3te
of the heart,
p3 t3y t3w n crih n p3=fmryt

(you) bringer of the breath of life to his beloved,
(o you) great divinity,
tw=y spr m-b3h=k dd 1.1r=kr dit r — — ' r - - '

I make my petition before you (masc.),saying, "Please give great
sclm sprw n p; nty n=f

hear the petitions of him who calls upon him,
p3 rity IT1-(1.)4Vt'n3 ntrw

(you) rsovereign' among the gods."
(11)p3 ntr 3 phwty n P3-nbs p3

(11) (0) great God, Thoth of Pnubs, (you) great divinity,
985
my st3=y r-r=k
let me draw near to you again
mtw=y ir mrgn cn
and again be lesonis- priest,
mtw=k int(=y) r rne=w 3'knyr3' irm

and bring me to — together with ...
rbr smnw' nr — ' irpyw r — — m=y' pe(=y)

temples rto me' my lifetime,
Iw=f wd3
while it prospers.
[RHPI
Comments
It seems, on the basis of a comparison of Hornakhtyotef's titularies (see also
Griffith 1937, 27) in his three inscriptions presented here, that 250 was written at
an early stage of his career in the Egyptian Dodecaschoenus, 249 at the peak of
his career in the Meroitic administration in Lower Nubia, and 251 at a time in
between. The last-mentioned text not only records some interesting details
about the structure of the clerical careers but also offers an insight into the cir-
cumstances under which the new government of the formerly Egyptian Dode-
caschoenus was shaped.
251 was carved (and its signs filled in with red paint) on the W front of the
temple, above the side doorway leading to the pronaos. It formed a group of in-
scriptions together with 254 and 255, texts written by Hornakhtyotef's brothers
and colleagues.
Like the majority of the inscriptions written by members of the Wayekiye
family, 251 too is a report about activity framed by a proskynema formula as its
introduction and a prayer as its conclusion, the report and the prayer constitut-
ing a homogeneous unit in the sense of the reciprocity between god and men: a
notion restricted, in earlier Kushite documents, to the royal sphere (cf. Com-
ments on FHN I, 21, 24; FHN II, 71, 78, 92) and occurring here obviously as a
manifestation of the Egyptian ethics and religious views in which Hornakhty-
otef (but perhaps also his contemporaries growing up in educated Meroitic en-
vironments) had been raised.
The text establishes the filiation of Hornakhtyotef II as son of Wayekiye (A)
and Taêse (cf. 247, family tree) and lists his titles: qorefi and "agent" of Isis of
Philae and the Abaton (cf. 231), which refer to his office as manager of the tem-
ple estates, prince of the country of Takompso, which expresses his status as se-
nior member of the Wayekiye family (cf. 250), "chief ritualist of the King of
986
The Sources
Kush, great expert in the cities of Great-green,606 hont-priest ('prophet') of

Sothis", and "waab-priest of the Five Living Stars" and lesonis-priest of Thoth of
Dakka. Most of these titles are known from the titularies of earlier generations
of the family (cf. 231, 232, 243 - 245, 249) and depict Hornakhtyotef as a member of
a line of priests who, reaching the top of the temple hierarchy, also became
managers of the deity's estates. At the same time, Hornakhtyotef II also received
an education in astronomy (cf. 245) and, apparently, in magic as well and was
appointed "hour-watcher" and chief ritualist at the Meroitic court. As a
"ritualist", i.e., as a colleague of Egyptian priests connected with the "House of
Life",607 his duty was probably to preserve the monarch from danger with the
help of astrological calculations and the like (cf. Borghouts 1980, 1146). Priests
with the title "chief ritualist" (cf. Sauneron 1966, 33 f.) occur in the Egyp-
tian sources as theological experts par excellence, i.e., as experts and authors of
all sorts of texts including magical ones (cf. Gutekunst 1986, 1329 f.). It is thus
highly appropriate that a priest with such an education should display his
knowledge by combining a hieroglyphic inscription with a Demotic one, the
former being one of the very few hieroglyphic inscriptions written at such a late
date in the Dodecaschoenus.
It is also indicated, albeit in an unfortunately rather obscure section (lines 3
f.), that he carried out his ritual duties "in regnal year 3 of Horus", i.e., of the
King of Meroe. If our dating of Hornakhtyotef II's activity to the middle of the
3rd cent. AD is correct, the "Horus" in question may be identical with one of the
rulers dated on various grounds to the first half and middle of the century, viz.,
Amanikhedolo ((235)), Takideamani ((236)), Mashaqadakhel (?) ((237)) or
Tegorideamani ((259)). If Tegorideamani's reign is meant, the date of the in-
scription would be AD 253 (cf. 260).
In 251 Hornakhtyotef II writes about his activity as high priest (for the
meaning of lesonis see 232) of Thoth of Dakka "in the year in question"; and he
reports the work he had done in the company of Senpate, another (former?)
lesonis-priest,608 during his tenure as lesonis. The proud account is meant to
support Hornakhtyotef's aspiration to be re-elected high priest by appealing to
the principle of reciprocity between man's pious actions and god's favour. The
graffito was thus written after his tenure had ended; and it seems that the
606The vv3wr, "Great Green" is, according to Griffith (1937, 28), identical with the Red Sea. An
identification with the "nome" n-wd, "Green-land" listed between Sedeinga and Pnubs in the
Philae nome list of Ptolemy II (FHN II, 112) seems more likely, however.
607 Cf. Kees 1962; Gutekunst 1986, 1328 ff.; for the pr-nh, "House of Life", as a temple institution,
scriptorium and archives, in which all religious and scientific knowledge was systematically col-
lected and exploited by an expert priesthood, see Weber 1979.
608 In Burkhardt's view (1985, 94) a brother of Hornakhtyotef II, who is identical with the
Snptete mentioned in lines 7 f. of 246. However, snptete does not seem, on account of the locative
ending -te, to be a personal name; moreover, since the person referred to as snptete ("the person
in/from Napata"?) is in a -mde relationship with Wayekiye (A). Contrary to Burkhardt's sug-
gestion, which has no supporting evidence, somebody's son cannot be referred to as his mde-rela-
tion.
987
priestly college did not re-elect him. The two month dates he gives for activities
during his tenure, 22 Epiphi (= 16 July) and 4 Thoth (= 1/2 September) may in-
dicate that his tenure as high priest ended before the great Choiakh festival; ac-
cordingly, the election of the high priest may have been connected with this
particular feast.
Hornakhtyotef II reports that he received five royal letters from Meroe con-
taining various decrees during his tenure. This remark could easily be taken as a
further confirmation of our impression (see 249) that the Dodecaschoenus was
under Meroitic supremacy at the time of Hornakhtyotef's and Manitawawi's
tenure as chiefs (?) of the Triacontaschoenus. However, the situation in the year
when Hornakhtyotef II was high priest at Dakka was not so clear cut as that. The
report on his activity at Dakka concludes (lines 7 f.) with the remarkable
statement that as /esonis-priest he celebrated the festival of the Birth of Isis at
Philae "in the name of the Kings, our lords, after (the) King, my lord, had caused
them to bring five royal letters to me while I was in Pselkhis [Dakka]". This can
only be understood as an indication that a high priest who was not an Egyptian
but a Meroitic subject was acting ceremonially in Egypt in an official capacity.
This extraordinary situation, which would not remain unique (cf. 260 f., 265 f.),
can best be explained as a consequence of the fact that the estates of Isis were in
the Dodecaschoenus. The loss of the income from these estates when Meroitic
power was extended over the area was, as it appears, wisely avoided by a
compromise on the part of the Egyptian government: viz., by officially dele-
gating a priestly and economic authority in the Dodecaschoenus to Meroitic
high priests. This compromise must have been achieved and maintained
without serious problems simply because these high priests were identical with
the high priests of the preceding era.
The details of the arrangement, as reconstructed above in its main lines, es-
cape our understanding, partly because line 9 of the text where reference to them
is to be expected is difficult to understand, and partly because there existed no
appropriate terminology for the description of an arrangement of such an
utterly unusual kind. The royal order given to the "captain of archers" may refer
to difficulties; and the obscure reference to "the prince of the country of Pe-rs"
seems to indicate that Hornakhtyotef's activity as high priest of a temple in the
Dodecaschoenus was in some way coordinated with, or subordinate to, the
authority of another person in the administration of Lower Nubia. Griffith
(1937, 29) read "Mnwl prince of the land (?) of Pahoras [Faras]" and identified
Mnzv/ with the Mntwi (Manitawawi) of other texts. If his tentative reading is
correct, we may also suppose that it is the office of the Meroitic "viceroy", peseto,
which is referred to in 251 (cf. 264, 265).
[LT]
988
The Sources
252 Philae. Demotic graffito of Wayekiye (B). Mid 3rd cent. AD.
-
(1) n wte rn' Wygye sy Mntwe

The obeisance of Weyegeye son of Menetewe,
rn mwt=f Grmrwet
(2) the name of whose mother is Geremerewet,
dy m-b3h 1st (3) (n) Pr-lw-lke Pr-mb t ntrt c3t

(is) here in the presence of Isis (3) of Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the
Abaton), the great goddess.
Ink p3 hbbne (4) p3 krny n 1st p3 rt n 1st

I, the khabkhari, (4) the qêreh- of Isis the agent of Isis,
dy (5) (m-)133h Wsir Fir 1st ntrw 3yw n (6) Pr-lke dt

am here (5) in the presence of Osiris, Horus, and Isis, great gods of (6) Final-island
(Philae) for ever,
rn; r.ir P3-W ilve/IVWe

a place that Pr'' and Shu made,
(7) n lbd 4 3ht sw 11

(7) on the eleventh day of the fourth month of Inundation,
lw=y §lle r 1st

praying to Isis
mtw=s (8) dit m=y t; gmet n b rgmsl (n) p3 pe=n (9) tsy
that she (s) give me the strength rto serve' the King, our (9) lord,
mtw=s <dit> n3=y hsy wwre n-r.ir-hre (1()) p3 Pr-3 gc dt

and that she <grant> me praise and rfavor before (10) the King for ever.
rshy sh' n r — — e33yrne — — '

rWritten by the scribe '
[RHP]
Comments
Wayekiye (B), son of Manitawawi (cf. 247, 249, 267) and of Grmrwet, a name
which may be translated as "lady of/from Meroe" (from Kri-Mrwi, Meroitic kdi
Bedewetel, cf. Griffith 1937, 65; Millet 1969, 320 GA 20), inscribed his proskynema
and brief prayer on the interior face of the N screen wall, E end, of the Birth
989
House as hbl)ne, goreri, and agent of Isis of Philae (for the titles see 232, 247) and
asked in it for strength to serve the "King his lord". He asked in addition that
lsis grant him "praise and favor before the King for ever". In view of what we
know about the legal situation (cf. 251) which demanded a twofold political
loyality from the third and fourth generations of the Wayekiye family, it is
impossible to decide who the ruler meant here is. Is it the Roman emperor or
the Meroitic king?
In the following table we give a summary of the family relations of
Wayekiye (B):
Gen. 4 (249) Mntwi = Grmrwi.t (252)
Gen. 5 Wayekiye (B) (252) Ame[lye (GA 20609)

[LT]
253 Philae. Demotic graffito of Atengeytenrie. Mid 3rd cent. AD.

-
Griffith 1937,Ph. 411. Burkhardt 1985, 114.
(1) t; wgtet n 3tngytnry3

(1)The obeisance of Atengeytenrie,
p3 mr-m<
the district commissioner,
p3 rt n 1st
the agent of Isis,
(m-)133b1st n (2) Pr-iw-lke Pr-lw-mb

in the presence of Isis of (2) Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the Abaton),
t; ntrt <3t
the great goddess,
t3Met nfrt
the beautiful lady
Pr-<3tn p; t3(r-)dr=f
the Queen of the whole land,
609 Millet 1969, 320.
990
The Sources
hr hrw (3) n mnt iw mn hrwe n wg

day (3) by day, without missing a day,
lw=f glle (m-)133hb ntrt t 1st dd

praying in the presence of the great goddess Isis, saying,
r.ir=t int(=y) (4) r pe=t ylcy hr rnpt nb

"Please bring me (4) to your dedication every year,
mtw=y InTte hfl ne(=y) snw ne(=y) rmtw

so that I may worship together with my brethren and my people
mtw=y ir ne=t smnw nty itny

and perform your glorious service
(5) mtw=y in ne(=y) swhew ne(=y) wt Mrwew

(s) and bring my collections and my rMeroe-payments'
n t M:rt n pi bw n ne(=y) tsy3w

in exchange for the breath (of life) for the Kings, my lords;
mtw=t dit (6) rn=wl hh n hn ne=t smw regnl

and grant (6) them millions (of years) of lifetime in your blessings f
mtw pe=t rpy nty itny hwy n.im=w

and may your glorious temple rejoice in them."
[RHP]
Comments
Inscribed on the W face of the Gateway of Hadrian, the proskynema and prayer
of 3tngyfnry3, a strategus and "agent" of Isis (for the titles cf. 229, 243), reflects the
same conditions, now also prevailing in the temple of Philae, we found de-
scribed in 251 with regard to the temples of the Dodecaschoenus. tngylnry3,
whom we cannot place in the Wayekiye family, has a non-Egyptian name which
may derive from Meroitic Terikitnide (cf. REM 0504). Indeed, according to
Griffith (1937, 113), the ;tngytnry; of 253 may be identical with the Tefikitnide of
REM 0504. This is, however, unlikely because the latter was a priest of
Apedemak at Tketore, modern Aggeteri, S of Soleb.610
[LT1
610 The Citora of Bion, see FHN II, 108; for his priesthood
and its significance for the spread of the
cult of Apedemak outside the "island of Meroe" (cf. 2abkar 1975, 46, as opposed to Hofmann 1978c)
see Török 1979, 17 f.
991
254 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Qerefi. Mid 3rd cent. AD.

-
Griffith 1937,Dak. 31. Burkhardt 1985, 101.
(1) t31,tt n Krn sy n Wygy (2) r.ms Ty-Ist

(1)The obeisance of Qêrefi son of Weyegeye (2) whom Taise bore,
(m-)b3h w Dhwti Tfnt `Ntml

in the presence of Shu, Thoth, Tefnut and rSweetiel
(3) n3 ntrw c3yw n hwt-ntr n Pr-Slls

the great gods of the temple complex of The House of Selkis (Pselchis).
p3 c3 nb m3q
(4) (0) great divinity, lord of Maat,
tw=y lle r.r=k eld

I pray you, saying,
(5) Lir=k r t3t=n r Mrw lw=n wd3

(s) "Please take us safe to Meroe
mtw=k <dit> n=n (6) hsyt (r) hr Pr-(3 pe=n tsj irm pe=f rmV'
and <grant> us (6) favor before the King, our lord, and his rpeoplel—
(7) dd mtw=k p3nb hsyt p3

(7) for you are the master of favor, (o) great divinity—
dd lw=n r dit in=w pe=n r-10 (8) hr rnpt

for then we shall (be able to) send our tithe (s) annually."
[RHP]
Comments
Though he does not give any title in his proskynema and prayer graffito, which
he inscribed above Hornakhtyotef's bilingual inscription (see 251), Qêrefi be-
longed, as is indicated in the text itself, to the personal of one (or several) of the
temples in the Dodecaschoenus, most likely to that of Dakka. He was a son of
Wayekiye (A) and Taêse and thus a brother of Hornakhtyotef II (see the family
tree appended to the Comments on 247), who may thus have referred to him
indirectly in 250 as one of his urmamed brothers. Qêreii prays for a safe journey
to Meroe and favour with "the King" (who, in this context, can be none other
than the king of Meroe) and, interestingly, with the people (perhaps as a late
echo of the royal notion of receiving legitimation through the "love of the
people", cf. FHN I, 37 lines 26 ff.; Török 1995a, 132—or is the royal clan meant?)
992
TheSources
and to be permitted by the "great divinity, lord of Ma<at", to be able to deliver

the annual taxes (i.e., of the temple estate[s] in his charge?). The epithet "great
divinity, lord of Macat" probably refers, in this case, to Thoth as the god who de-
termines the length and the success of Qêrefi's life (for the role of the gods as
masters of man's fate cf. Kuhlmann 1976, 680; Assmann 1990, 253; for the con-
cept of Macat as Isis-Mwat, mistress of human fate in Roman Egypt cf. Schlicht-
ing 1979, 950 f.; for Shai, Fate, as primeval deity and for its identification with
the Greek Agathos Daimon see Grumach-Shirun 1983a; 1983b).
It would seem that Q&eti's prayers were listened to. At least one safe journey
of his to the south is attested by a Demotic proskynema—the southernmost
example known in this script—which he inscribed on the S front of the temple
of Apedemak at Naqa (Thissen 1983, 38 ff.). In its brief text he recorded his par-
ents (his father's name [Wylgy is partly preserved, while his mother's name is
no longer legible though doubtless it was Ty-Yst, Taêse) but no title of his own
(similarly to 254) and memorialized his praying presence before Osiris, Horus,
and Isis (Thissen 1983, 39 f.). The latter detail is significant because it demon-
strates that in a proskynema graffito one did not necessarily pray to the deity to
whom a sanctuary was dedicated.
[LT]
255 Dakka. Demotic graffito of Shetelten. Mid 3rd cent. AD.

-
Griffith 1937,Dak. 32. Burkhardt 1985,102.
(1)t3v%Ttt(n) tltn sy n Wygy (2)mwt=f Ty-Ist

(1)The obeisance of Shetelten son of Weyegeye, (2) his mother (being) Taiêse,
(m-)133bpy y<3 (3)hr hrw

in the presence of this great divinity (3) daily:
tw=y r.r=k dd
I pray you, saying,
(4)i.ir=k \ dit/ wd3=y irm te(=y) mwt (5)ne(=y) snw

(4) "Please preserve me and my mother (5)and my brothers
mtw=k t31(=y)r Mrw (6)lw=y w13

and take me safe (6) to Meroe
mtw=y rsmnh pe=k (7) rpy nty itnyt

so that I may rservel your glorious (7) temple."
[RHP]
993
Comments
This proskynema+prayer graffito of the third son of Wayekiye (A) was inscribed
above the bilingual monument of Hornakhtyotef II (251) beside Qêreri's graffito
(254). In its brief text Shetelten presents his filiation (cf. the family tree appended
to the Comments on 247) but no titles and prays for the welfare of his mother
Taêse and of his brothers, for a safe journey to Meroe, and, indirectly, for royal
favour that would enable him to serve Thoth's "glorious temple" at Dakka. The
fact that he prays only for his mother's preservation indicates that at this time
Wayekiye (B) was no longer alive. The circumstances prevailing in Lower
Nubia at the time of the writing of 255 are similar to those recorded in 249 251 -
and 254.
[LT]
256 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathorés. Mid 3rd cent. AD.

-
(1) t wtt n Pa-t3-hwt-rs

The obeisance of Pathorês,
p3 km n 1st
the qêreri of Isis,
133rt n 1st
(2) the agent of Isis,
sy n Pa-t3-nhyt (3) mwt=f Twtwyt

son of Patanehit (3) his mother (being) Tewtowe,
(m-)b31-.1
1st n (4) Pr-3-wcb Pr-3-lk t ntrt 3t
in the presence of Isis of (4) Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the Abaton):
tw=y (5) glle r-ir=t te(=y)l-ynw(t) 1st dd

I (5) pray you, (o) my mistress Isis, saying,
(6) r.lr=t int(=y) hr rnpt nb hn -shn (7) nfr nb

(6) "Please bring me (here) every year with every good (7) commission,
irm ne(=y) snw te(=y) mhwt

together with my brethren and my (extended) family,
1.1W (8) te(=y) hmyt irm (9) ne(=y) hrtw

together with (8) my wife and (9) my children,
994
The Sources
mtw=n (10)livt=t t tsy (11)n p t (r-)dr=f

so that we may (10)worship you, (o) ruler (11)of the entire land."
[RHP]
Comments
Pathores, son of Patanehit and Tewtowe (all Egyptian names), left behind two
proskynema+prayer inscriptions on the inner, N, face of the W tower of the
Second Pylon of the temple of Isis. 256 is, apparently, the earlier of the two, for it
contains a shorter titulary in which Pathores bears only the two titles of a high
temple official which frequently occur in late 2nd and 3rd cent. AD documents
from the Dodecaschoenus (cf. 232, 245, 249 ff.). By contrast, in his other graffito
(see 257) he is, besides being, as in 256, qêreri and "agent" of Isis (of Philae), also a
hon t-priest (for the title see Comments on 245) and "prince of the land of
Kemsu [Takompso]". It seems, nevertheless, that already in 256 he was a subject
and official of the king of Meroe; and it is in this capacity that he makes an
annual journey to Philae in order to act on the basis of "good commissions".
This latter notion indicates that his activity there had been defined by some sort
of agreement between Egypt and Meroe. The existence of such an agreement is
also strongly suggested by 251.
The title "prince of the land of Kemsu [Takompsor also occurs in the titles
of Hornakhtyotef II and Manitawawi (see 249-251), where it appears to be an in-
herited (?) title of rank rather than an actual office. Such an interpretation may,
however, be contradicted by 257, since we cannot place Pathorês within the
Wayekiye family. In 256 he prays for the welfare of his tnhw.t, "(extended) fam-
ily" (Griffith 1937, 85, 153: "clan"), apparently indicating a notion of social con-
text that seems more Meroitic than Egyptian.611
[LT]
257 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pathorês. Mid-3rd cent. AD.

(1) t3wgt.t n Pa-t3-bwt-rs

(1)The obeisance of Pathorês,
p3 krny n 1st
the qêreri of Isis,
p3 rt n 1st
the agent of Isis,
611 InNew Kingdom texts rnhw.t refers to families of Bedouins and of enemies in this sense. In texts
of the Ptolemaic period, however, the term also occurs in the sense of the Ptolemaic court title
"king's brother" (i.e., avyyevii;), see Wb II, 114 (8) and (12), respectively.
995
hm-ntr n 1st
hont-priest of Isis,
rp n hist Km-600
prince of the country of Kemsu,
(2) sy n Pa-ti-nht mwt=f Twtwyt

(2)son of Patnåhe, his mother (being) Tewtowi.
[RHP]
Comments
258 Pestilence in Aithiopia in ca. AD 250-253. 1st half of 12th cent. AD.
John Zonaras, Epitome historiarum 12.21B.
Source bibliography
Dindorf 1868-75 Ioannis Zonarae Epitome Historiarum. Ed. L. Dindorf.
Vol. 1-6. Leipzig.
Ziegler 1972 K. Ziegler: Zonaras. RE II 10 A, cols. 718-732.
John (Ioannes) Zonaras was commander of the imperial body-guard and head of
the chancellery at the court of the Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Comnenos until
the Emperor's death in AD 1118, when he retired to monastic life and devoted
his time to writing a chronicle of world history from which the text below is
taken. The work bears the title Epitome historiarum ("Outline of world history")
and goes from the creation of the world to AD 1118 (when John II Comnenos
became Emperor).
Zonaras' history is a work of compilation; and generally his practice is to
name his sources, most of which are preserved. For the study of Roman history,
however, he is of great value in that he makes extensive use of Cassius Dio's
history (or of Cassius Dio's excerptor Xiphilinus, cf. 205 and 207), of which large
parts would otherwise have been lost. On Zonaras' sources see Ziegler (1972) 725-
730.
Zonaras was also an authoritative commentator on canonical law, and a
writer of hagiographical and homiletic books.
The Epitome has been edited by Dindorf (1868-75), and on his edition we
have based our text.
Text
12.21B Myetat è ToliCCON/ golpciv Tiva Stå BocsitOpaurcapEX0aiiaav Koci tiv
Maidm8a Xiiviiv iircepf36(aav t(iv Eiictvov yevéaElat 1Zövtov icast xoipa;
icogifiaat noXIdc;. Kai d(X,ka è rokX(Sc"CCiiv Ove-iv TOTE icaTå
996
The Sources
`PcogedicfK brucpateia; cåppliKeaav. 'AXX,å Kai kotåg tlivuicairua caç

xopcç vécsicrwev, AiOionia; ckpåp..evo; Koit rzärsav axeSåv k,invelniOci;
xoSpav (.1.51DcvTE 1C(fi èaitpov, TO5N/7r62tE0WT63N/
EKVOXYCV, nevreicaiSeica Stapicécsa; vi.cetyroik.
Translation
12.21B It is said that a part of these Ei.e., Scythians who overran Macedonia,
Thessaly, and Greecel passed the [Cimmerian] Bosporus, crossed the Lake of
Maeotis [sea of Azov], reached the Black Sea, and ravaged many lands. And
many other peoples too had begun to attack Roman supremacy at that time. But
also pestilence struck the lands at the same time, beginning in Aithiopia and
spreading to almost every country, east and west. It emptied many of the towns
of their inhabitants during the fifteen years it lasted.
[TEl
Comments
In his world chronicle Zonaras reports, among the events of the period of the
emperors Trebonianus Gallus and Volusianus, ca. AD 250-253, the spread of a
plague which started in Aithiopia. It appears likely that Zonaras found the
source for the passage presented here in the lost books of Cassius Dio (cf. Ziegler
1972, 728). For reports on epidemics starting in Aithiopia in earlier periods see
FHN II, 68; in this volume see 241, with Comments.
[LT]
(259) Tegorideamani. Titles. Evidence for reign.
Titles
Source: Throne and Son of Rê names in Egyptian/Meroitic hieroglyphs on the S
wall of mortuary cult chapel Beg. N. 28, REM 0058A, Chapman-Dunham 1952,
Pl. 21/G.
Throne name
"Rê-is-One-whose-k3-is-come-into-being"
Son of Rê name (Te)qoridmni-qo
Evidence for reign

In his Demotic graffito (see 260) dating from April 10, AD 253 Pasan,
Tegorideamani's envoy to Philae, recounts the events of his two journeys to
Philae. The first occurred in the second regnal year of Tegorideamani and was
connected with an unidentified feast of Isis. The second, the conclusion of
which was marked by the graffito, occurred in Tegorideamani's third regnal year
artd started on 1 Choiakh, i.e., November 17, AD 252. Accordingly, Tegorideam-
997
ani ascended the throne on 1 Choiakh AD 249 at the latest and on 1 Tybi AD 248,
at the earliest.
Teciorideamani's reign is further attested by REM 0408-0410,three dedication
texts inscribed in cursive Meroitic script on three sandstone bases of statues (?)
or obelisks (?) from the Apedemak temple M 6 at Meroe City (Garstang et al.
1911, Pls XXVI,LXVI; Töriik 1997, 46-48); and his name also occurs in the text of
the offering table Boston MFA 23.872 (Dunham 1957, fig. 123, Pl. LX/C; Hintze
1959, 59 f.; REM 0829) from Beg. N. 28. According to this table, his father was
Teritni(d)e, his mother Arqtrimks. The latter name also occurs as the name of
the mother of King Tamelordeamani (see (275)), whose father was, however, an
Arotnide (see offering table Berlin 2254, REM 0059). In Tamelordeamani's
offering table text, however, the verbal complex tedhe, "bom by" stands twice,
thus indicating that Arotnide was the second husband of the lady Arqtrimks (for
the issue see Hintze 1959, 13 ff.). Consequently, King Tamelordeamani was a
half-brother of King Teciorideamani.
Teqprideamani was buried in pyramid Beg. N. 28 (Dunham 1957, 185 ff.).
Comments
The Philae graffito of Pasan (260) reveals that Teciorideamani, who, curiously,
adopted the Throne name of his predecessor Ariteriyesbokhe (see (228)), was the
ruler of a kingdom which now also included the Dodecaschoenus, "Land of the
Twelve Miles" which previously had been, ever since the peace treaty of 21/20
BC following the war with Rome, under Egyptian control (cf. 190, 204 f.). It was
shown in the foregoing (see Comments on 231 f.; 246 255) that in the first half of
-
the 3rd cent. AD the high priesthood and the principal offices of the economic
management of the sanctuaries of the Dodecaschoenus were filled mainly by
members of the local non-Egyptian élite, a practice already attested in earlier
centuries (cf. FHN II, 140, 180 185).
-
The first half of the 3rd cent. AD witnessed the emergence of the Wayekiye
family, a clan of high priests attested for eight generations in the Demotic and
Meroitic sources (for their descent see the family trees appended to 232, 247, 252).
After serving for three generations (i.e., Gen. 2-4) in the temple of Philae and the
temples of the Egyptian Dodecaschoenus, members of its fourth (Manitawawi)
and fifth generations (Hornakhtyotef II, Qêreti, Shetelten, Wayekiye [131)played a
changed role, either serving concurrently both the Egyptian and the Meroitic
rulers, or as officials of the Meroitic sovereign; but also in this latter case they
performed official religious duties and acts in the Philae temple. Most of their
inscriptions were, however, written within the same, apparently short, period of
time and are undated; moreover, members of three subsequent generations of
the family are attested as having acted contemporaneously. It is thus irnpossible
to put their testimonies into a more than hypothetical chronological sequence,
and consequently the historical processes behind the texts remain largely
incomprehensible.
998
The Sources
Nevertheless, the general chronological framework may be regarded as more

or less fixed: the Meroitic control of the Dodecaschoenus starts around AD 240;
and the 250s and 260s witness conflicts and difficulties which all seem, however,
to have been overcome by means of negotiations—at least the texts inscribed on
the walls of the temples at Philae and Dakka do not indicate armed conflicts of a
larger scale between Egypt and Meroe (but see 261). It thus remains mere
speculation that the cooperation and agreements hinted at in the inscriptions,
iaccording to which the temple of Philae in Egypt could continue, by employing
high-ranking Meroitic officials, to receive her incomes from the Meroitic-
controlled Dodecaschoenus, was motivated on the Egyptian side by the difficulty
of defending Egypt's southern frontier against the growing Blemmyan threat. If
that had been the case, we would have here a sort of federation, in which the
defence of the Dodecaschoenus is left to a great extent to Meroe.
It can be established on the basis of 260 that Pasan went to Philae already in
AD 252 as a delegate of Tegorideamani; judging by the context of the passage in
question, there can be hardly any doubt that at that time the Dodecaschoenus
was already under Meroitic control and the "agreement" hinted at in 249 and
251 had been functioning, i.e., the Philae temple was not cut off from its estates
in the Dodecaschoenus and, in return, in its priesthood high offices continued
to be secured for members of the Wayekiye family which also received from the
king of Meroe a kind of political authority S of the Dodecaschoenus.
Refraining from hypotheses (see TSk 1979, 9 ff., 100 ff.; for criticism of
them see Burkhardt 1985, 86 ff.), no attempt will be made here to reconstruct the
events and their chronology. We only briefly refer to facts that might delineate a
framework for such a reconstruction, viz.: 1. the decline of Roman military
control in the Dodecaschoenus (cf. 238 f.); 2. the emergence of high priests
serving both the Roman emperor and the Meroitic king (249, 251) and 3. the
combination of their high offices in the temples of Philae and the Dodeca-
schoenus with administrative functions and rank titles south of the Dodeca-
schoenus. The nature of this combination is revealed by the title "chief of the
Triacontaschoenus"; for it is a clear manifestation of the notion that Meroe was
now recreating a Meroitic province in Lower Nubia in the form it had had un-
der Ptolemaic Egyptian, Meroitic, and Roman Egyptian supremacy during the
preceding five centuries (cf. FHN II, 141, 162-166; in this volume 190, 204 f.). 4.
The inscriptions of the Meroitic dignitaries active at Philae are always dated, if at
all, according to regnal years of the Roman emperor, as is to be expected since
Philae remained, as expressly stated in 260 (e.g., line 3), under Egyptian control.
At the same time, however, the reports themselves are chronologically orga-
nized according to the regnal years of the Meroitic ruler (251, 260). 5. The same
ambivalence, or rather co-existence of powers (cf. Millet 1969, 26 ff.) is apparent
in 261 (written ca. AD 253), where we read the report of Tami, a "corn-measurer"
of Isis of Philae, who started his official activity there in AD 240/41 and carried it
out for ten years, till 249/50, under peaceful conditions. Then difficulties arose
999
which involved Bekemete, a Meroitic dignitary (cf. 267) who was in a position to
give orders to Tami, as could the Egyptian dux. After some sort of settlement
was reached, Tami continued to act under much humbler circumstances for
another three years (AD 249/50-252/53). In the concluding section of his
inscription, Tami prays for praise and favour with "every important person of
the northern [compound] and of the southern [compound]", i.e., in Egypt as well
as in Meroe. 6. A co-existence of powers is also indicated by graffiti in the
quarries of Kertassi in the Dodecaschoenus (between Dabod and Talmis/Kalab-
sha) dated with years of Roman emperors in the course of the 240s; the last such
inscription dates, significantly, from AD 251 (see SB V, nos 8486-8488, 8490-8492;
Zucker 1911, 343; Hofmann 1981c, 30 f.).
Reisner (1923, 76, 157) dated Beg. N. 28, with the cartouches of Tegoridea-
mani on typological grounds to the first half of the 2nd cent. AD, a
dating which gave rise to two rulers called Tegorideamani I (Beg. N. 28) and
Tegorideamani II (burial ?; cf. Wenig 1967, 27 f., 43 f.) since the existence of a
Tecjorideamani dated to AD 253 in 260 had also to be taken into account. The
dating of the tomb inventory of Beg. N. 28 to the second third of the 3rd cent.
AD could, however, be established on the basis of the imported amphorae found
in it (cf. Hofmann 1978, 170 ff.), especially on one bearing the stamp EX
PROV(INCIA) MAUR(ETANIA) CAES(ARIENSI) TUBUS(UCTU) (Dunham
1957, fig. 122). Thus the supposed Tegorideamani (I) could be eliminated
(Desanges 1972a).
[LT]
260 Philae. Demotic graffito of Pasan. AD 253.

Griffith 1937, Ph. 416. Burkhardt 1985, 114 ff. Burstein 1998a, No. 12.
(1) t3 wgtet n rPal-sn s3Pa-Ist mwt=f rTal-...

(1) The obeisance of Ta-lsan son of Paese, his mother (being) rTa- —
p3 1zrnj3 3krre n Pr-g

the qêreti akrere of the King,
p3 wpte c3 n Hrme
the great envoy to Rome
dy m-1331:11st n Pr-iw-mb
here in the presence of Isis of Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the Abaton),
t3 ntrt 3t
the great goddess,
1000
TheSources
kbhe(2)t nfrt t3y rnpt w3h-ihy3

the beautiful (2)Refreshment of this year, Giver of wealth,
tsy; n p3-rs3 pr-mhyte pr-i3ble pr-imnte

the mistress of the south, the north, the east, and the west,
sdm sbrew n n; nty wy

the one who hears the petitions of those who are far off:
hit-sp 2t Iw=y r Kme

"In the second regnal year I came to Black(-land) (Egypt)
1w (3) w3h=y wle hry p3y twe n t3wpet n 1st b ntrt c3t
after (3)I had rsungl on this mountain rin the work of Isis, the great goddess,
Iw=s sdm n3y=n §Ilew

she heard our prayers
Iw=s int=n r Kme

and brought us to Black(-land) (Egypt)
lw=n wd3
safe.
iw=y r Km
I came to Black(-land) (Egypt)
ir=y ri3 hpew nty lw w3h pe(=y) (4) tsyl w3h-s1n n.im=w M=y
that I might perform the rites which my (4) lord had ordered me (to perform).
ir=y iry=w.
I performed them.
w313=fw3h-shn n3=y
He had also ordered me
r tkr bd gngr 10t

to weigh out money, 10 talents,
r int=w r hwt-ntr n 1st

to bring it to the temple complex of Isis
n n3 hm-ntrw irm rn wcbw irm n3 ret-mbtw n hmyltw

for the hon t-priests and the waab-priests and the female children of waab-
priests.
1001
(5) w3h=y dit ir=w tkr=w n p3 rn n Pr-3 pe(=n) tsy3

(5) I had them weigh them out in the name of the King, our lord,
n-hn ri3=W rmrrw"prw'

in their and rgrainl.
w3h=f w3h-shn n3=y r dit ir p3 gry'l (r-)dr=f n hnmnm

He had ordered me to make the whole rdistrict"enjoy itself',
w3h=n ir=f n p3=f rn nfr

and we did it in his good name.
1-13-rie
(6) h[nmnm'] lw w3h=f ir=f n p3 gy
It was a beautiful (6) rp[artyl] he made for the nome.
w3h=f w3h-shn n p3 sy-nsw 1:11Y n3 krny3w n 'Ist

He ordered the king's son together with the qêrefis of Isis
r iy r Kme irm=y
to come to Black(-land) with me
g-mtw=n ir n3 hrwte irm n3 wnmew

so that we could hold the festivals and the banquets
riry=w hn hwt-ntr n 1st (7) [irm p3tymle (r-)dr=f

which they celebrate in the temple complex of Isis (7) [rand thel whole Nown't
h3t-sp 3t ibd 4 3he sw 1

In the regnal year three, fourth month of the Inundation Season, day 1,
lw=n r Pr-lw-lke
we came to Final-island (Philae),
1w n3 krn[y[3w n 1st irm=y

the qêrefis of Isis being with me.
n3-ene n3 w nty w31tri3 hm-ntrw irm n3 mbw irm p3 rnSe n p3 tyme

ir,f612 n3=y
Beautiful were the honors that the hont-priests and the waab-priests and the
populace of the town rmadel for me,
-tvV=w (8) [rt3y1=n1 r hwt-ntr n 1st

until they (s) rbrought us'l to the temple complex of Isis.
612 Correcting =f to =w.
1002
The Sources
iw=n iry (rn3yi)=n swbew

we made rouri collections
n t3§13n p3 t3w n Pr-c; [TkIrrmn pe(=y) tsy3

in return for the breath (of life) for King [Tacie]reramani,my lord.
irm gngr 10t nty iw w3h Tkrrmn Pr-3 p3=n tsy; w3h-shn (9) n.im=w r int=w r
hwt-ntr n 1st
randi ten talents which Taciereramani, the King, our lord, ordered (9) (US) to
bring to the temple complex of Isis,
w3h=y int=w
I brought them
w3h=y t§e=w r hre=w n wc sp

and aportioned them to them (the priests) all at once.
ink ht(=y) cn hn te(=y) mdt-hk(r)

Moreover, I myself, in my humble condition,
n p3 rn n Pr-3 pe(=y) tsy;

in the name of the King, my lord,
w3h=ydit pe(=y) 1/10 r h(3)t

I had given my tithe in advance,
pe(=y) dnf (n) m nbw r.(10)di=w m=y pe(=y) tsy3

my portion of the (pieces of) gold that (10) my lord gave me,
m-b3h te=f mwt 1st

in the presence of his mother Isis.
w3h=n dit §m g3 r d3d3=w

We sent another (sum) in addition to them613
lw=ri iry=w n w kbhe n nbw

and made them (the gold pieces) into a libation jar of gold,
lw=n mtnet=f r p3 rn n pe=n tsy3

which we inscribed with the name of our lord,
1W ri3 nbw n rn=w (11)ir n lytret 4t 1/2

the (pieces of gold) in question (11) amounting to four and one half pounds
(litras).
613 An additional 10 talents?
1003
w3h Wyngy3,p3 mr-ince n p3 mw dit in=w nb lytret 2t

Weyenegeya, the general of the water, had had 2 pounds (litras) of gold brought,
lw=w ipye=w n sgt n nb r fiy hry t3h3t n 1st n p; 3 sw-10

and they were made into a golden sistrum to be raised before Isis during the
three tenth days of the month.614
w31 Krny3 pe=f sn ,n (12) dit in=w nb lytret lt

Pasan together with Qêren, his brother, too, (12) had sent one pound (litra) of
gold,
lw=n iry=s n wc hs-c3t r kbh n Wsir Wn-nfr p3 ntr c3

and we made it into a heso-vase for making libations for Osiris Onnophris, the
great god.
n fin ibd 4 3he sw 1 ibd 3 pre sw 1

From the first day of the fourth month of Inundation until the first day of the
third month month of Winter
iw=n hrwie hn hwt-ntr n 1st

we made a festival in the temple complex of Isis
Irm ne=n snw (13) n3 krny3w n 1st n3 hm-ntrw hne n nwew n m w,bw n 1st
with our brethren, (13) the qêreris of Isis, the hont-priests and the serving (i.e., on
duty) priests among the waab-priests of Isis.
Ir=n hrw 8 iw=n ir wnm hry hft-h n 1st n irp hnis iwf
We spent 8 days dining in the dromos of Isis on wine, beer, and meat,
iw p3 mgyw n p3 dyme (r-)dr=f n ihy3

while the populace of the whole town was celebrating
(14) lw=w dit n t3 vsztet n Pr-3 pe=w hre

(14) and making obeisance to the King, their overlord,
Irm ne=n wnm hc=n

and (for) our own banquets too,
nty w3h=n iry=w hn mdt-hk(r) n p3 rn n Pr-3 pe=n tsy3

which we had humbly held in the name of the King, our lord, as well.
w31)=ydit nbw lytret 2t rl /2' (15) r w phylet

I had given 2 r1/ 21 pounds (litras) of gold (15)for a phiaI615
614 The Egyptian month was divided into three weeks of ten days each. The text refers to the last
day of each week.
615 t dXi1, libation saucer.
1004
The Sources
iw=s t; prtwmet n bre n 1st hn=s

with a bust (itpotogrj) of the face of Isis in it.616
Ibd 3 pre sw 1
On the first day of the third month of Winter
;brty p; sy-nsw iy r Pr-iw-lke

Abratoy, the king's son, came to Final-island (Philae),
ir=n hrw nfr irm=f hn hwt-ntr n 'Ist

and we held a gala reception with him in the temple complex of Isis.
in=f ki wgb lt (16) n nbw

He brought another wesheb-vase (16) of gold
iw w3h Tkrrmn dit in=s s r hwt-ntr n 'Ist

which Tegereramani had sent to the temple complex of Isis
lw=f ir n lytrt 3t 1/2

and which amounted to 3 1/2 pounds (litras),
irm ki lytrt 3t
and another 3 pounds (litras)
iw=f iry=w n shtpt n nbw

which he made into a golden incense vessel.
te(=y) tsy;t t wpy t;w n n; ntrw 1st

(0) my lady, (you) who rjudge nations' for the gods, Isis,
r.ir (17) sdm] e.ir=y

please (17) listen to me
mtw=w t3e1(=y)r Mrwe p; dyme nfr n pe=t re mryt

so that they take me to Meroe, the beautiful town of your beloved son,
mtw=t dit wc13=yhre pey twy ki

and preserve me on this high mountain
irm n; nktw r-lw=y m-s3=w r fiyt=w (n) pe=t re mr(18)yt Pr-; TkrIrmn
with the things which I came for, to take them to your beloved (18)son, King
Tegere] ramani,
mtw=t int(=y) r Km
and bring me to Black(-land) (Egypt)
616 The bust of Isis will have been in raised relief on the inside of the phiale.
1005
irm pe(=y) sn Hr-wd3 p3krny 3krr p3wpte c; n Hrme pe(=y) iry nfr
with my brother (= colleague?) Harutsha, the qêrefi akerere, the great envoy to
Rome, my good companion;
irm t3 hsbe n Pr-(3

and the rmarket-taxl (tribute?) for the King,
mtw(=t) int=s n=n r Km (19) [ — — —

and bring her to Egypt for us (19) ...
[mtw=t] rditl n=n p3 myte nty itnyt r t3yt=w n Gsrs

[and] give us the way which is splendid to take them to Caesar,
mtw=n in t3 mdt hm-ntr n 1st r pe=t rtks1nfr

and we will bring the priesthood of Isis to your beautiful rthronel.
te(=y) tsy; t3wpe t3w 1st

(0) my lady, (you) who judge countries, Isis,
mtw=t t3nb(.t) n p3 myt

you are the mistress617of the road,
h3te=n h3c r.lr=t hry t3mt r int=n r p3 myte n p3 q-th

Our hearts are left to you on the road, to bring us to the way of life,
lw=n n=t n nw nb dd
while we call upon you all the time, saying,
sdm r.ir=n
"Please listen to us."
ink pe(=t) b3knfr 1st

I am your good servant, (o) Isis.
mn my(21)Et— —
There is no wa(21)[y
h3te=y h3 r.ir=t <hn> Km hn Mrwe hn n3 tww

My heart is left to you <in> Black(-land) (Egypt), in Meroe, and in the moun-
tains.
617 For the reading nb(.t) in place of Npy see Jasnow 1992/3, 219.
1006
The Sources
1st py sn Ingt nty mtw=y

(0) Isis, this (the) only brother I have,
iw=y n3-h3=f
I am going to leave him;
mtw=y dd r.ir=t dit wd3=f

and I say to you, "Please keep him safe
-mtw=t int(=y) r Km cn
until you bring me again to Egypt
(22) [ — — ] Tkrrmn Pr-3 pe=n tsy;

[ Tegereramani, the King, our lord."
1st n3 gMeew nty w3h=yiry=w r.ir=t hry p; 3npe

(0) Isis, (as for) the prayers which I made to you in the rdesert'618
lw=y srme
when I was wandering about
iw=y e n=t
crying out to you,
iw ir=t sdm r.ir=y dd

and you listened to me, (as I was) saying,
91.1r=tlsdm r.ir=y [ — —
(23)"Please listen to me [
[ — —I iw=y wd3
[•••1 I being safe."
n3b3ke nty iw w3h Pr-c; pe(=y) tsy3 dit s n3=y

(As for) the rtributel that the King, my lord, gave to me
dd byt=w m-b3h1st
saying, 'Take it into the presence of Isis!',
w3h=y int=w
I have brought it.
618 This passage, together with that in lines 2-3, might be interpreted to mean that Pasan had
taken the desert route to Egypt and been exposed to great danger along the way. The most likely
route is that through the Eastern Desert where the Blemmyes were already becoming a threat (cf.
Cornmentsto 278).
1007
nty mw fte ty wtet

(As for) the one who obliterates this obeisance,
(24) iw=w r g[b rn=f — — ]

(24) they shall ex[cise his name 1
shy; n (25) h3t-sp 3t n 3wtwgrbwr [Gs]rs Gyw Wbye Trbwny Glwe

Written in (25)the third regnal year of Emperor [Caesalr Gaius Vibius Treboni-
anus Gallus
Irm pe=f gr nty hwy

and his son, the kings that protect (Augusti),
ibd 4 pre sw 15 py (26) hrw nfr

on the 15th of the fourth month of Winter, this (26)good day.
[RHP]
Comments
In this text, which was inscribed on the S side of the W front of Hadrian's
Gateway on Philae, and which may be regarded as exceptional on account of its
length, richness of narrative detail, and style, we read a report and prayer of
Pasan, a high Meroitic dignitary who arrived at Philae as an envoy and delegate
of the Meroitic king Tegorideamani. The text was written at the conclusion of
Pasan's mission to Philae, on April 10, AD 253, and dated to regnal year 3 of
Trebonianus Gallus and his son. Pasan records in it the events of his two pre-
vious official visits, the first of which took place in Year 2 of Tegorideamani, i.e.,
either in late AD 251 near the time of the Choiakh festival, or in 252 (cf. (259),
note on Evidence for reign). Already on this earlier occasion Pasan probably bore
the titles listed at the beginning of the graffito: "qoreri akroro of the King, great
envoy to Rome", in which we can recognise the translation of two Meroitic
titles, the first including the Meroitic word for ruler, qore (cf. 231; for kroro see
246), the second corresponding to apote-lh Arome-li-s (cf. REM 0129, 0312; for an
interpretation of the title, in which the words "envoy" and "Rome" are parts of
a genitive construction, as "envoy to the 'Romans— see Hofmann 1981a, 99 ff.).
The extraordinary and splendid scope of his task is indicated in lines 3 f., where
Pasan reports that he was instructed to act on behalf of his lord to perform rites
which, since they are described with such a particular emphasis, seem to have
been ritual acts that were otherwise the privilege of the ruler as high priest of
the cults. He also presented his king's gifts and donations to the temple and its
priesthood as well as to the inhabitants of the "whole district" and "nome".
During his first stay there were "festivals" and "banquets" celebrated at Philae,
which were also attended by other qorefis of Isis as well as by the "King's Son"
who may, on the basis of line 15, be identified as the peseto, i.e., the "viceroy" of
Lower Nubia.
1008
The Sources
In Tegorideamani's 3rd regnal year, on the first day of Choiakh, i.e., on

November 27, AD 252, Pasan arrived on the second of his two visits reported in
260. He was received, together with the gorefis of Isis who travelled in his com-
pany, by the higher priesthood (for the hont- and waab-priests see 245) and the
people of Philae. He was solemnly accompanied to the Isis temple where he
performed offerings and presented the gifts and donations brought from Meroe
"for the breath (of life) for King (Tegorideamani)" and in addition his own sub-
stantial gift. Further donations were made by Wyngy3, the "strategus of the wa-
ter" (for the title see 247) whom we may identify as Wayekiye (B) (see 252, for his
family relations see also 247) and by Qe'reti who is probably identical with the
writer of 254. The members of the embassy stayed on from Choiakh 1 to
Pharmouthi 1 (= February 25, AD 253), meanwhile celebrating a festival in the
temple of Isis which was probably none other than the Choiakh festival of Osiris
(also called 'Iacia, cf. Bergman 1978, 196). It is tempting to fit the eight days'
"dining" into the context of the seven days between 24-30 Choiakh that precede
the elevation of the djed pillar (cf. Daumas 1974, 959) and the subsequent
"opening of the year" on Tybi 1, earlier a royal festival (cf. Altenmüller 1975,
176) which could well have been an appropriate opportunity for offering prayers
for the king. Most significantly, Pasan and his party held their banquet "in the
name of the King" their lord, while the populace of Philae was "celebrating and
offering prayer for the King, their overlord" (cf. (259)).
On 1 Phamenoth (= February 25, AD 253) 3brty, the "King's Son" arrived with
further gifts and donations and participated in a feast which seems to have
concluded the festivities connected with Pasan's stay at Philae. 3brly is identical
with the Lower Nubian peseto Abratoye who would come to Philae again in AD
260 (see 265) and whose funerary inscription was discovered at Karanog (see
270). His Demotic title p3 sy-nsy, "King's Son", which is the equivalent of Nievt%
13aatkéco; AiOuincov,"wev-r% of the king of Aithiopia", in 265 indicates clearly
that the Meroitic title peseto derived, as originally suggested by Griffith (1912, 47
note 5), from Egyptian p s;-nswt.619
The following ten lines of the inscription contain a long prayer, which is,
however, still interwoven with information of historical value. Pasan prays for
his safe return to Meroe, "the beautiful town of your beloved son (i.e.,
Tegorideamani)", with the things which he takes with him from Egypt at the
behest of his sovereign. He goes on to pray that he be granted a return to Egypt
in the company of 1-.1r-wA another goreri akroro, great envoy to Rome. It re-
619 This derivation was opposed by Hintze 1963, 7 no. 6 who did not, however, offer an alternative.
Yoyotte 1989, 84 ff. suggested, on the basis of the Greek writing of the title, that it was an
equivalent of Egyptian p senti, i.e., the Ptolemaic and Roman Stoitentri;, head of the financial
-
administration of the country or of a territorial unit. Yoyotte does not, however, take into account
the correspondence between the Greek and Demotic renderings in the texts analysed here. U. Luft
suggested a derivation from Demotic pJ h §t rsj, "belonging to (praeses of) the southern nome" oc-
- -
curring in connection with the head of the administration of the nome of Elephantine in a late 2nd
cent. BC papyrus (see FFIN II, 154), but we prefer the derivation Griffith put forward.
1009
mains uncertain, however, whether I-Jr-wchhad already been designated Pasan's

successor to be sent in the coming year to Philae and, knowing this, Pasan
wished to accompany him there or whether I-Jr-wd; was actually in his company
when he wrote 260 and they both hoped to return. In line 19 we read important
information about the tasks of the "great envoys to Rome", viz., that they de-
liver the King's presents to "Caesar". While there can be no doubt that Gsrs,
"Caesar", is Trebonianus Gallus, it seems likely that the diplomatic presents
were passed on to him through the Prefect of Egypt. The next topic of the prayer,
which seems to be in direct connection with the presents to Caesar— "and we
will bring the priesthood of Isis to your [Isis'? or the King's1 beautiful throne"—
is similarly obscure: it may refer to the election of a Meroitic high priest in the
Philae sanctuary. Finally, it is impossible to say who Pasan's only brother was
whom he left behind in Philae (line 21).
The phraseology of the text and the epithets of Isis reflect the intellectual
milieu of the Philae temple and how the goddess was understood in contem-
porary theology. It is significant, however, that here, as also in other prayers
written by Meroites, the aspect of the goddess as helper in need, on whom "one
calls all the time", and who will listen to the cries of people seeking help (cf.
Bergman 1968, 202), receives special emphasis. It is interesting to note that she
inherited this feature from Ami:in (cf. Miiller 1961, 65 f.) who was the "helper"
in Kushite religion, described as "swift of step, who comes to him that called to
him" (see FHN I, 21 line 17, 24 line 22; Török 1995a, 125 ff.).
[LT]
261 Philae. Demotic graffito of Tami. About AD 253.

Griffith 1937,Ph. 417. Burkhardt 1985, 118 f.
(1) t3 ‘Nite n Ta-my t; 3rbtgy3 n 1st dy

(1)The obeisance of Tami, the arbetegaye of Isis, (is) here
(m-)b31)1st Pr-iw-lke Pr-iw-mb

in the presence of Isis of Final-island (Philae) and Pure-island (the Abaton),
t; ntrt 3t
the great goddess,
Myit nfrt
the beautiful noble lady,
kbhe nfrt (n) ty rnpt

the beautiful Refreshment of this year,
1010
The Sources
w3h-lhy3w
Giver of wealth,
(2) t3 tsy; n t3 pyt n p3 h t dw3t

(2) the mistress of heaven, of earth, (and of) the underworld.
w3h=y ir rnpt 10t n 3rbtngy

"I have spent 10 years as arbetengaye,
Iw=y rh.3y' r p3 rpy n 1st n h mde t

rmeasuringl for the temple of Isis with the great metsha-measure,
lw bn-pw=y be mdce
without having altered a metsha-measure,
iw-br-ir=y(3) r— hr rnpt nb
even though I (3) ... every year.
rnpt mh-10 w3h Bk-mty p3 3krre p3 gre Krny3 p3 mr-mc n p3 mw

In the tenth year Bekmeti, the akerere, the son of Qêrefiya, the general of the
water,
dit lw=y r rht1

sent me rnorthwards'
riwi Prsme hr Pr-lw-Mb

rwhile Pereseme was in charge of Pure-island (Philae),
(4) iw wh n3 rmt n Ybe iy r hry

(4) and the men of Elephantine had come up.
w313=ym rtitl r=w rfllpe=f rsty3

I went rnorthwards' to them the next day
r p3 m3cy n p; twkse
to the place of the Dux.
w3h=fly r rs; r Swne irm=y

He came south with me.
w3h=fgpet(=y)
He saw me.
w3h=f ir p; hpe n 1st

He performed the rite of Isis.
1011
(5) w3h=f pte m-s rn rmtw n Tbe

He hurried after the men of Elephantine,
dd m-ir grn r Pr-iw-web

saying, 'Don't go to Pure-island (the Abaton)!'.
wki=y ir rnpt 3f n n p3sp iw-rn=f

I spent 3 years on Final-island (Philae) on the matter in question.
bn-pw p3 myte hpr r gm r rs3

No way presented itself for going south.
w3h=y ir rnpt 3f (n) rn=w

I spent the three years in question
iw=y (6) luy nhhe r p3 shd n 1st

measuring oil for the illumination of Isis
1.111 ggv\gb 1.1s1dnyt hne rsntr' (n) p31-1

together with pure r— rloaves of bread', and riflcensel for the festival
procession,
iw w3h=y m 1/vbe4t
after I planted 4 persea-trees,
wct n Pr-lw-wcb
one on Pure-island (the Abaton),
wt bry p3 hft-he n 1st n

one on the dromos of Isis of Final-island (Philae),
ky 2 (7) n p; bl n p3 dyme
and another 2 (7) outside the town.
wfihp33rghrwe iy r rs3
The chief priest (cipxtepci)) came south.
w3h=y m 1:131=f n Swne

I went to meet him at Syene.
w3h=y ly r hry irm=f

I came up with him.
bn-pw=y dit ir=f ir hb n p t3 hn t3rpy3

I did not (mneedto') have him do anything at all in the temple,
1012
The Sources
lw w3h=y iny lndp (8) r Ingmlhe 3t r p3 wtn n 1st

since I had already brought pitch (8)for a major calking for the bark of Isis.
w3h=ydkm=f hry hn hry bl n lndpe

I had smeared it inside and out with pitch.
1st te(=y) tsy;

(0) Isis, my mistress,
tw=y lle [r.lir=t dd

I pray you, saying,
lw.ir(=t) r dit m=y p3 m(9)yte n t3p3hrw r hry

"Please grant me the way (9) from today on
mtw=y ir ne=t rsmnl n3 nty itnyt

so that I may do your rbiddingl, that which is splendid,
mtw=y ir hwe r ny
and that I may do even more than this,
mtw=t dit m=y hsy3 mry r hre rmt nb

and grant me praise and favor with every important person
rhwt hte' (10) rhwtl rs;

of the northern rcompoundl (10)and of the southern rcompound
mtw=t iry n3 nty hn h3te=y

and do what is in my heart,
te(=y)62otsy;
my mistress."
p; nty m fte my shy3

(As for) he who shall obliterate this text,
rn=f gb r nhh dt
his name is excised for ever and ever.
[RHP]
Comments
Carefully incised on the S jamb of Hadrian's Gate directly below (?) 260, the
graffito of Tami may be dated, on the basis of the indirect evidence provided by
266, to about AD 253: in the latter inscription, dated 1 Tybi 260, Tami states that
6 " Text: te.t.
1013
he returned to Philae after a period of seven years. Although it cannot be en-

tirely excluded that Tami returned to Philae after the writing of 261 but did not
leave behind a record, and thus that 266 would refer to this unrecorded visit and
not to 261, here we prefer to accept the dating suggested by Griffith (1937,120).
Like the majority of the Demotic inscriptions made by Meroites, Tami's text
too unites a proskynema formula with a report and a prayer (cf. Burkhardt 1985,
50 ff.). Tami describes himself as the 3rbtn3 of Isis, who spent thirteen years in
the service of the goddess, i.e., in her temple on Philae, working faithfully and
correctly with the nich. c3t, "the great metsha-measure". Griffith regarded the
term ;rbtg-y as a Demotic transcription of the Meroitic title arbetke (var. arbtke)
and suggested that it was perhaps connected with the Egyptian corn measure
ciptål3rj (Griffith 1937, 120). The description of Tami's use of the mde c3tseems
indeed to support this suggestion excellently. The Meroitic title arbetke/arbtke
occurs in mortuary inscriptions of priests associated with economic duties: we
know of an arbtke of the peseto (REM 1020) who was a priest of Arnim of
Napata, and REM 0292 records an aribet(ke) in Simlo (probably Karanog). The
same title could, however, also occur in a more elevated context; and the
importance and actual character of this elevated variant is revealed by 270, on
the one hand, and by REM 1090 and 1091, on the other. In 270 the title marks an
earlier stage in the career of a "viceroy" of Lower Nubia; in the latter-named
inscriptions, found at Sedeinga, it occurs in the titulary of an official whom we
regard as the counterpart of the peseto in the region between the Second and
Third Cataracts (see TörlA 1979, 3ff., 147 ff.; for another arbtke in the region see
REM 1116). It would thus seem that Tami was responsible for the collection of
the taxes in grain for the temple of Isis on Philae, or, if the title is not to be taken
literally, for the collection of taxes in general.
Tami divides his report into two parts. He describes the first ten years of his
activity, which we date hypothetically between ca. AD 240/41-249/50 (cf. also
259), as a peaceful period which ended in a conflict of some sort. According to
lines 3 ff., on an unspecified date in his tenth year of service "the men of Ele-
phantine had come up" and Philae came under the "charge" of a certain Prsme
whose name is written with the foreign determinative (Griffith 1937, 120). It
would seem that "the men" were an armed force from the garrison of Elephan-
tine (cf. ibid.) under the command of Prsme; for, on an order received from the
3krre (Meroitic akroro, a high honorific [?] title of unknown meaning, cf. 246) and
strategus "of the water" (cf. 247, 260), Bekemete, son of Qêreti (for his family
relations see family tree appended to Comments on 247; and see 267), Tami
hurried "northwards", probably to Elephantine, to see the Iwkse. This latter,
unnamed, dignitary, the dux (the SolA or atpatiXOttn; of documents in Greek)
must have been identical either with a frontier commander or with the
commander of the whole army of Egypt (the latter possibility was preferred in
Török 1979, 10 f., while Speidel 1988, 782 considers both possible). The "rite per-
formed for Isis" by the dux and the ensuing negotiations between Tami and him
1014
The Sources
support the suggestion that the dux in question was indeed the commander of
the Egyptian army. The high-ranking duces whose office was endowed with an
unprecedented military power and may have been created, or preserved, as a
response to the Meroitic expansion, is attested in Egypt in documents dating
from AD 231 and 241 (for the evidence see Speidel 1988, 781 with note 56).
The second part of Tami's period in office lasted three years after his meeting
with the dux. It would seem that the negotiations were not entirely successful
for Tami and that as a result his position changed. He was no longer a tax
collector, reports rather humble activities, and is unable to go south. In the light
of the way in which the expressions "going north" and "going south" were used
to indicate short distances within the region of Philae in earlier lines of the text,
we may conclude that the "way south" does not necessarily refer to Tami's
contact with Meroe but indicates rather that he was not in a position to go to the
Dodecaschoenus as he used to do while he was still a tax collector. The
ambivalent tenor of his encounter with the 3rghrwe, i.e., the å epeti
'AkeavSpcia; Kai Airintou TcciarK,the "High Priest of Alexandria and All
Egypt" (cf. Török 1979, 11 f.; for the office as highest civil administrator of temple
and cult matters in Roman Egypt see Otto 1905, 58 ff.) also indicates Tami's
frustration: he stresses that the visit of the High Priest—whom he went to meet
at Syene and whom he courteously escorted from there to Philae—proved
pointless, since he, Tami, had already ordered the "major calking" of the cere-
monial barge of the goddess. One can read between the lines, however, that the
High Priest arrived at Philae as a supervisor; and his visit was probably
prompted by some report about Tami's shortcomings.
In earlier studies (Török 1979, 9 ff.; 100 ff.; Burkhardt 1985, 88; Török 1988a,
284) the changes in Tami's position around 249/50 were interpreted as conse-
quences of conflicts between Egypt and Meroe and/or Egypt, Meroe, and the
Blemmyes and also understood as referring to changes in the status of the Do-
decaschoenus. On the basis of the translation presented here, it would seem,
reading between the lines of 261, that we are told about a turn in Tami's per-
sonal career which, though it might have been affected by armed conflicts well
beyond his control, brought about his degradation and apparently also his dis-
grace at Meroe. His frustration also seems to be hinted at in the formula he uses
in lines 9 f. in his prayer where he asks Isis to be granted "praise and favour with
every important person of the northern rcompouncr and of the southern
rcompound": the shy evasiveness and self-abasing tone of the phrase should be
compared to the direct mention of the rulers of Meroe and Egypt in 260.
Though Tami's inscription repeats the form and emulates the style of the
texts written by other Meroites on the walls of the temple complex of Isis as a
final act of their official presence on the island, it could not report similarly
successful activities and thus Tami's stay of thirteen years ended with a report
that was only formally monumental. Yet, he would be permitted to return,
1015
more powerful than ever, after the elapse of seven years, to Final-island. (See
266).
[LT]
(1)(m-)bd-ft1st n Pr-3-Mb Pr 3 Ik (2) b ntrt

- -
(1)In the presence of Isis of Pure-island (the Abaton) and Final-island (Philae), (2)
the great goddess,
n-drt Wygte p3 gr (3) n T3-snt ta ITIr-nht-it=fhm

by the hand of Weyegete, the son (3) of Tsône the elder, daughter of Hornakhty-
otef the younger,
(4) p3 krny3 n 1st p3rt n 1st

the qêrefi of Isis, the agent of Isis,
bm-ntr n 1st rlYy n h3s(t)Kme-(6)600

(5)hont-priest of Isis, prince of the land of Kem(6)su,
1:ineT3-rt-pa-twt fi=f rt
together with Tshenpatow, his daughter.
(7) iw=y ir nt wpt n twtw n 1st (8) hW p3 twtw n Ws1r621

(7) As I work on a statue of Isis (5)together with the statue of Osiris
bn te(=y) mdt (9) rmt n ntr

in my (9) piety,
Iw=y iry=w dd r.lr=t int=n (10)hr rnp(t) nb

I shall make them that you (the goddess) shall bring us (10)(here) every year
mtw=t dit n=n bh (11) n

and give us a lifetime (11)of millions (of years),
w3h=y hd n nb
because I have done the gilding
621Although the verb-forms employed in this passage are written with conjugation-bases nor-
mally associated with circumstantial and future forms, they may well be phonetic variants of the
past tense. The translation would then be: "I worked on a statue of Isis and the statue of Osiris
and made them so that you should bring us...".
1016
The Sources
(12) itric p; twtw n Wsir nty hn p3y livy(13) kbh

(12) together with the statue of Osiris which is in this House (13) of Coolness.
[RHP]
Comments
The writer of this graffito, inscribed on the N (inner) front, on the narrow side
of the central pilaster—in a rather hidden and humble place—of the W tower of
the Second Pylon of the Isis temple, was a descendant of the Wayekiye family
and belonged to its seventh generation, being the son of Tsône "the elder"
daughter of Hornakhtyotef "the younger", i.e., Hornakhtyotef II (Burkhardt
1985, 95; this filiation is to be preferred to Millet 1969, 80 ff. and Török 1986a,
301). He was the author of another graffito presented here as FHN 263. For his
family relations see the family tree appended to the Comments on 247.
Dated and approximately datable inscriptions of the Wayekiye family indi-
cate considerable age differences among members of the same generation: e.g.,
Sosen and Manitawawi both belong to the fourth generation according to the
order of descent; yet 232 was written in AD 190/1 by Sosen, while Manitawawi's
latest datable graffito (267) was written in the 250s. Furthermore, Manitawawi of
the fourth generation and Bekemete of the sixth appear together in 267. In sum,
it would seem that Manitawawi was a contemporary of his nephews
Hornakhtyotef II and Qtireti rather than of his brother-in-law Wayekiye (A) (see
the family tree in Comments on 247). Despite these difficulties, it is obvious that
Wygte's records belong either to the period of Bekemete who appears in ca. AD
253 (261) and also at a later date (267),or are even later.
The two inscriptions of Wygte (see also 263) list different titles. In 262 he is
goreri, "agent", and hont-priest of Isis (cf. 232, 246, 247) and prince of the land of
Takompso (cf. 249-251, 256); in 263 he is "great khabkhrie",622goreri of the King,
and hwyte of Isis (?). Since it would seem that the rank title "prince of the land of
Takompso" was only borne by the senior member of each generation of the
Wayekiye family (Gen. 4: Manitawawi: Gen. 5: Hornakhtyotef II; Gen. 6: ?
[perhaps 13;-t3-h.t-rs,257 ?]), Wygte may have inherited it because he was senior
member of the seventh generation after 263 was written. Both inscriptions in-
dicate, independently of their chronological order, that Wygte was a priest and
official of the temple of Isis and, at the same time, an official of the king of
Meroe. His duties did not, however, confine him to the daily cult and affairs of
the temple of Philae, but brought him, according to 262, to Philae only once a
year. This indicates that he was vested with the same power as the high-ranking
envoys of the king of Meroe who wrote reports 249, 254, 256, and 260.
[LT]
622A Meroitic title of unknown meaning. For a of the king" see REM 0122.
1017
(1) [t3 ws[te n Wygte

[The obei]sance of Weyegete,
p; hbbne c;
the great khabkhfie,
pt krny; (n) Pr-3

(2) the qérefi of (the) King
hwyte n "Isti
the khuite of rIsisl.
rnl (3) ibd 4 3ht sw 11

In (3) the fourth month of Inundation on the eleventh day
iw=y shy; ty w§te (4) ty

I wrote this obeisance (4) here
m-b3b 1st t; ntrt 3 1st t; (5) nbmt

in the presence of Isis, the great goddess, Isis the (5) savior.
[RHI]
Comments
See 262.
264 Karanog.Meroitic funeraryinscription of Netewitar. Mid-3rd cent. AD.

Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pl. 20. Griffith 1911b, 66. REM 0278.
The rectangular offering table with a representation of a goddess (Nephthys) and
Anubis and a mortuary text in cursive Meroitic script, now Cairo JE 40164, was
found between (?) graves G 182 and G 203 and may have belonged to the latter
(Griffith 1911b, 66). Here we give the text on the basis of its REM edition.
Text
(1)Wosi„ A(2)soreyi„
(3)1Sitewitrgowi„
dkretri„ (4)Msidt„ terikelowi„
Mlit(5)rqide„ ted(b)elowi(„)
pes(6)to„ Aki(7)fitelowi(„)
1018
The Sources
(8)wleke(„) kro(9)rolowi„
(10)sekesekifi„ ssimetelo(11)wi„
smrso„ krorolo„
ab(12)solowi„
qorbtowi„
nb(13)r„ ipbetelo„ (15)wi„
pqrl„ ye(16)tmdelo(17)wi„
atomhe„ psihete„
(18)atmhe„ pshrkte„
(19)hmlol„ yidetedik(20)te„
hhll„ (21)psiplte
Comments
264 consists of the four traditional sections of the canonical non-royal Meroitic
funerary inscription type as it took shape in the course of the lst cent. BC (see
FHN II, 154, 155):
Invocation of Isis (Wosi) and Osiris (Asoreyi);
Nomination: A) name of the deceased (Netewitar) with the suffixes -qo
and -wi. The first of these was interpreted as an honorific name suffix with the
meaning "noble" or the like (Priese 1971, 279; Millet 1981, 125; Török 1978, 223 f.).
It is more likely, however, that the compound P+qo+wi has a meaning "P
is/was he/she" or the like (cf. Hofmann 1981a, 52 ff.). B) title (its meaning is
unknown; it occurs as a title of the father of peseto Malotori, see 269) and name
of the father: dkretri Masidata, with the filiation word terike (with suffixes -lo
and -wi) meaning "begotten of". C) name of Netewitar's mother, Malitaraqide
and the filiation word tedhe meaning "bom by".
Description. Listed here are Netewitar's titles and epithets (?); and, at the
end of the Description, it is stated that he was in a mde-relationship (cf. 244,
Comments, end) with a pqr. We know a great number of sequences of titles in
Descriptions which were composed hierarchically, with the highest title named
first, and which in many cases reproduced a cursus honorum, i.e., an official (or
priestly) career in the course of which the list of the individual titles describes,
in reverse order, the sequence of offices of the deceased and/or of his/her rela-
tions. These lists of titles suggest that from the 1st cent. BC through the 4th cent.
AD the highest office in the government of Lower Nubia was that of a
pesto/peseto, also described as pestolpeseto Akiri-te, i.e., peseto in Akiri, where
Akiri is probably the Meroitic name of Lower Nubia (see FHN II, 155, in this
volume 268, 269, 270 and cf. Griffith 1925, 261). On the other hand, it also appears
that the title pqr623 became, in the course of the next century, the highest rank
(?) title available for Lower Nubian pesetos who would, when being appointed a
pqr, withdraw from Lower Nubia (Török 1977a).
623 Confined in the lst cent. BC and the AD lst cent. to members of the nucleus of the royal family
(cf. FHN II, 152, (179), in this volume see (186), (213), (215)).
1019
In the Description Netewitar lists his official titles and epithets, starting with
the highest one. From these it is only pesto Akiii te, "pesto in Akiri" that is
-
translatable; the rest, albeit known from other titularies as well, escapes our un-
derstanding. The inscription concludes with the
IV. Benediction, with formulae referring to the offering of water (ato) and
bread (at), cf. Griffith 1911b,46; Hintze 1959,34 ff.; Hofmann 1981a, 199 ff.
Inscription 271 contains a list of pesetos, some of whom are known from
other sources as well. It has been argued (T&ök 1986a, 75 ff.) that since the name
of Abratoye, who is attested as pesto in AD 253 (260) and again in AD 260 (265),
probably occurs twice in the list, in the third and seventh places, the tenure of
the pesto was rather short and could be renewed. It was also concluded that 271
gives the names in a chronological order. Accepting this interpretation, and tak-
ing into account that Netewitar's name is the second in the list and is followed
by the first occurrence of Abratoye's name, we conclude that Netewitar was pesto
of Lower Nubia some time before February 25, AD 253, when Abratoye is
attested as pesto in a text from Philae (see 260).
Netewitar was probably buried in tomb G. 203 at Karanog where some items
from his burial equipment were found (cf. Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pls
83, 89; Tbrök 1987a,205 f.).
[LT]
265 Philae, Greek proskynema of Abratoeis (Abratoye). AD 260.

SB V 8662. SEG XXXVIII1845.I. Philae II 180.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 E. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [=I. Philae II.]
This text was inscribed on the Gate of Hadrian at the temple of Philae. It belongs
to the epigraphic genre of proskynema, i.e., inscriptions carved as an act of
worship to a divinity by a traveller who passes its shrine or a pilgrim who has
come expressly to pay hommage to the divinity in question (see further FHN II,
168, Introduction to source).
The basis for the modern texts is copies made in the 19th century by Lepsius
and Borchardt; according to E. Bernand (1969, 192), the inscription has now en-
tirely disappeared owing to the effects of the yearly inundation of the temple.
We base our text on that of E. Bernand (1969, 192-197,with Pl. 80 and 106), but
change the punctuation to accord with our view of the structure of the text.
Bernand also supplies the earlier bibliography, a French translation, and a de-
tailed commentary.
1020
The Sources
Text
- 7tpooldwiga, APpoccoEt;
1"?)
2 Vsvtil; PCXMXECO; AL01.67CCOv
3 7C0163 napå tfi wupuovto,) "Icn&
4 (-1)1.),..63v
1CCfi'A36CLOI) Ka‘t CDV-
5 vdrnç 0Edii; ccà OXou toi5 OLK01.).
6 1-1, Tii13ta'.
Translation
The obeisance of Abratoeis, psentes624 of the King of Aithiopia—I am making
(it) before Isis-of-Countless-Names of Philae and the Abaton and before the gods
who (5) share her temple—and of all (his) house.625
(Year) 8, lst of Tybi.
Comments
Abratoeis, whose name appears in the form brty in the Demotic graffito of Pasan
(260, line 15) and as Brtoye in his Meroitic funerary inscription (270, line 2), is
attested as having been the highest official in the administration of Lower Nubia
in April AD 253 (see 260) and, as indicated by 265, again in December 260. In 253
he appeared in Philae as envoy of his sovereign, King Teciorideamani of Meroe,
and donated on his behalf a golden 'Wb-vase to be used in the Choiakh festival
(cf. Griffith 1937, 118), that weighed 3 1/2 pounds (litras) and 3 pounds (litras) of
gold for an incense vessel (making together 6 1/2 pounds), and was solemnly
received by the priesthood of the Isis temple.
His second Philae inscription—the present text—was written on December
27, AD 260 in Greek, not in Demotic as were the texts written by the members of
624 A non-Greek word which may be a title or a name. Since foreign names and titles are often left
undeclined in Greek texts, it cannot be decided whether it is in the nominative or genitive case
here. (The same is true for the name Abratoeis.) On the interpretation, cf. Comments below.
625 The structure of this whole sentence is unclear and no attempt to construe its parts is quite con-
vincing. Our attempt makes the last words, "of (his) whole house", represent the addition of
something Abratoeis forgot to mention at the beginning. Accordingly, we interpret APpatoEt; in
line 1 and OXou toi3 dixou in line 5 as being coordinated subjective genitives in construction with tå
irpoa KISvmm in line 1, and suppose that the writer makes a new start with notei in line 3.
Consequently, we regard iyevirK in line 2 as a title in the genitive case and Poccnéo.); in turn as a
possessive genitive depending on the title. E. Bernand (1969, 194-196) discusses the structure with
ample reference to earlier attempts at solutions; he arrives at a structuring of the various elements
which we might render in the following way: "I Abratoeis, psentes, am making this obeisance (on
behalf) of the King of Aithiopia and all (his) house, before Isis etc.". This is a translation which
makes perfectly good sense but pays little regard to the actual word order of the Greek text; it also
appears unlikely that the genitive case, without a preposition (i)74), could mean "on behalf of"
(Bernand: "de la part du roi", "au nom de toute sa maison") here. Our attempt at structuring the
text has some support in 266, that of E. Bernand in 315.
1021
the Wayekiye family.626There can be no doubt that his choice of language for
his brief proskynema adds to the significance of the text. There are only eight
other dated Greek proskynema inscriptions from the 3rd cent. AD at Philae (see
E. Bernand 1969, 398 f.) in addition to 265 and 266 and it is unlikely that Greek
would have been commonly used in Meroe. Abratoye himself, Tami who trav-
elled with him, or any educated priest at the site should have been able to for-
mulate and execute a proskynema in Demotic Egyptian. The probable reason for
the unusual choice of Greek as the language of Abratoye's text is indicated by
Tami's Greek inscription (266, line 3), where he reports that he "made peace",
i.e., conducted negotiations on a diplomatic level which apparently also
involved authorities in Egypt. Consequently, it might have appeared appropri-
ate to the Meroites to conclude their visit with "reports" inscribed in the official
language of their partners.
Like the rest of the dated reports of Meroites, 265 and 266 are dated using
regnal years of Roman emperors. Though not named, they were in this case
identified, on the basis of Tami's earlier (dated) text (261) and the palaeography
of the two Greek texts, as the emperors Valerian and Gallienus; and thus 1 Tybi
of Year 8 in the inscription would correspond to December 27, AD 260.
Abratoeis and Tami had their Greek texts inscribed on the W front of
Hadrian's Gate, N of the gateway, as pendants to the two great Demotic inscrip-
tions commemorating Meroitic embassies to and official activity at Philae writ-
ten in AD 253 by Pasan (260) and Tami himself (261). In this way, the two terse
Greek texts were connected to precedents that constituted a legal background and
indicated continuity and were included in what can be regarded as an archive of
official reports of Meroitic dignitaries connected with the Philae temple and the
management of the Dodecaschoenus and inscribed on the stones of Hadrian's
Gate (see Griffith 1937, 112 Ph. 409: Sosen [see also 232]; 245; 249; 253; 260; 261).
It might appear that Abratoye was continuously peseto of Akifi, a title which,
as indicated by his Greek (in 265 ive.vti; [3actXéco;AiBtOrcow)and Demotic (in
260 p; sy-nsw) titles, seems to have had the meaning "King's Son (in Lower
Nubia)", performing administrative duties of a viceregal character, from AD 253
to 260, and that he died at a later, unknown, date while still holding this office
(see 270). It is, however, more likely that he held the office at least twice, and that
the tenures attested by the inscription of AD 253, on the one hand, and by that of
AD 260, on the other, were separated from each other by the tenures of other
pesetos. Such a practice would explain the list of pesetos in 271 (cf. also
Comments on 264), where the two occurrences of Abratoye's name are separated
by the names of three other "King's Sons".
Abratoye's name, with title, also appears in the funerary inscriptions of two
members of his family, both buried at Karanog. In REM 0251 he is mentioned as
a mde-relative of a Mrosikli, born of Srbikde in her second marriage with an
626 They were priests educated for many generations at Philae and used an elegant and rich De-
motic for their adorations and reports.
1022
The Sources
unnamed person. In REM 0252 he is mentioned as a mde-relative of Pedemoke,

son of the "great smt" Shloy(e) and the lady Doke.
For the historical background cf. 282, Comments.
[LT]
266 Philae, Greek proskynema of Tami. AD 260.

SB I 4101. I. Philae II 181.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 t. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [= I. Philae IL]
This proskynema was inscribed on the Gate of Hadrian at the temple of Philae,
immedately below the text of 265, and records the same date. Like the latter, it
too is said to have disappeared, and modern editions rely on old copies and
notes.
We base our text on that of É. Bernand (1969, 197-201,with Pl. 80), who also
supplies the earlier bibliography, a French translation, and a detailed commen-
tary.
Text
1.'(\ Ttpocsiciiviga TCY6 di(l0X0yer"Cdtou ltp£613E1YrCri-j
2 Tc4uç napå guptcoviiff "IcnSt (t63v iccei 'APOurov.
3 ge-rck .Tc-roce-ria;
xpOvov ?.,E1csov
eipijviv Icenoilice
4 KOd. Ele CCUT015 TOvrcpocptniv cr.-cEcpcivoxse, TiiPt cc'.
Translation
The obeisance of the most esteemed ambassador Tami before Isis-of-Countless-
Names of Philae and the Abaton. After a period of seven years he627 came, made
peace, and on the (same) occasion (?)628 crowned629the priest (prophetes).
(Year) 8, lst of Tybi.
[TH]
627 The reference is unclear: is "he" the ambassador Tami, or are we allowed to see this inscription
as a direct continuation of the preceding one (265), in which case "he" might be Abratoeis (the
interpretation preferred by E. Bernand)?
628 The function and interpretation of the prepositional expression, kre alYCOi3,is far from certain.
Perhaps there is a non-Greek personal name (the name of the priest) hiding in the string of letters?
629 The reading b[stec¢dcw.ocehere is due to an emendation of what seems to have been written on
the stone, ErfEcI)ANSITE. The alternative emendation 4:5'rec¢av
ctiOn (suggested by Griffith), "was
crowned", is not compatible with the accusative TOv npo(Infittiv, "the priest", which must be the
object of the clause.
1023
Comments
As we have learned from 261, Tami served as a tax collector of Isis of Philae for
ten years between ca. AD 240/1 and 249/50, and was thus an official responsible
for the granaries of an Egyptian temple. In all probability, however, he also col-
lected a good part, or all, of the taxes from estates which were under the control
of the king of Meroe, who was thus, according to a curious and unparalleled ar-
rangement, his lord together with the Roman emperor. Some time in his tenth
year of office his situation changed radically, and he spent the next three years at
Philae in a less exalted temple office and perhaps in disgrace. On his departure
from Philae in AD 253, he prayed for the favour of "every important person" in
Egypt as well as in Meroe.
That he later, in fact, received even more favour than before 249/50 is re-
vealed by the present Greek text. The inscription marks the end of a successful
mission and commemorates unspecified peace negotiations he conducted,
doubtless with Roman authorities, and also a most significant event, viz., the
installation ("crowning") of a prophet (i.e., a hont-priest, cf. 245) by Tami. He
thus appears, though a Meroitic ambassador and not an Egyptian official of any
sort, to perform an official act which was a privilege of the "High Priest of
Alexandria and All Egypt" as a delegate of the Prefect of Egypt (cf. Otto 1905,58 ff.,
cf. 232 ff.). Unfortunately, it remains uncertain whether the prophet he installed
was a Meroite, perhaps a member of the Wayekiye family (cf. 247 for the family
tree and see 262 f.), or an Egyptian and whether this act was part of the re-
establishment or reinforcement of the earlier agreement between Egypt and
Meroe concerning the estates of Isis in the Dodecaschoenus (cf. (259),260).
The writer of the Greek text gave Tami the honorific epithet (gloXoyeitato;
thus associating him with Roman officials in Egypt of the upper middle
echelons (cf. for the rather uneven evidence Preisigke 1931, 184). It is, unfortu-
nately, impossible to say if this was an act of malice by a chauvinistic translator
who availed himself of this opportunity to degrade a Meroitic intruder who
could not control the translation.
ELT]
267 Philae, Meroitic Chamber.The inscriptions of a Meroitic embassy to Philae.

Second half of the 3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1912,34 ff., Pls XVIII-XXX.REM 0097-0111.
The drawings representing two processions of Meroitic dignitaries and the in-
scriptions accompanying them and presented here were incised on the W, N,
and E walls in one of the chambers opening from the Second Court of the tem-
ple of Isis behind the Second East Colonnade. Griffith 1912, 34 identifies the
chamber as the "second" in a "series of four small chambers"; and in his Pl. XVII
he marks the third chamber from the N. It becomes clear, however, from the
1024
The Sources
more detailed plan in PM VI, 213 that the Meroitic Chamber, i.e., "Room III" in
Porter and Moss (see PM VI, 221), is in fact the second small chamber from the
N. The drawings and inscriptions occupy one masonry course in height with
their ground line ca. 1.80 m above the room's original floor, from which Griffith
(1912, 34) concluded that at the time the drawings and the inscriptions were
made the room was filled with a thick layer of debris. The stone course occupied
by the drawings and texts measures in height 0.45 m; the length of the
representations is: ca. 0.25 m (W wall), 3.14 m (N wall), and 1.235 m (E wall).
Procession I consists of seven figures facing right. It starts in the middle of the N
wall and ends on the W wall. Of Procession II, which also starts in the middle of
the N wall but ends on the E wall, eight figures, facing left, are preserved. One
further figure is now missing behind the sixth preserved figure, and two figures
are missing behind the seventh preserved figure.
The Lepsius expedition made squeezes, on the basis of which the first publi-
cation was made in LD VI, 2 (drawings), 3-5 (inscriptions); Griffith 1912, 35 also
mentions squeezes by L. Borchardt as well as Berlin Academy photographs. The
graphic copy of the two processions, including the texts, in Griffith 1912, Pl.
XVIII, was reproduced in Török 1988a, fig. 40. For the sake of reference, in addi-
tion to the REM numbers, the figures and their accompanying texts will be
identified below with bold letters. The words in the inscriptions are only rarely
and inconsistently separated by word dividers; the separation into words and the
segmentations given below follow the REM edition.
Texts
PROCESSION I
REM 0097 (a)
(1)qo pelmos (2)atolise (3)Bekemete(4)lisete (5)Mnitw(6)wiqo
(7)wete *Si(8)yeteli(9)yetet(10)kewomnet(11)h„ [---womneselh]Pilqe(12)telo„
an(13)tqorito [=qoriselo]
(14)steligo(15)re„ *semlo
(16)hbhti.„s(17)qotelb(18)10
mlo sto*se(19)lo
REM0098 (b)
(i)qo kroro (2)Bekeme(3)teste pe(4)1mosa(5)tolit [=atolisel] (6)ye(7)rik(8)elo
(9)*Mni(10)se m(ii)telo
(12)pese(13)tolo
pe(14)lmosa(15)dblito[=adbliselo]
(16)nobow„ (17)35kelbo
REM0099(c)
(1)qo i3bijfi (2)Mstr(3)gye(4)go,(,)
pe(5)rite (6)Wos(7)to [=Wosselo]
1025
REM 0100 (d)

(1)Mstrq„ qo
(2)qoreri (3)ponni(4)lito [=ponniliselo]
REM 0101 (e)

(1)tdhe„ Mloqorebr„ qo(2)ret [=qoresel Lhidmni
Ptrotrise(3)1w Armte„ kw„
sdrtelh 2 (4)do 6
atmi wese 12 keri (5)2
Arite wil„ 1
Wos Pil(6)qetel he 1
Wos Tebwetel (7)be 1
tdbto„ Wos Arol„ t(8)rot„ *t sdrte„ do„ 5 kerit [=kerisel] (9)hi 10
keh Aro trot het (10)twdto
Asori Pilqeteleb (11)tbo„ yinithebto
Asori Te(12)bweteli ynithelo„
pki Wos (13)Pilqeteliti [=Pilqeteliseh]„
wi Wos Tebwe(14)teliti
wi a*sy„ abe„ mrhe(15)bto
hbhri„ qorises Mstr(16)q„ qo„ yetebhe„
REM 0102 (e')

(1)hbhii Wos qer„
(2)qo Mstrqye qo„
(3)Wosi„ yntk*e„ pipl„ (4)pbilh„ p*li„
Ptro(5)ti pipn„ p(6)bb„
REM 0103 (f)

(1)qo Mstrq„ qo„
Wo(2)si„ Bedewi
*ksdk„ p(3)roheri„ dbe„ wiyleb„ (4)ptteb„ [=ptseleb]
Ptroti (5)ptrqo *b*o (6)*m*1*e kw„
REM 0104 (g)

(1)qo Apmlo qo
(2)pelmos ad(b)li(3)to [=ad(b)liselol„
PROCESSION II
REM 0105 (h)
(1)qo pel(2)mos ato(3)lise Mnit(4)wwi(5)qo
REM 0106 (i)

(1)qo kro(2)ro Be(3)keme(4)telo
(5)pe(6)se(7)to(8)Io
1026
TheSources
REM0107(j)
(1)qo kro(2)ro Be(3)keme(4)telo
pe(5)Imos a(6)dbli(7)to[=adbliselo]
REM0108(k)
(1)Snfi*bli(2)Io
mseqe(3)to [=mseqeselo]
REM0109(1)
(1)qo„ Ms(2)trqo(3)ye (4)Wos (5)qe(6)r(7)10
REM0110(m)
(1)qo hb(2)hrilh (3)Mst(4)rq(5)ye(6)qo„
REM0111(n)
(1)qo qorefi (2)Wosse pe(3)rite Wo(4)sse Wos (5)qer Mst(6)(rqo)ye (7)*-qewi
(8)W*osiyn(9)tkelw (10)pibr (11)pbeq*le(12)b
ksbfi Wo(13)sse bto (14)skelnh(15)efi
Comtnents
The rooms behind the Eastern or Second (as distinguished from the First
Colonnade in front of the First Pylon) Colonnade in the Second Court of the
temple of Isis were built under Ptolemy VIII (see Winter 1982, 1023) and consti-
tuted a complex of (from S to N) a "laboratory", "courtroom", "purification
chamber", and "library". By the 3rd cent. AD some, or all, of these rooms had
lost their original function; and the Meroitic drawings and texts were incised on
the walls of what was originally the "purification chamber".
The texts presented above accompanied figures and cannot be discussed in-
dependently from them. Griffith judged the representations, which could be
clearly seen only in artificial light, to be appallingly "rude to grotesqueness".
They are indeed no works of art but were, in all probability, incised by the scribe
who wrote the texts and display the limitations of his skill. That the texts and
the drawings were made by the same hand is clearly indicated by the use of the
same tool for incising both. It also may reflect the practice of a scribe trained in
the preparation of manuscripts that the inciser painted (cf. Griffith 1912, 36) the
visible parts of the bodies in red, the collars and fillets yellow (= gold), the edges
of robes red, and the hair of the figures black (?).
It is, as Griffith (1912,34) again noticed, strange indeed that representations of
such a low quality should have been carved on the walls of the splendid temple
complex of Isis; but this unusual phenomenon can be explained by the character
of the drawings and texts. They are not variants of traditional cult
representations and texts to be found on temple walls, but represent a
"monumental" variant of the proskynemn genre, which is here, as would fol-
low from Meroitic tradition, combined with a report about activities and ex-
1027
tended into a virtually secular monument to commemorate an embassy. In the

Comments on the monuments of the Wayekiye family and other high Meroitic
dignitaries connected with the Dodecaschoenus as a region under Meroitic
control (see 249 ff.), we have discussed the indications that there was official
cooperation between Egypt and Meroe in the management of the temple of
Philae. The private character and the improvised execution of the repre-
sentations and texts in the Meroitic Chamber point toward remarkable contra-
dictions and ambiguities behind the faade of cooperation. We may well wonder
why the Meroites could not erect a monument to their important mission in a
public part of the temple, where it could better be seen; and the question
remains open as to whether the clumsiness of the drawings was determined by a
Meroitic indifference to quality, by a reluctance on the part of the priesthood of
Philae to provide a good artist, or by the complete absence of such an artist on
Philae at this time.
The monument is composed of two unequal parts which we call processions
because the figures are depic ted in the traditional manner of procession
representations. Procession I includes seven figures; Procession II included
eleven, of which seven inscribed and one uninscribed figure have survived.
The two processions meet in the middle of the N wall of the Chamber and ob-
viously depict two separate periods in the series of events summarized in the
monument as a whole. In fact, the processions consist of the subsequent
episodes in a series of events, for in the seven figures of Procession I we recog-
nize only four different persons, one of whom, Mastaraq(ye), is represented four
times (c),(d), (e),(f). In Procession II five or six figures appear. One of them, again
the same Mastaraq(ye), is depicted three times: (1),(m),(n), and might also have
been represented one, two, or even three times more in the now destroyed parts
of the E wall; and Bekemete appears two times: (i), (j). The repetitions of
Mastaraq(ye)'s figure may be best explained as indications that he was engaged in
repeated actions of some sort, probably as the person conducting negotiations;
his "statistical" prominence should not mislead us as to his rank, for in both
processions he is preceded by Manitawawi (a),(h) and Bekemete (b), (i),(j),and in
the second also by Safibli (k). The focal point of Procession I is the long text REM
0101 associated with Mastaraq(ye)'s third appearance (e). In it we may perhaps
identify the summary of one of the principal items of the negotiations. In the
first line of REM 0101 Griffith (1912, 39) and others (e.g., Hintze 1959, 32 f.;
Macadam 1966, 66 note 65; Haycock 1967, 114; 1978,69; Wenig 1967, 44 note 221;
Torök 1978, 222) thought they could recognise the names of two royal persons,
Malogorebar and Lakhideamani, and interpreted the expression containing the
names as meaning either "the mother of Malogorebar the king, Lakhideamani"
(Griffith, Hintze, Török) or something like "Lakhideamani, the mother's child
of the ruler Maloqorebar meaning Lakhidamani (sex unknown), the child of
Queen Maloqorebar" (Macadam, Haycock, Wenig). Hofmann 1978a, 184 ff.
included King Maloqorebar, but not a queen Lakhideamani in her list of rulers.
1028
The Sources
Priese (1971, 282), however, suggested a translation "etwas, das Malogorebar, der
Königsmann (... 'der des Königs') und Lakhideamani bringen liessen"; while
Hofmann (1981d, 26) also put forward further possible interpretations: "the tdhe
Malogorebar and (masc.) Lakhidamani" or "the tdhe, mloqorebr, and qoret
Lakhidamani". The grammatical difficulties inherent in the two hypotheses that
suggest royal names in the "sentence" are undeniable, while Priese's and
Hofmann's suggestions may be regarded as grammatically less vulnerable.
Nevertheless, in the light of the context of REM 0101 within the two processions
and its probable similarities as to content and textual structure with the Demotic
embassy inscriptions, particularly 260, we should expect royal name(s) here
rather than a communication which named people of lesser importance who
did not even belong to the embassy itself.630
The two persons leading the processions are known to us from other, more
comprehensible, documents as well. Manitawawi is identical with the writer of
249 and is also mentioned in 246, 251 (?) and 252 as a high official of the king of
Meroe who was also active in the Dodecaschoenus. He belonged to the fourth
generation of the Wayekiye family. Bekemete is named as son of Qêrefi (cf. 254)
and high official in Lower Nubia in 261.
The five persons depicted in the two processions have the following titles
and attributes, and are shown wearing the following dresses and rank insignia:
Manitawawi:
pelmos atolise, "strategus of the water" (cf. 229, 260)
sete Bekemetelise, sete of Bekemete
wete Siyete "wete in Siye", womnislh Pilqete, great womnis in Philae
ant qorise, hont-priest of the king
seteli qore semlo "consort of the king's mother" (? Griffith 1912, 37).
hbhri (cf. 247, 262). He wears a fillet decorated with the winged sundisc (?),
a cloak, and an ornamental apron made of a patterned textile and decorated with
the image of Thoth (?) holding the scales and belted with a uraeus belt; he also
wears sandals. Manitawawi also carries a sceptre with sundisc and uraeus
together with his palm branch.
(h) pelmos atolise, "strategus of the water" (cf. 229, 247, 260) In this representa-
tion Manitawawi wears a simple fillet and a neck ornament with counter-
weights (?), and is dressed in a haltered garment and an apron.
Bekemete:
kroro (cf. 246)
Mnise mte, "second (?) of Amiin"
peseto, "King's Son" (cf. 260)
pelmos adblise, "strategus of the land" (cf. 247). Bekemete wears a diadem
with three uraei, an ornamental apron, and sandals.
630Hofmann 1981d, 26 suggests that Malogorebar and Lakhideamani were artists who sent gifts to
Isis, but it is difficult to believe that the high dignitaries depicted in the processions could have
been delivering presents on behalf of their social inferiors.
1029
(i) kroro (see above)

peseto, "King's Son" (see above). Bekemete wears an apron and sandals;
his diadem is visible in the photograph in Griffith 1912, Pl. XXVbut not marked
in the drawing in his Pl. XVIII.
(j) kroro (see above)
pelmos adblise, "strategus of the land" (see above). In this scene Bekemete is
shown wearing a fillet, a bead collar, and a long-sleeved tunic made of a pat-
terned fabric and decorated with the image of the Horus-falcon on his chest and
with winged sundiscs on his arms (or is he wearing armlets and bracelets over
the sleeves?); he also wears an apron decorated with a falcon image.
Mastaraq(ye):
(c) hbhrz(cf. 247, 262)
perite Wosse, "agent of Isis" (cf. FHN II, 181, 231, 244, 246 f., 249, 251 f., 256,
262). He wears a fillet and an apron and carries a palm branch.
(d) qorell (see 231, 244 f., 246 f., 249, 252, 260, 262). In this scene Mastaraq(ye)
wears a fillet, a cloak similar to Manitawawi's garment in (a), and an apron and
carries the obligatory palm branch.
(e) bbn qorises, "hbhil of the king" (cf. REM 0122). Dressed as in (c), but the
apron is more ornamentally arranged.
(f) Title? He is dressed as in the previous scene, and the apron is decorated
with the hieroglyphic signs nb, and uns, all usually symbolising royal power.
(1) Wos qer (?) "qer [of] Isis" (?). In this scene Mastaraq(ye) wears a decorated
fillet, and, above an ankle-length tunic, a cloak draped around his right shoul-
der.
ijbijfllh,"great Dressed as in the previous scene; the fillet is faintly
visible in Griffith 1912, Pl. XXVIbut not marked in Pl. XVIII.
qorefi Wosse perite Wosse Wos qer,"qorefi of Isis, agent of Isis, qer [of] Isis (?)".
In this scene Mastaraq(ye) wears a decorated fillet and a cloak and an apron, both
made of patterned textile. The apron has a uraeus belt and is decorated with the
figure of a vulture; the front panel of the apron bears the image of the winged
sundisc (?). The high priest also wears sandals.
Saribli:
(k) the figure, with ununderstandable qualification, is that of a young boy, as
is indicated by his right forefinger which he puts on his lips. He wears an or-
namental apron which is similar to the dress of the adult dignitaries in the pro-
cessions and carries a bag of gold (?) in his left hand. His position after Bekemete
may indicate that he was the latter's son (?).
Apamalo:
(g) pelmos adblise, "strategus of the land" (see Bekemete).
It should be added that all the participants in Procession II, with the excep-
tion of the young boy, seem to wear a chinstrap or to have a beard (?); no trace of
such a fashion is visible in Procession I. Again, except for the boy, all the par-
ticipants in both processions carry a palm branch, which frequently appears in
1030
The Sources
Egyptian as well as in Meroitic representations in connection with the worship

of Isis.
Though the three principal actors share some titles referring to duties con-
nected with temples, e.g., pelmos atolise/adblise and hbhri, Manitawawi and Mas-
taraq(ye) are temple officials and high priests in the tradition of those members
of the Wayekiye family who acted for the temple of Isis on Philae and in the
Dodecaschoenus (see the evidence quoted at the individual titles), while
Bekemete is a "civil" administrator whose other titles are secondary in impor-
tance to his title peseto, "King's Son" or governor of Lower Nubia. On the
whole, the titles also seem to support the assumption put forward above, viz.,
that the inscriptions of the Meroitic Chamber "record" a diplomatic mission of a
composition and working style similar to the embassies recorded by Pasan in 260
for the years AD 252 and 253; and we may also find that the joint appearance of
Bekemete and Mastaraq(ye) is likewise parallelled by the embassy of Abratoye
and Tami in AD 260 (see 265 f.). So it cannot be seriously doubted that also the
problems addressed by the two embassies of Pasan, the embassy of Abratoye and
Tami, and the embassy of Manitawawi, Bekemete and Mastaraq(ye) were very
similar and that their solution demanded a diplomatic mission to Egypt by the
governor of Lower Nubia, and in all probability involved the Dodecaschoenus
and high Meroitic temple officials in the service of Isis of Philae. Such an
interpretation of the events commemorated by the drawings and texts in the
Meroitic Chamber also seems to be supported by the donations mentioned (with
numerals) in the "central" text REM 0101 as well as by the mentions of Wos
Pilqete, "Isis of Philae", Wos Tebwete, "Isis of Thebes" (?), Aro, Horus, Asori
Pilqete, "Osiris of Philae", and Asori Tebwete, "Osiris of Thebes" (?) in the same
text. Interestingly, also Wos Bedewi, "Isis of (?) Meroe" is mentioned in REM
0103 (c); the context remains obscure, however.
[LT]
268 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Khawitaror. Second half of the

3rd cent. AD.
Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pl. 19. Griffith 1911b,Kar. 47. REM 0247.
This rectangular sandstone tomb stela, now Philadelphia 7103, was found at the
NE corner of the superstructure of tomb G. 183, to which it supposedly belonged
(Griffith 1911b, 62). It is inscribed in cursive Meroitic script in fourteen lines
between incised guidelines. The lettering is of the later style (for paleographical
studies cf. Griffith 1911b, 17 ff.; Hintze 1959, 68 with Table; Hofmann 1991a). In
the following presentation of the text we follow the segmentation and, in most
cases, the word divisions of the REM edition.
1031
Text
(1)qo„ I-Jwitrorqo„
peseto„ Akiti(2)telo„
nk„ Akititelo„
brpbfi (3)Phrsetelo„
lh smlo Woto [=Woselo]
tb(4)qo„ Tmfitelo„
qore deklo„
a(5)moke„ Nlotilo„
mlomrse„ (6)Akiiitelo„
womnith [=womniselb]„ A(7)kifitelo„
ant„ boqhw„ di(8)k„ Pedemeyotito [=Pedemeyoseliselo]„
pqr„ gori(9)se„ Atmetti„ tbo„ yetmdelo„
Sotn(10)kel„ yetmdelo„
Tbhemhr„ yetm(11)delo„
Lithror„ yetmdelo„
kdi„ a(12)kw„ knw„ hte kke s destel„ mteto [=mteselo]
(13)qorese mle„ Dewekdil„ mteto [=mteselo],,
arwt(14)1„ mteto [=mteselo[„
mlolo„
Tebwe„ wwikelo„
Comments
268 presents a long, and perhaps complete, list of its owner's titles which, at least
in part, he bore at different stages of his career (for the cursus honorum of
Meroitic officials as recorded in their mortuary texts see Millet 1969, 166 ff.; Mil-
let 1981 [printed version of a 1973 lecture also distributed as pre-print at the
Journees Internationales d'Etudes Meroitiques, Paris]; 'Irök 1977a; 1977b). Ac-
cording to the text of his funerary stela,631 Khawitaror was promoted, as the
zenith of his career, to the office of the peseto Akifite, i.e., the "King's Son in
Lower Nubia" (cf. 264 f.). On the basis of the list of pesetos in 271, we date his
tenure as peseto to the period between Abratoye's first tenure attested in AD 253
(cf. 260) and Abratoye's second tenure in and around AD 260 (cf. 265). The list of
Khawitaror's offices is given in 268 in reverse order; the actual chronological
order is as follows:
ant boqhw dik Pedemeyoselise, in which ant is the Meroitic equivalent of the
Egyptian hont-priest (cf. 245) and Pedeme is probably identical with the Meroitic
name for Qasr Ibrim (or, less likely in this case, Amara West); cf. 186, 204, 222,
while Boqh is Ballana (see ibid.). It was suggested that the title has the meaning
631The Invocation of Isis and Osiris at the beginning and the Benediction at the end are missing
(though these canonical parts of the funerary text formulae were probably present in his offering
table text).
1032
The Sources
"hont-priest from Ballana to Qasr Ibrim" (Török 1979, 4f.). The same title also
occurs in Abratoye's tiulary (see 270).
womniselh Akirite, "great womnise in Lower Nubia"; the title was, apparently
wrongly, believed to contain the name of Amiln. For the issue and for other
occurrences of the title in the realm of the Lower Nubian "King's Son" see
Hofmann 1981e.
mlomrse Akifite, "mlomrse in Lower Nubia"; in the title m/o means "good", the
title itself may be honorific. mlomrse also occurs in connection with other place
names (for the rich evidence see Hofmann 1981a, 107; Török 1988a, 251 with
notes 665 f.).
amoke Nloti[te], "amoke in Nlote"; Nlote is probably = Aniba (Hintze 1963, no.
101).
qore dek, tbqo Tmrite, lh s mlo Wose; titles of unknown significance containing
the word qore, Mer. "ruler", the toponym Tmri, modern Gezira Dabarosa (see
204), and the words lh, "great" and m/o, "good".
iirpiiii Phrste, nk Akirite, peseto Akirite, "hrphri in Faras" (for the toponym see
Griffith 1925; the title connected with it frequently occurs in titularies of pesetos,
cf. Török 1988a, 250); "nk in Lower Nubia", for the title also see 270; and "King's
Son in Lower Nubia".
Khawitaror's career, as indicated by his list of titles, is obviously a clerical
one. It began with the administration of the temples of a rather small district in
Lower Nubia (between Qasr Ibrim and Ballana). To judge by the temple offices
held by future pesetos and the high percentage of priests and/or temple officials
in the families of the pesetos, it seems rather likely that the administration of
Lower Nubia and, in all probability, of the rest of the kingdom, was interwoven
with the administration of the temples and that the administration of both the
civil and temple domains was mainly in the hands of priests. It remains doubt-
ful whether the repeated hints at "court" connections (titles including the word
qore), or expressions like seteli qore semlo (interpreted as "consort of the king's
mother" by Griffith (1912, 37) in Manitawawi's titulary in REM 0097 (see 267 (a)),
and mentions of pqr-"princes" should be interpreted as evidence for in-
termarriages between the royal family and families of the local elites (cf. for ear-
lier periods Török 1995b,30 f. with note 148).
In addition to his own titles, Khawitaror lists his most important relations as
well. Three of them are named, without titles. They were probably persons of
such an exalted status that they could be identified without any further descrip-
tion. The first of them, Sotanakel, is mentioned in REM 0217 as holding the title
womniselh; he was also related to other distinguished officials buried at Karanog
(cf. REM 0217, for four generations of the family see Ttirök 1977b, 406 App. V). It
might thus seem that the lists of mde relations were primarily destined to define
the social identity of the deceased within the actual closer context in which he or
she lived; this type of social identification appears to differ from the notions of
tradition and ancienneté reflected in the lists of ancestors in Egyptian documents.
1033
The concluding section of 268 may contain further qualifications through family
relations, but the meaning of lines 12 ff. eludes us, except for individual words
as kdi, "woman", m/o, "good", qorese, "ruler" (gen.).
Khawitaror was buried in tomb G. 183 at Karanog (for a significant painted
pottery vessel surviving from his funerary equipment see Woolley-Randall-
MacIver 1910, Pl. 55; Török 1987a, 205 f.). His funerary cult statue (Woolley-
Randall-MacIver 1910, Pl. 3) shows him in the regalia of the pesetos (see Com-
ments on 269, end).
[LT]
269 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Maloton. Second half of the 3rd
cent. AD.
Griffith 1911b, Kar. 77, Pl. XVII. REM 0277.
This sandstone offering table, which measures 73 x 53 cm and is registered under
Inv. no. 40234 in the Cairo Museum, was found at grave G. 187, to which it
apparently belonged. Its inscription in cursive Meroitic script runs around the
central field of the table in which there is the representation in raised relief of an
offering altar with bread on it and flanked by two lotus flowers and two libation
vessels with an indication of the liquid pouring from their spouts over the altar.
In the transcription and segmentation of the text and in most word divisions we
follow the REM edition.
Text
(1)Wosi„ Aso(2)reyi„
Mlotonqo(3)wi„
hdhiye„ tedhelowi„
dk(4)*retr*i„ Smedtli„ terikelowi
peseto,(,) Akifite(5)lowi„
bel*i*l*oke Nptetelowi„
wom(6)nise„ krorolowi„
(7)ato mhe„ p(8)nte
at mhe p(9)s(i) hr kete„
h *mlol„ p hol ke(Mte„
Comments
269 has all the traditional divisions of a Meroitic non-royal funerary offering
table text, viz., I. Invocation of Isis and Osiris; II. Nomination: A) name of the
deceased: Maloton; B) name of the mother of the deceased: Khadakhadiye; C) ti-
tle and name of the father of the deceased: dkretri Samedatali; III. Description:
titulary of the deceased; IV. Benediction.
1034
The Sources
Maloton's father was a dkretri. This title frequently occurs in the Lower Nu-
bian sources in the context of families of pesetos (cf. 264; Tiiirffic1977b, 404 App.
II; and cf. REM 0087, 0262, 0324). It is uncertain whether the three titles listed in
the Description were held by Maloton successively (in reverse order to the se-
quence inscribed) or concurrently. He was womnise kroro (cf. 268; for kroro see 246
f., 260, 264, 267), a beliloke Nptete, "beliloke in Napata" and "King's Son in Lower
Nubia". The title beliloke/beloloke occurs frequently in titularies of people related
to pesetos, and it cannot be decided whether it was an actual office (associated
with the cult of Amim in Napata, cf. REM 0203) or a honorific epithet (cf. Millet
1981, 139;Török 1977b,412 f.).
The brief Description does not list any relations. We don't know whether the
lost funerary stela was more detailed in this respect or not; and also the reasons
for the omission in the offering table text are obscure.
Maloton's tenure is dated, in general terms, to the second half of the 3rd cent.
AD. His name appears in the list of pesetos in 271 after Khawitaror, between
Abratoye's first (ca. AD 253) and second (ca. AD 260) tenures. His tomb G. 187 in
the Karanog cemetery is famous because of his mortuary cult statue Cairo JE
40232 (Wenig 1978, Cat. 153) and the remains of his splendid funerary
equipment. The fine sandstone statue reveals that a peseto was entitled (as also
the representations of Bekemete in Philae indicate, see Comments on 267) to
wear a decorated fillet, a neck ornament in the form of large disc-shaped and
cartouche-shaped beads and an ornamental, fringed and tasselled counterweight
(for the latter see TöKik 1987b, 33 f.), and a pendant in the form of the god
AmCm, all being insignia of a princely character. Two bronze vessels with
engraved decoration (Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pls 26 ff.) deserve special
mention; Cairo JE 41017 (Wenig 1978, Cat. 196) is decorated with a beautifully
rendered scene showing a Meroitic lady visiting her country estate; Philadelphia
E 7155 is engraved with a representation of cattle. A pair of imported bronze
pitchers (see Wenig 1987, Cat. 199) from the same equipment seem, however, to
date from the early 2nd cent. AD (cf. Török 1989a, 147 no. 214, with erroneous
tomb number), which may indicate that Maloton's bronze vessels all came from
some earlier context.
[LT]
270 Karanog. Meroitic funerary inscription of Abratoye (Abratoeis). Second half

of the 3rd cent. AD.
Griffith 1911b, Pl. 29 Kar. 121. REM 0321. REM 1088.
This spout, with fragments of six lines of text, from an offering table with Abra-
toye's funerary inscription was found at Karanog and is now in the Philadelphia
collection (Inv. no. unknown). The table itself from which the spout was broken
off was discovered at Tomas, where it was taken from Karanog in modern
1035
times. Its cursive Meroitic text was published in the REM edition (REM 0321) by
Jean Leclant, who established its connection with the spout fragment from
Karanog.
Text
(1)(W)osi„ Soreyi„
(2)qo„ Brtoyeqowi„
Me(3)tedoke„ tedhelowi„
ssor mete [...]seynem (4)terikelowi„
peseto„ Akiii(te)lo„
wo(5)mnith [=womniselh]„ Akifitelo„
womnise„ krorolo„
mdse m(te„) [..(6).] *ab*I„ d*leketelo„
(7)ant Boq(5)(h)w„ dik (9)Pedemeyotito [=Pedemeyoseliselo]„
ant„ Mnp (10)Pedemetelito [=Pedemeteliselo]„
aribet„ Twetelito [=Tweteliselo]„
pelmos„ (11)adblito [=adbliselol„
hrphfi„ Phrsetelo„
113*,*,smleyoto [=smleyoselo]„
lb pq(12)re trelo„
tbqo„ Akilek dik„ Tweteliytito [=Tweteliselo ?]*,*,
(13)atbe„ qorefilh dot(14)Ii*,*, (a)roheleb„ (15)[..]btesw[..]i*te(16)10„
nob [.173*5 (17)ked*,*,
asebe„ kditk„ brtk[.] 3
m*eqeske 30
(18)afise„ asetk„ mre ketk *1000 aro (19)helo„
Mlkye„ mselh Pqosebde„ ate*bte *1 yerohete(20)10
ato mhe„ yo he kete„
a(21)t mhe„ psi hr kete„
h mlo(22)1„ hol ke*te
h Ihl„ ye th kete„
Comments
This long inscription exhibits the four traditional parts of the Meroitic non-royal
funerary texts, i.e., I. Invocation, II. Nomination, III. Description and IV.
Benediction. In II Abratoye's parents, his mother Metedoke and his father, a
second632 scribe633whose name is, however, only incompletely preserved, are
named. The Description gives an unusually long list of offices and titles held by
Abratoye, but does not name any relations. Abratoye himself, however, was
6320r junior; for metelmte as "small" cf. Hofmann 1981a, 348.

633 Forssor as (temple) scribe, i.e., an equivalent of Greek-Egyptian iÆpoypcq.q.tatEi); see Griffith
1916b, 28, 123; for the Meroitic evidence cf. Török 1979, 46 ff.
1036
The Sources
named by two members of the next generation of his family in REM 0251 and
0252. They do not indicate the standing of the family in any detail.
In a reverse order Abratoye lists his titles, which we give here in the actual
chronological and hierarchical order:
tbqo Akilek dik Tweteliselo, "tbqo from Akilek to Sedeinga"; the title and the first
toponym cannot be identified; Twete is apparently a name of Sedeinga (cf. Törffl<
1979,7 f.; for its other name, Atiye, see 186a).
lh pqre tre, lh smleyose, titles (?) or honorific epithets of unknown meaning, in
which the word lh, "great" and the title pqr tr (as a princely title see FHN II, T52,
(179) and in this volume see (213)) are recognised.
hrphri Phrste, "hrphri in Faras", cf. 268.
pelmos adblise, "strategus of the land", see 247, 267.
aribet Twetelise, "corn measurer (?) in Sedeinga"; for aribet see 261, for the to-
ponym see above.
ant Mnp Pedemetelise, "hont-priest of Amun of Luxor of Qasr Ibrim", cf. 245 and
268.
ant Boqhw dik Pedemeyoselis, "hont-priest from Ballana to Qasr Ibrim", see 268.
mdse mte... meaning obscure.
womnise kroro cf. 268, 269.
womniselh Akirite nk Akirite, "great womnise in Lower Nubia" (cf. 268), "nk in
Lower Nubia" (cf. 268)
peseto Akirite, "King's Son in Lower Nubia".
The list indicates a long career starting with a temple office in the region be-
tween the Second and Third Cataracts, which may have been similar in charac-
ter to the office held "between Ballana and Qasr Ibrim" by Khawitaror (268) and
later also by Abratoye himself. At the same time he also held, or acquired sub-
sequently, offices north of the Second Cataract, being appointed hrphri in Faras
and "strategus" or "district commissioner", in all probability within the temple
administration, as is clearly indicated by the occurrences of the title pelmos in
the Wayekiye family (see 249 ff.). In the region between the Second and Third
Cataracts he was promoted to "corn-measurer (?) in Sedeinga"; but it cannot be
entirely excluded that the title sequence is garbled and that the offices between
the Second and Third Cataracts all preceded in time the promotions that he
would enjoy north of the Second Cataract.
It is worth noting that Abratoye was born to an apparently unimportant
priestly family. His father was a learned priest who did not, however, reach the
highest echelons which were open to so many members of the Wayekiye family.
Abratoye himself does not list any mde-relations of rank, and this seems to be
intentional in view of the length and detail of the text. Finally, the known
members of the next generation of his family also seem to belong to the middle
echelons of the temple (?) administration (cf. REM 0252). We may perhaps ven-
ture the conclusion that his career was due to his personal ability and learning
rather than to his family connections. What is equally significant, we may also
1037
note the clarity of the pattern of inheritance of clerical offices within the circle of
the hon t-priests as well as the wide horizons that were open for the learned
descendant of learned priests: already Tsmeres, one of the earliest known pese-
tos, had been the son of a hont-priest (see FHN II, 154).
If we correctly understand the list of pesetos presented in 271, Abratoye held
the office of the "King's Son in Lower Nubia" twice, with an interruption be-
tween the two tenures. Both tenures can be approximately dated on the basis of
other evidence. Abratoye is mentioned as "King's Son" in 260, written in April
AD 253; and he himself left behind a Greek proskynema at Philae dating from
December 27, 260 AD (265). Both texts relate, or indirectly indicate (cf. 261), that
as governor of Lower Nubia Abratoye also exerted power over the estates of Isis
in the Dodecaschoenus, which by this time was under Meroitic control (cf. 249
ff.).
[LT]
271 Faras.Meroitic funeraryinscription of Makheye. Second half of the 3rd cent.

AD.
Griffith 1922b,no. 44. REM 0544.
This rectangular funerary stela carved from sandstone, the cursive Meroitic text
of which is presented below on the basis of its REM edition, was found by Grif-
fith at the Faras cemetery (cf. Griffith 1924). Of the eighteen lines of the inscrip-
tion, the last ten are almost completely lost; and the rest too is damaged in sev-
eral places. The stela is kept under Inv. no. 1912.1006 in the Ashmolean Mu-
seum, Oxford.
Text
(1)Wos wet(ficieli Asor we)trri„
stmdese pe(2)setolise Mheyeqowi
Sdsdekde tedhelowi„
sso(3)r [...]se Phome terikelowi„
pqr qorise„ (4)Atmtel„ yetm(de q)eb(e)towi kqebeselowiL
pqr qorise„ (5)[...]k(r)or„ Pqlmthror„ yetmde qebetowi kqebeselowil„
(6)p(e)seto„ Krinkror 1
peseto„ IS1tewitror 1
pe(7)se(to)[...]ye 1
peseto„ Hwitror 1
peseto Mloto(8)y(e)peseto [...]it(ni)de 1
peseto Brtoye 1
pese(9)to M(b)[...]
(peseto A)mnibelil(e) 1
peseto„ Tewidiye(10)[...1
1038
The Sources
*dk[...]se„*tsebe(11)[...]se[..]*e[...](12)[.
.1(13)[...](14)be*te[...](15)[...]o*nk*e
mto[...](17)[...11*e[...]i
15
mlolo„
ml(o m)(18)rse„ Nlote*telo„
Comments
Although the text is incompletely preserved, its structure can still be established.
It starts with an extended Invocation to Isis and Osiris to whose names are
appended the compounds we-triy-qe-li and we-trr-(1)-i, respectively, the
meaning of which remains obscure, in spite of attempts at an interpretation (cf.
Priese 1977, 45 ff.; Hofmann 1978d, 110 ff.; 1981a, 47 ff.). In the Nomination we
find the name of the deceased with his title: stemedese pesetolis Mheye, "the
stemedese of the King's Son, Makheye". The title st(e)mdese/sridemese occurs in the
early lst cent. AD in the titulary of the pqrtr represented in Queen Nawidemak's
mortuary cult chapel (see (186)) and in the 3rd cent. AD in titularies of high
clerical officials (srimdes pesetolis: REM 0249; srimdese Terite, "s. in Shablul": REM
0368 etc.); and, if it derives from the relationship word mde (cf. 243, Comments,
end), it may be interpreted as an epithet defining the social context of its owner.
Makheye's father was ssor, "scribe" (see 270) of a deity or of an official (of the
qualification only the genitive ending -se is preserved). His name, Pakhom, is
Egyptian, and refers either to his owner's origins, or, more probably, the at-
tachment of his family to Philae or to a temple in the Dodecaschoenus: in 246
Wayekiye (A) is nephew of a Pakhom; and also the other known Pakhoms were
priests (REM 1046, from Medik; 1059 [?], 1073 from the Nag Gamus cemetery of
the priests of Amtin at Qasr Ibrim, cf. Almagro 1965).
Since only the first six or so lines of the Description are preserved, it is im-
possible to say whether it also contained references to Makheye's own career. In
the preserved lines we can only read about his mde-relations and are presented
with a list of "King's Sons".
The first phrase concerning Makheye's relations is somewhat obscure, for it
seems to contain one name, Atamatel, who may be qualified as pqr qorise, "pqr of
the ruler". However, the relation word appears in the nominal expression
yetmdeqebeselowi which includes the plural infix qebes (cf. Hofmann 1981a, 221 f.).
An almost identical phrase occurs in REM 0247: pqr qorise Atmtri tbo yetmdelo,
which Millet (reference to an unpublished lecture in Meeks 1973, 16) interpreted
as referring to an unnamed pqr qorise and Atamatane (= Atamatel?), while tbo
would have the meaning "two", "both".634 This interpretation is supported by
the next phrase in Makheye's funerary inscription: pqr qorise 1...lic(r)or Pqlmthror
yetmdeqebeselowi, which would seem to have the meaning "(who is/was) in mde
634Millet 1969, 115 suggests that there were two royal pqrs by the name Atmtl, which sounds
somewhat unlikely in the light of the well-attested individuality of Meroitic personal names.
1039
relation both with the pqr of the ruler [...]karor and (the pqr of the ruler)
Paqalamatakharor".
The list of the distinguished relations is followed by a list of pesetos who are
partly known from other sources as well. The restoration of the name (...)ye as
Brtoye (pronounced Abratoye) in the third place is generally accepted in the lit-
erature; but although it seems very likely, it cannot be regarded as certain:
Karinakaror
Netewitar, see 264
(Abrato)ye, see 260, AD 253 (and cf. 265)
Khawitaror, see 268
Maloton, see 269
(...)itanide635
(A)bratoye, see 265, AD 260 (and cf. 260)
Makhe(...)
Amanibelile
Tewineye
With the exception of Maloton, the names are followed by the numeral 1. The
list has no introduction, so it may be supposed that its significance was ex-
plained in line(s) 10 (ff.), which are now lost; the numerals in lines 16 f. may
indicate quantified donations or offerings. According to Millet's hypothesis
(1969, 114) the list of pesetos would have been followed by the relation-word in
the plural, yetmedeqebeselowi, referring to all named King's Sons as Makheye's
mde-relations. While this possibility cannot be ruled out, it is rendered less
likely by the numeral 1 added to the names, which never occurs in actual rela-
tionship lists. Here we suggest (cf. Török 1986a, 75 ff.; 1988a, 246 ff.) that
Makheye's funerary inscription gave a chronological list of the pesetos who
were in office during Makheye's lifetime or, more likely, official activity; the
numeral 1 after their names may signify Makheye's tenures in their service or
refer to his funerary offerings to them, if, as it appears, they all had predeceased
him. This hypothesis gains some support from Abratoye's two appearances in
the list, which we may bring into connection with mentions of him from the
years AD 253 and 260, on the assumption that he served two tenures as peseto. If
so, the office of the "King's Son" was held for a limited period, and the tenures
might have been short enough to accomodate ten pesetos within Makheye's
lifetime.
Millet (1969, 304 ff.) suggested that the owner of the Meroitic funerary stela
GA 4 was a daughter of Makheye, who is described in the Nomination section of
the stela as stmdese pesetolise. In the Description the deceased is said to have
been in a mde-relation with several "strateguses of the water", thus referring to
635 In the REM edition the name is emended to (Amn)it(ni)de and is regarded as a royal name; but
the emendation is uncertain and the assumption cannot be substantiated.
1040
The Sources
a priestly family (which Millet hypothetically identifies with the Wayekiye

family).
[LT]
272 Philae. Demotic graffito of Teos (Djed hor). AD 273.

-
(1) h3t-sp 4t Uwlyn3 p3 Pr-c3

(1)Fourth regnal year of Aurelian, the king.
p3 tsy3 (2) n p3 mw Dd-hr e3 s3P3-Dd-hrhm

The lord (2)of the water Teos the elder, son of Peteos the younger,
ibd 3 3bt sw 11
on the llth day of the third month of Inundation,
(3) <l=f n p; ny
(3) he embarked at the rlanding place'.
ibd 4 3ht sw 17
On the 17th day of the fourth month of Inundation
q=f r t3 m3), (4) Pr-lw-w13

he embarked at the island (4) of Pure-island (the Abaton).
ibd 4 3ht sw 24
On the 24th day of the fourth month of Inundation
cl=f rbtl (5) mhete

he embarked north(5)rwardsl.
3brytehme-nbw n 1st
Abaryte, goldsmith of Isis,
(6) re hme-nbw
(6) son of a goldsmith,
d(7)3-w
for rmanyl genmerations.
[RHP]
1041
Comments
The graffito of Teos the elder, son of Peteos the younger, an Egyptian priest or
officer of the fleet636was carved on the inner face of the W tower of the Second
Pylon of the temple of Isis by Abaryte, a Meroitic artist in the service of the
temple (for his ethnicity cf. Burkhardt 1985, 33). The text is dated in the first line
to the fourth regnal year of the Emperor Aurelian, i.e., AD 273. Teos briefly re-
ports that he departed for Philae on November 7 273; on December 13 he went to
the Abaton637and on December 20 returned to the north.
According to Griffith (1937, 83) Teos was the admiral of a Nile fleet
"operating for or against the Blemmyes", bringing the date of his voyage into
connection with the assumed role of the Blemmyes in Firmus' revolt in AD 272
(cf. 283). Haycock (1967, 115 with note 6) accepted Griffith's view; but Updegraff
notes that there is no direct evidence that the Blemmyes were involved in
Egyptian affairs or that they made raids in this period (Updegraff 1988,83).
While Griffith's suggestion concerning Teos' military activity cannot be en-
tirely ruled out, a different, and more likely, interpretation of 272 may be sug-
gested on the basis of the dates of his voyage; namely, that the period he spent at
Philae coincided with the great Choiakh festival of Osiris (cf. Comments on 260).
Furthermore, his inscription is centered upon the dates of the voyages he had
made to the sanctuaries and on his return from Philae. These, and nothing else,
are carefully recorded, thus conveying the impression that for the writer as well
as his ancient readers of the graffito the dates, being clearly identifiable days of
the festival, spoke for themselves. So it appears that 272 is the record of a
pilgrimage rather than of a military action (cf. Tön5k 1988c,105 f.).
[LT]
(273) Malogorebar. Evidence for reign.
The name Maloqorebar occurs in the Meroitic Chamber of the temple of Philae
in line 1 of REM 0101 (see 267), an inscription accompanying a representation of
Mastaraq(ye), a Meroitic envoy and member of the diplomatic mission led by
Manitawawi and Bekemete. As shown in greater detail in the Comments on
267, students of Meroitic history have interpreted the grammatically obscure
Meroitic phrase with this name, tdhe Mloqorebr qoresel Lhidmni, as a reference to a
king (?) Maloqorebar, child (?) of Lakhideamani.638 Accordingly, they included
Maloqorebar, or both Maloqorebar and Lakhideamani, in the list of Meroitic
636 The translation of 193tsy n p mw, "lord of the water" as an actual title is problematic; Griffith
1937, 83 gives "admiral of the fleet", Burkhardt 1985, 109 "Offizer des Wassers"; translations
which are influenced by their interpretation of the text, see below.
637 The sanctuary on the island of Bigge W of Philae where the left leg of Osiris was venerated as
a relic, cf. Winter 1972.
638 For the literature see Török 1978 and 267.
1042
The Sources
rulers and also tentatively identified their burial places.639In one of her more
recent studies Hofmann (1981d), discussing the grammatical difficulties posed by
the above-quoted phrase from 267, comes, like Priese (1971, 282), to the con-
clusion that it cannot be regarded as evidence for the existence of a king Malo-
qorebar and suggests that both Maloqorebar and Lakhideamani be omi tted from
the list of rulers.
Allowing for the possibility that King Maloqorebar may indeed be a fiction,
we nevertheless include the name here in view of the fact that, in the present
state of knowledge about the Meroitic language, no satisfactory translation of the
phrase containing the name Maloqorebar in REM 0101 can be offered. There is,
therefore, more than one option for its interpretation; and it cannot be ruled out
that the presence of the word qorese, "ruler" (gen.) in it supports an inter-
pretation such as that suggested here.
[LT]
274 Heliodorus on Aithiopia. Ca. AD 350-375(?).

Heliodorus, Aethiopica 8.1, 8.16.4, 10.11.
Source bibliography
Bowersock 1994 G.W. Bowersock: Fiction as History. Nero to Julian.
Berkeley.
Colonna 1990 Eliodoro: Le Etiopiche. Ed. A. Colonna. Trans. F.
Bevilacqua. (I Classici greci e latini TEA.) Milano.
Hågg 1998 T. Hågg: The Black Land of the Sun. Meroe in
Heliodoros' Romantic Fiction. Graeco-Arabica 8
(forthcoming).
Morgan 1982 J.R. Morgan: History, Romance, and Realism in the
Aithiopika of Heliodoros. Classical Antiquity 1, 221-
265.
Morgan 1996 J.R. Morgan: Heliodorus. In: G. Schmeling (ed.): The
Novel in the Ancient World. Leiden, 417-456.
Rattenbury-Lumb- H6iodore: Les Éthiopiques. Texte &abli par R.M.
Maillon 1960 Rattenbury, T.W. Lumb et traduit par J. Maillon. Vol.
1-3. (Collection des Universit& de France.) Paris.
Reardon 1989 Collected Ancient Greek Novels. Ed. B.P. Reardon.
Berkeley.
Sandy 1982 G.N. Sandy: Heliodorus. (Twayne's World Authors
Series, 647.) Boston.
639 Hintze1959, 33: Lakhideamani Beg. N. 26, Maloqorebar Beg. N. 25; Wenig 1978, 17: Malo-
qorebar Beg. N. 27; Hofmann 1978a, 186 Maloqorebar Beg. N. 24; Török 1988a, 181 Maloqorebar Beg.
N. 24.
1043
The texts presented here are but a few short samples from a voluminous Greek
novel from late antiquity, the Aithiopika or "Aithiopian Story about Theagenes
and Chariclea" in ten "books". In a subscript to the novel, its author introduces
himself as "a Phoenician from the city of Emesa (in Syria), a descendant of the
Sun, Theodosius' son, Heliodorus". We know nothing for cer tain about him,
but tradition has it that he converted to Christianity and became bishop in
Thessaly. Though the novel has been variously dated from the early 2nd to the
late 4th century AD, there now seems to have emerged a consensus that it most
probably belongs to the third quarter of the 4th century (cf. Colonna 1990, 23-25;
Bowersock 1994, 149-160;Morgan 1996,417-421).The main argument for this late
date is Heliodorus' description in Book 9 of the technique the Aithiopians
employ in besieging the city of Syene (Aswan): this description of a purely
fictitious event shows striking similarities with the account of the historical
siege of Nisibis in Mesopotamia in 350 AD that the future Emperor Julian gives
in two panegyrical speeches to Constantius (Or. 1.22-23;3.11-13). It seems more
reasonable to assume that the novelist was inspired by history—as described by
Julian, or by a source common to them both—than that Julian in his praise of
the emperor should allude to the novel.
Heliodorus' novel is the love story of two beautiful and noble youngsters,
Theagenes and Chariclea. It takes them from their first meeting at Delphi by way
of Egypt to Meroe where they are finally wedded. But the story is not told in this
chronological order: it begins midway, at one of the mouths of the Nile, where
the two are introduced to us in a piteous state as the only survivors of an attack
by robbers; and the first half of the novel is then filled with retrospective
narratives of what has happened to them earlier in life. It is revealed that
Chariclea, in spite of her Greek appearance and language, is the daughter of the
King and Queen of Meroe, conceived at a moment when the queen had her eyes
fixed on a painting of Andromeda, the white princess of Aithiopia. Due to the
colour of her skin, the baby is exposed. She is saved, however, and later comes
into the custody of a priest at Delphi; and this is where she falls in love with
Theagenes, a young nobleman from Thessaly.
The second half of the novel recounts, now in chronological sequence, how
the young couple work their way back south to the heroine's homeland, con-
stantly hindered by adverse fortune in the form of robbers or of high-ranking
members of the Persian occupation force in Egypt. For this is an historical novel,
set in the sixth or fifth century BC, that depicts an Egypt under Persian rule. The
Persians are at that time involved in a war with the Aithiopians on the
southern border of their empire (Books 8-9); this is where the siege of Syene
comes in as the high point of the narrative. In Book 10, the scene shifts to Meroe
itself, where Chariclea at last succeeds in proving her true identity and in
having Theagenes accepted as her bridegroom. The successive stages of the
recognition process and happy ending are interwoven with a description of
1044
TheSources
Meroe and its royal court, its victory celebrations as part of the Sun cult, and its
diplomatic relations with neighbouring peoples.
Though Heliodorus skilfully uses the tricks of the historiographic trade to
make his fictitious story seem realistic (cf. Morgan 1982), it must not of course be
approached and interpreted as an historical text. In particular, it should be
remembered that the description purports to describe conditions some eight or
nine hundred years before the author's own time. Though there are inevitably
many anachronisms in his depiction of this historical milieu, Heliodorus at
least avoids mentioning Alexandria or, for that matter, the Romans. Therefore,
one should not be surprised that he uses Herodotus as one of his main sources;
this is exactly what a modern writer of historical fiction would have done in his
place. If, in addition, he happened to have recourse to useful contemporary
information about Meroe—as seems to be the case in the prominence he gives
to its neighbour Aksum—his ambition would be to mingle such material with
that derived from historical sources and with concoctions of his own imagina-
tion to achieve an organic and impenetrable whole. What frustrates modern
historians, was what he took pride in. For further discussion see Flägg (1998)and
Comments below.
"Heliodoros wrote wonderful Greek", says John Morgan (in Reardon 1989,
351). His elaborate and convoluted prose style is, however, not easy to transpose
into modern language. While necessarily breaking up his periods, our transla-
tion attempts to convey his words without too much paraphrasing. What has
been sacrificed in that process is the sense of his baroque style.
Our text is based on that of R.M. Rattenbury and T.W. Lumb in their edition
which also includes a French translation and notes by J. Maillon (Rattenbury-
Lumb-Maillon 1960, orig. publ. 1935-43).The independent critical edition by A.
Colonna of 1938 reissued, with facing Italian translation, in Colonna (1990) has
also been consulted. There are several English translations of the novel; the
most recent one is by J.R. Morgan in Reardon (1989, 349-588).For general intro-
ductions to Heliodorus see Sandy (1982)and Morgan (1996).
Text
8.1 [1] O yåp 3a Xeiç 6 AiOtåruov anatri nepteXiXbElcb; .c6v
'Opoovöåtriv ic elaTépOD 'TCOGI3X,U.YV
tai5 irokgob ycyovd)g yiepatij;
tffi/ It6Xlv itiJ.taxov Ta; tiXaç d(E'l nyyxåwyucsav ic 7CpOkTlIJECO; 1)11)'
a1)T6? ICE7C011111.EVO, Ci nåaav ågrixavi av Kai diate KaTinelygévco;
noteicOat TTiv E.KatpaTciav Kai oc1rroax.8tov "CdtItokkå xcerrivayicaev. [2]
'H yåp itöXiç ai IiÄai KEitat tv 7CstTC:0, 1\1£1.X.0)
T6.3vEXat-cOvun,Katap-
paictetiv åvwtépeo gtxp6v, X1Y1fIv11; Sè ai. 'EX4avtivN icat6v 7tou tol;
p.E.TaV) 8lEipyetat. taircriv IrOTE ycç AiyiSructot ica'caXaI36v'ccç Koci.
vot1cTjcYavtcçål.4iPokov AiOiowi te Kat Aiyuittiot; icati<STT1aaV,TO3vtèv
Toll; Katappåletat AiyunTiav ôptÇo.tvv, AiyunTicov è Kai tdc.
cl3iXa; Kata npoevoileriatv T63N,
itap' k.aut6w (ImyåScovoN; äv Sopyakoi-
1045
TO1); èautoiç 7LpOCTVEgEtVcg101iVICOV. [3] EDVEX05; 1.1ETaltIntolian; Tfk

7COX,E6.)Kai tciiv 1tpo2,.,436vuov Kai brtKpatolivTow ytvogvri;, TOTE
6n6 4poupc7c Airunticov TE ici FIcpcso3v KaTEX011EV1I, 6 TdiV AtOL67LCOV
POCCIXE irpeaPEiav d tôv 'Opoov8Ouriv 6TEia; jtei tèv [Kai] •tdc
4:13ikcit "ljTELöè Koit Tå GilapciySeta, géTakXa (Kai mikat ItEpst TO1')TO)V d..);
dpritai StaieripinceucsoigEvo Kai o Toxoiv), àXiycaç TE irpoOOfivou TOO
itpca3eutàç ill.tpat btlTpEyfa «)EiltETO, nakal irponapaexcuaadcgcvo;
SijOev ctk dikkov nvå 7C6Å.EROVKai OUSEV't ttv 6pgijv crcpatcia
4)pOcaa;. [41 KånctST) Tå; IiÂxç ep3c3iKévai TaO; irpcaPcirtå
6Xlycopiav toiç TE kvoucai5cst Kai Opoupoi; k.gnoujeavta; Kai (;); intCp
icast Ot?da; 1tpca3c..601.cv OurayyciXavra, airai; alpviötov 7.c-icytdc;
TrjV TE Opoopåv TjXaE,S'Uo I.1EV nall Kai tptoiv isigepoiv åvltaxol5cyav
rcirjOct 8C to5v vavncov xoi gixavaig tetxogaxot; vo6av , Kai Tffil
7t6kly KaTé43XEV 01')3EV't TciiV v0tK015VT(.0VXmirivågevo;.
8.16 [4] TpoyykoSISTat 5è goipa gév Gt1.V Ai01.07C1Krj, vogaStxrj TE

'ApaPCOV Ogopo; SpOgou è OV)TTITa (1)1')CSEL TE E.UTUX0i)VTE; Kai K TraiSoW
aCSK0.13VTE, 1.1EV Papciav O/rX161.V oiè dcpxrjv t8dcx0ricsav altO
CS4)EVSOVT1;è iccetå 'càç tdaç por3okt.6REvo1. Spdicsiu itpôç 6E TOO;
dcvOtatagévoo; j Kakhnreptépou; aicsOOgsvoi. apdKoucnv oi SE aTCO-
ylVetiCSKOUCTINairCiKa Tffif brlSicOLV 't.cTEpwi..tévo'K noSoriceiq avvet86TE;
Kai Ei; ôitdç nva; PpaxuatOgo.K Kai xipa.toiç icpuOiou; /IETp63V
KataSoogévau;.
10.11 [3] Tdc; ölj EipcL EÇ TOV ai)pav6v åvouccivaaa KY.i 1306iGa. 12'(K0UCS10V
""H21c, yevcoipxa npoyOvcov 41(.5‘," E'LE7E "OE0i. TE dcXX.01Kal fipcoc; yé-
V01); i]getépou KaEnTycgOvc;, 1.tEïç ë(TIE g01. gdpropc ol); 01.')8Cv
Kai criAkiliztopc; ci; Tijv Kpip-tv 11V VDVi TCPOKE1gEVT1V, EiÇ 1)V
T(i3V npocyåvtow got Sucaicov v-rel5Ocv Pcxatkci), Kog
yx,copio.u; 6 vögo; icpoupyclaka KEXEliEl.;"
"Eévoy;" Ei7C6VTO;
"OliKoi5v dipa Goi." W- 1 "iyrciv .1époy; siç tiv Ouiav tè ydcp
i)gcSarujv TE Kai y2co5p1.ovc'6prjact;."
Translation
8.1 [1] Now, the King of the Aithiopians had managed to outwit Oroondates (the
Persian Satrap of Egypt) and seized one of the two prizes of the war, taking by
surprise the city of Philae, a constant object of contention. This put the satrap
utterly at a loss and forced him to march off in great haste, improvising for the
most part. [2] The city of Philae is situated on the Nile, a little above the Lesser
Cataracts and at about a hundred stades' distance from Syene (Aswan) and Ele-
phantine. The city was once occupied and colonized by Egyptian exiles, which
made it a matter of dispute between Aithiopians and Egyptians. The former re-
1046
The Sources
garded the cataracts as the boundary of Aithiopia, whereas the Egyptians, because
their- exiles were the first to colonize Philae, claimed that the city belonged to
them as if taken in war. 131So the city constantly changed hands, each time
becoming the possession of those who managed to take and occupy it first. Now
it was held by a garrison of Egyptians and Persians, and the King of the
Aithiopians had sent an embassy to Oroondates to demand the return of not
only Philae but the emerald mines as well (he had sent a public demand for
these earlier too, as has been related,64° but without success). He allowed the
ambassadors a few days' lead, then followed them, for he had prepared himself
long in advance as if for a different war and (even now) told no one where his
expedition was heading. [41When he reckoned that his ambassadors had passed
Philae, implanting negligence among its inhabitants and garrison by announc-
ing that they were sent to seek peace or even friendship, he himself suddenly
attacked and drove out the garrison—it held its ground for some two or three
days but then gave up because of the enemy's great numbers and their siege
machines. He thus took the city without injuring a single one of its inhabitants.
The Trog(1)odytes inhabit a part of Aithiopia; they are nomads and

8.16 [4]
neighbours of the Arabs. They have from nature the gift of running swiftly,
which they train from childhood. They have never learned to carry heavy ar-
mour but in battle use slings at long range: either they cause their adversaries
harm quickly or they see that they are superior and run off. The enemy at once
gives up pursuing them, knowing that with their swift feet carrying them like
wings they plunge into narrow holes and hidden clefts in the rocks.
10.11 [3]She (Chariclea) stretched her arms towards the sky and cried out loudly:
"Sun, forefather of my ancestors, and you other gods and heroes who
founded our race, be my witnesses that I will tell no lie. Be also my helpers in
the trial that now approaches. I begin claiming my right by asking: My king, is it
aliens the law bids you to sacrifice, or citizens as well?"
"Aliens", he answered.
"Then", said she, "it is time that you look for others for your sacrifice; for
you will find that I am a fellow citizen of yours!"
[TH]
Comments
Though Heliodorus creates an historical setting for his love story in a period
when Egypt was dominated by the Persians (for the actual Persian dominations
between 525-404and 341/40-332 BC see Lloyd 1983,280 ff.), the historical context
remains vague and anachronistic; and this cautions us against any interpreta-
tion of the novel in a documentary sense (cf. Vycychl 1977,and see Flägg 1983, 59
640 1n Aeth. 2.32.2 it was related

that the Aithiopian ambassador sent to tell the Satrap to "keep
his hands off the emerald mines because they belong to Aithiopia" had been expelled from Egypt.
1047
ff.). Nevertheless, several details in Heliodorus' narrative are quoted as his-

torical evidence in the literature on Meroitic history (cf., e.g., Snowden 1970, 143;
Bersina 1977; 1989, 222). Here we have selected three passages from the novel in
order to demonstrate that Heliodorus' picture of Aithiopia has been painted, so
far as it was not invented by a novelist, with a powerful phantasy and with a
sense for exotic scenery, on the basis of other literary works. It is not directly
indicated by the actual quotations presented here, but becomes evident from a
study of the novel as a whole, that Heliodorus was greatly influenced by the
Utopia of the Long-lived Aithiopians in Herodotus' Aithiopian Logos (see FHN
I, 65) and endowed his Aithiopian king Hydaspes with the characteristics of
Herodotus' noble-spirited ruler (cf. Snowden 1970, 148).
In 8.1 Heliodorus gives a description of Philae in which geographical inac-
curacy (Philae is an island in the Nile and thus does not lie "on the Nile") is
mixed with fiction (the dispute over the ownership of Philae) in which, how-
ever, the Herodotean motif of the "Deserters" can also be recognized (see FHN I,
56), together with information about the mixed ethnic picture that probably
derives from Strabo's work (cf. 188).
In 8.16.4 we learn about the Trog(1)odytaiwho display here the characteristics
Herodotus (FHN I, 66) gave them, yet are placed, probably on the basis of Strabo's
description (17.1.2),east of the Nile (cf. Vycychl 1977,455 f.).
In our last example from Book 10, we learn about the Sun as ancestor of the
Aithiopian royal dynasty and about human sacrifice in Meroe. Both notions
may be regarded as authentic. The ruler of Kush was indeed son of Amen-Rê
(cf., e.g., FHN I, 9, 21 ff., 37; II, 71, 84), and the triumphal massacre of the enemy
by the victorious king or warlord is attested by ample iconographical evidence
from Meroe (cf. FHN II, (179) on Akinidad's reliefs at Meroe City, Temple M 250,
and cf. in this volume, e.g., (213)). Heliodorus could well have found in-
formation about the divine sonship of the Aithiopian king in classical literature
(see, e.g., FHN II, 105 107); and the association of the Aithiopians with the Sun
-
was a commonplace (cf. Snowden 1970, 1 ff.). It should be noted, however, that
the divine origins of the dynasty are treated in a very general manner, as are the
passages on human sacrifice, and we learn no special detail that would identify
these notions as Aithiopian and distinguish them from generalities about the
ancient Near East.
[LT]
(275) Tamelordeamani. Evidence for reign.
Tamelordeamani is attested in the cursive Meroitic text of a royal mortuary of-

fering table, now Berlin 2254 (Hintze 1959, 61 f., REM 0059, with a suggested
reading of the name as Tml*qrdenmni), allegedly found at pyramid Beg. N. 28
(cf. LD Text V, 313). The text also contains the names of his mother Arqtfimks
and his father Arotnide; and the doubling of the filiation word tdhe, "born of",
1048
The Sources
indicates that Arotanide was the second husband of Araqatanemakas (cf. Hintze
1959, 13 ff.). Arqtiimks occurs as the name of King Tegorideamani's mother in
the text of the offering table Boston MFA 23.872 (REM 0829, see (259)), which also
indicates that Tegorideamani was a child of Araqatanemakas from her first
marriage with Teritani(d)e. Consequently, King Tamelordeamani was a younger
half-brother of King Tegorideamani, who is attested as ruler in AD 253 (see 260),
and his reign can thus be dated to the period after the middle of the 3rd cent.
AD. Hintze (1959, 33), Hofmann (1978a, 176 ff.) and, following them, Török
(1988a, 182) hypothetically assigned to him as burial place Beg. N. 27, while
Wenig dated him, as half-brother of the supposed Tegorideamani I (cf. (259)), to
the early 2nd cent. AD and suggested that he was buried in Beg. N. 34 (Wenig
1967,40; 1978,17).
[LT]
(276) Yesebokheamani. Evidence for reign.
Yesebokheamani is attested as qore, "ruler", in 277, a dedication text in which

references are made to the cults of Isis and Horus on Philae as well as to cults in
the southern parts of the Meroitic kingdom. Yesebokheamani's presence in
Lower Nubia is indicated by a lion statue inscribed for him in Meroitic hiero-
glyphs and found at Qasr Ibrim (in the photograph of the statue, Plumley 1966,
Pl. IV/3, the unpublished text is not shown); and it is probably his name that
occurs in two cursive Meroitic graffiti in Philae inscribed between double en-
graved guide lines opposite each other on the W end of the N and S walls, re-
spectively, of the passage that leads from Hadrian's Gate (i.e., the landing place
for pilgrims to and from the Abaton) to the Hypostyle of the temple of Isis:
(1)Yesebohemni(2)qo„ qoro„ mret(3)metet„ lo Wosselo„ (REM 0119)
(1)Yesebohemniqo„ (2)qoro„ mretmetey(3)te„tlo„ Wosselo„ (REM 0120).
Though we are far from being able to offer a translation of the two phrases,
which show slight differences in the writing (?) and segmentation of the com-
pound in the middle, it at least appears beyond doubt that both contain the
names Yesebokheamani, who is qualified as goro, "ruler", and Isis. Nor can it be
seriously doubted that REM 0119 and 0120 are proskynemata before Isis of
Philae. The two graffiti were carefully inscribed on opposite walls of the passage
above earlier relief representations of a king, and their symmetry suggests that
their makers tried to lend some sort of monumental appearance to the adoring
presence of the Meroitic king.
It cannot be entirely excluded that the graffiti were made on behalf of Yese-
bokheamani and not in his actual presence. Such a possibility is, however,
rather unlikely if we take into consideration that the non-royal Greek, Demotic,
and Meroitic proskynemata were inscribed on Philae and on the walls of other
temples in the Dodecaschoenus in order to perpetuate the actual moment of the
adoring presence of their writers (cf. for the issue Geraci 1971, 18 and see 229, 231
1049
f., 243 ff., 249 ff.). As t'he text of 260 also clearly demonstrates, the Meroitic envoys
performed rites on Philae for the "breath of life" of their ruler, but the
proskynemata they made were destined to secure their own adoring presences
and not that of their king.641 Consequently, it would seem that King Yese-
bokheamani appeared personally on Philae. The journey of the king of Meroe to
the famous sanctuary of Isis that stood on Egyptian soil might be explained with
reference to the traditionally eminent role the cult of the goddess and her
temple on Philae played in Meroitic religion and intellectual life (cf. FHN II,
(125) -127). However, it is not without some hesitation that we imagine a royal
pilgrimage and visit to a foreign land; and it has been suggested that Yese-
bokheamani's pilgrimage may have been rendered possible by the withdrawal of
Egypt's southern frontier to Syene (Aswan) in AD 298 (Hintze 1973, 141; Török
1988a, 285), as a consequence of which the region south of Philae became part of
the Lower Nubian region under Meroitic control and the status of Philae
became rather ambivalent for a while. Military settlements founded around the
turn of the 3rd to 4th cent. AD in the Kalabsha area642 indicate that, on the
Roman withdrawal, Meroe was faced with the necessity of defending the Dode-
caschoenus from the Blemmyes, which also meant of course that in effect it de-
fended Upper Egypt, which was one of the reasons of self-interest for the Roman
withdrawal (see 278 -281, 328; for the archaeological material connected with the
military settlement in the Kalabsha area see Kromer 1967; Badawi 1976; Strouhal
1984;for their interpretation see also Törffic1978b; 1988b,200 ff.).
[LT]
277 Meroe City, temple of Apedemak. Meroitic dedication of Yesebokheamani.

Late 3rd cent. AD.
Garstang et al. 1911, Pl. XXIV.REM 0407.
The sandstone stela was discovered by Garstang in 1909 during the excavation of
temple M 6, the site where the Tatiyidamani tablet was also found (FHN II, 153)
and which could be identified on the basis of the inscribed finds as the temple of
Apedemak (Garstang et al. 1911, 21 ff.). The circumstances of the find and the
present whereabouts of the inscription are unknown. Here we follow the REM
edition.
641 The Greek proskynema inscriptions of the Ptolemaic period on Philae that were written "for"
(using the formula intkp airroii)another person who was probably absent represent a rather con-
tradictory type, cf., e.g., A. Bernand 1969, 144 no. 14, 148 no. 15, 210 no. 23, 212 no. 24 etc.
642 1n a recent paper Burstein (1998b) discusses the fragmentary Latin milestone inscription CIL
3.141483 of AD 293-298, allegedly found at Kalabsha, as evidence for an intact Roman military
presence in the Dodecaschoenus. It seems more likely, however, that this inscription recorded re-
newed presence after decades of absence, cf. 238, Comments, and 249 ff.
1050
The Sources
Text
(1)(P)edemk Sobor*ete„
*k*e*m*p(1)(2)Yesebohe„qore„ bowidlo bi(3)[..]kye
Wos„ Pileciete„ste„ [..] (4)(P)ileqepe Yesebohe(to(5)wi)[=Yeseboheselowi]„
Ar„ ywid(e/1)„ Pileqe (p(6)e„)*ytkidetowi [=tkideselowi]„
Wos„ At(i)(7)yete„ (A)t*iyepe„ Yesebohe(8)towi[=Yeseboheselowi]„
Ar Atiyete„ Atiye (9)pe„ ytkidetowi [=ytkideselowil„
Wos„ (10)Tebwete„Tebwe„ pe (Ye)sebo(11)h(eto)wi[=Yeseboheselowi]„
Ar(„ Te)bwe(te)„ Tebwe (12)pe„ ytkidetowi [=ytkideselowi](„)
A(m)npte„ (13)Nptek„ mk„ friyfi witw„ yt(14)kideto(wi) [=ytkideselowi](„)
[...]*s(w)*ebhetel (15)ywi„ yiretwi [=yireselowi]
Aro„ hir*e web*h(16)lit[=web*hlisel]„ yhi nt*hetwi [=nt*heselowi]„
Hrekl„ ah(17)*fiwitw„ yeritowi [=yeriselowit
te*ris„ ahtiw(i)(18)tw„ nt*hetowi [=nt*heselowi]„
ayi s„ ayi
Comments
The stela was dedicated by King Yesebokheamani to Apedemak of Sobor*e, who
may perhaps be identified as the Apedemak worshipped in the temple where
the inscription was placed. Since this is the only known occurrence of the to-
ponyM,643it can only be guessed that it was at that time the name of the quarter
of Meroe City where the temple stood (?). The text is introduced with a phrase
consisting of the name of the deity, the name and Meroitic title of the king, and
the expression for the act of dedication (?) and continues with a series of pairs of
"sentences" which give the impression of being verses of a litany or hymn. The
first three verses also name the King in the first half of the couplet, his name
being preceded by the word pe; the second half ends each time with the
compound pe ytkide-se-lo-wi. A comparable, yet apparently more complicated,
structure can be recognized in the concluding four "sentences". The meaning of
the individual "sentences" escapes our understanding; but it can at least be said
that the following cults are mentioned: Isis of Pilge = Philae (on) Philae; Horus
of Philae (on) Philae; Isis of Atiye = Sedeinga (cf. 186a) (in) Sedeinga; Horus of
Sedeinga (in) Sedeinga; Isis of Tebwe = Thebes (in) Thebes; Horus of Thebes (in)
Thebes; Arniin of Napata (in) Napata.
[LT]
643Unless it is recognised in seberlo of the cursive Meroitic text accompanying the figure of a priest
performing funerary a offering for King Tegorideamani in the relief on the S wall of the mortuary
cult chapel of Beg. N. 28, Griffith 1911a, Pl. XXX/58 b; Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 22/G; REM
0058B.
1051
278 The defence of the Egyptianborder in AD 283.Ca. AD 400.

Claudius Claudianus, Carmina minora 25.69-82.
Source bibliography
Cameron 1970 A. Cameron: Claudian. Poetry and Propaganda at the
Court of Honorius. Oxford.
Hall 1985 Claudii Claudiani carmina, ed. J. B. Hall. (Bibliotheca
Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana.)
Leipzig.
Platnauer 1922 Claudian. With an English Translation by M.
Platnauer. Vol. 2. (Loeb Classical Library.) London-
Cambridge, MA.
Vollmer 1899 F. Vollmer: Claudius Claudianus. RE 111.2,cols. 2652-
2660. Stuttgart.
Claudius Claudianus, or Claudian, is usually referred to as the last of the classi-
cal Roman poets. His mother tongue, however, was Greek; he was a native of
Alexandria, bom ca. AD 370, and wrote his earliest poetry in Greek. By 395 he
had gone to Rome where he became imperial court poet and found a patron in
the Vandal Stilicho, the strongman of the Western Empire at the time. From
the fact that no poems by Claudian have survived to celebrate the latest exploits
of Stilicho it has been inferred that Claudian's death antedated Stilicho's fall in
408. None of Claudian's poems can be dated later than 404.
Claudian acquired a mastery of the Latin language and a familiarity with the
Roman poetic tradition that have made critics place him on a par with the great
Latin poets of the Silver Age. His literary career in Rome began with a panegyric
in honour of the consuls of AD 395, following which he was invited to compose
the panegyric for the consul of the following year, the Emperor Honorius
himself. His subsequent poetry includes several panegyrics for official occasions,
epic poetry on contemporaneous events (on Stilicho's war against the African
usurper Gildo in 397-8, against the Goths in 402), as well as invectives against
Stilicho's adversaries, the leaders of the Eastern Empire. He also wrote
mythological epics, of which the (unfinished) "On the Rape of Proserpina" (De
raptu Proserpinae) is the most important.
The present text is from a collection entitled Carmina tninora, "Smaller po-
ems". The poems vary in length from epigrams of two lines to the laudatory
poem on Stilicho's wife Serena of 240 lines. The subjects are wide-ranging: there
is a poem on the lobster, on the magnet, on a crystal enclosing a drop of water,
on the hot springs in Aponus (Abano, near Padua) and a description of the
harbour of Smyrna. The unevenness of the collection and the unfinished state
of some of the poems suggest that it was not published by Claudian himself but
contains the poems left behind at his death (Cameron (1970) 418). For another
extract from the Cartnina minora see 308.
1052
The Sources
Claudian is an important historical source for the period when he was active
in Rome, though it must always be taken into account that in his official poems
he is an unmitigated propagandist for his patron. On the nature and purpose of
official panegyrics of the time and on Claudian's role as a propagandist see
Cameron (1970) 30-62.
This extract is from a wedding song (epithalamium) composed for Palladius,
a friend and colleague of Claudian, and Celerina, probably in AD 399. The
speaker here is Hymen, the god of marriage, who is explaining to Venus, god-
dess of love, that the noisy celebrations that have awakened her from her mid-
day slumber are for this famous union. Our text is based on the edition of Hall
(1985).An English translation is given by Platnauer (1922).
Text
Cunabula prima puellae
70 Danubius veteresque Tomi. Mavortia matris
nobilitas spoliis armisque exultat avitis
immensamque trahit Celerini robore lucem,
qui quondam Meroen iussus Nilumque tueri,
cum sibi post obitus et Parthica fulmina Cari
75 sceptra daret miles rebusque imponere vellet,
despexit fremitus et praetulit otia regno.
Respuit ingestum, quod vi, quod poscere ferro
posthabita pietate solent. Tum purpura primum
inferior virtute fuit meruitque repulsam
80 obvia maiestas. Doluit Fortuna minorem
se confessa viro. Magnum delata potestas,
maiorem contempta probat.
Translation
The bride's cradle stood (70) on the Danube and in old Tomi (mod. Constantsa,
Romania). Her mother's noble family, renowned in war, rejoices in the spoils
and armour of its ancestors, and receives immense splendour from the stalwart
Celerinus who once was ordered to watch over Meroe and the Nile.644When,
after Carus' death and his lightning blow against the Parthians,645(75) the sol-
diers offered him the scepter and wished to place him on the throne, he dis-
dained their clamour and preferred otium to dominion. He rejected, when
thrust upon him, what men are wont to seek by violent means and weapons,
leaving shame behind. Then for the first time the purple (of power) had to yield
to virtue, (80) the sovereignty that was offered suffered defeat. Fortune, grieving,
644 1. e., Celerina's

grandfather, who was prefect of Egypt under the Emperor M. Aurelius Carus
(AD 282-3). At the Emperor's death the soldiers offered Celerinus the throne, but he declined, an
act eloquently extolled in the following verses.
645 Carus died during his Persian campaign, AD 283.
1053
confessed herself defeated by a man. Great it is to be entrusted power, greater still

to have spurned it.
[TE]
Com m e nt s
From the last third of the 3rd cent. AD the literary sources repeatedly mention
troubles and conflicts on Egypt's southern frontier; and, down to the 6th cent.
AD, we frequently hear about the Blemmyes fighting the Aithiopians, then oc-
cupying parts of Lower Nubia, and making devastating incursions into Upper
Egypt. In time, they would become a synonym for the frightful "barbarian", the
enemy of civilisation and then, particularly, of Christianity (cf. Papadopoullos
1966; Demicheli 1976, 127 ff.; Updegraff 1978, 46 ff.; Christides 1980; Török 1985;
Updegraff 1988, 81 ff.). In the following we present the principal sources for the
conflicts in the frontier region between Egypt and Meroe and the unusual situa-
tion in the 3rd cent. AD, preliminaries of which were surveyed in the foregoing
(see 232 ff.).
In general, these texts depict an Egypt tormented by revolts and imperial
counter measures and, on her southern frontier, threatened by the kingdom of
Meroe and, even more dangerously, by the Blemmyes of the Eastern Desert,
who were also a threat to Meroe. Being unable and probably also less and less
willing to provide an adequate military defence for the Dodecaschoenus, and,
consequently, for Upper Egypt, against the Blemmyes, Rome apparently gave up
the Dodecaschoenus, which, as might be expected, brought the Blemmyes first of
all into confrontation with Meroe. Meroe was then obliged to defend the Lower
Nubian Nile Valley and, indirectly, Upper Egypt. Our textual sources are,
however, far from explicit about these issues. Their testimony is, to varying de-
grees, indirect; and most of it rests upon remote second- and third-hand infor-
mation. 278 -284 present small, and in many cases undatable, references to con-
ditions in late 3rd cent. AD Egypt and indicate that the revolts against Roman
authority and especially the situation in Upper Egypt were viewed in connection
with the negative impact of Meroe and the Blemmyes as possible helpers of
rebels. At the end of the century, after having crushed the major revolt of L.
Domitius Domitianus, the Emperor Diocletian drew the most important con-
sequence; yet, just as our sources were vague in the case of previous events, they
also remain far too laconic when they mention the withdrawal of Egypt's
southern frontier. It would be a much later writer (see 328) who would recall in
some detail the reasons for measures which resulted in the last known territo-
rial expansion of the Meroitic kingdom.
In this text Claudius Claudianus celebrated the marriage, ca. AD 399, of Pal-
ladius, who is supposed to have been the son of Palladius, Augustal Prefect in
Egypt in AD 382 (Englin 1949),and Celerina, a descendant of Celerinus, Prefect of
Egypt (cf. Stein 1950, 154), who in AD 283 refused to accept the imperial throne
offered to him by his troops after they learnt about the death of the Emperor
1054
The Sources
Carus. The expression "to watch over Meroe and the Nile" might be mistaken to
refer to an appointment to the command of the cohorts stationed in the region
of Elephantine; in its present form, however, it is a rhetorical reference to the
Prefect's duty to defend the province of Egypt and to his power over the Roman
army in Egypt. Nevertheless, it may not have been entirely accidental that
Claudian referred to Meroe when he wanted to give a brief description of
Celerinus' duties: the period around AD 283 witnessed enough disturbances in
the region of Egypt's southern frontier to be remembered as the principal
concern of the Prefect of Egypt at that time (cf. 279-284).
[LT]
279 War between Meroe and the Blemmyes. AD 291.

Panegyrici Latini 11.17.4.
Source bibliography
Galletier 1949-55 Pangyriques latins. 1-3. Texte &abli et traduit par E.
Galletier. (Collection des Universits de France.) Paris.
Nixon-Rodgers 1994 C.E.V. Nixon-B.S.Rodgers: In Praise of Later Roman
Emperors. The Panegyrici Latini. Introduction,
Translation, and Historical Commentary with the
Latin text of R.A.B. Mynors. Berkeley-Los Angeles-
Oxford.
Mynors 1964 XII Panegyrici Latini. Recognovit brevique adnotatione
critica instruxit R.A.B. Mynors. (Scriptorum
Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis.) Oxford.
XII Panegyrici Latini, or just Panegyrici Latini, is the conventional title of a
manuscript discovered in 1433, containing twelve panegyrics, or speeches of
praise, addressed to Roman emperors. The collection is headed by the panegyric
to the Emperor Trajan pronounced by Pliny the Younger on the occasion of his
being appointed to the consulship in AD 100. This speech was placed at the be-
ginning probably to serve as a model for the genre and to enhance the standing
of the collection. There follow eleven panegyrics of a much later date, AD 289-
398, addressed to the emperors Maximian, Constantius I, Constantine I, Julian,
and Theodosius I. One of the speeches has no imperial addressee, but was ad-
dressed to the governor of Gaul (Gallia Lugdunensis).
The authors of the eleven later panegyrics are rhetoricians connected with
Gaul, where Roman eloquence long had a high standing, and the collection was
assembled in Gaul around AD 400. Some of the authors are named, but the
majority are anonymous, though several attempts have been made to identify
them (for the question of authorship see Galletier (1949-55) 1.XVI-XXV;Nixon-
Rodgers (1994)8-10).
1055
The genre of imperial Roman panegyrics is marked by excessive adulation,

to our taste often bordering on absurdity. The collection does, however, give an
interesting insight into the schools of rhetoric and of classical Roman culture in
Gaul at the time. For the historian the Panegyrici Latini is a mine of infor-
mation, though the user must always keep in mMd the special character of the
genre.
Nixon-Rodgers (1994) gives English translations of the panegyrics, with in-
troductions and historical commentaries; also the Latin text of Mynors (1964) is
included. On his edition our text too is based. In the French bilingual series Col-
lection des Universits de France the Panegyrici Latini have been edited by Gal-
letier (1949-55).
The present text is from a birthday address (Genethliacus) for the Emperor
Maximian (see Comments below). Our extract follows upon a catalogue of na-
tions outside the Empire that have been waging wars against each other rather
than against the Romans, a sign that the emperor is able to protect the empire by
virtue of his "felicity" alone, without needing to have recourse to wars.
Text
magnam vim numinis vestri! Non istae modo aliaeque gentes viribus
11.17 [4] 0
armisque terribiles fiducia instructae ad perniciem immanitatis utuntur, sed
etiam Blemyes illi, ut audio, levibus modo adsueti sagittis adversus Aethiopas
quaerunt arma quae non hab ent, et paene nudis odiis proelia interneciva
committunt.
Translation
11.17 141 0, the great power of your divinity! It is not only these and other peoples
who, frightening in the self-confidence that they are imbued with, use their
armed strength for the annihilation of their own barbarism; even the
Blemmyes, so I hear, though accustomed only to light arrows, now seek
weapons they do not have, to use against the Aethiopians, and fight deadly bat-
tles with naked hatred, so to speak.
[TE1
Comments
The unknown author646 probably wrote his address for the quinquennalia (fifth
anniversary) of Maximian as Augustus in AD 289 or 290 and delivered it in AD
291 (for the difficulties of dating see Nixon-Rodgers 1994,76 f.). He included little
historical detail in his oration and mentioned only one or two notable events
beyond the borders of the Empire. One of these was a civil war in Persia, the
other is this conflict between the Blemmyes and the Aithiopians. The brief
description of the horrible ferocity and hatred with which the barbarians were
fighting was meant to present a contrast to the felicitas of the emperors
646 Earlier identified with Mamertinus; on this question see now Nixon-Rodgers 1994, 8 ff., 76.
1056
The Sources
Maximian and Diocletian, i.e., their special quality which enabled them to
conquer by felicity alone (18.1). Nevertheless, we have no reason to doubt that
an allusion is made here to one of the actual conflicts that took place before
Diocletian withdrew Egypt's southern frontier from Hiera Sycaminos (modern
Maharraqa) to Syene in the autumn of AD 298 (cf. 280, 328; for the date of the
frontier withdrawal see Comments on 280, end).
The passage quoted here was part of the evidence that led Altheim (in Alt-
heim-Stiehl 1965-1968 II, 300, 303) to conclude that it was the Blemmyes who
were responsible for the end of the kingdom of Meroe. Doubtless the emergence
of what appears to be an increasingly aggressive united tribal kingdom of the
Blemmyes in the area between the Lower Nubian Nile Valley and the Red Sea
in the course of the late 3rd through 5th centuries AD (cf. 301 f., 305, 309 -314, 319)
contributed to the decline of Meroe by causing destruction in Lower Nubia,
complicating Egyptian-Meroitic relations and leading to loss of Meroitic control
over the trade routes in the Eastern Desert. In fact, the Blemmyes constituted
only one of the factors that determined the political changes that took place in
Meroe in the middle of the 4th cent. AD (for a criticism of Altheim's views see
Hofmann 1971b, 344 f.; for the chronology of the conflicts between the
Blemmyes/Bega and Aksum, which plays a significant role in both Altheim's
assumptions and Hofmann's criticism, see Munro-Hay 1991, 75 ff.; for the his-
torical record of the Blemmyes see also Christides 1980).
ELT1
280 Roman victory over the Aithiopians and the Blemmyes. AD 297/8.
Panegyrici latini 8.5.1- 3.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source for the Panegyrici latini i n
general see 279. The present text is from a panegyric to Constantius I delivered
after his recovery of Britain, in 297 or 298 (for the uncertainties connected with
the occasion and the date see Comments below).
Text
Adoratae sint igitur mihi Sarmaticae expeditiones quibus illa gens prope
8.5 [1]
omnis exstincta est et [cum] paene cum solo nomine relicta quo serviat. [2] Dent
veniam trophaea Niliaca sub quibus Aethiops et Indus intremuit. Contenta sit
voce gloriae suae etiam proxima illa ruina Carporum. Reservetur nuntiis iam
iamque venientibus Mauris immissa vastatio. [3] Aliis haec permittente maies-
tate vestra celebrabo temporibus; di immortales, vota suscipio ut ipsis qui
gessere praesentibus.
1057
Translation
8.5 [1] So let me express my admiration for the expeditions against the Sarma-
tians, by which that nation was almost completely annihilated, and left practi-
cally with their name only, under which they can serve us. [2] May the Nile
trophies under which the Aithiopian and the Indian [i.e., Blemmy] trembled
pardon me. May the recent destruction of the Carpi be content with my mere
mention of its glory. May the [account of] the destruction inflicted on the Moors
be left to the messengers that will arrive at any moment. [3] With Your Majesty's
permission I shall celebrate these exploits on another occasion. Immortal gods, I
vow that it will be in the presence of the very men who performed them.
[TE]
Comments
The brief passage quoted here from the Panegyric to Constantius I speaks
(probably metaphorically) about trophies (i.e., a triumphal monument display-
ing the weapons and figures of the vanquished enemy647) set up on the occasion
of a military victory over "the Aithiopian and the Indian", the latter being in
this case identical with "the Blemmy" (for the term Indian used in descriptions
of the Blemmyes see Dihle 1965, 37 ff.). The date of the Panegyric cannot be
determined with certainty (cf. Nixon-Rodgers 1994, 104 ff.), and it cannot be
established beyond doubt that the victory in question occurred in AD 296, 297 or
298. The dating of the victory alluded to in 280 is, furthermore, also influenced
by the fact that Zonaras (cf. 281) and Jerome/Eusebius (for year 293) speak about
two revolts in Egypt in the 290s, the first of which seems to have occurred in AD
294 in Upper Egypt in Coptos, the second being identical with the revolt of L.
Domitius Domitianus. Consequently, 280 too may have alluded to the earlier of
the two revolts (for such an interpretation see literature in Nixon-Rodgers 1994,
115 f. note 16). It may, as a third possibility, be supposed that the military
measures against the Aithiopians and Blemmyes were not necessarily directly
connected with either revolt, but represent instead an episode in a longer series
of frontier conflicts which finally led to the withdrawal of Egypt's southern
frontier and to the abandonment of the Dodecaschoenus to Meroe, thus pushing
the burden of the defense of Lower Nubia and, partly and indirectly, of Upper
Egypt onto the new owner of a region which was the closest target of Blemmyan
incursions (on this issue cf. also (259)).
As recorded in a later source (see 328), Diocletian withdrew Egypt's southern
frontier from Hiera Sycaminos (modern Maharraqa) to Syene (Aswan). The date
of the reorganisation of the frontier is debated since it is usually connected with
the date of the revolt of Domitianus (for points of view on this see Thomas
1976, 276 f.). Here we prefer the view (see Castiglione 1970, 96 with note 17;
Thomas 1976; 1977; Bowman 1978) according to which Diocletian carried out the
647 For figures of Aithiopian prisoners from an earlier (probably Augustan) miniature tropaeum see
Snowden 1970, fig. 84 (= Török 1989-1990, fig. 4).
1058
The Sources
reorganisation of the frontier on the occasion of a journey he made to Upper

Egypt after the revolt of L. Domitius Domitianus had been finally crushed. His
journey can be dated on the basis of PBeatty Panop. 1, a document dating from
September 298, to the summer or autumn of AD 298 (Bowman 1976, 159).
[L1]
281 Diocletian marches against the Aithiopians. lst half of 12th cent. AD.
John Zonaras, Epitome historiarum 12.31B-C.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source for Zonaras in general see
258. The present extract is from Zonaras' account of the Emperor Diocletian's
(AD 284-305) achievements.
Text
12.31B C
- FIcpcsciiv è Napcsoii pacrtkciSowro; 6; [36op.c); OcvocypOtOctat
Pocalkei)aoctlispactiv dur6 'ApTaV.poi), oi) rcp6csesvi1.o.topia 1..tviii6veucsev
oct301 Flépeca; civavecoaagévou tiv PaCSIXsiav gurå, -yåcpTOv 'Apta-
épriv Toirrov 'Aptcgdpriv, Suj.)vugov Ovta, certoSpri;iSpe FlepaCov,icà
get' KEÏVOV'Opgi6613(g, EITOC al)apapåvTl; Kcfi getå TCri-Yrov OapapC'elele];,
aitot; cDo; Oimpapåvii; Kcd TCs1.TCY6YC01.;NapafIg' TO13 Napcyof)
toiviw 'CO15TOU TOTE Xvpiav krItom.vol), rOv 'iötov ya113p6v TOv Fak-
plov Matp:ivov 6 AloxXrittav4, Side tÇ AiTISTCTOU tol); AiOlOTCCC;
0(.7C105v, 6141.130CXEiV aimi;) getà Si)vO4tew;igtolicixou k.V7rElINJEV. icat crug-
6;
Flépaat; ivrtrjOi Kast Nlinfev.
Translation
12.31B C Narses then ruled the Persians. He is recorded as the seventh king after
-
Artaxerxes whom my history earlier has mentioned as the restorer of the king-
dom of the Persians. For after this Artaxerxes, or Artaxares (he had two names),
Sapores [Shapur] reigned over the Persians, and after him Hormisdas [Hormizd],
then Vararanes [Bahram I], and after him Vararakes [Bahram II], thert another
Vararanes [Bahram III], and after these Narses. When this Narses, then, was
ravaging Syria at this point, Diocletian, since he himself was marching through
Egypt against the Aithiopians, sent his own son-in-law Galerius Maximinus to
attack Narses with an adequate force. Maximinus engaged in battle with the
Persians, was defeated, and fled.
[TEl
Comments
A campaign against Aithiopia, which is not mentioned so directly by other au-
thors, is brought by Zonaras into close chronological connection with the Persian
war. It may thus appear that the war against the Sassanian Narses, son of Shapur
I, could render possible the dating of this conflict with Meroe as well. However,
1059
while most literary sources mention the Persian war as occurring after the revolt
of L. Domitius Domitianus in Egypt (cf. Comments on 280), some date it before,
or suggest that they were contemporary (for the sources and their modern
discussion see Thomas 1976, 273 f.). The chronology of the Persian war is far
from clarified; and the date of Diocletian's appearance in Egypt during the
campaigns against Domitianus, on the one hand, and of his presence at Antioch
and at the capture of Nisibis (which ended the Persian war), on the other, very
much depends on how one prefers to date the revolt of Domitianus (for the dif-
ferent chronologies see Englin 1948, 2442 f. and, differently, Thomas 1976, 274 ff.,
with a review of additional literature).
Consequently, no closer dating of the conflict indicated by 281 is suggested
here; it can hardly be doubted, however, that it preceded the withdrawal of the
southern Egyptian frontier (cf. 280, Comments; 328). It may perhaps also be as-
sumed that the various allusions in the literary sources to conflicts with
Aithiopia were placed in the context of the revolt of Domitius Domitianus not
only on account of chronological proximity but also because Meroe and the
Blemn-iyes were in some way involved in his revolt, which, as Thomas argues
(1976,277 ff.), also spread over the Thebaid.
[LT]
282 The intended campaign of L. Mussius Aemilianus against the Blemmyes.

Ca. AD 400 (?).
Historia Augusta, Tyranni triginta 22.6-8.
Source bibliography
Browning 1982 R. Browning: Later Principate. In: The Cambridge
History of Classical Literature. II: Latin Literature, ed.
E.J. Kenney-W.V. Clausen. Cambridge, 683-786.
Diehl 1913 E. Diehl: Historia Augusta. RE VIII.1,cols. 2051-2110.
Stuttgart.
Drury 1982 M. Drury: Appendix of authors and works. In: The
Cambridge History of Classical Literature. II: Latin
Literature, ed. E.J. Kenney-W.V. Clausen. Cambridge,
799-935.
Hohl 1965 Scriptores Historiae Augustae. Ed. E. Hohl. Vol.1-2.
(Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
Teubneriana.) Leipzig.
Johne 1976 K. P. Johne: Kaiserbiographie und Senatsaristokratie.
Untersuchungen zur Datierung und sozialen
Herkunft. Berlin.
Lippold 1990 A. Lippold: Historia Augusta. RAC 15, cols. 687-723.
Stuttgart.
1060
The Sources
Magie 1921-32 The Scriptores Historiae Augustae. With an English

translation by D. Magie. Vol. 1-3. (Loeb Classical
Library.) Cambridge, MA-London.
Marriott 1979 J. Marriott: The Authorship of the Historia Augusta:
Two Computer Studies. JRS 69, 65-77.
Paschoud 1997 F. Paschoud: Le tyran fantasm: Variations de
L'Histoire Auguste sur le thème de l'usurpation. In: F.
Paschoud-J. Szidat (eds): Usurpationen in der
Spätantike. Stuttgart, 87-98.
The Historia Augusta (also referred to as Scriptores Historiae Augustae) is an
ancient collection of lives of Roman emperors, including heirs apparent and
usurpers, from Hadrian to Numerian (117-284),with a gap for the years 244-59.
The collection owes its title to its first editor, Isaac Casaubon (1603); the original
title is not known. The prefaces of the various lives ascribe them to six different
named authors. These authors are otherwise unknown, and it has not been
possible to detect differences of language or style among them. Most scholars
today favour the view, put forward towards the end of the 19th century, that the
six authors are an invention and that the work is the product of a single au-
thor.648 The question of authorship, however, as well as of date and purpose of
the work, is still debated. For a brief presentation of the history of the contro-
versy see Drury (1982) 918 f., for a fuller survey of scholarship see Johne (1976)
11-46;Lippold (1990)cols. 690-95.
The importance of the Historia Augusta as an historical source comes
mainly from the fact that other sources for the second and third centuries are
very scanty. It is a notoriously unreliable work, and must be used with great
caution. The majority of the numerous documents quoted (letters from em-
perors, laws, inscriptions, senatorial decrees) have been shown to be forgeries,
made to fill out the lives of little known emperors. The author(s) seek(s) to en-
tertain as well as to instruct; there is a marked predilection for anecdotal in-
formation (on personal habits, preferred food, clothing, etc.). There are, how-
ever, also reliable written sources among those used in the Historia Augusta,
but in general all historical information found only here should be viewed with
scepticism. On the sources and their trustworthiness see Diehl (1913) cols. 2070-
96.
The present extract is from the part entitled Tyranni triginta or The Thirty
Tyrants, i.e., claimants to the throne during the reign of Gallienus and Valerian
648 A computer study by Marriott (1979) of sentence length and of initial and final word-types in
the six supposed authors "points to one, and only one, conclusion: singular authorship for the His-
toria Augusta" (p. 74).
1061
(253-268).649On the concept of usurpation in the Historia Augusta see Paschoud

(1997). This is a collection of very short lives, many consisting of only one page
or even less. The life of Lucius Mussius Aemilianus, the subject of the text
quoted below, covers one and a half printed pages.
For a brief introduction to the Historia Augusta see Browning (1982, 724-27);
for fuller presentations see Diehl (1913) and Lippold (1990). Our text is based on
the edition of Hohl (1965).An English translation of the whole work is provided
by Magie (1921-32);this text is in Vol. 3.
Text
22 [6]Nec eius ad regendam rem p. vigor defuit, nam Thebaidem totamque Ae-
gyptum peragravit et, quatenus potuit, barbarorum gentes forti auctoritate
summovit. [7] Alexander denique vel Alexandrinus—nam incertum id quoque
habetur—virtutum merito vocatus est. [8] Et cum contra Indos pararet expedi-
tionem, misso Theodoto duce Gallieno iubente dedit poenas, et quidem stran-
gulatus in carcere captivorum veterum more perhibetur.
Translation
22 [6]Nor did he [Aemilianus] lack energy in administering the affairs of state,
for he travelled throughout the Thebaid and the whole of Egypt; and, as far as it
was possible for him, he drove back the barbarian peoples by his forceful leader-
ship. [7] Finally, because of his merits he was called Alexander or Alexandrinus
(for also this is considered uncertain). [8] And when he was preparing a cam-
paign against the Indians, the general Theodotus was sent [against him], and he
had to pay with his life on [the Emperor] Gallienus' orders; it is even said that he
was strangled in prison like the captives of old.
[TEl
Comments
The text quoted here from The Thirty Tyrants is part of the account of the brief
period of the reign in Egypt of the usurper L. Mussius Aemilianus, formerly
Vice-Prefect (AD 256/7-24 September 258) and Prefect (September-October 259-17
May 261) of Egypt (cf. Bastianini 1988,514). It is reported here, but cannot be con-
firmed by independent evidence, that the usurper successfully "drove back the
barbarian peoples", who may be identical with the Meroites and / or the
"Indians", i.e., the Blemmyes (cf. 280) who are mentioned later in the same de-
scription and against whom Aemilianus also seems to have planned a major
expedition.
Desanges (1978a, 343) suggested that Aemilianus' campaign took place before
he usurped the throne in AD 261, i.e., during his period in office as Prefect of
649 The number thirty is fictitious, contrived to equal the 'Thirty tyrants' in Athens (404-3 BC);
some of the personalities included are inventions by the author. For the details see Magie (1932) 64
note.
1062
The Sources
Egypt. If we accept this highly probable interpretation of 282, the peace concluded
by Abratoye and Tami before December 27, 260 on Philae (see 265 and 266) may
well have marked the end of the conflict alluded to in The Thirty Tyrants (so
also Desanges 1978a,343).
[LT]
283 Firmus' Blemmyan friends and Aurelian's Blemmyan captives. Ca. AD 400
(?).
Historia Augusta, Quadrigae tyrannorum 3.1-3; Aurelianus 33.4-5.
Source bibliography
Paschoud 1996 Histoire Auguste. Tome V. lère partie. Vies
d'Aurelien, Tacite. Texte établi, traduit et comment
par F. Paschoud. (Collection des Universit& de France.)
Paris.
Stoneman 1992 R. Stoneman: Palmyra and Its Empire. Zenobia's
Revolt against Rome. Ann Arbor.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source to the Historia Augusta in
general see 282. Below we present under a single heading (a) an extract from the
combined lives of Firmus, Saturninus, Proculus, and Bonosus, sometimes re-
ferred to under the common title Quadrigae tyrannorum, "the four-span of
tyrants" (a tag from the life of Probus), and (b) an extract from the life of Aure-
lian (Emperor AD 270-75), describing his triumphal procession in Rome in AD
274 following the defeat of Queen Zenobia.
For Quadrigae tyrannorum our text is based on Hohl (1965), for Aurelianus
on Paschoud (1996), who also gives a French translation and an historical
commentary (164-66). For the historical background of the latter text see
Stoneman (1992),especially Chs. 7-8 (the English translation of this text by Magie
(1921-32)is reproduced p. 181 f.).
Text
Quadr. tyr. 3 [1.]Firmo patria Seleucia fuit, tametsi plerique Graecorum alteram
tradunt, ignari eo tempore ipso tres fuisse Firmos, quorum unus praefectus
Aegypti, alter dux limitis Africani idemque pro consule, tertius iste Zenobiae
amicus ac socius, qui Alexandriam Aegyptiorum incitatus furore pervasit et
quem Aurelianus solita virtutum suarum felicitate contrivit.
[2] De huius divitiis multa dicuntur. Nam et vitreis quadraturis bitumine
aliisque medicamentis inser tis domum instruxisse perhibetur et tantum
habuisse de chartis, ut publice saepe diceret exercitum se alere posse papyro et
glutine. [3] Idem et cum Blemmyis societatem maximam tenuit et cum Sarace-
nis.
1063
FontesHistoriaeNubiorum III
Aurel. 33 [4] Praecesserunt elephanti viginti, ferae mansuetae Libycae, Palaesti-

nae diversae ducentae, quas statim Aurelianus privatis donavit, ne fiscum an-
nonis gravaret, tigrides quattuor, camelopardali, alces, cetera talia per ordinem
ducta, gladiatorum paria octingenta—praeter captivos gentium barbararum—
Blemmyes, Exomitae, Arabes Eudaemones, Indi, Bactrani, Hiberi, Saraceni, Per-
sae cum suis quique muneribus, Gothi, Alani, Roxolani, Sarmatae, Franci,
Suevi, Vandali, Germani, religatis manibus, captivi utpote. [5] Praecesserunt in-
ter hos etiam Palmyreni qui superfuerant, principes civitatis, et Aegyptii ob re-
bellionem.
Translation
Quadr. tyr. 3 [1] Firmus was a native of Seleucia, although most of the Greeks
give him a different origin, being ignorant of the fact there were three men by
the name of Firmus at that time: one was Prefect of Egypt, another Commander
of the African Frontier as well as Proconsul, a third was that friend and ally of
Zenobia, the man who was incited by the madness of the Egyptians650 to invade
Alexandria and whom Aurelian destroyed by his usual combination of courage
and luck.
[2] Of this man's riches much is told. For it is related that he equipped his
house with window panes of glass held in place by bitumen and other sub-
stances, and that he had so many books that he often boasted publicly that he
could feed an army with paper and glue. [3] He also maintained close relations
with the Blemmyes and with the Saracens.
Aurel. 33 [4] In the first part [of the triumphal procession] marched twenty ele-
phants, tamed anin-ials from Libya [i.e., North Africa],651 and two hundred wild
animals of various kinds from Palestine which Aurelian immediately gave as
gifts to private citizens in order that the imperial treasury should not be bur-
dened by the cost of feeding them; four tigers, giraffes, elks, and similar animals
were also led forth, further eight hundred pairs of gladiators, besides captives
from barbarian peoples.652 There were Blemmyes, Axomites, South Arabians,
Indians, Bactrians, Hiberians, Saracens, and Persians, each with their gifts; Goths,
Alans, Roxolans, Sarmatians, Franks, Suebians, Vandals, and Germans, with
their hands tied as captives. [5] Among these, in this first part [of the procession],
650 The Latin text initself could also have been taken to mean "by the madness inherent in his
Egyptiannature".
651 We take "tamed animals from Libya"to be in appositionto the preceding;if it were a new item
a quantifierwould be expectedhere as well. Paschoud(1996)understands the text to refer to three
differentgroups of animals.
652 We follow Paschoud (1996)165in taking the phrase beginningwith "besides" as parenthetic,
not introducing the double list (of people bringing gifts and of captives)that follows;the Latin is
ambiguous.
1064
The Sources
also went Palmyreans who had escaped slaughter, leaders of the state, and
Egyptians, since they had revolted.
[TE]
Comments
The two passages quoted here from the Scriptores Historiae Augustae refer to the
period when Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra from AD 267-272 (cf. Schwartz 1953, 63
ff.) occupied Egypt and are probably largely fictitious. Both the existence of
Firmus, the Alexandrian merchant who allegedly organised a revolt in support
of the Palmyrene invaders and who is characterised here as maintaining good
relations with the Blemmyes, and the reality of Aurelian's triumphal procession
in AD 274 subsequent to Zenobia's defeat, in which also Blemmyan captives
would have been displayed, have been called into question (cf. literature
discussed in Walser-Pekåry 1962, 52 f.; Desanges 1978a, 343 f.). They may, how-
ever, be regarded as historically correct insofar as they place the Blemmyes in an
obviously negative context; furthermore, it is interesting to note that Firmus'
good relations with the Blemmyes are placed in the context of his commercial
contacts with the Red Sea region, thus hinting at the possibility that the Blem-
myes were known to be in control of some of the trade routes leading to the Red
Sea ports. For Blemmyan activities in the last quarter of the 3rd cent. AD see also
284, 323.
[LT]
284 Probus liberates Coptos and Ptolemais from the Blemmyes in AD 280. Ca.
AD 400 (?).
Historia Augusta, Probus 17.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source for the Historia Augusta see
282. This extract is from the life of Marcus Aurelius Probus, Emperor from AD
276 to 282.
Tex t
17 [1] Pacatis denique omnibus Pamphyliae partibus ceterarumque provinciarum
quae sunt Isauriae vicinae, ad orientem iter flexit. [2] Blemmyas etiam subegit,
quorum captivos Romam transmisit, qui mirabilem sui visum stupente p. R.
praebuerunt. [3] Copten praeterea et Ptolomaidem urbis ereptas barbarico
servitio Romano reddidit iuri. [4] Ex quo tantum profecit ut Parthi legatos ad
eum mitterent confitentes timorem pacemque poscentes, quos ille superbius
acceptos magis timentes domum remisit.
[5] Fertur etiam epistula illius repudiatis donis, quae rex miserat, ad Nar-
seum talis fuisse: "Miror te de omnibus quae nostra futura sunt tam pauca mi-
sisse. Habeto interim omnia illa quibus gaudes. Quae si nos habere cupiamus,
1065
scimus quem ad modum possidere debeamus." [6] His acceptis litteris Narseus
maxime territus, et eo praecipue quod Copten et Ptolomaidem comperit a
Blemmyis, qui eas tenuerant, vindicatas caesosque ad internecionem eos, qui
gentibus fuerant ante terrori.
Translation
17 [1]Thus, having pacified every part of Pamphylia and the other provinces that
lie near Isauria, he [Probus] turned towards the East. [2] He also subdued the
Blemmyes and sent the captives he took from them to Rome, where they were
an extraordinary sight and astonished the Roman people. [3] He further rescued
the cities of Coptos and Ptolemais from barbarian servitude and restored them
to Roman justice. [4] This made him so successful that the Parthians sent envoys
to him, revealing their fear and asking for peace. He received them very
haughtily and sent them back home even more fearful.
[5] It is also recounted that the letter Probus sent to Narseus after having re-
pudiated his gifts, ran like this: "I am amazed that of all that soon will be ours
you have sent so little. For now just keep all you are enjoying. If we want it, we
know how we can get it." [6]After Narseus received this letter, he was quite ter-
rified, and particularly because he learned that Coptos and Ptolemais had been
liberated from the Blemmyes, who had controlled them, and that those who
had formerly been a terror for the nations had been massacred.
[TE]
Comments
In the passage presented here from the Historia Augusta the Emperor Probus is
reported to have liberated from their Blemmyan conquerors the cities of Coptos
(modern Qift, ca. 40 km NW of Luxor at the entrance of the desert road leading
to the Red Sea ports) and Ptolemais (modern el-Mansha, S of Sohag, the second
greatest city of Roman Egypt after Alexandria). These events, which are dated to
AD 280 (see Paschoud 1971-1989I, 176 f.), are described differently by Zosimus
(see 323), according to whom Ptolemais had revolted against Probus and, aided
by the Blemmyes, had warred against the inhabitants of Coptos. A revolt is,
however, also indicated, albeit indirectly, in 284 by the statement that the two
cities were "restored to Roman justice" by the emperor.
[LT]
285 Meroe City. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or 4th cent. AD.
SB I 2055. SEG XXIV1246,XXXIV1641.B-D-S286.
Source bibliography
Altheim 1962 F. Altheim: Geschichte der Hunnen. Vol. 5. Berlin.
Altheim-Stiehl 1961 F. Altheim-R. Stiehl: Die Datierung des Königs 'Ezåri5
von Aksum. Klio 39, 234-248.
1066
The Sources

Schneider 1991 inscriptions de l'tthiopie des p&iodes pr&axoumite
et axoumite. Vol. 1-2. Paris 1991. [= B-D-S.]
Bersina 1984 S.Ya. Bersina: An Inscription of a King of Axumites
and Himyarites from Meroe. Meroitic Newsletter 23,
1-9.
Flägg 1984 T. Hågg: A New Axumite Inscription in Greek from
Meroe: A Preliminary Report. In: Meroitistische
Forschungen 1980. (Meroitica 7.) Berlin, 436-441.
Elägg 1994 T. Hågg: Sayce's Axumite Inscription from Meroe—
Again. Meroitic Newsletter 25, 45-48.
Sayce 1909 A.H. Sayce: A Greek Inscription of a King (?) of Axum
Found at Meroe. Proceedings of the Society of Biblical
Archaeology 31, 189 f. + Pl. XXIV.
This inscription was found at Meroe City in the first season of John Garstang's
excavations; its archaeological context could not be verified by the excavators. It
was carved on a block of ferricrete sandstone; the surviving fragment (now in
the Sudan National Museum, Inv. No. 508) contains fourteen incomplete lines.
It was first published, with a facsimile, by Sayce (1909);both his drawing and his
text were unfortunately highly misleading. New readings and supplements
have subsequently been suggested by many scholars, among whom may be
mentioned Altheim-Stiehl (1961, with photo), J. Bingen (in SEG XXIV, 1969) and
Flägg (1984, 436-439);for a fuller bibliography and a critical apparatus listing the
earlier suggestions, see E. Bernand in Bernand-Drewes-Schneider (1991, 385
f.).653
The main obstacle for the interpretation of the inscription is the fact that so
little has survived of each line (even the length of the lines is unknown); the
recognizable words stand more or less alone without their immediate context.
There are, however, also some positive factors to acknowledge. We do have the
beginning of the inscription (whereas our last line is not necessarily also the last
line of the original inscription, unless the figure is a date). The letters are
distinctly and evenly carved (though worn at some places). Parallels in other,
better preserved Aksumite inscriptions in Greek provide a good help for the
restoration and interpretation. Thus, for instance, lines 1-2 seem to be structured
similarly to 298.1-5 and 299.1-6, and the interpretation of lines 6 and 9 receives
support from 234, ch. 61: "I chose for myself their young men (vé ov;) and
women (yuvcciicoe;)and children (noCiSccg) and young girls (7cap0vou) and all
653 For Bersina's (1984) philologically questionable text (SEG XXXIV 1641) and translation
(reproduced in Munro-Hay 1991, 224) see Hagg (1994).
1067
their possessions". The use of the first person throughout, typical of the Ak-
sumite victory inscriptions, helps deciding between suggested supplements or
interpretations in lines 1 ("king" in the nominative case), 7 (the "king" referred
to in the dative case must be another), and 11 (not [rai]; ôtciiç oiwt[ett;], "the
common (?) houses"), and so on. Still, much is of course quite uncertain, and
the fact that it has not been feasable, in the present context, to register all the
suggestions for readings that have been put forward, should not lead anyone to
assume that the text and translation presented here are the only ones possible.
Text
[ 'AO)]1.1£1.T6n/ wat 'Ottripetr6i[v
3OCCRXE1.)
2 [ ièç O£0"15OCN/11C1iTODI"Apsei;
åtraStwiaavr[ctiv
3 1.0N 1rapawo[Acya654 dutè t fi; [
4 wat k.e.rcOpOriaa rå; [
5 lA rcocpekOtbvvel[4:±8e
6 . yevvaiat,655 `repov E KA[
7 1CSUN, T6)[3aatkei 1.txpt t(ii[v
8 Tå TCX.EiCYCOC=M[
9 atplarrryaii; iccii.réwvoc[airaiiv
10 [ ] kralkOov wirri[wa
11 [ ]aottai aot Kll
12 [ 1ETC)1(1)6potk
13 [ ] XI±kKEOV [
14 [ ]2N izq [
Translation
[I, N.N., King of Akslum and Himya[r ]
2 [ son of the invincible god] Ares (Mahrem), when [the people of ...]
disputed
3 [ ], I conv[ey]ed from [
4 [ 1...656 and I pillaged the [ ]
5 [ ] having arrived here [ ]
6 [ ] (women) of noble birth, and another [ 1657
7 [ ] with the King as far as th[e ]
8 [ ] most (things) in the ... [ I
9 [ gert]erals and [their] children [ ]
10 [ I went against [ ] at once [
11 [...]Iwill[...]toyou[...]
654 7capccxotiaa;earlier editors.

655 yevvåtat earlier editors.
656 Altheim (1962, 174) interpreted the first letters of this line, ]ElAIOIX,as Bleyaiot;, referring to
the Beja;but these are referred to as BouyartioTiv in 298.6.
657 The last letters of the line are not clear enough to warrant Sayce's&icap[x.ovl, "decurion".
1068
The Sources
12 [ subject to pay tribute [

13 [ a bronze (statue ?) [
14 [ ... 21 (?)658 ...
[T1-1]
Comments
As flägg has shown in his republication and analysis of the text (1984a, 436-439),
the present inscription was part of a triumphal monument in the form of a
throne and was erected, as stated in the first line, by a king of Aksum and Him-
yar (the two titles referring to the two halves of the kingdom, one SE of Meroe
and the other in South Arabia). Setting up inscribed thrones (manbar) was a
ceremonial act which marked the victory of Aksumite rulers in the 3rd and 4th
cent. AD; and the inscriptions using the Greek, Ge'ez, and Epigraphic South
Arabian scripts (there are also trilingual inscriptions) presented official records
of the campaigns. The structure and style of the preserved texts are stereotyped.
As is revealed by more completely preserved texts (cf. 234, 298 299), they first -
give the reasons for the campaigns and continue by mentioning diplomatic ef-
forts and thus indicate that the conflicts were just wars on the part of the Ak-
sumites. After giving a detailed account of the campaigns (including routes,
strategy, encampments) and of the victory, they list the results, presenting a de-
tailed account of enemy men and women killed, and of the booty, and record
eventual settlements entered into with the vanquished enemy princes. The in-
scriptions of King Ezana's predecessors and of Ezana before his conversion to
Christianity conclude with mentions of offerings to gods and references to the
war god Mahrem (Greek Ares; for the structure of the texts cf. Littmann 1913;
1950;Flägg 1984a;Munro-Hay 1991,214 f.).
The preserved lines of the inscription on the throne from Meroe City indi-
cate that in its complete form 285 belonged to the shorter texts in the corpus of
Aksumite triumphal monuments, consisting of abbreviated versions of almost
all the sections of a complete structure. Originally, it was a triumphal inscription
commemorating a military victory of a predecessor of Ezana, or of Ezana
himself before his conversion, over a king of Meroe, who was apparently men-
tioned in line 7 (cf. Burstein 1984, 220 f.); and since it was erected in the area of
Meroe City, we may conclude that the Aksumite victory also resulted in an, at
least temporary, Aksumite occupation of the Meroitic capital. This is also cor-
roborated by 286, another fragment of a Greek inscription from an Aksumite
triumphal monument from Meroe City.
In general terms, 285 as well as 286 can be dated to the period before the
conversion to Christianity of King Ezana of Aksum, who is attested as having
658 The reading ir3, "24", is also possible. Altheim-Stiehl (1961, 241, 244; Altheim 1962, 170, 173 f.)
reasonably suggest that the figure is part of a dating by regnal years and adduce as support an-
other Aksumite inscription in Greek, B-D-S 275.6 (from Daqqi Mahari), where the 24th year of
Sembrouthes' reign occurs; cf. also 234, end.
1069
been (partly) contemporary with the Emperor Constantius II (reigned AD 337-

361) in a letter the latter wrote to Ezana and his brother Sazana (preserved in
Athanasius, Apologia ad Constantium imperatorem, 31, see Szymusiak 1958,
125 ff.). On the assumption that this letter (hypothetically dated to ca. 356-361)
was addressed to two pagan rulers, Dihle (1965, 36 ff.; accepted in Török 1988b,
36 f.) dated Ezana's conversion to the years after AD 361. Arguing on the basis
of the interpretation of Constantius' letter as addressed to Christian princes,
and suggesting that in his first Christian coinage Ezana followed the weight
that was in use before the reform of Roman coinage which Constantine the
Great introduced in AD 324 (later he used the new weight), Munro-Hay (1991,
202 ff.) dates Ezana's conversion to around AD 333 (for the difficulties in the
interpretation of Constantius' letter and the stages and the date of Ezana's
conversion see, however, Dinkler 1977, a study ignored by Munro-Hay). It
would thus seem that Ezana's campaign against peoples living on the island of
Meroe and described in his Christian inscriptions (cf. 298 -299) occurred at the
earliest around AD 333, and at the latest in the 360s; consequently, 285 and 286
record one or two Aksumite campaigns against Meroe which predate the 330s
AD, or, if we accept Dihle's view, the 360s AD. It remains undecided, however,
by how much they predate Ezana's campaign as a Christian foe of Meroe, and it
also remains a matter of speculation whether they are monuments of the same
Aksumite ruler who is known from his now lost triumphal inscription from
Adulis (see 234) as a subduer of peoples living on the fringes of the Meroitic
kingdom.
According to an interesting suggestion by Burstein (1984, 221), 285 and 286
would indirectly attest that Meroe became an Aksumite vassal some time be-
fore Ezana's campaign recorded in his Christian inscriptions. He also assumes
that the latter campaign was occasioned by a Meroitic breach of vassaldom (on
the issue cf. also Comments on 297 ff.).
[LT]
286 Meroe City, temple KC 102. Greek inscription of a king of Aksum. 3rd or
4th cent. AD.
Bull. tpigr. 1981:662. SEG XXXIV1642.B-D-S286A.
Source bibliography
Bernand-Drewes- É. Bernand-A.J. Drewes-R. Schneider: Recueil des
Schneider 1991 inscriptions dedes p&iodes pr&axoumite
Hågg 1984 T. Hågg: A New Axumite Inscription in Greek from
Meroe: A Preliminary Report. In: Meroitistische
Forschungen 1980. (Meroitica, 7.) Berlin, 436-441.
1070
The Sources
Hågg (forthcoming) T. Flagg: Axumite Inscription in Greek (SNM 24841).

In: P.L. Shinnie-J. Anderson: The Capital of Kush. Vol.
2. (Meroitica.) Berlin (forthcoming), Section 111.2.
This inscription was found in 1975/76 near Temple KC 102 in Meroe City dur-
ing excavations carried out under the direction of P.L. Shinnie (see Hågg 1984);
it is now in the Sudan National Museum (Inv. No. 24841). It was carved on a
block of black stone; the surviving part of the inscribed face is roughly a paral-
lelogram and measures ca 26 x 33 cm. The last 14 (or less) letters of each of the
seven last lines of the inscription are preserved. The letters, ca 1.5-2.3 cm high,
were unevenly carved on what seems to have been a rather rough surface;
since, in addition, the stone has subsequently been worn, the text is in places
very difficult to read.
Palaeographic&lly, no exact date can be deduced from a rough, unsophisti-
cated inscription like this one; nor are any linguistic peculiarities discernible.
Certainly nothing speaks against what seems for historical reasons to be the
probable date, namely, the late 3rd or the 4th century AD.
Our text is identical to the one established for the publication of the excava-
tions (Hågg forthcoming),659made on the basis of a photograph and a squeeze.
The supplements proposed are partly supported by parallels in other Aksumite
Greek inscriptions, notably 234 (esp. ch. 63) and 285. Still, much remains highly
conjectural, especially since the length of the lines is not known. It should also
be kept in mind that, though we possess the end of the text, we do not know
whether our line 1 was close to the beginning of the original inscription. It is
true that Ares, the war god Mahrem, is regularly referred to in the first lines of
the comparable inscriptions; but such references may occur later in the texts as
well (e.g., 298.5, 27, 31, 37).
Text
i [ "A]peco ...[ I
2 [ ]. 1-111&[..]L.[ I
3 [ ] TOTHE wrin nap-
4 [0Ev01. ITOU gri& 04660 Tuvai_
5 [KE - - - (irap)EX,O]dw on:Ytoi5ici2;c0Icsoc
6 [ avriScop]oyanoStiSai)
7 [ T6j "Apei] Sippov toircoy.
659 The preliminary publication by Flägg (1984) concentrated on lines 1 and 5-7, which establish
the category and function of the inscription; the readings and supplements now suggested for lines
2-4 are altogether less secure.
660tou 1.1118dv Bingen in SEG.
1071
Translation
(i) of [A]res (Mahrem) (2) neither (3) nor young g[irls] (4) nor the
wo- (5) [men661 Having arriv]ed I took my seat here (6) ... giving [as a recom-
pensel (7) [tO Aresil this throne.
[1"1-1
]
Comments
For the archaeological context near the Late Meroitic temple marked KC 102 by
its excavator P.L. Shinnie, Garstang's mound M 282, see Shinnie 1984, 502 f.;
Török 1997, Ch. 33. For the interpretation of the text see Flägg 1984a and Com-
ments on 285 above.
(287) (...) k(...). Evidence for reign.
In the course of the excavations Reisner conducted in the royal necropolis of

Begarawiya North (Beg. N.) several fragments of royal offering tables were
found the archaeological contexts of which could not be established. Their
badly mutilated texts, with fragmentarily preserved, or entirely missing royal
names, render their historical interpretation almost entirely impossible. On the
other hand, there are completely anepigraphic royal burials in the late section
of the necropolis, which permit no more than a mere statement that the
Meroitic kingdom continued to exist for a number of generations (at least five,
i.e., Beg. N. 24, 38, 37, 26, 25) after the latest securely attributed royal pyramid
(Beg. N. 28, King Tegorideamani, after AD 253, see (259)) and that these rulers
were buried in the necropolis of their ancestors. A fragment of an offering table
from Beg. W. 130, probably its secondary context, published in Dunham 1963,
fig. 127 and as REM 0837, preserves a letter [...1k [...] from a royal name written
in cursive Meroitic script. In her analysis of the evidence from Beg. N.,
Hofmann (1978a, 183 ff.) assigned pyramid Beg. N. 38 to this ruler (...)k(...).
While a connection between the fragment of an offering table from Beg. W. 130
and Beg. N. 38 cannot be proved or rejected on the basis of any data, the dating
of the pyramid to the terminal period of the necropolis, i.e., around or after the
end of the 3rd cent. AD (cf. (275), (276)), cannot be doubted. According to
Lepsius (LD V Text, 311), who saw a relief block at the site that came from the
destroyed mortuary cult chapel of Beg. N. 38, the burial belonged to a king who
was represented seated on a lion throne. Lepsius' remark, that "Die Schilder
sind unleserlich" (ibid.) indicates that the king's Throne and Son of Rê names
were inscribed, presumably in Meroitic hieroglyphs, in cartouches.
[LT]
661cf. 234 §61 and 285 lines 6 and 9.
1072
The Sources
(.)p(...)niri.Evidence for reign.
The royal offering table REM 0850 was found, probably in a secondary context,
at Beg. W. 384, in the debris S of the tomb, where it may have been taken from
Beg. N. when the late intrusive burial identified by Reisner in Beg. W. 384
(Dunham 1963, 269; for the table see fig. 172) was made. It is inscribed for a ruler
of unknown sex of whose name only the letters .p..nift (reading: Hofmann
1978a, 183; the REM edition has are preserved. The name of his/her
mother is destroyed, but the duplication of the filiation word tedhe clearly indi-
cates that he/she was a child from her second marriage. The father's name is
Arhrli, a name apparently consisting of the name of Horus (= Mer. Ar), indicat-
ing perhaps that the person who bore it was a member of the royal family.
Because of the late type of the lettering of REM 0850, Hofmann (1987a, 185 f.)
assigned, as a hypothesis, the late pyramid Beg. N. 37 to the owner of the offer-
ing table.
[LT]
Pat(.)rapeamani.Evidence for reign.
The royal name Pt(.)rpeamni is preserved in the text (REM 0848) of a royal of-
fering table inscribed in cursive Meroitic script and found in a secondary con-
text at Beg. W. 309 (Dunham 1963,254 f., fig. 166; in Török 1988a, 182 wrongly as
from Beg. W. 104). From the Nomination only the end of the name of the
mother, ...tli, is preserved; the father's name reads Delitey. Hofmann (1978a,
185 f.) assigned, as an hypothesis, the pyramid burial Beg. N. 26 to
Pat(.)rapeamani. In the preserved reliefs of the mortuary cult chapel of Beg. N.
26 a female ruler is represented (Chapman-Dunham 1952, Pl. 23/G: North
wall). She is depicted enthroned on a lion throne and under the protection of a
winged goddess, receiving a mortuary offering (libation and censing) from a
prince wearing a fillet, a large bead necklace with tasselled counterweight (cf.
Török 1987b, 30 ff.), and a coat with a decorated seam (cf. Török 1990, 178 ff.).
The prince is followed by the female members of the royal family, whose
smaller figures are arranged in two registers. The queen is dressed in a
similarly traditional style; she wears a skullcap with a diadem, streamers, and a
crown superstructure with Hathor's symbols (?), a necklace with ram's head
pendants, and the tripartite royal costume with sash and tasselled cords (see
Török 1990). While the identification of this queen with Pat(.)rapeamani
remains tentative, the dating of Beg. N. 26 to the terminal period of the use of
the Begarawiya North cemetery cannot be doubted.
[L11
1073
(290) Amanipilade. Evidence for reign.
The royal name Mnipilde, Amanipilade, is attested in the cursive Meroitic text
(REM 0843) on an offering table found, probably in a secondary position, at Beg.
W. 104 (Dunham 1963, 225, fig. 156). In this almost completely preserved in-
scription the name of Amanipilade's mother reads Mkehriye, and the father's
name is Tehye. On account of the late type of the paleography of REM 0843,
Hofmann (1978a, 185 f.) assigned pyramid Beg. N. 25, which is apparently the
latest royal burial in the Begarawiya North necropolis, to Amanipilade. If this
attribution is correct, Amanipilade was a queen; for in the relief preserved on
the S wall of the mortuary chapel of Beg. N. 25 a female ruler is represented.
She is shown seated on a lion throne the legs of which rest on the figures of
bound captives. She receives censing from a prince whose figure is destroyed
above the waist and who is followed by members of the royal family and priests
(?) whose smaller figures are arranged in two registers. The queen is under the
protection of a winged goddess, wears a skullcap with a uraeus diadem and
streamers, and is dressed in a tripartite royal costume (Chapman-Dunham
1952, Pl. 23/H). The iconography and style of the representation, like those of
the reliefs from Beg. N. 26, are traditional; and there is nothing in these, small
and rather poorly executed, carvings that would hint at the approaching end of
the dynasty, which is dated, on the basis of indirect and circumstantial evidence
(for the literature cf. 298 f.), to the middle decades of the 4th cent. AD.
[LT]
291 Arminna West. Meroitic funerary inscription of Sakhiye and Taysiye. 3rd
or 4th cent. AD.
Yale, Peabody Museum 222-268.REM 1063.
This sandstone funerary stela inscribed with a cursive Meroitic text of thirteen
lines was found in situ in the small mortuary cult chapel of tomb 19 in the
cemetery of Arminna West (cf. Trigger 1967) and was first published by Trigger
and Heyler (1970, inscr. 2). The REM edition, which is followed here, was based
on this editio princeps.
Text
(1)W osi„ Soreyi„
qo„ Shiyeqowi„
qo„ Ty(2)siyeqowi„
ant„ Amnise„ Aboroy(e) (3)terikelebkwi„
Yeyitidye„ tdhel*e(4)bkwi„
tt*ti„ qoritowi [=qoriselowi]„
mreperi„ ktw(5)se„ Dortelowi„
1074
The Sources
peseto„ Akinr„ ye(t)(6)md*el*ebkwi„

peseto„ Mlegoli yetmdeleb(k)(7)*w*i„
peseto„ Sesewli„ yetmdelebkwi„
pq(r)(8)leb„ yetmdeleb„ yetmdelebkwi„
trte(ke)(9)se„ Pedemkteb [=Pedemkseleb],, yetmde*lebkwi„
belo*k(e) (10)Mnp*teb[=Mnpseleb]„ yetmdelebkwi„
ato m*he„ pisi (heb) (11)hekese„
at m*he„ pisi krbhe kese(„)
(ye)(12)tepoke„d*ot Ihe„ pisi kbhe kese(„)
(13)(Wo)si„Soreyi„
Comments
291 represents in its lettering the late period of cursive Meroitic documents
dated to the late 3rd and the 4th cent. AD (cf. Hintze 1959, Table I; Hofmann
1991a), and a similar dating may appear justified on the basis of the archaeolog-
ical context as well (cf. Trigger 1967).The stela belonged to the burial of Sakhiye
and Taysiye who were children of Aboroye, a hont-priest of Amim (for the
high priestly title hont see 245, 250 ff.), and a lady Yeyitidye (for the significance
of the plural suffix leb Ei.e.,the plural of the "article" 1(i/o)] in the filiation-
- -
words and in the Description see Hintze 1963, 3; Trigger 1968; Priese 1971, 276
f.).
Sakhiye was, to judge by the titles (see below), a man; the name Taysiye
seems to be female. Funerary inscriptions commemorating two or three per-
sons are known from Karanog and Shablul (cf. Hofmann 1981a, 58 f.); in sev-
eral cases their parents are identical (REM 0135, 0229, 0245, 0292). It cannot al-
ways be decided whether they are brother and sister; and, unfortunately, we are
unable to tell whether or not they were husband and wife (for the high per-
centage of brother-sister marriages in Roman Egypt see Bagnall-Frier 1994, 127
ff. and for the issue see also Hopkins 1980; Shaw 1992).
The stela text consists of the traditional parts of a non-royal funerary in-
scription: Invocation (of Isis and Osiris), Nomination, Description, and Bene-
diction (for the extended formula only known from Arminna West [REM 1063,
1064, 1066] and from one text from Shablul [REM 0368] cf. Hofmann 1981a, 197
f.). While the mde-relations are listed in the plural, and hence refer to both
Sakhiye and Taysiye, the two titles introducing the Description doubtless be-
long to Sakhiye alone: he was ttnTqorise and mreperi ktzvse (i.e., ktkese)Dorte,
"royal ttri" and "rnreperi of the Candace in Dor". The title rnreperi/mrepero is
frequently attested, and may, as suggested by Hofmann (1974, 43 ff.), be a
Meroitic rendering of the Egyptian title mr pr, "majordomo" or the like. An-
other mreperi of the Candace is attested in REM 1031 from Serra West; this lat-
ter holder of the title appears to have been subsequently promoted to the rank
of a pqr Bedewete, "pqr in Meroe" (cf. Török 1979, 14 f.), which indicates that
the governor of the estate of the Candace was a powerful official and belonged
1075
to the highest echelons of the administrative élite. Dor is probably identical

with the Andura in Bion's East bank list (see FHN II, 108) and modern Derr in
the neighbourhood of Bion's Andumana = modern Arminna. Sakhiye was
"royal ttii" as well. The meaning of the title ttii, which first occurs in the
Tailyidamani stela (see FHN II, 152) and is attested as ttnlh "great thr in
,
titularies of officials associated with the administration of the "estates" in the

peseto's realm, e.g., another official buried at Arminna West (see REM 1065)
was ttrilh pesetolise. Sakhiye's elevated social position is also clearly indicated by
his (and his sister's) three mde-relations, three pesetos, "King's Sons" (for the
title see 264 f.), who are listed by name: Akinar, Malegoli, and Sesewali.
291 seems important because of its "list" of three pesetos, who appear to
have been closely related and were perhaps brothers'and who seem to have fol-
lowed one another in the office of governor of Lower Nubia in the late 3rd or
the early 4th cent. AD. The text is even more interesting because of the light it
sheds on the close interconnections between the offices associated with the es-
tates of the ruler and the Candace (for the Candace as mother or consort of the
ruler see FHN II, 85; in this volume cf. (212)), and, as indicated by inscriptions
of officials with related titularies, between the estates of the ruler and the Can-
dace, on the one hand, and the estates in the pesetos district, on the other. It
was argued elsewhere in greater detail (Törffl( 1979; 1988a, 247 ff.) that 291 and
other inscriptions reflect four apparently distinct economic areas, viz., the
"estates" of the ruler, of the Candace, of the peseto, and of the temples. How-
ever, the personal identities of some officials who were concurrently engaged
in several of these departments, or passed through them in the course of their
careers (frequently leading to the highest posts of peseto or pqr) seems to indi-
cate that they were sections of one and the same royal economic administra-
tion, built on the principle (but not necessarily the exclusive practice) of abso-
lute royal ownership and run by a hierarchically organized territorial adminis-
tration based mainly on the priestly class.
[LT]
292 Concentration of military forces at Philae in AD 321.

SB I 4223:11.
Source bibliography
Bagnall et al. 1987 R.S. Bagnall-A. Cameron-S.R. Schwartz-K.A. Worp:
Consuls of the Later Roman Empire. Atlanta, GA.
Cagnat-Besnier 1900 R. Cagnat-M. Besnier: Revue des publications
ipigraphiques relatives aromaine. Revue
Archkilogique 36, 302-312.
Milne 1913 J.G. Milne: A History of Egypt under Roman Rule. 2nd
ed. London.
1076
The Sources
Milne 1976 Inscriptiones Graecae Aegypti. Vol. 1. Inscriptiones

nunc Cairo in museo. Ed. J.G. Milne. Chicago. (Orig.
publ. Oxford 1905.)
de Ricci 1903 S. de Ricci: Bulletin 4ngraphique de l'Egypte romaine.
Inscriptions grecques (1896-1902).APF 2, 427-452.
This fragmentary inscription was carved on one side of a lirnestone block
which had originally been part of an architrave inscribed on its front with a
dedication dated to the 2nd century AD. The stone was found at Aswan (or
Luxor) and brought to the Gizeh Museum; it was subsequently moved with
that collection to Cairo.
Both texts on the stone were first published by J.G. Milne in 1898 (Milne
1913, 188 f., with facsimile). A revised text, achieved on the basis of a squeeze,
was published by R. Cagnat and M. Besnier in 1900 (Cagnat-Besnier 1900, 312,
No. 29; cf. de Ricci 1903, No. 67). The inscription then appeared in Milne's cata-
logue of Greek inscriptions in the museum at Cairo, published in 1905, as No.
9238b (= Milne 1976, 45). The date of the inscription has recently been specified
as 26 May, AD 321 (Bagnall et al. 1987,177 and 628).
Our text is based mainly on Milne's revised text of 1905 but is more cautious
with regard to supplements. The first line of our inscription is conventionally
referred to as line 3, since the original architrave inscription (= SB I 4223:1)con-
stitutes lines 1-2.
Text
3 ME7åk1:1 T1)2(T,1
TO1.5[..]Q[
SINANI-E.4S2NTH[.IPEI[ dtvE]-
5 vcoOi icxEK061.1¥11 [ EI-
7r(pax)7(ocyiTou)Xzy[ec6vow
7ft Oln1C-CCOpi:V01)
rotkxudj; cc Ce 'Ikkupuc[ij
[.]y 6aytreapicov T1:1npo[voia ...1f3d)—
[a]wco; dcpxtep.); xast Xa[
co; X,Ey(E6wog) 7' FaX.X.(ticf-K)
Kcit Fouccivou`t[p]éo.) key(Eciivo)
a' 'IXX"UpliC1k Kal i.Epéco
rcatia Axxxvviou xEp(aatoi")) TO Allelvt01)
.7:c3,O(avecTicitou)
KaicTapo Actiou cx'
cx Tsc['il..]avvou[...] [...] cipx(tepcov) Kai
15 [ ]TCP.[
1077
Translation
With good fortune of (?),662 {..1663 was (5) [re]stored and adorned under Vic-
torinus, praepositus of the [Third] Gallic and the First Illyri[an] leg[ions] [...] of
archers, with the [...] 664 of [...] high priest (arkhiereus) and Khau[...] priest (10) of
the Third Gallic legion and Gatanos priest of the First Illyrian legion and Azizos
priest, in the sixth consulship of Licinius Augustus and the second of Licinius
the most noble Caesar, on the first of the month of Loos, and under [...] and [...]
high priest and (15) [...]
[TH]
Comments
After the withdrawal of Egypt's southern frontier to Syene (cf. (259), 280, 328)
the troops that secured Upper Egypt against Meroe and the Blemmyes were sta-
tioned at Syene and/or Contra Syene, Elephantine and Philae, the detachments
at these places constituting one command (cf. Speidel 1988, 772 f.). Philae was
reached from Syene (Aswan) by a transport road that led to the military camp of
Philae situated on the E bank, whence the island had to be reached by boat. The
road was protected by a monumental wall (see Jaritz-Rodziewicz 1993 and
Comments on 186a). We have only sporadic and insufficient data about the
strength of the troops; but it probably varied according to circumstances, being
reduced by Diocletian (cf. 328) but perhaps increased at later dates, as is appar-
ently indicated by our building inscription of AD 321. According to the Notitia
Dignitatum (Or. XXXI.35-65),665during the 4th cent. AD the following units
were stationed on Egypt's southern frontier: the Milites Miliarenses in Syene;
Legio prima Maximiana at Philae; Cohors prima felix Theodosiana on Elephan-
tine; Cohors quinta (Suenensium) at (Contra) Syene; Cohors sexta saginarium
in Castris Lapidariorum, i.e., in the region of the stone quarries of Syene (cf.
Kees 1931, 1022;Speidel 1988,772 f.).
In periods of intense Blemmyan, and later also Noubadian, raids the
Roman forces proved insufficient, and the frontier area as well as the interior
of Upper Egypt suffered cruel blows (cf. 296, 301, 302, 307, 314, 326, 329). Though
292 cannot be brought into direct connection with such actual events, there can
hardly be any doubt about the general connection between a concentration of
662 Cagnat and Besnier suggest the following restorations in lines 3-4: ME1 tii to [OE]o[ii
T]cliv dnryXow cfiç [i..]?prilaç. The words might be translated "With good fortune from
[G]o[d and t]he angels of the [pr]iest[ess]", which does not make much sense to us. The basis for
the restoration of the words for "God" and "priestess" is tenuous and the role of "the angels" in
this context obscure (although the word is reported to be clearly legible on the squeeze). We pre-
fer to print the legible letters without interpretation.
663 Cagnat and Besnier suggest the supplement [Tô irpåv], "the sanctuary", as the subject of the
clause.
6 "Mi1ne suggested the restoration npo[voiq], "fore[thought]".
665 Final draft edited between July 392 and May 394, see Hoffmann 1969-1970 I, 52 f. 519.
1078
The Sources
forces or improvement of defenses on Egypt's southern frontier and the

imminent danger of Blemmyan incursions.
[LT]
293 Aithiopian and Blemmyan envoys in Constantinople in AD 336.

Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.7.
Source bibliography
Barnes 1981 T.D. Barnes: Constantine and Eusebius. Cambridge,
MA-London.
Moreau 1966 J. Moreau: Eusebius von Caesarea. RAC 6, cols. 1052-
88. Stuttgart.
Winkelmann 1975 Eusebius: Werke. Vol. 1:1: tiber das Leben des Kaisers
Konstantin. Ed. F. Winkelmann. (Die griechischen
christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte.)
Berlin.
Eusebius, bom ca. AD 260, was bishop of Caesarea, the Roman capital of Pales-
tine, from ca. 313 until his death in 339, hence he is usually called Eusebius of
Caesarea (Caesariensis). He himself in his works uses the name Eusebius Pam-
phili, "(son) of Pamphilus", having been adopted by his teacher, the priest and
scholar Pamphilus (Barnes (1981) 94), whom he assisted in editing the works of
the great theologian Origen. Pamphilus fell victim in 309 to the persecutions of
the Christians initiated by Diocletian, whereas Eusebius himself escaped.
Only part of the great literary output of Eusebius has been preserved in the
original version, but much has survived in Syriac, Armenian, Georgian, or
Latin versions. Of greatest influence was his Historia ecclesiastica ("Church
History") in ten books, updated by himself in several successive editions, the
latest (the one we have today) ending with the year AD 324. Eusebius' main
purpose was to document the development of the early church; the work is
therefore an important historical source (cf. 294). It became a model for later
works of this genre and earned him the title "Father of Church History".
His so-called "Chronicle" contains partly an outline of world history, partly
chronological tables, beginning with Abraham. The Greek original exists only
in fragments, but the whole work is preserved in an Armenian version (albeit
with errors and lacunae). In addition, the chronological tables exist in a Latin
(expanded) version made by the Church Father Jerome (Hieronymus, 5th cent.
AD).
Eusebius' "Chronicle" has mainly an apologetic purpose. Also apologetic
are Praeparatio evangelica ("Preparation for the Gospel") and Demonstratio
evangelica ("Proof of the Gospel", only partly preserved). Both, like his Church
History, contain numerous quotations from earlier, often lost, literature.
1079
Eusebius also wrote works of polemic and dogmatic nature, critical and ex-
egetical works, as well as Biblical dictionaries, letters, and orations. After Con-
stantine's death in AD 337 he praised the Christian virtues of the Emperor in a
eulogy entitled Vita Constantini ("Life of Constantine"), which he left behind
unfinished. From this work the present extract is taken. It follows a mention of
Constantine's conquest of the Sarmatians (on the lower Danube), and a remark
about "the various barbarian tribes that God placed under Constantine's rule".
For an introduction to Eusebius see Moreau (1966); for his Vita Constantini
in particular see Barnes (1981) 265-271. An English translation, with commen-
taries, by A. Cameron and S.G. Hall is forthcoming. Our text is based on the edi-
tion of Winkelmann (1975).
Text
7 [1] Luvexeig yoiiv ånavtax613ev oi 6tanpea3Eo6!1evol 8(..5pa tå nap' cntoiç
no7oteki-1 StEicOplov, c8ç KaL aircolS; TrOTEircpc 6v'rcxç itôiç np6 tfi;
al'Axiou T6W f3amX,Eicov nukciiv atoixT166v v tciinepil3Xenta axiigata
PapPåpow E6T63Ta OEaGa613al, 01; EcOLX.o atokrj, StaX,Xattaw 6
tdiv crxrigåtcov tp6no, i6ir TE KcOaki-1; Kai yEvEl01) 7Cdquroku Steatc5aa,
Pkoa-opciiv TE Tiv npoactincov 3dpI3cLpOÇ KaL KaTaltkiKTLKIi flÇ 6¥1.;,
CTWilaTCOV 1lX1,Kia .6nEpl3åkkovta gEyé0ry Kc di; 1.1.EN/ Epv0paiveto
npOaarca, oç 6èkevicOtepa xt6vo PEN,101) Kal TriTTN gsXav-
tepa, o 6è .tcyri p.Eteixov KpacTew;, it& Kal BkEgglicov yvi 'Iv665v TE
Kasl AL01.67CCOv, oi 451X0a 8E6alaTal E6XaTOL åv6pc5v, zdiv cipii_tévow
elecopellto iatopia.
[2] 'Ev tpci 6è TOISTCON, EKCKYT01.,
etiarcep v nivaieN ypa, TOLnap'
tipia pactX,Ei npoaelcOgtov, o tèv stE6avoy xpvcsaii, OL 8' K
kiOcov Sia&rji.tata ttgiew, dXXoi ocv0olc6l.toy; naiSa;, o 6èxpv66); Kal
div0Eat KaOu(1)acsixva; fap3apnàç atoXå; oi 6' ì7r7C01);,OL 6' da37ti6a;
Kal 86pata p..axpå Kat péxii Kca TZga, TTiv 81a TOI)TCON7 intripeciav TE
Kal auggaxiav PouX.olivo? PaatXci napxEtv .‘,,Set-KviSgEvol. [3]"A 61)
napå Kop.tOvtcov 1)7t06EX61-1EN10; Kal EvTaTTM,/, avTE61,801) tocsai5ta
PamkElk, d.); '641)'`va Katpåv rc?.ornoni'coiç åno6fivca toç KoKol.tvau;
'Pollafico"ig iotarn ta6; v a6tOi; 61a6aveatpot;, diat'
11811itcta'couç TTpl EvTai50a crtépyciv 6tatpil3rjv, .nav66ou tå
ohcela krjeriv TEEICOITIIIEN/01);.
Translation
7 [1]Indeed, ambassadors from all parts of the world continually brought as gifts
the most precious things their nations produced; thus I myself have on occa-
sions watched the impressive sight of barbarians lining up and standing in
front of the gates of the imperial palace. Some stood out by their clothes, others
differed by the manner of their bearing, and there were great variations in
hairdress and beard; their grim faces were a barbaric and rather frightening
1080
The Sources
sight, and their bodies were exceedingly tall in stature. Some had ruddy com-
plexions, some whiter than snow, some blacker than ivory and pitch, and some
had a colour of a middling blend—for both the Blemmyan and the Indian races
and the Aithiopians, "who live split in two, most remote of men",666 could be
seen as I watched the scene described above.
[2] Each of these in turn, like (a procession) in a painting, would bring the
Emperor their native treasures, some crowns of gold, others diadems with pre-
cious stones, others fair-haired boys, others exotic cloths woven with gold and
flowers, others horses, others shields and long spears and arrows and bows, in-
dicating thereby that they offered their service and alliance to the Emperor if he
saw fit. [3] These gifts the Emperor accepted from those who brought them and
had them stored, and he requited them so generously that he at once made the
recipients very wealthy. The most outstanding among them he even honoured
with Roman posts of dignity, so that many of them were content to stay there
[in Constantinople], having put out of their minds any return to their home-
lands.
[TEl
Cornments
In an impressively pictorial description, Eusebius records the arrival of barbar-
ian envoys bringing to Constantine the hommage of distant peoples, elegantly
characterised by Eusebius with the quotation from Homer. The occasion was
probably the Emperor's tricennalia, his thirty-years anniversary celebrated in
AD 336 (cf. 295); and the envoys from the most remote lands included Blem-
myes, Indians, and Aithiopians. The "Indians" may have been Blemmyes (cf.
280), but were more probably Aksumites (cf. Kirwan 1982, 196). The appearance
of the Blemmyes at Constantine's court may be explained as a result of a Ro-
man diplomacy which tried to engage as federates fractions of, or whole
peoples who lived on the frontiers and represented a present or potential
danger, by convincing them to support the Roman frontier defence in return
for subsidies (for Roman federate policy see Cameron 1993a, 140 ff.; 1993b, 48 ff.;
Burns 1994, xiii ff.).
294 On the queens of Aithiopia. Ca. AD 311.

Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 2.1.13.
Source bibliography
Bardy 1952-60 Eusebe de Cesaree, Histoire ecclesiastique. Vol. 1-4.
Texte grec, traduction et annotation par G. Bardy.
(Sources chretiennes. 31, 41, 55, 73.). Paris.
666 A quote from Homer, Odyssey 1.23. Cf. 187 (Strabo 1.2.25).
1081
Lake-Oulton 1926-32 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. Vol. 1 (Books I-IV),

transl. by K. Lake; vol. 2 (Books VI-X) transl. by J.E.L.
Oulton. Loeb Classical Library.) London.
Schwartz 1903-09 Eusebius, Werke. Die Kirchengeschichte,
herausgegeben von E. Schwartz. 3 vols. (Die
griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten
Jahrhunderte. 2.) Berlin.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source for Eusebius in general and
for his "Church History" see 293.
The basic text edition of the Historia ecclesiastica is by Schwartz (1903-09),
and his text is adopted (with inessential changes) in the bilingual editions in
French by Bardy (1952-60)and in English by Lake-Oulton (1926-32).The present
extract is from Eusebius' account of the deeds of the apostles after the ascension
of Christ.
Text
2.1. [13] 'AX,X8cyap Eig ociSfiv Oafigépat rcpOiov-rogTo15aompiou Kfipiiy-
ga-rog, oixovogia Tjycv duco tfig AiOuircow yfig Tfig ociyu60t Pamkiöog,
icaui u ndecptov è0oç incô yuvocticog Toi) 0vo.ug Eig paatkeuog.-
vou, Simicrunv. 8v rcpcircov 0v6iv itpèç to15 (Dtkircnou
0Eiou koyou Opyta getacyx6vux 163v TE di,v0C'CI)v OlK0141£vITV 7LICSI6W
Ol7Capx1lv yEvOgEvov, Tcp63-covicaté)cEt köyog "TEL "CI"lv ncitptov naktvo-
atficsavta -yfiv Ei)ay-yEkiaacsOcaTfiv TO15 åkcov elE0i5 yvciimv ai tfiv
El; civ0poino.og'10{5 w'rfpoç ill.t.6)v icirijiiav, ëp'yw ickfipoWEiafig
(.007C01.6N,
airro.6 Tfig "AiOtonia npoO0ciaet xcipa od)Tfig to) 0E6)" rcEplExolicyfig
npoorttEiag.
Translation
2.1. [13]While the message of salvation was advancing and growing day by day,
some divine agency brought from the land of the Aithiopians a high-ranking
official of the queen there (that people is still today by ancestral custom ruled by
a woman). There is a well established tradition that this man, as the first of the
Gentiles, received from Philip, through a revelation, a share in the mysteries of
the divine word,667 and that he became a first-fruit of the faithful in the world,
and that after his return to his homeland he was the first to spread the good
news about the knowledge of the God of the universe and about our saviour's
667 "Word" translates Greek logos, which in Christian terminology was used of God's message re-
vealed to man and, personified, came to be identified with Christ, see the Gospel According to
John 1.1.
1082
The Sources
lifegiving stay among men. Thus was fulfilled through him the prophecy that
says: "Aithiopia shall stretch out her hand to God".668
[TE]
Comments
Eusebius makes this remark on the nature of the Aithiopian monarchy in the
margin of the story about the conversion of Candace's treasurer told in the Acts
of the Apostles (see 194). Eusebius probably learnt about the ancient custom, ac-
cording to which Aithiopia was always ruled by queens, from one of the early
Christian exegetical commentaries on the Acts of the Apostles 8.26-40, in which
fragments from Bion's 3rd cent. BC description of the Aithiopian kingship
were frequently quoted; the notion of female rulership survives, e.g., in Ps.-
Oecumenos' comments (FHN II, 106; for other quotations from Bion's
Aithiopika see FHN II, 105, 107).
In classical literature (cf. FHN II, 85, in this volume 189, 204), however, that
Aithiopia was ruled by a queen was a topos. It is thus doubtful whether Euse-
bius' remark, viz., that in his days too a queen ruled Aithiopia, should be re-
garded as historical evidence. One may conclude on the basis of his Church
History (8.9-10),that Eusebius stayed in Upper Egypt some time during the first
decade of the 4th cent. AD, after the beginning of the persecutions of Christians
in Caesarea in 303 and before the edict of toleration of AD 311 (for the chrono-
logical difficulties see, however, Bardy 1960, 28 ff.). Within this period,
Winkelmann (1991, 189) dates Eusebius' stay in the Thebaid between 309 and
311. Books 1-8 of the Church History were complete by 312, but Eusebius repeat-
edly re-edited them between 312 and 324 (cf. Schwartz 1907, 1399 ff.). Even if
one assumes that his remark about the queen of Aithiopia of his time was
based on correct information, it still remains undecided whether he heard
about her while he stayed in Egypt, or learnt about her existence at a later time.
The evidence relating to the rulers of Meroe in the 4th cent. AD (cf. (287) (290))
-
is far too uncertain to enable us to decide this question.

[LT]
295 Fl. Abinnaeus on his military mission with a federate group of Blemmyes
in AD 337-338.
P. Abinn. 1. CPL 265. ChLA III 202. Bell et al. 1962,No. 1.
Source bibliography
Alston 1995 R. Alston: Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt. A
Social History. London-New York.
Barnes 1985 T.D. Barnes: The Career of Abinnaeus. Phoenix 39,
368-374.
668A quotation from the Book of Psalms in the Bible, 67.32.
1083
Bell et al. 1962 H.I. Bell-V. Martin-E.G. Turner-D. van Berchem:

The Abinnaeus Archive. Papers of a Roman Officer in
the Reign of Constantius II. Oxford.
Brown 1990 M.P. Brown: A Guide to Western Historical Scripts
from Antiquity to 1600. London.
Bruckner-Marichal A. Bruckner-R. Marichal: Chartae Latinae Antiquiores.
1963 Vol. 3. London. [= ChLA III.]
The present text belongs to the archive of Flavius Abinnaeus, cavalry-com-
mandant (praefectus alae) at Dionysias in Egypt AD 342-351 (on whose career
see Barnes 1985; Alston 1995, 149-155).The papyri of this archive contain letters,
contracts, bills, taxation lists etc., and give valuable information on daily life in
Egypt in the 4th century. The texts have been collected and re-edited by Bell et
al. (1962). The papyri of the collection are customarily referred to as P. Abinn. +
number .
The text below is a petition from Abinnaeus to the Emperors Constantius
and Constans. For the historical context see the general introduction in Bell et
al. (1962).
Our text is based on the edition of Bell et al. (1962). "Except for a piece torn
out in the centre at the top and affecting the first four lines, the papyrus is
nearly intact. But its brown ink is badly faded and in many places completely
rubbed away" (the editors). A specimen of the script, the so-called "New
Roman Cursive", can be seen in Brown (1990, No. 8, with Pl. 8); cf. also
Bruckner-Marichal (1968, No. 202).
Text
1 Clementia piet[asque] vestrae, domini perp[etui vac.
2 Constanti et Con[sta]ns, victores semper [Augusti, ne umquam deficiant
militi]bus suis, praesertim ex protectoris, immo his
3 qui alacriter [ob]sequium suum exh[ibentes benefi]cia ye[stra ipsi mer]ere
videntur, providens casus venit.
4 Ego .emqueo 12 lgente. [ 4-6 traditus in
vexillatione Parthusagittariorum
5 degentium Diospoli provincia[e] T[hle[ba]i[d]os super[i]oris. Ve[ru]rh
e[mensos post annos] triginta et tres directus a Senecione antehac
6 comite limitis e[i]usclem provinciae ducere Blemniorum gentis refuga[s]
ad sacra vesti<gi>a pietatis vestrae Constantinopolim
7 eo perr[ex]i[mus] cum legatis memoratae ge[ntis] c[u]inqule c[omi]te
eiusdem lim[iti]s, atque obtulitis eis clementiae vestrae
8 me e ducenario divinitas vestra venerandam purpuram suam ador[ar]e
[i]ussit. Praeceptusque itaque producere memoratos
1084
The Sources
9 leg[atos] paltriam suam cum quibus trienn[e] tempus exigi

remeandoque [ad sa]crum comitatum vestrum tirones ex provincia
1() Thebaidos ad[u]xi quos Hierapoli tradidi, et ita data vacatione mihi
[promo]vere me clementia praefectum alae Dionusada
11 provinciae Aegupt[i] vestra dignata est. Verum insinuat[i]s sa[cr]is litter[is
Vala]c[i]o comiti officium respondit allegasse
12 a[1]iosque [h]uiuscemodi [e]pistulas homines [ ] ideo (empty space)669
cumq[ue pateat] ex suffragio eos pr[omotos] fuisse, me vero iudicio sacro,
ideo
13 soliti contemplatione memoratorum "laborum meorum et quos sedes
vide[o]r habere providere mihi largissima670i[u]xta s[u]pra[dictos]
ap[i]ces vestros tribun[.. p]raefecturae alae Dionusados amotis per
suffragium habentibus ipsorum castrorum promotionem me constitui
clementia vestra iubere dignetur
14 piet[a]s vestra dignetur unde possim cotidianum victum adquire[re]/ et
hoc consecutus agam aeterno imperio
15 vestro maximas gratias.
Translation
Your clemency and piety, etern[al] Lords [...] (2) Constantius and Constans, al-
ways victorious[...] his [soldi]ers,671particularly those from the Protectors, that
is, those (3) who by eagerly dem[onstrating] their obediance are seen to [mer]it
yo[ur] [benefi]ts, a promising occasion has arrived.
(4) I [...] family. [...] transferred to the detachment of the Parthian Archers (5)
stationed at Diospolis (Thebes) in the province of Upper Thebaid. B[u]t a[fter a
period of] thirty-three [years] I was ordered by Senecio, formerly (6) count
(comes) of the frontier region of the said province, to bring refugees from the
Blemmyan people to the holy footprints of Your piety at Constantinople, and
when, after (7) our arrival there with envoys of the said pe[ople] and with the
c[oun]t of the same Frontier, they had been presented to Your clemency, Your
divinity ordered (8) me, from being a ducenarius,672 to adore Your venerable
purple.673 And being then instructed to escort the said (9) envoys to their
homeland I spent a period of three years with them, and on my way back to
669From here the text continues above the line, beginning at the end of homines, indicating an in-
serted completion; see the photos in Bruckner-Marichal (1963, No. 202) and Brown (1990, Pl. 8).
670From here the text continues above the line, beginning at laborum and then extending into the
right hand margin, indicating an inserted completion (down to adquire[rel, I. 14). "The corrections
seem to be in a different hand from that which wrote the main body of the document, [...1. Possi-
bly, therefore, they are from the hand of Abinnaeus himself" (the editors).
671In the lacuna the editors supply [Augusti, ne unlquant deficiant tnilitilbus and translate "Lest
your clemency and piety ever august victors, should at any time be lacking to your soldiers, par-
ticularly those who have served in the bodyguard..."
672A ducenarius was a commander of 200 men.
673"Purple" used by metonymy for the emperor.
1085
Your holy court I brought recruits from the province (10)of the Thebaid whom
I delivered at Hierapolis, and when I had thus obtained release from (this) ser-
vice Your clemency deigned to promote me to the office of cavalry commander
(praefectus alae) of Dionysias in the (n) province of Egypt.
But when the sacred letter was presented to Count [Vala[c[ius] his office
replied that also (12) other men had adduced letters of this kind. Therefore,
since [it is clear] that these had been promoted by suffrage, I by a holy decree,
may Your clemency, by considering, (13) as is Your wont,674my said services, in
accordance with Your decree mentioned above, (14) deign to ordain that I be ap-
pointed a tribune on the staff of the cavalry squadron at Dionysias, and that
those who, through suffrage, have obtained the promotion in the same camp
be removed.
Having obtained this I shall forever render the greatest thanks to (15) Your
eternal Might.
[TEl
Comments
Flavius Abinnaeus was dismissed from his post as commander of the Roman
troops stationed at Dionysias in Egypt in AD 344. Convinced that his superior
acted unjustly, Abinnaeus went to Constantinople early in 345 (cf. Pestman
1994, 264 f. no. 73) in order to present his case to the emperor. His petition for
redress, in which he lists his posts and describes his services, was written on
this occasion. Concerning the three years of his career beginning with AD
337/8, he reports that, while posted at Diospolis (magna), i.e., Thebes, he was
ordered by Senecio, Comes of the frontier of the Upper Thebaid,675 to conduct
Blemmyan refugees to Constantinople. They were there presented to the Em-
peror Constantius II, and Abinnaeus was ordered to escort them back to "their
own country". Subsequently, he spent three years with these Blemmyes, i.e.,
until ca. 339/41.
The brief report does not leave much doubt as to the background of the
events described: a group of Blemmyes, characterised as "refugees", i.e., dissi-
dents when viewed from a Blemmyan perspective, turned for support to a mil-
itary officer in Upper Egypt, thus initiating a federate relationship which was
established with the consent of the emperor; Flavius Abinnaeus was delegated
as Roman prefect to the new federates. Even if one assumes that these Blem-
674 Reading, with the editors, solita ("usual"), to agree with contemplatione, instead of the
soliti of the papyrus.
675 For his office cf. r*mondon1965, 191. Bell et al., 1962, 36 note 5, suggest that Senecio was at
the same time dux of Egypt, i.e., responsible for the command of the entire army stationed in
Egypt. R&riondon 1965 and Demicheli 1976, 164 f. suggest that in this period the command of the
Egyptian army was divided between a dux, responsible for the units stationed in Egypt except for
the Upper Thebaid, and a comes who was responsible for the defense of the southern frontier of
Egypt.
1086
The Sources
myes came from the same Blemmyan kingdom—the term should not be inter-
preted narrowly, it is doubtful that there ever existed one centralised Blem-
myan kingdom; more likely there were several tribal "states" developing to-
wards some sort of hierarchical unity—which sent envoys to Constantine in
AD 336 (see 293), one may well think that by 337/8 the pro-Roman Blemmyes
found themselves in the minority and were forced to flee. In this case, Abin-
naeus' story is about a political and probably also a military intervention by
Blemmyes who, if in power at home, were willing to secure, for subsidies (cf.
Blockley 1985), the federate relationship between their people and Rome. This
remains, however, conjectural; only so much seems certain that a fraction of
the Blemmyes were federates of Rome between 337/8 and 340/1. It also remains
obscure where it was that Abinnaeus spent the three years of his praefecture. It
may seem evident that it was in an area close to the southern frontier of Egypt,
at a place which could secure the control of the road(s) leading from the Eastern
Desert into the Nile Valley.
[Lil
296 Barbarian attacks in Upper Egypt. Ca. AD 390.

S. Pachomii Vita Prima Graeca 85 and Paralipomena 9. BHG 1396.
Source bibliography
Athanassakis 1975 The Life of Pachomius (Vita Prima Graeca). Trans. A.N.
Athanassakis. (Society of Biblical Literature. Texts and
Translations, 7.) Scholars Press.
Halkin 1932 Sancti Pachomii Vitae Graecae. Ed. F. Halkin. (Subsidia
Hagiographica, 19.) Bruxelles.
Halkin 1982 F. Halkin: Le corpus atlinien de saint Pachome.
(Cahiers d'Orientalisme, 2.) Genève.
Rousseau 1985 Ph. Rousseau: Pachomius: The Making of a
Community in Fourth-Century Egypt. (Transformation
of the Classical Heritage, 6.) Berkeley.
Veilleux 1980 Pachomian Koinonia. Vol. 1. The Life of Saint
Pachomius and his Disciples. Trans. A. Veilleux.
(Cistercian Studies Series, 45.) Kalamazoo, MI.
Veilleux 1981 Pachomian Koinonia. Vol. 2. Pachomian Chronicles
and Rules. Trans. A. Veilleux. (Cistercian Studies
Series, 46.) Kalamazoo, MI.
Pachomius (ca. AD 292-346) is considered the founder of 'coenobitic' (from Gr.
koinos + bios, "life in community") monasticism, in contrast to the 'anchorite'
(from Gr. anachorein, "withdraw") variety otherwise common in Late Antique
Egypt (cf. 307). He was bom of pagan parents, converted to Christianity at the
1087
age of twenty, and in ca. 323 started the first coenobitic monastery, his Koinonia
or "Community", at Tabennesi close to Dendera in the Thebaid in Upper Egypt.
His ambition to have the monastery function as a true community is reflected
in the Pachomian Rule, first drafted in Cop tic but soon translated into Greek
and then, ca. 404, into Latin. Through it, his ideal of organization and of
monastic virtues such as poverty and obedience came to influence monasti-
cism in the West as well.
Around the charismatic figure of Pachomius there grew up a whole bio-
graphical literature, first no doubt oral and in Coptic, the language he and his
community spoke. The only extant complete biography in Coptic is late, how-
ever, and composed in the Bohairic dialect; of earlier lives in Sahidic only
fragments survive. Thus, the closest we come to a full original Life of Pa-
chomius is the so-called Vita Prima Graeca, the "First Greek Life", perhaps writ-
ten as early as 390. This Life is supplemented by a looser collection of stories in
Greek about Pachomius, conventionally called the Paralipomena, "The Left-
Over", which may also date from the end of the fourth century. From both the
Vita Prima Graeca and the Paralipomena we bring extracts eif what seems basi-
cally to be the same story. From the latter source, which tells its story more in
detail (ch. 8-11), we have selected only the part which describes the monk's en-
counter with the Blemmyes (ch. 9). A date for the episode occurs in ch. 8: "the
blessed and Christ-bearing Constantine was emperor at the time"; Constantine I
died in AD 337.
The Vita Prima Graeca is called the "first" to distinguish it from a number
of later Greek lives which conflate the Vita Prima with the Paralipomena and
with other legendary material about Pachomius and his disciples (cf. B. Pearson
in Athanassakis 1975, vii). There are also versions in Latin, Syriac, and Arabic.
The question of priority among the various sources for Pachomius' life has
been much debated; in view of the many lost texts and the early conflation of
the branches of tradition, priority can probably only be judged from case to case
(cf. footnote to the translation below).
Our text is based on the critical edition by Halkin (1932).676The Vita Prima
Graeca is also reproduced, with an English translation, in Athanassakis (1975).
There is another English translation of it by Veilleux (1980), who also translates
the Bohairic Life and the principal Sahidic fragments; other relev ant texts,
among them the Paralipomena, are translated by Veilleux (1981).
Pachomius' achievement is placed in its historical context by Rousseau
(1985).
676A stylistically improved Greek text of the Vita Prima Graeca and the Paralipomena is pre-
served in an Athens manuscript published by Halkin (1982); the edition also contains a French
translation of the Paralipomena by A.-J. Festugière (our episode pp. 136-138). In the passages
translated here, there are no material differences between the versions.
1088
TheSources
Text
Vita Prima Graeca [85] Kcå yeve-c6 rcoTE"CciiV PapPåpow IcoXci.tOU\PTCON/, Ei)péOri
govax6; Tuiv OckkaxoU 121»taXerciaOn . Kai Ttvc; ce6Tctiv 1.1XXov-cc;
(payelv ?k,e-youcrtval')ToT,)•"Eyctpc, intrjpeTriaov uçKoci. OIVOV 67t660V
rtp6iTov Tol; Ocoi; irpstv rcicogcv." Kcå gri OeXijcravTo; aircoi«), ijyytcrav ToU
6410Cal. aircöv. Koci.6o1311Oci; crICEICYCNi. iccit geTdc Tarka ex6uyd)v airroU;
111.XOEVdç tfly oviv npå; airr6v TOv år3I3div IlaxoUgtov Koci, OcrcayyeXXer
cci)T6).Kcit OSuvriOci; åxolicov EbrEV airr6.);•
— HvéxOn aot 6 cycecpavo; Ka o 2.,043E;airCOV. Alå 'Ci Ol)K a7LE9UVE
avpeioç 7cep Ov6gaTo; ToU 1')icep ku5v 6icoOav6v-co;;
011; cy66Spa. 'AXX' ïva gri TeXcov å6EX1ciarl; 6ca1rcoii — 6 yåp KUpto;
PoUXerrat TTIVgeTåvotav rjgc5v T6v OcivaTov — névOrgrov Ocrov SUvri,
1.16V0VTCVEligatl. CYDVTETptilgw.9xeci. TocircivcS, dalå ia cyc6gaTo; 7c6v,
Oruu; TO yeypaggévov Kc.eiist (30ii 1rXripa)015. Tisly TarceivcocTiv gou Kai
T6v x6nov gou, Kal a(I)E; rråcra; tàç ågapTia; gou.—
Kcå Ol)T0); OLVEXOSpricysv Tij xaipm.
Paralipomena [9] 'Eyvc-co è geTå SUo eTri OcrcocrTaXtjvaiTtva; -c6iv åScX,(1)6iv

dcrrO ToU geycaou el; åvorcepav airc63v xcipriv Oplia cruk24ca ei; X6yov
tirlaOiow Trj; govij;. kirc11 Se i KOS1111 1cp6cricct-cat -coi; papPåpot; Toi;
Xeyogvot; BXégguc;. Koci Ovuov nIceiCSE t65V aSEX(1)6wrccp't vricr6v ilVa
EV IT1 icoXkå OpUa incijpxcv, EbrE6TEIXEVicp6; aUroi); 6 galccipto; TOv
ciSEX.66v -cOv ittOugutiv-ca gapTypcn, Sarcåva; Okiya; årceveyKeiN Toi;
åSeXcpoi;, icapayycaa; cdruS dtcr6akiaacrOat kauTOv )coci Eircd)v T6 yeypag-
gévov 81' aiviwaTo; Ort. vi5v xatp6; EUTCp668EKTO, Vi3V ijipa
CYwtripia. griSegiav Cv giSev't StS6vic; irpocrIconrIv, ìva grj gcogiOrj
Statcovia."
'0 Se Xafkbv T6v Ovov yeyogcogevov Sairavv, rcp6; toiç irop-
EI)ETO.FEVOIIEVOU Se airoi5 7ZEp‘l.
TI)V Epruiov, icaTeXO6vTc; oi PåpPapot TC't
TO '68pe15csaaOat årcavuScrtv ocirrcS•Kai a'rcvyav'rç aircOv dur6 Toi3
Ovou, .Srlcrav Ta; Xeipa aircoir Kat XaI36vTc; TOv Ovov geTå TO5V6KE1)05V,
åvijvcrcav ocirr6v ei; TO Opo; icp6; Toi); daXou; f3ap3cipou;. 186vTc;
[3413apot px61.tcvov ccircOv geTå -coi) Ovou, iipavTo x?k,euåctv airr6v Xey-
ovTe;. "Movcov, XOè xcå 7tp06K15V1160V OE0i; E6adcvrcov Se
aUTS3v Ça, crirovSå enoirgyav Toi; eiSclikot; airc6iv. åyay6v-ce; T6v
govax6v, 1jvåyx4ov CeirC6Veuvanciaat ai)Tok Mri pouXogvou Se aircoU
TO'GTO notijaat, gcTå Ougoi) npocnikOav ocUTcSKaTexpvTc; yugvå Tå
ce6-cci3vKai anELX015VTE;(1);, Ei 13013X01.:TO 0156at 'Cai; Oe6i; aircciiv Kai
anciaat aircoi; oicovSå; ci)Oi); dcyckciv airc6v. D Se iScbv yugvå Tå
CCUTO5V Kai rcToriOci; aircciiv T6 åyptov, cUOU; kal3d)v T6v oivov CY'ICEICYCV
ci8c6Xot; cdruSv xcit .z1)ayev airrdiV EK TO3VicpcSiv 'Cci3VEi8c0X0-
015TCOV.
1089
Kai (1)o3rilki; TOv oïiS.ta'coç Ocivatov, ducKTEIVEV dcOdwatov

Nruxr'iv,-côv SeanOTTivduccIcv
tcov OcOv åpviadt.j.trvoç. 1-101.1160(V'CO; 45 OdYE013
TO'Gro, dercXyacv atirOv oi B24j.tue;.
Translation
Vita Prima Graeca [85] It once happened when the barbarians were waging war
that a monk from another place677was found and taken prisoner. When some
of them were about to eat, they told him: "Get up and serve us; and first pour a
libation of wine to the gods before we drink!" As he refused, they were on the
point of killing him, so he took fright and poured the libation. Afterwards he
managed to escape from them678 and came to the monastery, to Abba Pacho-
mius himself, and told him his story. He was distressed by what he heard and
said to him:
"The crown (of martydom) was brought to you and you did not take it. Why
didn't you die bravely for the name of him who died for us? Still, you have
been greatly punished. But that you may not completely loose hope for your-
self—for the Lord wishes our repentance rather than our death679—mourn as
much as you can, not only with a shattered and humble heart,680 but also
through physical labour, so that what is written be also fulfilled for you: 'See
my humbleness and toil, and forgive all my sins!'681"
So he withdrew rejoicing in the hope.
Paralipomena [9] Two years later682some of the brothers were sent by the Great
[Pachomius] to a village upstream to collect rushes for the monastery's mats.
677 That is, not from Pachomius' monastery at Tabennesi.

678 This first part of the story is told with more detail and coherencein Fragment 7 of "The Tenth
Sahidic Life of Pachomius": "While the barbarians were victorious they found a monk living as
an anchorite some place and they took him captive. One day, when they came and wanted to
drink wine, they said to him, 'Gird yourself and pour [wine] for us.' And when he began to pour
them a drink, they told him, 'Make a libation before you give us a drink.' But he would not.
When they saw he was not obeying them, they took a spear, saying to him, 'Pour out [a libation],
or we will kill you.' Being afraid they would kill him, he poured out. Then he gave them a drink
until they were drunk and slept; and the monk fled." (trans. Veilleux 1980, 456.) The fragment
goes on to recount how the monk in his distress remembers having heard of "a man of God, father
of the Koinoniaof Tabennesi, called Pachomius" whose guidance he now goes to seek. This Coptic
version of the story obviously represents an earlier state of the tradition than the Vita Prima
Graeca, since it explains details which lack a context in the shortened Greek version (e.g., "from
another place", and, at the end, "departed": he went back to his anchorite existence). The
episode does not occur in the Bohairic Life. On an Arabic version, see the historical Comments be-
low.
679 Reference to Ezekiel 18:23 and 33:11 in the Septuagint version.
680 Allusion to Psalms 51:17 (= Septuagint 50:19).
681 Quotation of Psalms 25:18 (= Septuagint 24:18).
682 In the preceding chapter it was related how a man who had practised ascesisby himself came
to Pachomius' monastery, was received among the brothers, and then kept asking Pachomius to
pray for him that he should become a martyr until Pachomius finally gave in and promised to do
1090
The Sources
This village is situated close to the barbarians who are called Blemmyes. When
the brothers were still there at an island where there were many rushes, the
Blessed [Pachomiusl sent to them the brother who desired to become a martyr,
in order to bring the brothers some provisions. He told him to take care artd
enigmatically added the passage from the Scripture: "Behold, now is the accept-
able time, now is the day of salvation. We put no obstacle in any one's way, so
that no fault may be found with our ministry" (2 Corinthians 6:2-3).
With his donkey loaded with provisions he was making his way to the
brothers. When he had come close to the desert, the barbarians who had gone
down to fetch water happened upon him. They dragged him off the donkey
and bound his hands; and along with the donkey and provisions they brought
him up to the mountain683 to the other barbarians. When the barbarians saw
him coming with his donkey, they started to mock him: "Monk, come and
make obeisance to our gods!" After slaughtering some animals they poured li-
bations to their ictols. They brought the monk and tried to force him to pour li-
bations with them. As he refused to do so, they approached him angrily with
bared swords, threatening to kill him at once if he refused to sacrifice to their
gods and pour libations to them. Seeing their bared swords and fearing their
savageness, he took the wine at once, poured a libation to their idols and ate
with them the meat sacrificed to the idols.
Fearing the death of the body he killed his immortal soul, denying God the
master of all. When he had done so, the Blemmyes released him.
[TH]
Comments
The story narrated in the Greek Life of ca. AD 390 refers to events occurring be-
fore Pachomius' death in AD 346. Another, longer, variant of the same story, in
which a monk is captured by barbarians and forced to sacrifice to their idols, is
to be found in the Arabic Life of Pachomius (Amaneau 1889, 436 ff.). The two
versions closely correspond in the order of events in the narrative and both are
uninformative as to the geographical setting and the identity of the barbarians.
While it cannot be entirely excluded that they were Meroites from Lower Nu-
bia, it seems most likely that they were Blemmyes who, on their return from
Upper Egypt after a successful raid, captured a monk who was apparently living
as a hermit (cf. Updegraff 1978, 97) and took him to the Eastern Desert from
which he later escaped.
A similar incident (which Updegraff 1978, 97 f. regards as another version of
the same story), dated to the reign of Constantine, is told in the Paralipornena;
an extract from it is translated above (cf. Revillout 1874, 20 ff.). There a monk
so. The whole episode has the title "The brother who wanted to become a martyr" in some
manuscripts.
683 0ros, "mountain", in these texts from Egypt refers to the desert inland or "high desert", in con-
trast to the Nile valley.
1091
who already lives in Pachomius' monastery is captured by barbarians, now

specified as Blemmyes, who come to the river for water, and is taken by them
into the high desert to other Blemmyes. Encounters of Pachomian monks with
barbarians are also mentioned in later Coptic legends (cf. Crum 1932). As is per-
haps already the case for the early variants appearing in the Lives of Pacho-
mius, they are parts of discourses on religious ethics and are relevant as histori-
cal evidence only in a most general way.
[L11
297 Musawwarat es Sufra, Great Enclosure. Latin graffito. 3rd or 4th cent. AD.
CIL III, 83. Hintze 1964,Pl. LVI, fig. 1.
Source bibliography
Cailliaud 1826-1827 F. Cailliaud: Voyage å Meroe, au fleuve Blanc au delå
de Fazogl, dans le midi du royaume de Sennar, å
Syouah et dans cinq autres oasis fait dans les annees
1819,1820, 1821,1822,et 1826.Vols. 1-4. Paris.
Hintze 1964 F. Hintze: The Latin Inscription from Musawwarat es
Sufra. Kush 12, 296-298.
LD C.R. Lepsius: Denkmaeler aus Aegypten und
Aethiopien Berlin 1849-1858;Ergånzungsband
Leipzig 1913.
Shinnie 1961 P.L. Shinnie: A Late Latin Inscription. Kush 9, 284-286.
Török 1986 L. Török: Der meroitische Staat 1. Untersuchungen
und Urkunden zur Geschichte des Sudan im
Altertum. Meroitica 9. Berlin.
This inscription was first copied by Linant de Bellefonds in February 1822
(Shinnie 1961, Pl. XXXV),and in the same year it was also copied by Cailliaud,
who soon after published his reading (1826-1827III, 375). According to him it
was incised on a block of one of the ramps "dans la partie posterieure du mon-
ument central" at Musawwarat es Sufra, i.e., in a now no longer identifiable
part of the Great Enclosure. The block was removed by the Lepsius expedition
and taken to Berlin where, according to Hintze,684 it was destroyed during the
Second World War. It was published by Lepsius (LD VI, Lat. 56), and on the ba-
sis of his publication the text was included in thé CIL (III, 83). A squeeze made
by Lepsius survived in the archives of the Berlin Wörterbuch and was repro-
duced by Hintze (1964, Pl. LVI), who also supplied a facsimile made on the basis
of the squeeze (Hintze 1964, fig. 1).
684 A1ready in 1890 it was no longer to be found, according to Decker (1911, 301 note 1).
1092
The Sources
297 is the southernmost Latin inscription ever found. Owing to the lack of
material for comparison, its dating is problematic, the more so since the in-
scription was probably made on the basis of a sketch, by a stonecutter (?) who
was obviously inexperienced with Latin letters. The reading of lines 4-6 is not
certain and the possibility of a different reading than MENSE in line 4 was sug-
gested by Tiirök (1986, 357). We give here the text as printed by Hintze (1964,
297).
[TE-LT]
Text
Bona fortuna. Dominae
reginae in multos an-
nos feliciter! venit
e urbe mense Apr.
5 die XV traces
-tus.
Translation
Good fortune! To [Our] Lady the Queen with wishes for success for many years
to come.685 [...]tus arrived from the city (5) on the 15th day of the month of
April.
[TE]
Comments
It is difficult to decide whether 297 should be analysed as a primary monument
of Latin epigraphy or should be regarded as a copy of what were meaningless
signs to a Meroitic stonecutter (?) or to a Meroite who was able to write
Meroitic but was versed in no other script. The rendering of some letters in the
text (A, M, N, S) tempts us to assume that the signs on the stone follow rather
faithfully the original sketch that had been provided on some other material.
These letters show late, i.e., 3rd or rather 4th cent. AD, features; and the
original sketch appears to have been written by a hand accustomed to cursive
writing.
Shinnie (1961, 286) regarded 297 as an example of the "ill-written inscrip-
tions in ungrammatical and scarcely understandable Latin known from
North Africa, where a considerable number are known of sixth-century date".
In North Africa Latin was a written language in the Roman provinces, and
there was a living tradition of the script in the early Christian centuries. In
Meroe, however, Latin was unknown. A Latin graffito at Musawwarat es Sufra
685The Latin text does not indicate the division of sentences. Our translation assumes (with
Hintze) that a new sentence begins after feliciter, the subject for "arrived" being in the illegible
part of line 5 (-tus might well belong to a person's name: Acutus? Hintze; Tacitus? Lepsius).
1093
could only have been composed by a foreign visitor, and it must also be noted
that the language of official documents in Roman Egypt was Greek and not
Latin, while of course Latin was the official language of the Roman army (for
the use of Latin in Egypt see the summary in Bagnall 1995, 17 f., 22). Moreover,
though terse, the text cannot fairly be said to violate the rules of Latin gram-
mar. So it would seem likely that 297 was written by somebody for whom Latin
was a spoken and written language and that the unusual appearance of the text
is due to the person who carved it on the wall and not to the original author.
In Hintze's view (1964, 298) the domina regina refers to a queen of Meroe.
The Greek equivalent Kupic 3a ktaaa, that occurs in Greek proskynema in-
scriptions in the Dodecaschoenus (cf. FHN II, 168) and is quoted by Hintze
refers, however, to the goddess Isis (whence the suggested interpretation of the
text as a votive dedicated to Isis in Török 1986a, 357). If our assessment is cor-
rect, it would have been expected that the inscription was dated in a correct
style and signed by its author. However, part of the dating, a regnal year, seems
to be lost in line 5; and the remaining MENSE APR DIE XV seems unusual.
The name of the author is illegible except for the last letters (...)TVS (?) in line
6. It has been suggested (Török 1986a, 357) that the squeeze (Hintze 1964, Pl.
LVI) also permits an alternative reading of the beginning of line 4, E VRBE
MEROE. The reading E VRBE.MENSE is, however, more likely.
[1_,T]
298 Aksum. Greek inscription of Ezana. Mid 4th cent. AD.

-
SEG XXXII1601.B-D-S270bis.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1982 E. Bernand: Nouvelles versions de la campagne du roi
Ezana contre les Bedja. ZPE 45, 105-114+ Pl. 3.
Schneider 1991 inscriptions de l'Ethiopie des pffiodes pr&axoumite
et axoumite. Vol. 1-2. Paris 1991. [= B D S.]
- -
Bingen 1982 J. Bingen: Notes dpigraphie grecque. IV. CdE 57, 350-
354.
This monumental inscription was carved on one side of a large stela discov-
ered at the site called Geza Agumai north of the ancient town of Aksum in
Ethiopia (see further Comments below). The Greek text was first published by
E. Bernand (1982, with photo). Our text is based on that of E. Bernand in
Bernand-Drewes-Schneider (1991, 368-370, with Pl. 180), to whom we refer for
bibliography and critical apparatus.
1094
The Sources
This new text is better preserved than the Greek version known earlier
(OGIS I 200, SB V 8546, B-D-S 270; English translation in Munro-Hay 1991, 224
f.); it differs slightly in wording or sequence at some places and is sometimes
more elaborate, especially in the dedication section (lines 26-37).
All the numbers were inscribed afterwards in spaces reserved for them by
the original stone-cutter. Some of the signs used for numbers are peculiar in
form; their reproduction in the text below (as in other printed editions) is only
roughly approximate and, in a few cases, presupposes an interpretation (on the
numbers, see E. Bernand 1982, 109-111).
Text
'Actav6c; 13aatX£i); 'AC01.11T6w Kat '0wripur6w
'PactSdiv AiBtOircov 1::43aElTdiv
ico6, Ttcq.td cx BOUyaElTv K(asl)
KOcaou, f3cLrn?ç PacsiXécov, ôç Ocoii ckVlKTj-
5 tou "Apeo);, detaleT116åVTCON/Katà Koctp6v Toi3
OvoDçTCtiv Bovyaeurcb^v dmEatiXocRev Toi)
dc8EX6o.i) 1,ocav6v ic(oit) T6v 'ASIO6tv
TO1STO1JgICOX41116al napaSE&OKOTOW fri)—
Tdiv imoTdcavTE; airco.i); liyayov irpôç illtdc
10 getå KU. tO OXX.all airrciiv ökall KCXtTciiv OpegtOc—
Tow, f3o63v xcå irpoPOurow ,ccricS' Kat WO—
To(1)6pwv xor, OpévocvtE; ocirroi); 136Ecsiv TE
Kasl ETClalTlag63, Civve6v(Tig), O'lv(Q)) TE Ic(aX) -68pogéXvu,
K(al) .68pei)p.amv iç xopTaaiav pijvoc.
15 tc5csocpa; dittvat 'ijaccv TOv åptelgOv ,SuK'
avv6WED6f..1EvM KaO' KdcYt1v kiépav 6crytou
aurivo.K p.u(plOciSa) [3' åxpEt; ot6toi); tEtOKjGcO.tEV
to1'rouç 011YV EvEXOEvTag icpôç kt6kg, ScDpiad—
gEV01. al')TOtig ruivta TOc brizrj8fta ico6, dcgOlOcaav-
20 TEg, RETOIKiCaVIEg al5101); KaTECYTijaagEV 'ig T1—
va TO7Z0v Tfig ill..teTépoc xoSpag KaXoligevov
MaTkla Kasl EleakEl)GailEV oc.1)to.6; Ocvvco—
vEl)ECTOOUErit Tolg EKiCTETO/ZOlg, napacyx6gevol
EKciato? POU:SIXiCYKO) POag ,Spy'
25 0j; yivecsOco tol; ëco;:siv iKoç POot; gu(p16c3a;)
irrep Sè ci)xapuytia; gca yEN/V1i6avTog
(1\itlerjTou ''Apeco; dtve0ijKa1ev a-6T6); OwSpt—
Ocvta xpliamov va ic(c)6.) dcpy6patov va K(o6,) xakKocio•K
xa't dc,vé011ica Tijv CYTTjXv itotpE-
30 OE1.111val'm)\,/ T(0: oUpawi) iccit tij yfi Kat T6,5 gcn
yevvijcsavn Oevtlerjw 'Apécv Ei -n; oi3v toirtov
åSueficyca f3mAr101), .02,EOpe1a1.3 cdrc6v 6 Oe[O]
1095
Tois) 01)pavoi3 K(X'L'Cf1; yfi; èicpi.Ç6v Kcàp,T1 "l)7rdcp—

[x]T3 airroi3 45voga v yfi Vwccov. eiQapt(c5)—
35 'flaVtEÇ (iv£OTIKOCII£N, åy()(E)6.), •
EIA1); åvelkkagev 6è t()): OCV1Klite?
'Apéel ElDrATE tccit BEME.
Translation
Aeizanas, King of Aksumites and Himyarites and of Raeidan and Aithiopians
and Sabaites and of Silee and of Tiamo and Bougaites and of Kasu,686King of
Kings, son of the invincible god (5) Ares (Mahrem):
When the nation (ethnos) of the Bougaites (Beja) once revolted, we sent
our brothers Sazanan and Adiphan687 to make war on them. After they had
surrendered, they brought them under our dominion and led them to us (10)
with their whole population as well as their animals: 3,112 cattle, 6,224 sheep
and 677 pack animals, and gave them cattle and grain to eat, and wine and
honey-water, beer and wells (hydreuma)688 to satisfy their needs for four (15)
months. They were 4,420689in number and received per day 22,000 pieces of
bread made from grain, until we moved them to a new home.
Thus, after they had been brought to us and we had given them all they
needed and clothed them, (20) we moved them to a new home and settled
them in a place in our territory called Matlia; and we commanded that they
should be fed once more in those places, and gave to each of their chieftains
(basiliskos) 4,190 cattle, that is, (25) altogether 25,140 cattle to the six chieftains.
As a thank-offering to him who begat me, the invincible Ares, we set up for
him one statue of gold and one of silver and three of bronze and I set up this
stela and presented (30) it to heaven and earth and the invincible Ares who be-
gat me.
If anyone should wish to wrong him, may the god of heaven and earth de-
stroy him utterly and extirpate him, and may his name not exist on the earth of
the living. And thanking (him) (35) we set up (the stela). May it be for the best.
Immediately, however, we set up to the invincible Ares a (?) and a (?).690
[TH]
686 0ur translation tries to bring out the Greek text's variation between names with the definite
article (in genitive singular) and those lacking an article by adding "of" before those of the for-
mer category.
687 We transcribe these names as they are written in the text; if Greek nominal inflection (in the
accusative case) is intended, the corresponding nominative forms would end in -as.
688 Perhaps the reference here is to hafirs (cf. (191), 198 Comments), i.e., artificial ponds or
lakes.
689 Reading ,Sylc' with Bingen (1982, 351 f.) instead of Bernand's Ic(ai.), "4,400 and".
690 At this place, the Greek redactor has simply transliterated the indigenous terms for what
was offered to Mahrem; the non-vocalized Ethiopic version of the same passage runs in French
translation: "Et nous avons offert å Mahrem un SWT et un BD13" (R. Schneider in E. Bernand 1982,
113), the nature of the two offerings thus specified being unknown.
1096
The Sources
Comments
The Greek text is written on one side of a monolithic granite stela measuring
268 x 92.5 cm; the inscription field measures 139 cm in height. The opposite
side bears two further inscriptions, one in Ge'ez written in South Arabian
script and one in non-vocalized Ethiopic. This latter text continues on one of
the short sides of the stela and ends below the Greek text on the opposite side.
The three inscriptions represent three renderings of the text inscribed on the
famous stela of Ezana known since the early 19th century (for literature see E.
Bernand et al. 1991, 363 f.) commemorating his campaign against the Beja; this
latter stela also presents the narrative of the campaign in three languages, viz.,
in Greek (E. Bernand et al. 1991, 363 ff. no. 270), in Sabaean and in Ge'ez
(Littmann 1913, nos 6 and 7; Littmann 1950, 97 ff.).
The reign of King Ezana of Aksum, dated around the middle of the 4th
cent. AD (for literature see Munro-Hay 1991, 75 ff.),691is richly documented by
inscriptions written in different languages, also including Greek, and
commemorating his military campaigns.
From the early period of his reign as a pagan "king of kings" and "son of the
invincible god Ares" are preserved the above-mentioned triumphal stela and
the inscription presented here. In these texts we read the record of a campaign
against the Bougaites whom we may identify as Beja tribes (the Greek text in
both stelae uses Ovo'K T6A,BolYy0CE1T6W, "nation of the B.") already previously
settled in Aksumite territory or living in a territory conquered by Aksum (as is
indicated by Ezana's title "King of the Bougaites"), and governed by native
chiefs (the Greek texts have basiliskoi, "chieftains", lit. "kinglets"). As a conse-
quence of their rebellious habits, they are punished and resettled by force in an-
other territory in the kingdom of Aksum that we cannot identify. Though the
scene of the events defies identification, it may well be supposed that the Beja
vassals of Ezana, like the Beja mentioned in Adulitana II (= 234), a triumphal
inscription of one of Ezana's predecessors, were originally inhabitants of the re-
gion of the Red Sea Hills, the large area bordered by the Red Sea and the king-
doms of Meroe and Aksum (for the background of the Aksumite-Beja conflicts
and interactions see Comments on 234).
In 298 as well as in the other versions of the same report mentioned above
(Littmann 1913, nos 4-7) Ezana styled himself, among his other titles, "King of
Kasu", by which title his claim to Kush, i.e., the kingdom of Meroe, is stated.692
The claim was doubtless based on earlier successful Aksumite campaign(s)
conducted in Meroitic territory; 285 and 286 attest that Meroe City had tem-
691 There is no need to discuss here the erroneous dating and the assumed existence of two rulers
with the name Ezana suggested by Altheim and Stiehl (1961; 1976).
692 The title "King of Aithiopians" is inserted between "King of Raeidan" and "King of Saba"
and is rendered in the Semitic variants of the Greek text as "King of Habashat", a term origi-
nally denoting the population of the eastern Tigray, cf. Munro-Hay 1991, 15, 36, 41; it does not re-
fer to Meroe.
1097
porarily (cf. Hintze 1967 and Comments on the mentioned documents), but
perhaps repeatedly, been occupied by a pagan Aksumite ruler.
In Ezana's well-known inscription in vocalised Ge'ez (Littmann 1913, no.
11; cf. Littmann 1950; Kirwan 1960; Hintze 1967; Kirwan 1972b; Török 1988b, 33
ff.) the king has the same title; the monotheistic formulas used in its text indi-
cate, however, that it should be dated to a later period in his reign.693In this in-
scription Ezana records a campaign against the Noba people. His army pursued
the Noba, who were his vassals but had revolted against him, from the junc-
tion of the rivers Takkaze and Atbara through the Butana (the "island of
Meroe" of classical texts) as far as the Gezira between the White and Blue Niles,
where their settlements were destroyed. Ezana's army then moved northwards
and fought the "Kasu", i.e., Meroites, and defeated them at the junction of the
Nile and the Atbara. Subsequerttly, an expedition was sent against the Meroitic
"towns of masonry" Alwa and Daro, which are identified with two settlements
close to the junction of these two rivers, viz., El Mogren (Juba: Alabe; Ptolemy:
Orba) and Shadinab (Darru) (Juba: Andaro), respectively (see 186a, 222). The
next action was directed against settlements the Noba took from the Meroites
north of the Nile-Atbara junction. An Old Abyssinian graffito on the exterior
wall of Temple T at Kawa (Macadam 1955, 235) as well as Old Abyssinian or
Sabaean (?) graffiti on a block of pyramid Beg. N. 2 (LD VI, 13/1) and on a block
from chapel M 292 at Meroe City (Török 1997, 151 find 292-3, PI. 114) may be
brought into connection with the events of the campaign.
As Hintze (1967) argued, this monument indicates the existence of a
Meroitic kingdom, albeit one reduced in extent and power as a consequence of
the expansion and conquests of the Noba, who are traditionally regarded as re-
sponsible for the end of the Meroitic kingdom which is supposed to have oc-
curred shortly after Ezana's campaign.694 According to Burstein (1984, 221) the
joint action against the Noba and the Meroites would indicate that the last
rulers of Meroe were Aksumite vassals who tried to exploit the opportunity
presented by the war between the Noba and Ezana to "escape their vassal sta-
tus"
The Noba of the Ezana inscription were largely identical with the Nubai of
the Greek sources (cf. FHN II 109), a people belonging to the large family of the
Nubian-speakers a branch of which, already by the New Kingdom, lived in the
Nubian Nile Valley (cf. Priese 1973) and to which the bulk of the population
settled from the late 3rd cent. BC onwards in the Lower Nubian Nile Valley
seems to have belonged (cf. Adams 1976, 11-25, 119 ff.; and see FHN II, 108,
(129), (131), 135, 140, 155). Nubai are recorded living west of the Nile from the
693 According to Dinkler (1977, 124), the formulas reflect knowledge of Old Testament terminol-
ogy but do not directly indicate Christian Monotheism or Monophysitism.
694 Cf. Kirwan 1939, 41 ff.; Hintze 1967; for a review of the literature see Török 1988a, 33 ff., 196
ff.; 1996; for a dating on the basis of archaeological finds to around AD 360 see Török 1974; 1988b,
120 f.
1098
The Sources
latitude of Meroe City to the Bayuda, i.e., the region north of the Nile-Atbara
junction, in the 3rd cent. BC (FHN II, 109). They are mentioned again by Pliny
(Natural History 6.192) and later by Ptolemy (4.5.6) as inhabitants of the same
region. Meroite-Noba conflicts seem to be hinted at by late lst cent. BC and lst
cent. AD Meroitic representations of enemies (Török 1989a, 192 ff., figs 300-312),
which also seem to indicate that Noba groups had started to leave their original
homeland and move towards Meroitic territories. At the date of Ezana's cam-
paign in the mid-4th cent. AD, we already find them in possession of settle-
ments in the Butana and north of the Nile-Atbara junction which they had
taken from the Meroites. The causes of their migration remain unknown, as
are those of the great migrations of this period towards and across the frontiers
of the Roman Empire (cf. Cameron 1993a, 140 ff.).
The latest non-royal burials in the cemeteries at Meroe City, dating from the
4th cent. AD, were identified, by their non-Meroitic type burial customs and
material culture, as documents of the Noba occupation that marked the end of
the Meroitic kingdom (cf. Kirwan 1939, 41 ff.). The latest habitation horizon at
Meroe City with its rural-type dwellings, the abandonment of the temples and
squatter occupation within their walls, burials in abandoned palatial buildings,
the disappearance of Meroitic industries and the emergence of hand-made pot-
tery wares (Tiin5k 1997, 38 ff.) reflect the collapse of Meroitic urban life with its
government, social structure, and other institutions; and, at the same time, the
spread of a new culture can be observed, the bearers of which seem, however,
to some extent also to have been Meroiticized. Hence, it was supposed that the
collapse of the Meroitic kingdom was, at least partly, brought about not only by
Noba and Aksumite aggression but also by a political and cultural imbalance
caused by the increasing presence of superficially acculturated or unaccultur-
ated Noba in Meroe. Initially these may even have been encouraged to settle as
vassals or federates on Meroitic territory. For such a pattern we can find suffi-
cient parallels from the Roman Empire and elsewhere. 298 presents an excel-
lent Aksumite example of settled and resettled vassal tribes.695
It is apparently from a still later period of Ezana's reign that the inscription
presented here as 299 (see below) has been preserved. While in 298 Ezana erects
statues of Ares to the glory of the war god after his victory, and in Littmann
1913, no. 10, also records the triumphal sacrifice of 100 oxen and 50 prisoners, in
the monument inscribed after the Noba campaign (Littmann 1913, no. 11) the
captured idols of the enemy are destroyed and triumphal thrones erected with-
out being associated with Ares or, for that matter, with the monotheistic god
repeatedly invoked in the text. 299 is, by contrast, explicitly Christian and Trini-
tarian. As Dinkler (1977, 124 f.) pointed out, this text reflects a high level of
695For the problem of the end of Meroe see the review of recent literature presented in Török 1996;
for investigations based on more recent archaeological discoveries that apparently indicate a
more organic continuity between Meroitic and post-Meroitic society than argued for by Török
1988b ancl 1996 see Lenoble 1989; 1994; Edwards 1989.
1099
knowledge about Christian teaching of which no traces could be found in the

monumental Ge'ez inscription Littmann 1913, no. 11. Consequently, Dinkler
denies that 299 is a variant of the latter and suggests instead that it records an-
other, later, campaign against the Noba who were living in the Butana region
and still harassing other peoples there, including the (remaining) Meroites.
Since the Greek text 299 presents only the introductory sectiorts of a longer tri-
umphal inscription,696 Dinkler's suggestion must remain hypothetical, how-
ever likely it may be in the light of 299's considerable ideological and stylistic
differences from Littmann 1913, no. 11. If, however, it is correct, 299 provides
good evidence for the existence of a Meroitic political unit surviving in the
shadow of Noba threats and at the mercy of Aksum in the period after Ezana's
conversion.
[LT]
299 Aksum. Christian Greek inscription of Ezana.Mid 4th cent. AD. -
SEG XXVI1813. B-D-S271.
Source bibliography
Altheim-Stiehl 1976 F. Altheim-R. Stiehl: Die neue griechische Inschrift
Ezans von Akstim. Klio 58, 471-479.
Anfray-Caquot- F. Anfray-A. Caquot-P. Nautin: Une nouvelle
Nautin 1970 inscription grecque d'Ezana, roi d'Axoum. Journal des
Savants, 260-274.
Schneider 1991 inscriptions de l'Ethiopie des p&iodes pr&axoumite
This inscription was carved on one side of a large stela discovered in 1969 in
the centre of ancient Aksum (for details, see Comments below). The text ends
in the middle of the narrative, so presumably its continuation was carved on
another stone which has not been found. The letters are distinctly carved and
easy to read, except in places where the stone has suffered subsequent damage.
The Greek text was first published by A. Caquot et P. Nautin in Anfray-
Caquot-Nautin (1970, with photo). Our text is based on that of E. Bernand in
Bernand-Drewes-Schneider (1991, 370-372, with Pl. 181), to whom we refer for
696 It remains obscure what the actual relationship was between 299 and the badly damaged
Ge'ez inscription on the other side of the stela Bernand et al. 1991, 268 ff. no. 190), which is
assumed to be the middle and final (?) sections of a text, the missing beginning of which would
have been a variant of 299.
1100
The Sources
bibliography and critical apparatus. There is an English translation in Munro-

Hay (1991, 229).
Text
'Ev Tij rdalet toi e[Eoii xast T]ij Suyagt Tot-) [Ha]-
icpèç ica't ToOKai rAlyi[o]u [II]v?littaTo; T[]
[a]WaavTi got paCY[iX]lov "tfl 7Ciatt 'T0.0 rt[oi]
aUTot3 'Incsot5 XptaTaii, TW. lionanaavTi 1.10[1.]
5 "r(i) tcast. noivioTai got porleoi3vu ych
'Aayå; pccatx,E 'ACOlitT(.5v Kat '01.111p1.-
['Cv K]ast 'PEEtödiv iccit al3OGEIT6IVKast
t0.(). [1..X]ef]2, Ka't Toi) XaCY(.0Kast BOVyaELT6w
[K]a't Ttc4t6i, Btat ty`tO 'EXXE-
10 XptaTai"), E.UxaptaTc5 Kupiw
[IDEW] gou xa't 01') 8.tivagat ditiv 7rXipTi;
Tå; El'?[X]qplatia; aUToi"), 6T1 at') &UvaTat
TO aTO[g]a gou Ka i tavota gou 7LaCra;
tå; E1)xaptatia; Oicsitep EnoinaEv gET'
15 1.106, ött 1T[oi]naev Egoi tAl ötivai.av
Ka't Xapics[a]p5 got O[v]oga pkya Stå r`toi)
[a]tiToii dç Ov En[i]aTEuaa hcart Eiroinav gat 8-
[S]tryOv itdi1ç tij; arnÄ.iaç gou Sta tiv 7Ci-
6T[t]v toi3 Xpl6Tati "C[] OEXtjgatt [CCU]T0ii Kat
20 61Wallt Xplatoi), Ou O8nynaév
gat Ka siç a[i)ITON/ ItICYTEISCO Kat a.UTO; .-yE-
vET6 got OIStyy6. 'ETPL,Oa troXEgnaca
'roaç Nwl3a, OTI tcaTxpaav icaT' aiuiv
oi MavyapOw Ka't Xaaa Ka't 'ATtaStlat
25 Kai. BapEcoTat ?k,éyovTE ått Ka'CETrOvii-
aocv ngâ; oi Ncol3a, PorffinaaTE kftv, OTt -
0X:rtwav Tjg.å; alrOKtv0vTE;. Kast devE.aTri[v]
Ttj Suvaut ecot5 XptCYT0ii, Ei; Ov iti—
xast OiSnynav ge. Kai. dtvaTriv å.-
30 1.tO gtv't icaTå 'Awt.turå Maya-
I3t0E i ngépqc Gai43aTO) Itiatt toi3 0E0i3 Kat
40a.csa dç MagPapuzy Kai .1c1.0Ev cs.tTapxnaci-
{1-tilv—1697
697Previous editors: tcpxcTa. We suggest a middle form instead (the last three letters of
which would have been inscribed on the slab where the text continued).
1101
Translation
By faith in G[od and by t]he power of the [Fa]ther and the Son and the Holy
Ghost, to him who has saved my kin[gcl]om through faith in his Son Jesus
Christ, to him698 who helped me (5) and who always helps me: I, Azanas,699
King of Aksumites and 1-.1 imyari[tes ajnd of Reeidan and Sabaeans and of
S[il]ee1700and of Khaso and Bougaites (Beja) and of Tiamo, man of Halen (Bisi
Alene),701 son of Elle-(10)Amida and servant of Christ, thank the Lord my God,
and I cannot fully express my thankfulness to him, because my mouth and my
mind cannot (express) my thankfulness (for what) he made with (15) me,702 be-
cause he gave me strength and power and bestowed on me a great name
through his Son in whom I have placed my faith, and made me the guide
(hodegos) of my whole kingdom through faith in Christ, by his will and (20) by
the power of Christ, because he guided me and I have faith in him and he him-
self became my guide.
I went forth to war on the Noba, because the Mangartho (mangurto) and
Khasa (hasff) and Atiadites (25) and Bareotes (bffryff) cried out against them say-
ing: "The Noba have subdued us, come and help us, because they have op-
pressed and killed us." I stood up with the power of Christ the God, in whom I
have placed my faith, and he guided me. I stood up (30) from Aksum the 8th
day in the Aksumite month of Magabithe (magffbit), a Saturday, with faith in
God, and I arrived in Mambaria and from that place I procured food supplies
... 703
[TH]
698 The use of the dative case in the Greek in lines 4-5 ('cci [3org0ijc(avti etc.) may be explained as
the indirect object of an implied "I thank"; but when the verb ci)xapia-r6.) finally appears in line
10, it is followed by an indirect object of its own (Kup(4) etc.), creating an anacoluthic sentence
structure. An alternative would be to divide the beginning into three separate statements: (1) "By
faith in" etc., (2) "To him who" etc., and (3) "I, Azanas, thank" etc.
699 We transcribe the name as it is—or seems to be—written in the Greek text.
700 0r: S[al]eel (Anfray-Caquot-Nautin 1970, 267). Altheim-Stiehl (1976, 477) read
Sfilleen.
701 Greek transcription of the Ethiopian title be'esya ia1en, indicating what tribe the king be-
longed to (Anfray-Caquot-Nautin 1970, 267).
702 If the word siQuptazia in line 14 means "thankfulness", as it does in line 12 and, e.g., 234 ch.
63, something like "(for what)" must be supplied to make sense of the following relative clause.
But the precise meaning of that relative clause is also a problem; is "for what he accomplished
through me" intended? An alternative interpretation would be to treat ei)xaptcrtia as a concrete
noun: "acts of grace which he did to (?) me"? Cf. Anfray-Caquot-Nautin (1970, 268) and Altheim-
Stiehl (1976, 477 f.).
703 It is unclear what kind of activity (;yttdcpx.ricsa,
as read by previous editors, would refer; were
provisions exacted (from the Noba) or distributed (to the oppressed nations)? Anfray-Caquot-
Nautin (1970, 266) translate: "je me suis (and are criticized by Altheim-Stiehl 1976,
479, who maintain that the verb can only mean "to pay an army"). We prefer
and suggest the translation "procured food supplies". But it should be remembered that the in-
scription ends abruptly here; the part of the context inscribed on another slab may have made the
reference quite clear.
1102
The Sources
Comments
The Greek inscription presented here occupies the larger part of one side of a
limestone stela measuring 163 cm x 60.5 cm x 11.5 cm, the other side of which is
entirely filled with the 48 lines of a badly damaged text in Ge'ez of which the be-
ginning appears to be missing (E. Bernand et al. 1991, 268 ff. no. 190). The rela-
tionship between the two texts is obscure and Schneider's assuriiption
(Schneider 1974; 1976) that the Ge'ez text continues the Greek text and that the
two constitute together a variant of Ezana's record (Littmann 1913, no. 11) about
the campaign against the Noba cannot be substantiated (see Comrnents on 298).
For the historical context see Comments on 298.
[Lin
300 Kalabsha. Meroitic inscription of Kharamadoye. 5th cent. AD.

Griffith 1912, Pls XIII-XVI.REM 0094.
With its thirty-four almost completely preserved lines this is one of the longest
yet known Meroitic inscriptions. It was written in a cursive script which Grif-
fith (1912, 27) judged to be "very late". It was incised on the fgade of the Hypo-
style Hall of the temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha (for the building see Com-
ments on 248) where it occupies the surface of two drums of the first column
from the N (for its place see PM VII, 13). It was first studied by Griffith (1912, 27
ff.) and, since it is referred to in most studies on Meroitic history, culture, and
language, we do not give a list of the literature dealing with it here. Millet
(1973) tried to present a comprehensive "translation" which is highly specula-
tive given the present state of our knowledge of the Meroitic language. Grif-
fith's reading, with improvements made by the editors of the REM, was pub-
lished in the Paris Repertoire. It is that edition which is followed here.
Text
(1)I-Irmdoye„ qore„
Aritefil„ mdese„
Mnitke
(2)mkleb„ yereqe„
qyithl [=qyise1131]„yesebohe„
qrleb„ tro(3)se„
Ariteri„ terekelise dblilh„ qrke„
qore„ Mnpte(4)se„ lw„ goreyi„
th„ Mnote„se„ lw„
qr„ Aritefilise*,*,(5)1w„qrfiyi„
sob„ hlbi„ lise„ lw„ sobiiyi„
th„ Mnotese lw„ (6)thiiyi„
Arette„ Wosse lw„ hirettefiyi„
1103
hrpbe mkdo(7)kelise 1w„ hrphtiyi„

terise„ Mnpte„ pdhose„ tlo(8)lise kidkete*1„
Yisemeniye„ qorelb„ yetolhe„ yiti 4 yoto„
(9)Ptpotekye„ able„ ywito„ sewide„
Aqtoye„ tepke„ yed„
mk*1„ te(10)pke„ yeyk„
wyed„ tepke„ pyk„
hiwr„ ado„ wse„ Phrse„ tdo(11)mfi„
asy„ ked*ebhe *py„
Qore*lik„ dik„ Pilqoyte bqo*k
(12)1ks„Sqye s„ Nsedoke s„ Temeyye s Nhbre s„ bqo bb
(13)Simlok„ dik„ Pilqoyte„ bqol„
pro„ dole„ plw„ penn„ t(14)1te„br„ pbifil,, bhemi„ yedet„
byeke lh dik„ Kdimloye„ (15)*sq kdi„ *ptpot*o Yismeniye„ ysebe*t„ bersowi„
mte„ wse„ (16)Ayekenl„ ytp*oto„ yed„ ykle„
Arohetye„ nle„ dolk
(17)mtel„ pikede*lwi„ yed„
Ptpotekiye„ w*kdi*wikete
mte wse (18)qor*e„ Theriye„ t*k*lwi„ ysebete„ bereknwi„
h(19)rphe„ detelhe„ weti„ yed„
wo pike„ tilyeyki„
(20)brleb„ kedebb„
kdileb„ mrorleb„ ssleb„ kbb(21)te„
pdbose„ lbleb„ yehoyke„
yetete„ mror*b*e„ Qe(22)sw„ Adereke„ mtr„ wse„ hrw„ Pilqoke„ mtr„ wse„
(23)qore 8 hrese„ wteb„ ahi„ d*e*te„ *skle„
*de(24)te„ wedi„ dhe„
mte„ kdi„ Aqtoyese 2 wbqob(25)te„
wido„ Hrosiyeqo„ wido„ Yisehteteyeqo„ bqo(26)bh„
semle„ wsi„ tkbte„
ste„ wese [numeral ?]„ bqobte„
(27)Simlok dik„ Seleleyte„ mho„ temey„ Nsedoke (28)kdi *abr„ Nhbres„ kbh„
mholi„ temeyli„ dk„
(29)p*r*o„ dole„ plw„ penn„ tlte„ br„ phole„ bhemi,*, (30)yedet„
hrw„ Addonilikete yireqw„ *a(31)*r*w„ te*re*kete„
hrw„ Seleleke„ mtr„ wse y*ir*e(32)qw„ Ade*reke„ mtr„ wse„
qore„ ptside„ tmot„ (33)*m[...1*e*s„[...]plri
ptmkide„ tmot„ Aritele„ wo(34)*p*1*e„
Comments
Because of the late character of its lettering, Griffith (1912, 27) dated 300 to the
late Meroitic period and suggested that it was inscribed on the wall of the tem-
ple of Kalabsha after the Greek decree published here as FHN 248 but before the
1104
The Sources
Silko inscription (= 317). Kharamadoye was more precisely dated by Millet

(1973, 33, with reference to a similar dating communicated to him by K.-H.
Priese) on the basis of the references made in lines 8 and 15 to a Yismeniye,
who is termed qore, "ruler" in line 8. According to the suggestion put forward
by Millet and Priese, this Yismeniye would be identical with the King Isemne
of a Greek inscription at Kalabsha (= 311), and mentions of him in 300 would
thus date the Kharamadoye inscription to the late 4th or the early 5th cent. AD.
This identification appears rather likely. Isemne's Greek inscription, to-
gether with the Greek dedications of King Tamalas (310) and of the phylarch
Phoinoin (313) probably date from the period of the Blemmyan occupation of a
part of Lower Nubia between ca. AD 394 and 453 (cf. 305, 309, 314, 317, 319,
Török 1985, 30 ff.; 1988b, 47 ff.); and the phylarch Phoinoin is apparently identi-
cal with the later King Phonen who may be dated to the end of the said period
(see 319). If the Kharamadoye inscription is correctly interpreted as record of (a)
conflict(s) between Kharamadoye and Yismeniye (see, implicitly, Griffith 1912,
30 ff.; and explicitly: Millet 1973, 34 ff.), it predates the period of Phonen, under
the reign of whom the Blemmyes were expelled from the Nile Valley.
A date after AD 395 for this inscription—a royal monument in cursive
Meroitic, written by a ruler defining himself with the Meroitic word gore as
ruler and invoking Amim—places Kharamadoye and the events in his reign
in an historical space which is defined by remarkable and problematic coordi-
nates. Around AD 360, at the latest, the centre of the Meroitic kingdom in the
south was changed beyond recognition by a political, social and cultural imbal-
ance supposedly brought about by an immigration of and/or conquest by Noba
tribes (cf. Comments on 288 f.). No Meroitic royal or aristocratic burial is
known from Begarawiya North and West that postdates the 360s AD (for the
latest burials see Török 1974 and Lenoble 1994); and in the 370s AD a new,
sumptuously rich burial ground was opened at Qustul in Lower Nubia which
was to be used for four generations until ca. AD 410-420 and then continued for
another seven generations, until ca. 490-500, on the opposite bank at Ballana
(Emery-Kirwan 1938; Török 1988b). The obvious conclusion would seem to be
that the Meroitic kingdom ended with the last royal tomb at Begarawiya North
(cf. (290)) and that the kingdom disintegrated into successor states, one of which
was situated in Lower Nubia south of the Third Cataract (for the Third Cataract
as a cultural and political frontier in the post-Meroitic period see, e.g., Török
1988b, 194 ff.; Edwards 1994). An analysis of the evidence from Qustul shows,
however, that the unity of the kingdom was not disrupted with the end of the
dynasty buried at Begarawiya North. Although we do not know the burial place
of the new rulers of the successor to the Meroitic state, there are indications
that they regarded themselves as legitimate heirs to the Meroitic throne (cf.
Török 1987b; 1988b, 221), presumably because of initial intermarriages with
members of the family of the last Meroitic ruler. The "princes" buried at Qustul
were their deputies, and the situation changed only in the early 5th century
1105
AD, to judge from the fact that, from ca. AD 420-430 onwards, the descendants
of the Qustul "princes" were buried at Ballana as kings: their crowns were dis-
covered in their tombs. In fact, the appearance of the first king at Ballana marks
the fragmentation of the former Meroitic kingdom into several successor states
(for the archaeological evidence and the dating of the individual generations
buried at Qustul and Ballana see Töp5k 1988b; for the historical process see the
summaries in Török 1992b; 1996; the latter should be confronted with the new
evidence from el Hobagi and its interpretation by Lenoble 1994).
Thus it would seem that the date of 300 can be established within even
closer limits if we identify Kharamadoye with one of the kings buried after ca.
AD 420-430 at Ballana. The events described in his great Kalabsha inscription
then occurred at the earliest after ca. AD 410-420 (the date of the burial of the
last deputy at Qustul) and, at the latest, in the late 440s (cf. 317 -319). Provided
that the arguments put forward in the foregoing are not mistaken, 300 can be
regarded as a monument of a ruler of the Lower Nubian successor state to the
Meroitic kingdom in which he commemorated his (presumably more or less
successfully resolved) conflicts with a King Yismeniye, who may be identical
with the Blemmyan King Isemne of a Greek dedication from Kalabsha (311).
The occurrence of Yismeniye-Isemne as king in the same temple of Mandulis
where Kharamadoye's inscription was engraved indicates the place and the rea-
sons of the conflict: viz., the Kalabsha region and possession of it. Such an in-
terpretation of the core of the narrative in 300 also seems to be supported by the
geographical indications of the text (see below). Before commenting on the
identifiable names and words in the Meroitic text, it must be stressed that with
its language and terminology the Kharamadoye inscription clearly attests a cer-
tain cultural and political continuity between the Meroitic and Post-Meroitic
periods. It is, however, equally important to emphasize that this continuity is
apparently limited to Lower Nubia and especially to urban settlements; more-
over, it seems to be maintained largely by some temples and their priesthood
(for the limits of continuity see in more detail TörlA 1996).
In the following remarks we refer to the lines of the text. If no other litera-
ture is indicated, the explanation of the meaning of the Meroitic words and
grammatical elements follows Meeks 1973 and Hofmann 1981a.
1. The name I-Irmdoye was thought to be Blemmyan (Updegraff 1978, 101;
Hofmann 1981a, 2 f.) but is, as argued by Millet (1969, 271), Meroitic. Since,
however, Fir is not the name of a deity but an element which occurs in non-
royal male and female names, it obviously differs from the traditional Meroitic
royal names. Mni=AmUn; mk="deity", -leb plur., mkleb="deities".
4 ff. Mnote=AmUn of Opet (Luxor).
Arette=Horus, with adjective; Wos=Isis.
Mnpte=Arrffin of Napata; Yisemeniye qore/h="Isemne, great (chief) king". It
may refer to Isemne as ruler of a political entity consisting of several tribal
"kingdoms" or chiefdoms.
1106
The Sources
11. Qore*lik dik Pilqoyte bqo*k (or rather bqol): in this expression, which appears
to have the meaning of "to place A all the way from place B" (cf. Griffith 1912,
27 ff.; Millet 1973), Qoreli or Qoreti (Millet's reading) is probably Qurte, S of
Dakka; while Pilqo/Pilqe is Philae.
13. Simlok dik Pilqoyte bqol: "from Philae to Simlo" (cf. above), where
Simlo=Karanog (Hintze 1963,no. 103).
20. brleb=men; kdileb=women.
21 f. Qesw Adereke mtr wse hrw Pilqoke mtr wse: "Kushwards to Adere, north-
wards to Philae"; Adere=Soleb as in REM 1053 (cf. Török 1979, 15 f.) and not Derr
in Lower Nubia as in REM 0269 and in 186a. For hr=North and yireke=South see
Millet 1973, 44.
27. Simlok dik Seleleyte: "to [Cataract] from Karanog"; for the identification of
Selele-Telelis (see also in 317) as a word for "cataract" in general see Griffith
1912,30.
31 f hrw Seleleke intr wse y*ir*eqw Adereke mtr wse: "northwards to [Cataract],
southwards to Soleb".
The phrases with toponyms delineate several sections of the Lower Nubian
Nile Valley between the First and Third Cataracts: 1. From Philae to Qorte, ap-
proximately identical with the Dodecaschoenus; 2. From Philae to Karanog; 3.
From Karanog to [Cataract], where apparently the Second Cataract is meant; 4.
From [Cataract] to Soleb. These sections were interpreted, as a hypothesis, as ter-
ritorial units of Kharamadoye's kingdom (Török 1979, 86 ff.), which is not en-
tirely unlikely; however, the context of the phrases in question cannot be suffi-
ciently understood and it is wiser to refrain from far-reaching interpretations of
Meroitic texts. The observation may nevertheless be ventured that if Khara-
madoye claimed authority over all of Lower Nubia from Philae to Soleb, it
could have been the result of a temporary expulsion of the Blemmyes, who are
attested in several sources to be in control of the Kalabsha area between ca. AD
394 and 453 (cf. 305, 309).
[LT]
301 On the king of the Blemmyes. Mid 5th cent. AD.

-
Besa, Vita Senutii, Leipoldt 1951, 89-90.
Source bibliography
Bell 1983 Besa: The Life of Shenoute. Trans. D.N. Bell. (Cistercian
Studies Series, 73.) Kalamazoo, MI.
Kuhn 1991 K.H. Kuhn: Shenute, Saint. In: A.S. Atiya (ed.) The
Coptic Encyclopedia. Vol. 7. New York, 2131-2133.
Leipoldt 1951 J. Leipoldt (ed.): Sinuthii Vita (Bohairic). (CSCO 41,
Scriptores Coptici, 1.) Louvain.
1107
This passage, in the Bohairic dialect of Coptic, is excerpted from the
hagiographical biography of the great Egyptian Monophysite archimandrite
Shenute of Atripe by Besa, his successor as abbot of the White Monastery.
Shenute was a native-speaker of Coptic, and the most renowned author ever to
write in that language. He was an active participant in the religious conflicts of
his day, and in AD 431 he accompartied Cyril, archbishop of Alexandria, to the
Council of Ephesus.
As a monastic leader in Egypt he energetically assisted refugees from
Blemmyan raids into Upper Egypt, an activity to which he made reference in
some of his surviving writings.
His dates are uncertain. He probably died ca. 466. Besa says that he lived to
an age of 118 years which would place his his birth ca. 348. His encounters with
the Blemmyes should date roughly to the middle of the 5th century.
For a succinct survey of his life and works and an introductory bibliography,
see Kuhn (1991). There is an English translation of Besa's Life of Shenute by
Bell (1983).
Text
ACWWTTI 3.6 ON NoycHoy CerCNIB2LANCMMWOYI I ChHT NCCISINZANTTOAIC 0)/02
NCCerCXM.,XAWTCVIN NNIrWMI NCMNON/T6BNWOVI AyI CrHC NemtexmaAcucta THrC
oyoz ayoyoz CBOA bCNITOOW
TOTC ATTAIWT ÅTTÅ cycNoyt oyam ezuA WArWON/ CTBCNICXMAAWTOC
er.,xyerexmaAurreyIN mmuJoy oyoz eTayer6IN1or mtinaro aeNTeffe CITCIEBT
warwoy ÅNHCTAqCrATTANTAN CrUJOy NWOrIT ayqau CTRI)WI NNoyAom cy-
oywa) eyoeHey• beNtoyNoy .24.N0y.XI3 TWC OVO2 aympoyi m(prHt NNIWC
ayozi eycoyrcuN CBOA MITOyWOAKOy CrW0y oyoz Nayuxy CBOA beNoywyt
N.,XN.IrKH•
OMOIWC ON NNICONOC ACWWITI NWOy ON KATITTÅIrHt Gyarreq4)oz
C4)M.å. MITIOyr0 NTWOy CTASH eremmay CMI .1COyAT6r0 CrOC TC t.KOM
CTWOTT Nemay actrumq atioyaxpT Nay ZI.X.CNTTKAZIeqatu mmoc aettzo ErOK
NNArWMr 0)/02 eTayerctkariziN mmcnoy .1y0y2‘...1.1 N.XCNOyAIA
beNtOYNOy oyoz CTATTOyr0 WW Nay NZANT2.10 mireq6rroy NTOTq AAA24. 4 Ål
mmayaTy 1TC erayaoy N.,Xq ACMOI NHI NNIrWMI amoyl N.2.1( Ni4reTA THrC
NTOq ,AC 7T0yr0 ayTHIToy NAq NA.IN.HTF€ 0y02 AqCr6INIOr mmiluoy CATTC-
MeNT KITIMWOy ayeNoy CITIMONÅCTHrION 0y02 2.qt.INXAWMA Nuioy away
CBOA bENOYZIFFINH moyal moyal erreqma NWWITI eytuJoy MilEt NCMITCq-
urol»rnic Ce0y2 B ATTA ujeNoyt
Translation
And it happened one day that the Blemmyes (Balnemmåzvi) came north and
seized some cities and took captive the people and their cattle. They went south
with all their captives and paused in the district of Psoi (Ptolemais).
1108
The Sources
Then my father, Apa Shenute, wanted to hasten to them on account of the

captives whom they had taken. And when he crossed the river to go east after
them, those whom he first approached raised their spears, intending to kill
him. At once their hands became stiff and dried out like (pieces of) wood; they
stood (there, hands) outstretched, and were unable to bend them toward them
and were crying out in great distress.
Likewise again, the same thing happened to the rest of the tribe(smen)704
until he arrived at the place of their king. When that man understood that the
power which was with him was invincible, he rose up (and) prostrated himself
(and) adored him705,saying, "I beseech you, heal the hands of my men." And
when he made the sign of the cross over them, their hands were healed at
once. And when the king promised him gifts of honor, he refused to receive
them from him but himself said to him, "Give me the people. Take all the
plunder for yourself."
Well, the king gave them all to him without remuneration; and he
(Shenute) transported them across the river to the west bank (and) brought
them to the monastery. And he gave them expense money (and) sent them off
in peace, each one to his home, as they glorified God and his holy prophet, Apa
Shenute.
[RI-111
Comments
The miraculous story from the Life of the great Egyptian monastic leader
Shenute (on his life and work see Barns 1964; Timbie 1986, Young 1993; and lit-
erature listed in Altaner-Stuiber 1978, 268 f.) is quoted here as an indication of
the range of the Blemmyan raids and of the dwelling place of the Blemmyan
raiders in the period when Shenute lived in the White Monastery at Sohag in
Upper Egypt, i.e., before ca AD 466. Though not exactly dated, the story was
probably intended to stand for many similar events involving the barbarian
invaders, captors of Christian prisoners, and looters of livestock; it shows that
the Blemmyes were able to penetrate as deep into Upper Egypt as the region of
Sohag and that their king, presumably the chief of a tribe, dwelt in the hills be-
yond the E bank of the Nile.
[LT]
704 Literally: "(as for) the rest of the tribe(smen), it befell them too in this way".
705 Literally: "(and) adored him on the ground".
1109
302 Philae. Demotic graffito with a reference to Blemmyan activities in AD

372-373.
Griffith 1937, Ph. 371.
(1) t3 inrt n P3-di-st-<mre r(s3)"P3-gl

The obeisance of Petsinamre (son of) Tgel
p3 <nte 3 n p; w<b
the great rpharmacistl of the rworkshopl,
rn mwt=f T3-&t-hlk-hr
(2) the name of his mother (being) Tshenhelkho,
dy (m-)b3hWsir p3 ntr <3

is here in the presence of Osiris, the great god.
lw=y thb r t3mdt n ibd 3 3ht

(3)
When I was ranointed1706 concerning the matter in the third month of In-
(3)
undation,
lw=y ir gmsw (n) Pr-<3n p3 t3 (4) (r-)dr=f Wsir Wn-nfr r<. •

I performed services for the King of the (4) whole land, Osiris Onnophris, ri. p.
h.'
p3 hrw ibd 3 3ht sw `15'

Today, the r15thl day of the third month of Inundation,
sh (5) P3-di-Ist-nfrt r(s3)" Hr-ntr-it=fe

written (5) by Petêserffife r(son of)' Harendotes,
p3 sh md(4)-ntr n 1st (n-)drt=f

the scribe of the god's words (hierogrammateus) of Isis, by his (own) hand.
(6) t rnpt n rn=s

(6) In the year in question
w3h n3 Blew (m) r n33rhlbew

the Blemmyes had gone against the rAkhbewel.
706 For the problems involved in the interpretation of this word see Thompson 1994, 15-25. The
analysis of the verb form employed in this passage is problematic. If it is a circumstantial, one
might also translate "After I was ranointed (= installed in office)". If it is a phonetic writing of
a past tense, then the interpretation of thb becomes still more questionable.
1110
The Sources
w3h<=w> dit (7) dthew n hit-sp 90 n Tswgle

<They> had handed over (7) hostages in regnal year 90 of (the Era of) Diocletian.
t; rnpt n rn=s
In the year in question
lw pi wtn n 'Ist (8) rwwel rnpt 2t

the bark of Isis (s)having been rawayl for two years,
wih=f r(m) r'

it rhad gone to' Pure-island (the Abaton).
[RHP]
Comments
The years around AD 370 brought increasingly devastating Blemmyan raids. In
373/4 an armed troop of Blemmyes is said to have raided a monastery on the
Sinai and massacred its inhabitants (Combefis 1660,88 ff.; Desanges 1972b, 33 f.);
and, as indicated by 302, the cultic activity at Philae was seriously disturbed by
Blemmyan activities in ca. 372-373. This Demotic proskynema (for inscriptions
of this type see Comments on 229; for 302 Burkhardt 1985, 24 f.) was inscribed by
a priest of the Isis temple on behalf of another member of the temple staff. It be-
longs to a group of four graffiti inscribed in Athyr and Choiakh of year 90 of the
era of Diocletian, i.e., November-December AD 373, by the same hand on the
face of the wall below the steps leading to the roof of the Isis temple.707They all
commemorate the participation of priests of the temple in the Choiakh festival
of that year; but 302 also adds a sort of annalistic postscript saying that in the
year when the proskynema was written the Blemmyes attacked the 3[hlbew (?),
and that the voyage of the sacred barge of Isis to the neighbouring Abaton (cf.
272) had not been performed in the preceding two years. Though the reasons
for this are not stated, the context seems to suggest that there was some sort of
causal connection between the Blemmyes and the disturbances in the regular
cult life on the island of Isis.
The identity of the people the Blemmyes attacked is problematic. Griffith
noted that both ethnonyms are written with the foreign determinative and
suggested, with a question mark, the reading Nbew, "Nubians" (Griffith 1937,
105; this reading was accepted in Török 1988b, 46). Bresciani (1969) and
Burkhardt (1985, 25) read 3hbew, i.e., Hibis in the Kharga Oasis; a similar reading
is adopted here too. Whether the Great Oasis was the remote target of a dar-
ingly long-distance raid or it was the inhabitants of the Dodecaschoenus who
had to suffer Blemmyan aggression, the situation indicated in 302 reveals both
707 For this era in Egyptian documents reckoning from the starting point of 1 Thoth (= 29 August)
AD 284, and termed the "Era of Diocletian" and, later in the Christian period, the "Era of the
Martyrs" see MacCoull-Worp 1990.
the weakness of Roman frontier defences in the south of Egypt and the lack of a
sufficient self-defence in Lower Nubia.
[LTI
303 Egypt and its neighbours. Last quarter of 4th cent. AD.
Ammianus Marcellinus 22.15.2.
Source bibliography
den Boeft et al. 1995 J. den Boeft-J. W. Drijvers-D. den Hengst-H.C. Teitler:
Philological and Historical Commentary on
Ammianus Marcellinus XXII. Groningen.
Fontaine et al. 1996 Ammien Marcellin: Histoire. Tome III, livres XX-XXII.
Texte établi traduit et annoté par J. Fontaine avec la
,
collaboration de E. Fr&ouls et J.-D. Berger. (Collection

Matthews 1989 Matthews: The Roman Empire of Ammianus.
London.
Rolfe 1940 Ammianus Marcellinus. With an English translation
by J.C. Rolfe. (Loeb Classical Library.) Vol. 2: Books XX-
XXVI.Cambridge MA-London.
Rosen 1982 Rosen: Ammianus Marcellinus. (Erträge der
Forschung, 183.) Darmstadt.
Seyfarth 1978 Ammiani Marcellini Rerum gestarum libri qui
supersunt. Ed. W. Seyfarth adiuvantibus L. Jacob-Karau
et I. Ulman. Vol. 1: Libri XIV-XXV.(Bibliotheca
scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana.).
Leipzig.
Ammianus Marcellinus is the last of the great Roman historiographers,
though not a native speaker of Latin himself; bom to well-to-do Greek parents
in Antioch (Syria) ca. AD 330, he first made a military career, serving on the
staff of the Roman general Ursicinus in Gaul and Mesopotamia, and subse-
quently taking part in the Persian campaign of the Emperor Julian in 363. Later
he devoted his time to studies, first in his home town, then in Rome from ca.
AD 380. He also records travels to Egypt and Greece. His death probably oc-
curred some time before AD 400.
Ammianus' work, Res gestae, "Historical Events" or simply "History", con-
sisted of 31 books that dealt with the history of Rome from the death of Nerva
(AD 98) to the battle of Hadrianopolis (Edirna in [European] Turkey) and the
death of Valens in AD 378. Only the second half of the work, covering the pe-
riod from 353, has survived (the earlier period was obviously much more
summarily treated than his own times).
1112
The Sources
Ammianus' military career, travels, and close contact with the leading men
of his day gave him particular advantage performing his task as historian. For
the preserved part of his work there is the added value that he often writes as a
participant in or eyewitness to events. His (declared) striving after objectivity
and impartiality has not been called into question; for a survey of scholarship
on Ammianus' trustworthiness see Rosen (1982, 131-163).
Ammianus' work contains a number of digressions concerning geography,
ethnology, religion, natural phenomena etc. These excursuses do not always at-
tain the same degree of reliability as the historical parts do, as Ammianus here
was more dependent on sources he did not care to or was unable to check
(Rosen 1982, 132 f.). The present extract is from a digression on Egypt and the
Nile.
For an introduction to Ammianus and his history see Matthews (1989). Our
text is based upon the edition by Seyfarth (1978). For a commentary on Book
XXII, from which this and the following extract are taken, see den Boeft et al.
(1995). An English bilingual edition of the whole work is provided by Rolfe
(1940).
Text
Aegyptum gentem omnium vetustissimam, nisi quod super antiquitate
22.15 [2]
certat cum Scythis, a meridiali latere Syrtes maiores et Phycus promunturium
et Borion et Garamantes natiortesque variae claudunt; qua orientem e regione
prospicit, Elephantinen et Meroen urbes Aethiopum et Catadupos rubrumque
pelagus et Scenitas praetenditur Arabas, quos Saracenos nunc appellamus.
Translation
Egypt is the oldest nation of all, except that it competes with the Scythi-
22.15 [2]
ans as to age. It is bounded on the Southern side by the Greater Syrtes, the Phy-
cus and Borion promontories, the Garamantes and various (other) peoples;
where it faces due west it extends to Elephantine and Meroe, cities of the
Aithiopians, to the Catadupians and the Red Sea, and to the Scenitic Arabs,
whom we now call the Saracens.708
[TE]
Comments
In Book 22 of his monumental historical work Ammianus Marcellinus gives
in his narrative of the events of year AD 363 a description of Egypt and the
Nile. In the passages selected here he refers indirectly to Egypt's southern
neighbours, the Aithiopians and the Blemmyes. In 303 he names, besides
708The geographical indications here seem confused, but "may have been caused by the use of a
map [...] which had been given a quarter tum to the west, so that west became south, south east
and so forth" (den Boeft et al. (1995) 257). See note 1004 in Fontaine et al. (1996) 329.
1113
Meroe, also Elephantine as a city of the Aithiopians, thus indicating, like older
sources, that the frontier region was inhabited mainly by a non-Egyptian popu-
lation (cf. 188). In 304 we read about the hippopotamus, a very dangerous beast,
which once lived on the banks of the Egyptian Nile but which had withdrawn
to the land of the Blemmyes as a result of hunting. Neither remark is con-
cerned with political realities; the notion "Aithiopian" is used as a geographical
and ethnographic term, like "Blemmyan".
From the mention of the Aithiopians at Elephantine and Meroe and of the
new habitat of the hippopotamus beyond Egypt and apparently not in the Nile
Valley we may nevertheless, albeit only tentatively, draw the conclusion that
for Ammianus Marcellinus the southern neighbours of Egypt were the
Aithiopians; while he placed the Blemmyes, as did the classical authors before
him, east of Egypt, i.e., between the Nile and the Red Sea. Such a view of
"Aithiopia" (and not the kingdom of Meroe!) may of course be relevant for us
as indirect evidence for some sort of political continuity south of Egypt only if
Ammianus did not rely entirely upon earlier literary data (he mentions Juba in
22,15.8 as his source concerning the Nile inundation, cf. 186a and the Com-
ments on 193, 195, 209) but also used information collected personally in Egypt
in the course of the journey he made there some time between 371 and 378 (cf.
Seeck 1894, 1846).
[LT]
304 Hippopotamuses in the land of the Blemmyes. Last quarter of 4th cent. AD.
Ammianus Marcellinus 22.15.21;24.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source see 303. The present extracts
are from the same digression as 303.
Text
Hippopotami quoque generantur in illis partibus, ultra animalia
22.15 [21]
cuncta ratione carentia sagacissimi, ad speciem equorum bifidos ungues
habentes caudasque breves,
[24] nunc inveniri nusquam possunt, ut coniectantes regionum incolae di-

cunt, insectantis multitudinis taedio ad Blemmyas migrasse compulsi.
Translation
Hippopotamuses, the most sharp-witted of all brute beasts, also breed
22.15 [21]
in those parts [the Nile valley in Egypt]; they have cloven hooves after the fash-
ion of horses,709and short tails,
709 Comparisons of the hippopotamus with the horse belonged to ancient literary tradition ever
since Herodotus' misleading description (2.71); as to the feet of the hippopotamus, however,
Herodotus says "with cloven hooves like oxen". Possibly the name of the animal (Greek: "river
1114
The Sources
[24] now they are nowhere to be found [in Egypt]; according to the guesses
rnade by the inhabitants of the regions [where they formerly lived] they have
had enough of the great number of hunters and have been driven to migrate to
[the land of] the Blemmyes.
[TE]
Cornments
See 303.
305 Blemmyes in the Dodecaschoenus in ca. AD 394.

Epiphanius of Salamis, De XII gemmis 19-21.
Source bibliography
Blake-de Vis 1934 R.P. Blake-H. de Vis: Epiphanius, De Gemmis. The Old
Georgian Version and the Fragments of the Armenian
Version. The Coptic-Sahidic Fragments. (Studies and
Documents, 2.) London.
Desanges 1967 J. Desanges: Une mention alte d'Axoum dans
L'Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium: Annales
d'thiopie 7, 141-155.
Dihle 1964 A. Dihle: The conception of India in Hellenistic and
Roman literature. Proceedings of the Cambridge
Philological Society 10, 15-23.
Dihle 1965 A. Dihle: Umstrittene Daten. Untersuchungen zum
Auftreten der Griechen am Roten Meer. Knln-
Opladen.
Gnnther 1898 Epistulae Imperatorum Pontificum Aliorum.
Avellana quae dicitur collectio. Ed. 0. Gnnther. Vol. 2.
(Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, 35.2.)
Pragae-Vindobonae.
Hengstenberg 1937 Review of Blake-de Vis (1934), Byzantinische
Zeitschrift 37, 400-408.
Schneemelcher 1962 W. Schneemelcher: Epiphanius von Salamis. RAC 5,
cols. 909-927.
Winstedt 1910 E.O. Winstedt: Epiphanius or the Encyclopaedia
Coptica? Society of Biblical Archaeology. Proceedings.
32, 27-32;73-77.
Epiphanius of Salamis ("Constantiensis") was bom in Palestine ca. AD 315,
lived as a young man for some time with monks in Egypt, and then founded a
horse") has had an influence on people's imaginations and produced further errors of the kind
translated here.
1115
monastery in his homeland. From AD 367 to his death in AD 403 he was

bishop of Salamis (Constantia) in Cyprus and took a prominent part in the the-
ological disputes of the age. He was also known for his secular learning, ac-
quired during numerous travels, and for mastering several languages, includ-
ing Coptic. Besides a number of theological treatises directed against various
heresies he also devoted himself to the exegesis of the Old Testament, concen-
trating on its factual background (geography, weights and measures etc.). Nei-
ther accuracy nor depth are conspicuous features of Epiphanius' writings, but
they preserve information from sources otherwise lost to us.
The short treatise "On the twelve stones on the breast-plate of Aaron" deals
with the precious stones that the high priest Aaron wears in the Old Testament
(Exodus 28.17-21).One of the gems is an emerald, and Epiphanius uses the op-
portunity to make a display of his knowledge about geography and ethnogra-
phy. This is the context where we find our extract.
The treatise is not transmitted to us in its full and original Greek version.
There survive some fragments and summaries in Greek, a Latin translation
(probably 5th cent.), and also Coptic, Armenian, and Georgian versions, more
or less complete and more or less expanded or rewritten. We first translate the
Latin text, following the edition by G0nther (1898). The Latin text, with notes in
the same language, is also in Migne's Patrologia Graeca, vol. 43, 329-31.
There follows the Coptic text with translation. We also include without al-
teration or comment Blake's translation of the Georgian and Armenian ver-
sions.
On Epiphanius, see Schneemelcher (1962). The review of Blake-de Vis
(1934) by Hengstenberg (1937) is helpful as regards the relationship and charac-
ter of the different versions.
Latin version
Restat itaque iam nobis de monte illo, qui rigabatur aliquando vel a Nero-
ne, sicut sermone vulgatum est, vel a Domitiano, in qua patria est situs,
exponere. Est enim introrsus in mari rubro quod sic appellatur, in ipso <in>-
gressu regionis Indorum. Quarum gentium differentiae quam plurimae sunt.
Olim quippe Indi in novem regna fuerant disparati, sicuti fama celebratum
est, id est Alabastrorum, Homeritarum, Azomitorum cum <A>dulitibus,
Bugaeorum, Taianorum, Isabenorum, Libenorum, Dibenorum cum Ichthyo-
phagis et Sirindibenorum cum Evilaeis, sed nunc multo plures sunt, quippe
divisi a societate, quam inter se prius habuerant, Dibeni ab Ichthyophagis et
Sirindibeni ab Evilaeis. De his autem, cum rursus eorum ad loca ventum fue-
rit, historica narratione referimus.
Mons autem, de quo nunc nobis sermo est, tunc Romanis erat subditus. [21]
Smaragdinum vero sic vocatur naturaliter insula mod ica, ex adverso sita
Beronicae, in qua portus est Indiae dirigens ad Thebaidam, quae a continenti
terra Thebaica distat unius diei cursu, cum est navigium prosperum, hoc est
1116
The Sources
milibus octoginta. Contigua est autem Beronice, quae sic appellatur, regioni
Elephantinae nec non et Telmi, quae nunc a Blemyis obtinetur. Corruerunt
autem montis huius metalla suntque metalla alia in ipsorum barbarie Blemy-
orum iuxta Telmeos in montibus constituta, quae nunc effodientes barbari
smaragdos incidunt.
Translation
[19] It now remains for us to say in what land that mountain is situated which
was once wet (with oil)710by Nero, as is commonly reported, or by Domitian. It
lies inside the Red Sea, as it is called, at the very approach to the region of the
Indians.711 Of these there is a great variety of peoples (gentes). [20]For the Indi-
ans were once separated into nine kingdoms, according to tradition, i.e., those
of the Alabastri, the Homerites, the Azomiti with the Adulites, the Bugaei, the
Taiani, the Isabeni, the Libeni, the Dibeni with the Ichthyophagi, and the
Sirindibeni with the Evilaei.712 But they are now much more numerous, be-
cause the Dibeni are separated from the alliance they had earlier with the
Ichthyophagi, and the Sirindibeni from the Evilaei. But about these I report in
my historical narrative when I again come to the place for them.
The mountain, however, which is our subject now, was then under the
Romans. [211It is naturally enough called Smaragdinum [i.e., 'emerald'] and is
an island of modest size lying off Beronice, where the port for the traffic be-
tween India and the Thebais is situated. The distance from this island to the
mainland of the Thebais is one day's crossing when the sailing is prosperous,
i.e., 80 (Roman) miles.713Now, Beronice, as it is called, is contiguous with the
district of Elephantine, and also with Telmis [Kalabsha], which is now held by
the Blemmyes. The mines of this mountain, however, have caved in. There
710 Epiphanius, earlier in his discussion of the emerald, mentions a report to the effect that the
rocks of the mountain were dyed with a green oil so as to enhance their colour and sparkle.
711 0n the use of the term 'Indians' in late antiquity to denote the inhabitants of South Arabia
and of the west coast of the Red Sea as far north as Egypt itself see Desanges (1967, 141-155) and
Dihle (1964 and 1965, 37-45, 47-50).
712 The geographical information concerning the Indian kingdoms, Berenice, and the India trade
may well be drawn from specifically geographical works. For the identification of the peoples
named see Winstedt (1910, 73-76) and Desanges (1967, 145-146 [Evilat] and 146-148 [Diva and
Serendivi]). In the square brackets following the names of these peoples in the translation of the
Coptic version (see below) is given a spelling of the name or an equivalent name such as is used in
standard reference works and recent publications.
713 The figure of 80 miles or stades may offer a clue to explain how Epiphanius came to describe
the Emerald Mountain as an island. Agatharchides of Cnidus (text preserved in Photius, Biblio-
theca, Codex 250.82, p. 456b, and in Diodorus Siculus 3.39.4) describes an island off the Egyptian
coast near Berenice where topazes were mined. (For Agatharchides see FHN II, 142.) The signifi-
cant detail in Agatharchides' account is that the island was 80 stades long. Perhaps Epiphanius
or his source confounded the two places.
1117
are also other mines established in the mountains in the barbarian district of
the Blemmyes, near Telmis, where the natives now dig to extract emeralds.
[TE]
Coptic version
Our Coptic text is based upon that of de Vis, which appears in Blake-de Vis
(1934, 242-47). De Vis' text in turn is based on a single manuscript dated to the
10th cent. He claims (p. xxxiv) that the fragments published before his edition
are "reproduced exactly as they stand in the original edition"; but in fact there is
a considerable difference in general presentation and punctuation between the
original publication by Winstedt (1910) and de Vis' text—quite apart from such
differences as are noted in de Vis' apparatus. We have not had photographs of
the original to work from; and because we have translated de Vis' text, we have
reproduced it essentially unaltered in orthography and punctuation.
Text
(1) TNNAWAAC AOITTON CTBCTTTOOy NTANHr(DN Tcoy NNC2' H AOMITiANOC' (2)
xeeyzNxo) Nx(nr.x' eyeNzoyN 2ukNexAxcc.1 (cNca fol. 40v) [eTo]y(3)moyTe
eroc [xee]eryer..3 zN[Tz]H4 ezoyN e[T]xturx NTiN[A]ix' oyeN(4)oy[m]Hiliye
NAix4RDrx cyoon NNiNAOC KATAOC ereoymn mmoc' CCW MCN (5) NC)OrTE
Nr-PITC MMENTrrO' ETC NAiNC' NAAABACTrOC NAM CrITHC NASADMi(6)T HC
NAA0vAITHC NBoyraioc NAIJANOC NCABHNOC NAIBHNOC NCIrINAIBHNOC' (7)

TCNOy AC AyrZ0y0 AyTT(DreA r.lr CBCIA' xyAo eymHr ezoyN eNeyerHy'
niAi(8)13eNoc
- MCN' xyrunrex CBOA. NNregOyCMTBT' NCIriNAIBHNOC AyTT(DFC.X
EBOA (9) NNCTOYHZ 2NNCCIJKOA' (CNCI)) NCACNTiBHNOC' 26.)/TRDrA NNCyCiA.AiO{C]
(10) NTARIJAAC CTEICNAI' NTErlITCIJZ C.A.NeICT(Dra'
(11) TiCITOOy AC 1T.Ï eroymoyTe eroy xerrecmararAiNoN TrxNezrumxioc

(12) ITC oyKoyi AC NNHCOC 2arizAroc' muzto(N)Te CBOA NBCrCNIKH' Trmx (13)
MMOONC NNCCA.Hy NTNAL2a TTETCHK. (.92.2rai CICHMC' ecoyHy e[a]oN rATT(14)Kro
nimAr[Hc] rujxyl mirecoHr Noy.xo<I>' Noyzooy' ereoyTHy Nctuy (15) ENalloyq'
eTeTrAilTe TAIOyMAAB NCTAAiON' BerCNIKH AC ZHN CZONIN (16) eroy ziToywy
NCAC(EPANTINH' MNTAAMCC' (CITZa fol. 88r) CCAMAZTC AC (17) extuy TeNoy'
ZITNNBCACZMOON(C' Ayel)OrCI)Cr AC Nt5IMPICTANON MIT(18)TOOye' CyNZNKCMCT-
ANAWN AC 21.11Tef13.3.1'BArIK.03N NOYWIT NTCNBCA(19)CZMOOye CZNTON/C11-1 NC
ziToycuc NT.IAMCC' C-1307\ ZNNAI eycyu.m»T (20) NTCCMArAKTOC N6INC1500(9'
Translation
(1) We shall now speak about the mountain which Nero or Domitian wet with
oil (2) (and say) in what land it is. It lies on the coast inside the Sea which is (3)
called the Red, on the route to the land of India. There is (4) a great variety of
Indians according to what is said. There were, (5) to begin with, nine kingdoms;
viz.: the Abalastroi [Alabastroi], the Ameritai [Himyarites], the Axômit(6)ai
[Axumites], the Adoulitai [the people of Adulis], the Bougaioi [Blemmyes/
1118
The Sources
Beja], the Daianoi, the Sabênoi [Sabaeans], the Dibenoi [Divae], (and) the Sirin-
dibênoi [the people of Serinda, mod. Sri Lanka]. (7) Now, however, there are
more, for they have separated and ceased to be joined together. The Di(8)b"dnoi
separated from the Fish-eaters [Ichthyophagi], the Sirindibênoi separated from
(9) the Cave-dwellers [Trôglodytai], the Elentibênoi separated from the Eueilaioi
[the people of Evlat]. (10) Of these things I spoke when I came to the History.
(11) The mountain that is called the Smaragdinon [Smaragdus mons] be-
longs to the Romans. (12) It is a little island apart, in the vicinity of Berenikê,
the (13) harbor of the Indiamen that leads into Egypt, lying (14) at a distance
from the coast of Marês [the Thebaïd] of rup to' a day's sail with a (15) good (14)
following wind, (15) i.e., eighty stades. Berenikê is in its (the mountain's) vicinity,
(16)near Elephantinê and Talmes [Kalabshal. It is now held (17) by the Blemmyes.
The mines in the (18) mountain (17) are destroyed; (18) but there are other mines
in this same rbarbarian (country)' of the Blem(19)myes, there being mountains
near Talmes from which (20) the Kushites (19) cut (20) the emerald.
[RHP]
Translation of the Georgian version

We have this further statement to make, moreover, that there is a certain mountain which Nero
watered or one which Dumentianos watered Forl as to what country it is in. This mountain is in
the country near the Red Sea, when one desires to make a journey by vessel to the land of India.
For there are various countries in India and in these many countries there are nine kings and these
are the names of these countries and of their tribes: Alabastrians, Homerites, Aximites, and near
them the <A>dulatians, the Bogi<ans>, the Tavanians (ms. Bogitavanelni), the Asabeians, the
Dibenians, the Leledibenians. Now, however, other names have come in (lit. changed) through
immigrants from many places: in the first place, the Hindobeni; these came from the land of the
Fish-Eaters; the Sirindibenians, who came from the land of Evilat'; of the other places we shall
speak when it shall be proper (to do so).
Now, however, we shall speak of the mountain where the gem emerald is found. It is under
the dominion of the king of the Romans. The name of the mountain is called emerald (zmuriani,
i.e. agapayStvå). It is like an off-lying island and is opposite to Berenike, the point of depar-
ture for India, when one goes to the Thebaid, and lies off in the sea, about one day's sail by vessel,
i.e., about eighty miles (million), and is contiguous to Beronike near the so-called Ivory Coast
and is in the hands of the tribe of the Blemmyes (Bleynielni), who rule many other places as
well. At present strange heathen tribes extract (lit. cut out) the stone emerald and put it on the
market.
[Trans. Blake-De Vis 1934, 108 f.]
Translation of the Armenian version

The third stone (is) the zmrut', which is also green yellow (sic), and is fed (sic) with oil, and is in
the emerald island on a mountain which they say is watered with oil.
[Trans. Blake-De Vis 1934, 199]
Comments
With reference to the emerald (actually beryl) set into the breast-plate of the
Old Testament high priest Aaron, Epiphanius presents a short excursus on the
1119
geography and peoples of the region in which the emerald was mined, viz., the
Red Sea Hills between the Lower Nubian Nile and the Red Sea. It was inhab-
ited by tribes of "Indians". Epiphanius lists their names, which indicates that
his source for this detail included a description of the whole region beyond
Egypt as well as of peoples which were reached via the Red Sea, e.g., the Ameri-
tai (i.e., the Himyarites), the Sabaeans, and the Siribendoi, i.e., the people of
modern Ceylon; and India itself is mentioned too. We not only read about the
Blemmyes, the Ichthyophagoi or Fish-eaters (cf. FHN I, 65 and Longo 1988), and
the Trogodytes (FHN I, 66; II, 147, in this volume 189, 198), but also about the
Aksumites (see 234, 285 f., 298 f.) and the inhabitants of the port of Adulis (cf.
189, 234).
The importance of Epiphanius' excursus, however, lies not in the list which
repeats older literary sources, but in the remarks made in connection with the
emerald mines. While his description of the Mountain Smaragdinum as an is-
land in the Red Sea is erroneous and derives from Agatharchides' desciption of
a Red Sea island with emerald mines (in Diodorus, 3.39.4), Epiphanius obvi-
ously relies on contemporary information when he says that the emerald
mines situated in the Eastern Desert near Talmis/Kalabsha nunc a Blemyis
obtinetur, i.e., "are now held by the Blemmyes".
The emphasis for us is on the word nunc, "now", indicating that, for
Epiphanius and/or his source, the Blemmyes came fairly recently into posses-
sion of the emerald mines in the desert and, as the Georgian version has it, of
"many other places as well". The De XII Gemmis is dated by circumstantial evi-
dence (see Schneemelcher 1962, 912, 918) to AD 390/1 or 393/4. Which of these
dates can be regarded as more likely? According to the list of the troops sta-
tioned in Egypt in the Notitia Dignitatum (or. XXXI.35,65), the final draft of
which was edited between July 392 and May 394 AD (see Hoffmann 1969-1970I,
52 f., 519), there was a detachment of the ala VIII Palmyrenorum stationed at
Phoinicon (cf. 309), modern Laqeita, a place at the junction of the desert roads
leading from the Nile Valley to Leukos Limen and to Berenike. Consequently,
before July 392, taking the earliest possible time limit, or, taking the latest possi-
bility, before May 394 AD, the Dodecaschoenus and the region of the Mons
Smaragdinum could not have been in Blemmyan hands.714 Epiphanius' nunc
714The Notitia Dignitaturn or. also lists a garrison with detachments of the Legio II Traiana at a
place called Parembole, which Kees (1949, 1455 f.), Desanges (1978a, 365 note 343) and Kirwan
(1982, 198) identify with Dabod in the Dodecaschoenus. This is erroneous; this Parembole is to be
identified with Parembole-Nicopolis near Alexandria. The confusion is caused, on the one hand,
by the existence of a Dabod-Parembole with a Roman garrison before the withdrawal of the
Egyptian frontier to Syene (cf. (276) ff., 328), and, on the other, by the name Parembole that was
frequently given to camps in Egypt (also the garrison at Luxor was called Parembole). If the Noti-
tia had meant Dabod in the Dodecaschoenus, it should have been listed under the command of
the Dux Thebaidos, who was responsible for the southern frontier, and not among units stationed
along the NW border and under the command of the Comes limiti Aegypti (cf. Török 1988b, 48,
1120
TheSources
is indeed surprisingly precise, thanks to his informants (for his stay in an Egyp-
tian monastery in his youth and his ecclesiastical contacts with the country see
Schneemelcher 1962). The dating of the appearance of the Blemmyes as masters
of the area around Talmis (Kalabsha) to ca. AD 394 is also indicated by 308.
[LT]
306 Philae. Hieroglyphic and Demotic graffito of Esmelakhom. AD 394.

Griffith 1937, Ph. 436.
HIEROGLYPHIC
TEXT(three columns, reading from right to left)
(1) m-b3h Mi-w-r S3 Hr

In the presence of Miwul son of Horus,
Ist-md-ihm s; rIstl-md
by his hand, i.e., (the hand of) Esmêtakhom son of Esmêt,
hm-ntr 2(nw) n 1st dt nhh

second hont-priest of Isis, for ever and ever.
dd-mdw (i)n M-r-w-r nb Iw-(3)mb ntr

(2)Utterance by Mandulis, lord of Pure-(3)island (the Abaton), the great god.
DEMOTICTEXT(fifteen lines)
(I) ink Ist-mt-<hm (2) p3 sh rpr-(3)shl n 1st

(1)I, Esmêtakhom, (2)the scribe of the rhouse (3) of writing' of Isis,
Sy (4) n Ist-mt Pa-m-nht-twt (5)p3 hm-ntr 2nw n 1st

son (4)of Esinêt Panenekhtot (5)the second hon t-priest of Isis,
(6) mwt=f Ist-w(7)nt

(6) his mother (being) Eswêmre,
w3h=y ir (8)wpt r py twt(9)w (n) Mtwh (10)gccit

I have done (8)work on this (10)eternal (8)ima(9)geof Mandulis
rdd iw'=f (11)iry nfr ir-(12)-hre-r.ir=y

rthatl he should (11) be gracious (12)to me.
252note 232).For the identificationof the Parembolein the Notitia as the camp at Alexandria
seealsoWorp1991,294.
1121
p3 hrw (13) Sw ms Wsir (14) pe=f iyk

Today, (13) the day of the Birth of Osiris, (14) his Festival of Entry,
(15) 133t-sp 110t

(15) regnal-year 110 (of the Era of Diocletian).
[RI-111
Comments
The latest presently known hieroglyphic inscription and its Demotic compan-
ion were engraved on the N wall of the corridor leading from Hadrian's Gate
to the court of the temple of Isis by Esmêtakhom, a second hont-priest of Isis
(for the title cf. 245) who was the author of another, Demotic, proskynema in
honor of Isis inscribed some months later on the interior W wall of Chamber I
of the Birth House (Griffith 1937, 70 f. Ph. 159). 306 accompanies a figure in
relief of Mandulis (cf. LD IV, 87/f.; Text IV, 144; PM VI, 254), the deity who is
invoked in the Demotic section of the text.
Though the connecting links are missing, it may be supposed that Esmet-
akhom was related to the remarkable family of Isis priests attested in dated
Demotic (for a list see Burkhardt 1985, 36 f.) and Greek (see E. Bernand 1969, 217
ff. nos 188, 193, 196 f., 199 [?]) graffiti between AD 408/9 and 456/7; some mem-
bers of the family also wrote Meroitic proskynema inscriptions (REM 0114, 0116
f.).
Esmêtakhom's inscription is presented here as a remarkable, even if quite
transparent, monument of political calculation. Its author, a priest of Isis be-
longing to the higher echelons of the priesthood of Philae, found it opportune
to give expression to his devotion to Mandulis shortly after the Blemmyes con-
quered part of Lower Nubia south of Philae (cf. 305). Though the cult of Man-
dulis is first attested at Philae in the 2nd cent. BC (see FHN II, 140) and is not at-
tested there again for centuries715 until Esmetkhem's relief records it, it flour-
ished at Kalabsha in the temple built by Augustus (cf. 248) as a cult specially
shaped to accommodate a mixed Egyptian, "Aithiopian", and Greco-Roman
population. On their arrival in the Lower Nubian Nile Valley, the Blemmyes
hastened to pay hommage to the Mandulis of Kalabsha (cf. 310 f., 313) to whom
they had apparently been bound by ties that remain unknown to us (cf. Hänf-
ling 1980). It is tempting to suppose that Esmêtkhem's unprecedented devotion
to the god worshipped by the barbarians who had been the terror of Upper
Egypt since the late 3rd century AD was also fuelled by the pagan resistance to
the Roman, and Christian, rule in Upper Egypt. This suggests a political ideol-
ogy that also may explain later alliances between Upper Egyptian rebels and the
715
The lst through 3rd cent. AD occurrences of personal names consisting of the name of Mr3, be-
lieved to derive from Mrwle/Mnpvl/Mlwle/Mtwle, MavSouXt; Mandulis, in graffiti from the Do-
decaschoenus (for a list see Burkhardt 1985, 45 f.) reflect personal religiosity in a non-Egyptian
population and do not attest an official cult on Philae.
1122
The Sources
Blemmyes (see P. Maspero 67004, middle of the 6th cent., discussed by Upde-
graff 1978, 150 f.; for Esm&khem cf. Török 1988b,49).
For a better understanding of Esrnêtkhem's possible motivation, it should
be recalled that Theodosius prohibited pagan cults and sacrifice in Egypt in AD
392. Though the prohibition was not entirely successful and did not encompass
Philae, a privileged exception because of the Nubian (i.e., non-Egyptian) wor-
shippers of Isis, the fears of the priesthood on Philae may well be imagined (for
the edict of 392 cf. Kåkosy 1984;Bowman 1986, 192; Kåkosy 1995,2938 ff.).
[LT]
307 Aithiopian attack on Syene. Ca. 395 AD.

Historia Monachorum 1.2.
Source bibliography
Chitty 1966 D.J. Chitty: The Desert a City: An Introduction to the
Study of Egyptian and Palestinian Monasticism under
the Christian Empire. Crestwood, NY.
Festugière 1971 Historia Monachorum in Aegypto. Edition critique du
texte grec et traduction annote-epar A.-J. Festugière.
(Subsidia Hagiographica, 53.) Bruxelles.
Russell-Ward 1981 The Lives of the Desert Fathers. Trans. N. Russell.
Introd. B. Ward. London-Oxford-Kalamazoo, MI.
The Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, "An Account of the Monks in Egypt", is
an anonymous work which has survived both in its original Greek and in a
Latin version by Rufinus of Aquileia (ca. AD 345-411).It is the lively description
of a journey which a group of seven monks from Palestine undertook to visit
the famous hermits or 'anchorites' (cf. 296 Introduction to source) of the Egyp-
tian deserts. It is a mixture of realistic-sounding travel adventures, observa-
tions on the habitations and habits of the monks, reports of conversations be-
tween the travellers and the monks, and general background information, the
monastic lore.
Some have doubted that the journey actually took place; but the travellers'
itinerary is described with such an accuracy and realism that the report's au-
thenticity seems secured (cf. B. Ward in Russell-Ward 1981, 4-6). Moreover, the
indications of the age of the various monks whom the travellers visited, when
compared to other sources, consistently point to the years 394-395. The report it-
self has obviously been composed by the leader of the expedition not long af-
terwards in his monastery on the Mount of Olives at Jerusalem, at the request
of his fellow brothers (Prologue 2). In the process he no doubt had occasion to
supplement his own recollections with material found in the written reports of
other travellers in the region.
1123
The description starts in the Thebaki in Upper Egypt. There, at Lycopolis

(mod. Asyfit), the group visited John (loannes), a old monk famous for his gift
of prophecy (1.1 propheteias charisma). He had, we are told, been able to predict
to Emperor Theodosius I his annihilation of the invading Goths in 382 as well
as his victory over the usurper Magnus Maximus in 388. At this point, our ex-
tract begins.
Our text is based on the critical edition of Festugière (1971). There is an En-
glish translation of the work by N. Russell in Russell-Ward (1981). The classic
account of the monastic milieu in which our story is set, is that by Chitty (1966).
Text
[2] `S-2;Kai 'VOÇ atpaniXc'erou itpO airrOv durcX(36vto rcuElécreal nap'
ocinois)E rcEptyvryrat tv AiO167CCON, Tcrw IcaTdc uijvi1v —firt; apxij
ti"K aripaiöo — TOre auvE167C£66vT(.0"V Kai. trjv Icepixcopov
pcoacivuov, eiitöv'roç irpôç a.UTOvtoi 'ICOcivv01)ôtt —AvEXOdwaitoç
Ka'raXtjljJ1 Kai. elpuicm Kai otç Kai napå Paatkeiiatv ei)-
Soictinjact;". Oncp -Ka'tyéyovev, OiitO) 6141.13CiN/TO;
toi5 nixicylia-co. Kat On
"Oikeicp Oavåw xptattavued.yraro 3acnXe..6 Oco86ato; TEXEDT1j6E1."
Translation
1 [2] Likewise there came to him a duke (stratelates, Lat. dux) to ask him
whether he would prevail over the Aithiopians who had then made an incur-
sion in the direction of Syene (Aswån)—which is the beginning of the The-
baid—and laid waste its surroundings. John said to him: "Advance, and you
will overtake, conquer and subdue them, and you will be popular with the em-
perors"—which also happened since everything turned out that way. He also
predic ted: "The most Christian Emperor Theodosius will die a natural
death."716
[TH]
Cornments
The term "Aithiopians" could be used in a text which refers to the period
roughly between 388 and 395 only as a general term signifying the inhabitants
of the regions beyond the frontier of the Thebaid, i.e., Egypt's southern frontier.
In sources of the 5th century AD the same term, in Coptic "Kushites" (cf. Coptic
Life of Shenute quoted in Leipoldt 1902-1903,129 ff.), would repeatedly occur as
an alternative for Blemmyan, Beja, and Barbarian. This suggests that the
Blemmyes were not distinguished at that time from the inhabitants of
"Aithiopian" Lower Nubia, presumably because there were also Blemmyes liv-
716That is, not on the battlefield or at the hands of an assassin. Theodosius I died at Milan on 17
January 395, so that when this report of the monks' visit to John was written, his prediction had
already been fulfilled.
1124
The Sources
ing in the Valley at that time (see 305 and cf. Leipoldt 1902-1903;Till 1935-1936
II, 50; Updegraff 1978, 107 ff. with further references to Coptic manuscripts con-
cerning the life of Shenute, for whom see Barns 1964; Young 1993).
308 Meroe and the habitat of the Blemmyes. Ca. AD 400.

Claudius Claudianus, Carmina minora 28.15-23.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source to Claudius Claudianus see

278. The present extract is from a poem "On the Nile" in his Carmina minora.
Text
15 Inde vago lapsu Libyam dispersus in omnem
Aethiopum per mille ruit nigrantia regna
et loca continuo solis damnata vapore
inrorat populisque salus sitientibus errat
per Meroen Blemyasque feros atramque Syenen.
20 Hunc bibit infrenis Garamans domitorque ferarum
Girraeus, qui vasta colit sub rupibus antra,
qui ramos hebeni, dentes qui vellit eburnos,
et gens compositis crinem vallata sagittis.
Translation
(15)Thence it [the Nile] is dispersed into the whole of Libya [North Africa] along
an unknown course,717 flows through the thousand black kingdoms of
Aithiopians, waters the places that are condemned to permanent heat from the
sun, and—a saviour for the thirsting peoples—winds through Meroe and the
fierce Blemmyes and black Syene. (20) From it drinks the unbridled Garamant,
the Girraean, tamer of wild animals, who dwells in huge caves under the
rocks, who rips off ebony branches and ivory tusks, and the tribe that wears
arrows in its hair.
[TEl
Comments
Claudius Claudianus wrote this poem during his stay in Egypt shortly before
his death (cf. Vollmer 1899, 2655). It would thus seem that his poetic descrip-
tion of the Nile as arriving at Syene (modern Aswan) from the south, having
passed through Meroe and the land of the Blemmyes, reflects, however indi-
717We interpret vago lapsu as meaning that the river is absorbed by the sands and hidden from
sight, cf. 195 (Pliny, Nat. hist. 5.52).
1125
rectly, the occupation of a part of the Lower Nubian Nile Valley by the Blem-
myes before 404 (see also 305).
[LT]
309 Olympiodorus in Lower Nubia. Ca. AD 423.

Olympiodorus, fragm. 1.37 (= Photius, Bibliotheca cod. 80 p. 62a9-26).
Source bibliography
Blockley 1981 R.C. Blockley: The Fragmentary Classicising Historians
of the Later Roman Empire. Eunapius, Olympiodorus,
Priscus and Malchus. (ARCA Classical and Medieval
Texts, Papers and Monographs, 6.) Liverpool.
Gordon 1966 C.D. Gordon: The Age of Attila. Fifth-Century
Byzantium and the Barbarians. Ann Arbor, MI.
Haedicke 1939 W. Haedicke: Olympiodorus, 11. RE XVIII.1A,cols.
201-207.Stuttgart.
Henry 1959 Photius: Bibliothèque. Vol. 1. (Collection Byzantine.)
Paris.
Matthews 1970 J.F. Matthews: Olympiodorus of Thebes and the
History of the West (A.D. 407-425).JRS 60, 79-97.
Miiller 1841-70 Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C.
Vol. 1-4. Paris.
Thompson 1944 E.A. Thompson: Olympiodorus of Thebes. Classical
Quarterly 38, 43-52.
Olympiodorus of Egyptian Thebes wrote a history in Greek, or, in his own
words, materials for a history of his own time, covering the years AD 407-425.
The work in its original form has been lost, but quotations and summaries are
preserved in the Bibliotheca of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople (9th cent.,
on whom see FHN II, 145), and an idea of its character and value can also be
gained from the use other ancient historians made of it (Matthews 1970).
Olympiodorus travelled extensively, both as a diplomatic envoy and to do
research, and his accuracy in geographical matters has been noted (Thompson
1944, 45; Matthews 1970, 85). By profession he was a self-confessed poet (Fragm.
1.1); and it has been suggested that he is the author of the epic poem Blemyo-
machia, "The Blemmyan War" (see 326).
The text given below is conventionally referred to as fragment 37 (more
precisely, fragment 1.37), following the numbering used since collec-
tion of Greek historical fragments (1841-70), where our text appears in Vol. 4,
166. Photius' text, on the other hand, is usually cited by page, column, and line
in the 1824-25 edition of I. Bekker. The most recent edition of Photius—and,
consequently, also of most of the fragments of Olympiodorus—is that of Henry
1126
TheSources
(1959), with French translation. Our text is based on his edition. The present ex-
tract is also among the texts translated into English by Gordon (1966, 16-17),but
we have not found his translation reliable.
For introductions to Olympiodorus see Haedicke (1939) and Blockley (1981)
27-47.
Text
"Ott 6 itopu6ç 4y1at StOryovtN ce6-coi5 Katå OliPoc.; KCXLTI"lv
LCSTopioc 'evexa, bctOugigic yevaOca toç6uidcpxou; Kog Itpo«Tot
T63v Katå tiv Tei.24ttv 3ap136cpwv, ij-cot r6iv BX411.115OW,riç N/TUXi(X
a'roi3 dv 76cp ainoç ir Toi5TOi44)1j111-1.
Kog 2,.a136vge, 6116i, 1...iéxpt TOOLgeco; diate KdKEiv0DÇ toi);
xoSpoug iatopficsat Stexovta; duz6 To5v cDtXdiv 8tdcatiga iigepo3v 7CEN/TE,
gexpt ir6Xoç cl."k keyogvN Flpiga, nç TO itaXouOv npoitn it6?iç Tfk
Onj3ai.oç det6 toi5 3ap3apno ti5yav 81.6 napå T6w To.)gaigw 6cogaiq
6covij FIgiga iiTotirporrid)vogdalln, ice6,viv oiSuo IcaXeitca Kaitot
7r0XXCY6OiKELCOOEiCTOC PapPeipot; Etépcov Teaadcpcov rcOkecov,
(Dmvueo5vo;, Xiptöo, OdittöN, TOckg-töo.
ilapå Tol)'COU; TOl); xo'.)poy; 11)11CYLK1 a1apoiy6ou getcxXXec eivat
gakiv, ALTUItTiCONt PaCSIXEi3CSIN) i p.dcpcup5o Kc6
Tai3ta, iiv, o npo6fitect "C(tivPapPåpow npo-6-cpen6v te OeciaacTOca. 6:XX'
cy6K Tjv toino SuvectOv yevecsOca xcopi; pacylkucij 7CpocsTigro);.
Translation
The historian [i.e., Olympiodorus] says that when he was staying around
Thebes and Syene to do research, the tribal chiefs (phylarchos) and priests
(prophetes) of the barbarians around Talmis (Kalabsha), i.e., the Blemmyes,
formed a desire to meet him; and that it was his reputation that motivated
them to this.
"And," he says, "they took me as far as Talmis itself so as to investigate as
well those regions which extend for a distance of five days' (journey) from Phi-
lae as far as a city known as Prima, which was at one time the first city in the
Thebaid when entering from the land of the barbarians. For this reason the
Romans called it in Latin Prima, i.e., "First"; and that is what it is called now,
even though long occupied by the barbarians together with four other cities,
Phoinikon, Khiris, Thapis (Taphis), and Talmis."
He says he learned that in these regions there were also emerald mines
from which the kings of Egypt used to obtain emeralds in abundance. "These
too," he says, "the priests (prophetes) of the barbarians urged me to visit, but
this was not possible without a royal order."
[TEl
1127
Comments
In the fragment presented here we read about Olympiodorus' visit to Lower
Nubia as a guest of the Blemmyes who were at that time holding Talmis and
the cities of Prima, Phoinikon, Chiris, and Taphis. It might seem tempting to
identify Prima, the "first city in the Thebaid when entering from the land of
the barbarians", with Primis (Qasr Ibrim) (cf. 190, 204, 222), as also suggested by
Desanges (1978a, 340, also mentioning, however, another possibility); but the
fact that Olympiodorus places it in the "Thebaid", i.e., in reality in the Dodeca-
schoenus which one and a half centuries earlier (before the withdrawal of
Egypt's southern frontier in AD 298, cf. 280, 328) belonged to the administration
of the Thebaid, strongly contradicts such an identification. Instead, Olympio-
dorus' Prima is more likely identical with Qurta, which had been the first Ro-
man settlement when one entered the Dodecaschoenus from the south cross-
ing the border at Hiera Sycaminos (Maharraqa). It occurs as Cortia in Agath-
archides' 3rd cent. BC work (in Photius, Bibl. 250,22) and Corte in the Itinerar-
ium Antonini (Priese 1984, 787). Talmis is identical with Kalabsha, Taphis with
Tafa, Phoinikon with El Laqeita in the Eastern Desert (see Cornments on 305);
while Chiris is yet to be identified.
Though Olympiodorus enjoyed a great reputation as a successful diplomat
in the contemporary world of politics and was famed for having "attached
many great barbarian peoples to the Roman empire",718it is difficult to believe
that his fame, which he gained mainly by his embassy to the Huns in AD 412,
reached the Blemmyes. It appears more likely that, as Blockley (1981, 27) sug-
gested, he was in fact sent by the Eastern court to the Blemmyes on a diplomatic
mission. Kirwan's hypothesis that the Blemmyes were at this time (or, rather,
became as a result of his visit) federates of Rome fits this assumption very well
(cf. Kirwan 1982, 197, to be preferred to the sceptical remark made by Török
1988b, 51), the more so since it seems to receive confirmation from the men-
tion of a Roman official in a Blemmyan document from Kalabsha (see 313 and
cf. Török 1988b,234).
[LT]
310 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek graffiti of King Tamal.

SB I 1521-1523.Gauthier 1914,Pl. 66A.
Source bibliography
Temples immerg6 de la Nubie, 3.) Le Caire.
Maspero 1908 J. Maspero: Notes épigraphiques. BIFAO 6, 43-47.
718The philosopher Hierocles in the dedication of his Trentise on Providence and Fame, cf.
Blockley 1981, 27.
1128
The Sources
In 1907-1908,when the lower part of the southern fKade of the pronaos of the
temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha was freed from sand, there appeared left of the
gateway four Greek graffiti which had not been visible to Lepsius or others who
had earlier documented the inscriptions of the temple. They were promptly
copied and published (with facsimiles) by Maspero (1908). Gauthier (1911, 189-
191) was content to reproduce Maspero's text, adding a few comments of his
own as well as a photo (1914, Pl. 66A) showing two of the graffiti (No. II below
and 311). Since then, although the names of kings that the graffiti display have
duly entered into the discussion of Nubian history, no further work seems to
have been done on the texts themselves.
Maspero (1908, 46), basing himself on the letter forms, suggested that all
four graffiti should be dated to the late fifth or early sixth century AD.
The three graffiti which contain King Tamal's name appear below. Our text
is necessarily based on Maspero's edition alone, as far as the readings are con-
cerned; but we have suggested other supplements and interpretations at a few
places. The fourth graffito (311), which is longer and better preserved, may to
some extent be used to understand what the three shorter texts are about; but it
should be emphasized that the improvised mode of inscription and the state of
preservation as well as the linguistic peculiarities of these texts make any
restoration and interpretation extremely hazardous, and that, in the end, the
royal names and priestly titles are the only secure historical facts that emerge
from the graffiti.
Text
I (SB I 1521)
TocgaXa pocatXc[i) xc'tplcsa1719
2 Tij Mapapoux TOv tönov TO5<v>72° Opé-
3 (0V721 odyrfi
II (SB I 1522)
Tagak(a)722 3amX((.4723
2 0(1-1)724 tå öp(10)725
3 XevtoujcsEco-
719Suppl. Maspero (cf. 311).

720Supp1. Maspero.
721Read ôpiwv (?) Hägg, Opow (?) or Opdiv Maspero; Oprcov (sic) Keil in SB.
722The letters in parentheses in Nos. II and III are expansions suggested for abbreviations that
are indicated by a slanting stroke in the inscriptions.
723Ta1.Lcck(a) PconX((K) Hägg, TagOck(ot;) (3ounX(cli) Maspero.
7240(Xoy) (?) or verb formed from the stem of Çoicn, iSoij.un (?) Maspero. Read krWri) or
S6e(r1) (?)
725öp(ta) (?) Maspero, Op(ea) (?) Maspero (and Keil in SB).
1129
4 ç ånriEW04726
III (SBI 1523)

1 Tailak(a) pacnk(éco)727
2 E8é0(11)728 TdcOp(ta) flatE-
3 Bop(a) Ttpo(l)(rjtou)
Translation
[I,1Kin[g] (basileus) Tamal [have presented (?)]

2 to Mararouk729 the place up to
3 her boundaries (?).730
II
In the reign of King (basileus) Tama1731
2 the boundaries (?) were set (?)732
3 when Sentaesis
4 was high priest (archiereus).
III
In the reign of King (basileus) Tamal
2 the boundaries (?) were set (?)733
3 when Patebor(as) was priest (prophetes).
[TH]
726apx,tew,0;) Maspero, åpnep(o);) Gauthier, read åpxtrp(Ecog).

727 To1.iaX(a)13aall(E) Hägg, TagciX.(a) PactX.(di;) Maspero.
728 The same readings have been proposed in this line as in No. II line 2.
729 The definite article shows that this is a feminine name.
730 Maspero (1908, 43 f.) suggests that OPESIN should be interpreted as either Opow "limites" or
"montagnes". We suggest that Opiow should be understood here and Opta in Nos. II and III,
plurals of the word Optov with the meaning "limits", "boundaries" (the interchange t/E occurs in
other texts of the period as well).
731 We have interpreted the abbreviated name + title as a dating formula (in the genitive case);
Maspero prefers to supply the nominative (as in No. I and 311) and to interpret this as the subject
of the clause.
732 Maspero translates "J'ai fixe (?) les limites (??)", suggesting that .3E(3(....) is to be understood
either as UE.0(Xov), "le fondement", or as a verb from a root meaning "fonder, etablir". We
suggest instead an aorist passive of ti.13npA(the interchange T/8 occurs in other texts of the period
as well) "set", or possibly a misspelt passive aorist of the verb SiSo.ii.a, "give".
733 There are the same differences between our understanding of the first two lines and that of
Maspero as in No. II, his translation being "Moi, le roi Tamalas, j'ai fixe (?) les limites (?)".
1130
The Sources
Comments
These three short Greek graffiti were inscribed in the temple of Mandulis at
Kalabsha (cf. 248) for a King Tamal whom we do not know from other sources
and whom we identify as a ruler of the Blemmyes occupying the Kalabsha area
between roughly AD 394 and 453 (cf. 305, 309). The theophorous (?) name
Mararouk in the first of them may perhaps be associated with Mandulis (cf.
Greek MowSripin 313, Demotic Mn, Burkhardt 1985, 45); but it should be noted
that Mararouk here appears as a feminine name. The second graffito also men-
tions a high priest Sentaesis, while the third attests a prophet, i.e., a hont-priest
(see also 309; for the title cf. 245).
The priesthood of the temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha maintained the cult
of the god, who was worshipped for centuries by the mostly non-Egyptian pop-
ulation of the Dodecaschoenus, also after the region became part of the
Meroitic kingdom in AD 298; and, as is indicated by the 4th and 5th century
inscriptions found on the walls of the sanctuary (cf. 300, 310, 311, 313), they also
preserved literacy in both Meroitic and Greek. The occurrence of the name of
four Blemmyan kings, i.e., Tamal, Isemne, Degou, and Phonen (at that time
phylarkhos), cf. 311, 313, on the walls of the temple not only indicates the
devotion of the Blemmyes but also suggests that they regarded Kalabsha as
their capital in the Nile Valley and relied on the priesthood of Mandulis to
administer the occupied area. As 313 reveals, a sort of urban life continued to
be maintained with the help of the priesthood of Mandulis during the
Blemmyan domination; eventually, the Blemmyan overlords and their native
cults were integrated into the traditional Romanized social structure of the
town.
[LT]
311 Kalabsha, temple of Mandulis. Greek graffito of King Isemne.

SB I 1524. Gauthier 1914,Pl. 66A.
For Source bibliography and Introduction to source, see 310.
Text
'Egb1GERve 13a—
xdc.pt-
6a734 T6TCON/tfi
Ilkoukav Ka-
5 06.); Mcxpoimc735 x,å—
ptcycv Anyou kL-
734 xdptcrix = xcxpicriip.riv (?) Maspero. This linguistic peculiarity seems to be securely read on
the stone; on "Blemmyan Greek", cf. 319.
735 Map<op>oinc (?) Maspero (cf. 310).
1131
MXEI KOC'L aircå; èV Tij

auyatpi cdyco.6 IiXo—
kav ë6.) ÅIQ
Translation
I, King Isemne, have presented (the) place to Ploulan,736just (5) as Marouk pre-
sented (it) to King Degou737and he to his daughter Ploulan, up to
[TH]
Comments
This Greek dedication is presented here as evidence for the association of the
Blemmyan overlords of the Kalabsha area with the temple of Mandulis as a
cult place and as the centre of their administration of Lower Nubia, which they
held between roughly AD 394 and 453 (cf. 306, 309). At the same time it shows
that the Blemmyan state was an association of tribal units, the chiefs of which
termed themselves PocmXd.);"king", in Greek (but see also 319, 333 ff.): 311 was
inscribed for two kings, Isemne and Degou. It remains obscure whether they
were equals in rank or there was a hierarchy of Blemmyan kings. The theonym
Marouk in the text does not occur elsewhere, and it is uncertain whether it can
be connected with the name Mandulis (Egyptian Mrwl/Mnrul/Mrjl/Mntul, De-
motic Mn).
Millet and Priese (cf. Comments on 300) identified Isemne with Yismeniye,
the foe of King Kharamadoye.
[LTI
312 Tafa. Greek inscription.

SB I 5099. Roeder 1911, Pl. 92B.SEG XXXIV1639.
Source bibliography
flägg 1984 T. flägg: Nubicograeca(Bemerkungen zu
Roeder 1911 G. Roeder: Debod bis Bab Kalabsche. Vol. 1-2. (Les
Temples immergs de la Nubie, 6:1-2.) Le Caire.
Zucker 1912 F. Zucker: Die griechischen Inschriften zwischen Debod
und Taifa. (Les Temples immergs de la Nubie, 6:3.) Le
Caire.
This inscription was incised on an inner wall in the "Northern Sanctuary"
("Nordtempel") at Taphis (Tafa) north of Kalabsha (Roeder 1911 I, 195). It was
736The definite article shows that this is a feminine name, as confirmed in line 8.
737Maspero (1908, 45) gives both DEGOU and DEROU as possible readings of the name.
1132
The Sources
published by Zucker (1912, 155-164)who suggested a date in the late fourth cen-
tury AD. A photo was published by Roeder (1911II, Pl. 92B).
There are several possible ways to divide this text into structural parts. We
opt, in our translation, for two parallel clauses, the first stating who donated
the building (lines 1-4), the second who built it (lines 5-7); before them, there is
an eponym dating (line 1), between them, a statement of the sum used (line 4).
Text
'Erit KOAAT=MAEIX HM738
Kkivano; auv(68ou) Ap.cm739
rcoiliacv amå kyetat
xavt- dtvrjkaxsev (rciXavrcc) (inSpla) (Stax6cqa).
5 EIABANIXHMNAMOTT740Itprit
XEBATAT Agatt obco-
86plasv.
Translation
Under (?) of Kola, Tesemaeikhem,741 president (klinarkhos) of the cult society
(synodos) of Amati, had (this) hall made, (which) is called chant. He expended
10,200 talents. (5) Silbanikhem (son of) Namous, agent (?) (pret) of the cult soci-
ety (?)742of Amati, built (it).
[TH]
Note on the Egyptian words

The string KOAAT=MAEIXHM (line 1) is bounded by the recognizable Greek words bci and
xkivapxog. The —XHM at the end of this string also occurs in the string ZlABANIXHMNAMOTE-
11PHTIEBATAT (lines 5-6), which is also bounded by identifiable words, (Stouccicna)and Aktatt,
and may there too occur at a segmental boundary that marks the end of a word. Both strings occur in
contexts where one might expect personal names. Egyptian names are sometimes followed by the
word hm, which corresponds to the Greek vecircepo; means "(the) younger", and could have been
transcribed as the Greek —XHM.On the other hand, there are no readily recognizable Egyptian
names in the two strings; and in the context of the set of texts to which 312 belongs one expects
Blemmyan names although as yet no exact parallels for these strings are attested.
The string XANT at the beginning of line 4 stands between two unmistakably Greek words but is
itself neither a recognizable Greek word nor interpretable as an abbreviation of one. In the present
context, therefore, it was appropriate to consider whether it might be a foreign word; and as
738 A possible segmentation of this string would be: KoXa TEGEpuct.nu.

739 auv(68ou) Aucert I-lägg (1984, 104), Euvagärt (= Wrcuidti.) Zucker.
740A possible segmentation of this string would be: X,IX,PavixnuNoci.tou; the translation given
below assumes that D.23avixnp. is a nominative and Ncx1oDça genitive.
741 This name (whatever the correct segmentation) may also belong together with Kola, leaving
the klinarkhos unnamed.
742 XEBATAT in the text is unexplained; if Greek, the words é3cç "reverence" and ac3aat6;
"venerable" come closest. But it may also be a non-Greek equivalent of synodos, used after the
non-Greek title of the "agent" (pret); cf. Note on the Egyptian words below.
1133
Roeder (in: Zucker 1912, 160) and the editors of the Berlin Egyptian dictionary (Erman-Grapow
1955, III, 307, 13) recognized, XANT can be readily interpreted as a Greek transcription of Egyptian
hnt. The stem hnt refers to something or someone at the front of something else; and, in the Graeco-
Roman Period, the word written hnty in hieroglyphs denoted, among other structures, a columned
hall in an Egyptian temple, a hypostyle hall as it is currently called (Gardiner 1947, II, 208*). The
Demotic word hnt, which has been defined in general terms as denoting a room in a temple (Erichsen
1954, 364), is probably a variant of the same lexeme. Since, then, a characteristic feature of Greek
stoas was a colonnade and the structure in which the inscription occurs and to which it evidently
refers is a columned hall, it is indeed reasonable to conclude that XANT is a Greek writing of hnt(y)
and that atoec and XANT denote the hypostyle hall in which our inscription is carved.
In the string EIABANIXHMNAMOTEI1PHTEEBATAT(lines 5-6), mentioned above, there oc-
curs a sub-string HPHT, which can be interpreted as the Egyptian definite article p (also written p)
prefixed to the word rt (also written rd and rf) which occurs several times in our corpus with the
meaning "agent" (for the etymology see ern)-71976, 140 and Vycichl 1983, 179). In 244 and 251
agents of Isis are specifically engaged in work on shrines of gods.
In the light of parallel texts in which cult societies are said to be "of" a named god, it is
tempting to regard AMATI (lines 2 and 6) in the present context as the name of the divinity
which the society served.743 This, however, raises a problem with regard to the string
IEBATAT between IIPHT and AMAT1. The parallels in our corpus have no word between "the
agent" and "of (NAMEOF GOD)". In line 2 the text speaks of the "president of the cult society of
Amati"; and perhaps, like XANT for o'tod, EEBATAT is the Egyptian equivalent of cstiv(o8o;) so
that the phrase means "agent of the cult society of Amati". The writing of the word for "cult
society" in Egyptian has proven difficult to interpret and its reading has yet to be established
beyond doubt. I have not found any word in Egyptian that is clearly written sbtt (the consonants
in ZEBATAT) and that has a meaning which could link it to the idea of a cult society, so the idea
that EEBATAT has anything to do with crUv(o8o;)must be regarded as very speculative.
[RHP]
Comments
See 313.
313 Blemmyan cult societies at Kalabsha.Greek inscription.

SB V 8697. Gauthier 1914, Pl. CIIIA.SEG XXXIV1631,XL 1591.
Source bibliography
Temples immerg6 de la Nubie, 3.) Le Caire.
Hågg 1986 T. Hågg: 'Blemmyan Greek' and the Letter of Phonen.
In: M. Krause (ed.): Nubische Studien. Mainz, 281-286.
Wilcken 1901 U. Wilcken: Heidnisches und Christliches aus
Ägypten. APF 1, 396-436.
743A possible variant writing of AMATI occurs as the first constituent in the Blemmyan personal
name FAMATIIDANTin 313, line 1.
1134
The Sources
Zyhlarz 1940-41 E. Zyhlarz: Die Sprache der Blemmyer. Zeitschrift für

Eingeborenen-Sprachen 31, 1-21.
This inscription was incised into the outside of the back wall of the cella of the
temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha (see Gauthier 1911, 312 f.). It was discovered by
Lepsius and first published in 1844. A photo was published by Gauthier (1914,
Pl. CIIIA).
Long considered largely incomprehensible (Letronne called it "une enigme
quant å present indechiffrable"), the main features of the text were established
by Wilcken (1901, 411-419),while Hågg (1984, 101-105)supplied an explanation
for some remaining enigmatic points. Wilcken (1901, 413) dated it on palaeo-
graphical grounds to the 5th century AD. Our text is based on his.
The Greek used in this inscription, as also in 310-312, is of a kind that may
merit the description "Pidgin Greek" (cf. Hågg 1986); in particular, the endings
of verbs and nouns are frequently deprived of the distinguishing grammatical
function they have in standard Ancient Greek, which means that the interpre-
tation of the text must be guided largely by semantics and logic (see further on
319). Additional difficulties for the interpretation are the unorthodox (and
sometimes unmarked) abbreviations, the usual fluid post-classical Greek or-
thography, and the non-Greek personal names (on the onomastics, cf. Zyhlarz
1940-41); at some places, it is uncertain whether a name or an (abbreviated or
misspelt) Greek word is intended. Moreover, the correct segmentation of
names is often in doubt. Still, there is a fair chance that the translation given
below for the most part correctly reproduces what those who put up the
inscription wanted to communicate.
Text
'Eir (130vOIN(Irt)kapX0, FaliaTIC)avt PEvelalM[g]
npo4mirca;, Mevpoung. FIX,m(Kapoup6ng[o]-
K2d(vapxo),744 å fa2g ()tria ev airrO745 ickl(vOcpxou) iccit
Aknic[1746
744 By analogy with npolultat; = npoOritrig in the nominative case in line 2, we interpret (IyUX-
apxo in line 1 and KXi(v(xpxog)in line 3 as nominative forms of the titles, in spite of the fact that
grammatically correct Greek would demand genitive forms. Titles and names are often written in
the nominative form in Nubian Greek texts of late antiquity and the middle ages, irrespective of
their grammatical function. There was, however, no consistency in such matters; nor is consistency
possible in our restorations.
745 Read aiyrC) or odyro) (or ccirroi); = .qu6-(;)Wilcken, CCUTCP;
(or aimi)v) Hågg. The unat-
tested compound orUtoickt(våpxou;) was suggested by Bilabel in SB.
746 bnaaktlx[.] Wilcken ("Obertånzer"); cf. Hågg 1984, 102.
1135
FontesHistoriaeNubiorumIII
flicrnv icki(vapxov) ativ(68ou) Al3eve747icast fItaat 1-12tou748

icki(vapxov)
crov(OSou) Xonav
5 cà `FsveaTiCTEAowcavt ic?t,i(vapxov)6uv(68ob) Mav8t1p. fpdalgo—
tev Stå TO ittTaxtov T63Stitto TOckttecoirapå
TOi3K611.1/r0"D KX,ivap(X0) Tik 7r6XECO 1.1épo
icat O tpÇ 60V6801) [iépo; ttia ånå
Tfj; atittEpov &t TON,ckEixpOvov. 'Eåv
10 8(åp0v, Oi)1C npåytta, dckkå et;749 Tpia CTUNi—
OSob ttépo oc', 6Srittoickivapxo; ttépo [3'.
KaOth kypamfattev åcsOoc?,.;xast KcLOci)çåntyrti—
aoci_tevMevpobxritt racovcapotip [811(tto)licki(vapxo.)
Kal ciittvrjottev750it tapTiiptov
15 IIa8r1; Bcox
icoit Mevp[op] Ka2tau751oiicerc
icat ATpex Artipw.752
Translation
When Phonen753 was tribal chief (phylarkhos), Gamatifant Psentaesis priest
(prophetes), and Menroukhem Plokhkarour the city cult president (demoklin-
arkhos),
the King (basileus) made these (?) presidents (klinarkhos) and chairmen
(epistates) (?) (sciL, of the cult societies):
Altik[.] Pison president of the cult society (synodos) of Abene,
Pisai Plou president of the cult society of Khopan, (5) and
Psentaese Loukani president of the cult society of Mander.
We (the presidents) write because of the letter (sent) to the city of Talmis
(Kalabsha) from the Count (comes) (which said): "The city's cult president
(klinarkhos tes poleos) two thirds and the three cult societies one third, from
this day and for ever." If (this is) (10) a gift, we have no objection, but to the
three cult societies one third, the city cult president (demoklinarkhos) two
thirds.
747 csiw 'ABeve

Wilcken("mit Abene(NB.als Obertanzer)",and similarlyfor the following
pairsof names;cf.Hågg1984,102.
748 0r: litcsauc)ou.
749 Reado (?).
750 Readbrop.vtiol.tEv.
751 0r: Mevp[ollicaXau.
752,Atf, ICat'ip(7.) = ica13'iepoi3Wilcken("beimHeiligtum"),at..Icatruxo Gauthier,Awic
AtrIpwHågg.
753 The name is spelled Phonoin (cI)ov otv) in this text, but is obviouslythe same as Phonen
(cDcovIlv) in 319;bothspellingswouldgivethe samepronunciation in lateGreek.
1136
The Sources
What we have written, is valid and (is) what Menroukhem Plokhkarour,

the [city] (?) cult president, has demanded (?), and we swear before (these) wit-
nesses: (15) Pades Bok,754Menr[ou] Kalau the priest (weep), and Atrek Atero (?).
[TH]
Comments
The Greek inscriptions 312 and 313 from Tafa and Kalabsha provide evidence
for the remarkable integration of Blemmyan cults into the traditional Roman-
ized urban cult life of the former Dodecaschoenus as well as for the Blemmyan
policy of leaving intact the existing social and administrative structure of that
part of Lower Nubia they occupied between roughly AD 394 and 453 (cf. 306, 309
ff.). As Flägg has shown (1984, 101 ff.), both inscriptions attest the existence of
cult societies of the type known from Roman Egypt (cf. Otto 1905, 251 ff.; San
Nicolô 1915, 78; E. Bernand 1969, 69 ff., 248 ff.) but adapted to the cult of local,
non-Egyptian, and—with the exception of Mandulis—apparently also non-
Egyptianized or Meroiticized, probably Blemmyan, deities.
Beyond the information they provide for the study of Blemmyan religion
and of the relationship between the Blemmyes and the political and intellec-
tual structure they found in the Nubian region when they conquered it, the
two texts, especially 313, also present data for political history. 313 was written
at the time when Phonen held the office of phylarch in Kalabsha. His title,
which occurs in contemporary sources with the meaning "tribal chief"755,
seems to indicate that the king(s) of the Blemmyes governed their Lower
Nubian possessions with the help of a deputy, as is also indicated in 309, whose
high rank is suggested not only by the above title but also by the person of
Phonen, who is probably identical with the later King Phonen of 319. The
occurrence of the title phylarch in 313 may, however, also reflect the impact of
contemporary Eastern Roman official terminology, in which a phylarch was
the chief of a federate barbarian group (cf. Kirwan 1982, 197 and Comments on
309; and see Shahid 1984, 31 and Mayerson 1991). Kirwan's suggestion that the
Blemmyan phylarchs who invited Olympiodorus to Kalabsha were Roman
federates is strongly supported in the case of Phonen's Blemmyes by the
reference made in 313 to the comes, who was in all probability none other than
the commander of the Roman frontier forces who maintained official contact
with the allied barbarians.
312 commemorates the building of an ornamental edifice, a stoa, donated by
the head of the cult society of the god Amati; the text also mentions the name
of the man who constructed it. The name of the deity occurs in theophorous
personal names recorded in 3rd and/or 4th cent. AD documents from Dakka
754 Bok may be a title, "(temple) servant" (thus Zyhlarz 1940-41, 19).
75501ympiodorus, fgm. 3.35.18 gives this title to Alaric, the ruler of the Goths; cf. also Helm
1979, 363 f. note 47; for a survey of the occurrences of the title in historical sources see Gschnitzer
1968, 1067 ff.
1137
(Ostraca Strassbourg 655.9; WO 1233, cf. Hågg 1984, 104), Abu Hor (SB I, 3921)
and Kalabsha (SB I, 4574) but is not known from any text connected with a tem-
ple cult in Egypt or in Meroe.
In 313 we find reference to the cult societies of the deities Abene, Khopan,
and Mander. Abene and Khopan are not attested in any other text from Egypt
or Nubia; in Mander, however, we may recognize with Wilcken (1901, 415 note
1) the theonym written in other Greek texts as MavöoD?ç and occurring as
Mrwl/Mnrul/Mryl/Mntul in hieroglyphic and as Mr3 in Demotic texts. 313 also
presents, together with 333 ff., a basis for the study of Blemmyan personal
names (cf. Satzinger 1992).
[LT]
314 The petition of Bishop Appion. AD 425 450. -
PLeiden Z. SB XX 14606.
Source bibliography
Feissel-Worp 1988 D. Feissel-K.A. Worp: La requête d'Appion, évêque
de Syène, å Thkdose II: P. Leid. Z
Oudheidkundige Mededelingen 68, 97-111.
Leemans 1885 C. Leemans: Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii publici
Lugduni Batavi, II. Leiden.
Wessely 1888 C. Wessely: Ein bilingues Majeståtsgesuch aus dem
Jahre 391/2 nach Chr. XIV.Jahresbericht
Gymnasium Hernals. 1887-1888.Wien.
Wilcken 1912 L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundzüge und Chrestomathie
The papyrus containing the text below was acquired in 1828 by the Rijks-
museum van Oudheden in Leiden where it is still kept (inv. AMS 5). It is said
to have been found on the island of Philae, but this information has not been
substantiated (Feissel-Worp 1988, 97 with note 7). It is an official copy of a peti-
tion from Appion, bishop of Syene, Contra Syene and Elephantine, to the Em-
perors Theodosius II and Valentinian III, and can therefore be dated to the pe-
riod AD 425-450.In a column to the left of the text there are traces of large Latin
capitals believed to belong to the Emperor's rescript, but no secure readings
have been recovered (for the attempts see Feissel-Worp 1988, 99, note 19). Be-
tween this column and the main text the papyrus shows the Latin formula of
greeting bene valere te cupimus, "We wish you good health". For the lay-out of
various parts of the text see the photos reproduced by Feissel-Worp (1988) Pls.
1-3.
1138
The Sources
The papyrus was first published by Leemans (1885). A new edition was
made by Wilcken (1912), with an introduction (in German). It has more re-
cently been re-examined by Feissel-Worp (1988), who give the history of the pa-
pyrus, a critical edition, a detailed commentary, and a French translation. On
their text we have based ours.
Text
Exemplum precum
2 Toi; yi-j; xast Occ.24aarig ircvtôç åvepainwv Kast yévou
[8]Earc6rcenclxD[X,Xls OeoSocsicp BaXevtiviavc;) toi; [cci]o)viot
oci)yoi)[cstot]
3 SrIcstg icast 1:Kecsia ircicp[Cc]'Alticiwvoç 7.ctai(6irop X,Eyeôvo; Zurjyri
KEN/.. [11]1j\J'N Kat 'EXE(1)avTiv% 011£Tépa;
0[11]pagiSo.
4 E'icoesev i tpcc cp[iP.LavOpconicx 7[15(6Elv &otvoç xEipa 6etCcv
Opéyelv, [O]Ocv Kdcyci) TOOTO a4ç gegaOlpeci) TaaSE. Tdc
ÖETjcYEtÇ
5 EXijX\P3a Toi3 rcpciygoc[to]; åvtoç vTOISTOL. 'Ey liaco Tciiv dc7rripicov
Papficipco[v] gE[r]dc tv tiv icnvtu-yxdc.VCON, TE
BX.EvvixON/1756
6 getoc.V) Koci 'Avv[o]43c5c8coy 7TO? .[X]a; nap' èiivwv ç [k]; dul)a[v]cri);
x[cer]aSpoki[d inc]ogévoliev 0.68evå 6tpaTuititou 7Cp0E16T[a]).14)/01) tv
7 illturpcov -ccincov. 'EK toircou ;c6iy toentykyulpiv[co]y ic-Kk11cn6)[v]
icast Sp[v]ocgb;cov iniTE TOi; ocircalg irpocn:[)E1>yOUCYEIY braglivEtv
8 itpoaltiTZTO.) 1MOKDkIV801S[IEVO T6iv OEi.03y t6v Ka't àxpdcy[-ccov] ixyciAv
656T1E KQ[T]C(1.6361:XtOecynicrai cppoupeics[O]ou km.?]
9 åyia; 1cT3iaç i)7CO T(iiv nocp' 1fl.1Eiv npattoyuiiv ic[cci] TdOcaO[ca
410[1. Kal OITCaKOOElv itepi nciv'twv leccOcb; o y(1?3,2,(Oy oiiTco
Koc?Lowévop 41)poupici tfi; iigetépcx; "Avco eiNce[i].5,o[d tcwroc[cstaOvte]
6Tpatj.[Cyta]i .67rovpyo6aciv (131X6)(v)757 ytaiç TOO 0£0[O]
11 KKXrcYicaç. aiSto.) ydrcp Suvricy[O]gc()a åSE[i.1) [
1.1ETELéValvol.wOusicc; ...[ ]
12 papvcCeni;ciptop.évng Kourå IcapaNZy[Tow]....[...tv :cOc[Ocico].56.)
nccp' i)],t6iv 0£67C16134yTa, 74cy1i;
13 auvapncxyfj TOO St' brccv-cicc !,tpou; yevog[vi]; p..EMX.crticy]ri
yevé[csOat] csxoXacrUcp-1Q, Ocia;
14 i8n(r) xapito rcepi TO.UTOU OOIT0i6% itp[O]; rOv gE-yakonp?i.ccsirourov
icoci rcepi[3kerc[rov] x61.tura, KOC't80QC
756Corrected to 13k4t(g)i)owby editors; the spelling Blemn is, however, found in Latin, see 295.
-
757Interpreting (Inkcoas an abbreviated form of the genitive plural, with "city" or "island" un-
derstood.
1139
15 tol5 Orj[3dixo".6ktgitou. KCCI TOUTOD tux(sv 4çcs-uvii0ag

Cc[votic[[inglo.) 0£i? iYrcpto aicoviou [i)]g6)[v]xp[OcTou];
16 Stå navuk. ttt
Translation
(Latin:) Copy of the petition
(Greek:) To the masters of land and sea and of every nation and race of men,
Flavius Theodosius and Flavius Valentinianus, Eternal Augusti: Entreaty and
supplication from Appion, bishop of the region758 of Syene and Contra
Syene759 and Elephantine, in Your province (eparchia)of Upper Thebais.
Your Benevolence is wont to extend your right hand to all who bring their
requests,760 wherefore I too, being fully aware of this, have had recourse to
these entreaties, (5) the situation being as follows:
Since I find myself with my churches in the midst of those merciless barbar-
ians, between the Blemmyes and the Annoubades,761 we suffer many attacks
from them, coming upon us as if from nowhere, with no soldier to protect our
places. As the churches in my care for this reason are humiliated and unable to
defend even those who are fleeing for refuge to them I prostrate myself and
grovel at your divine and unsullied footprints so that you may deign to ordain
that the holy churches [under my carel be defended by the troops (stationed)
near us and that they obey me and be placed under my orders in all matters just
as the troops stationed in the garrison of Philae, as it (10)is called762, in Your
Upper Thebaid serve God's holy churches on Philae. For in that way we shall
be able to live without fear and pursue [...] once the strictest legislation is laid
down against those who have transgressed [...1 what You have divinely or-
dained, all plundering by our adversaries, present or future, is checked, and a
special and divine [...1 grace on Your part in this matter goes to the Magnificent
and Notable763Count and Duke (15) of the Thebaid Frontier.
If I obtain this, I shall (be able to) send my customary prayers to God for
Your eternal power uninterruptedly.
[TE]
758 Reading 15EyeôvN = Lat. regionis, a correction by Wessely (1888), adopted by Feissel-Worp
(1988), see their discussion 101-103.
759 Interpreting (with Feissel-Worp 1988, 103) the xey... of the papyrus as representing the Latin
con(tra), "against", i.e., on the opposite bank. Wilcken (1912) read Kev[f-k] (for Katvi-1): "New
Syene".
760 Lit. "to those begging". An alternative translation is "to those who are in need".
761 For the spelling Annoubades for Noubades cf. 320 -22, 319, and 333, and see Feissel-Worp (1988)
104, note 67.
762 Reading (with Feissel-Worp 1988) oLiv, in the dative case, to agree with c>poupio„),
"garrison", instead of IccO~voy, in the genitive case, of the papyrus.
763 The Greek title corresponds to the Roman rank of spectabilis.
1140
The Sources
Comments
The bishopric of Appion, the author of the above petition, belonged to the Up-
per Thebaid, a province recently created by dividing the Thebaid into an Upper
province under the authority of the Dux who was responsible for the military
defence of the frontier against the Blemmyes and the Nubians, and a Lower
province under the authority of a civil Praeses (cf. Drew-Bear 1979, 295). Indic-
ating the defencelessness of the communities in his bishopric against the dev-
astating raids of the barbarian Blemmyes and Nubians and the impossibility of
defending his churches as refuges for the persecuted, Appion asks the emperors
that the garrison of Syene be put under his authority in the same manner as
the garrison of Philae was under the command of the bishop of Philae.
Appion's petition reveals not only that in the years around 425-450 the
Blemmyan raids continued to threaten the life and property of the Christian
communities in the region of the First Cataract but also that the Annoubades
had joined the Blemmyes as tormentors of Upper Egypt. In the Annoubades,
who occur in 333 as "the nation of the Anouba", we may recognise representa-
tives of the large family of Nubian-speakers appearing in the ancient sources as
Nuba. The kingdom, emerging as successor to the Meroitic kingdom in Lower
Nubia between the First and Second Cataracts in the early 5th cent. AD (cf.
Comments on 300), would later appear as Noubadia in the written sources (cf.
319). Appion's Annoubades may thus be marauding troops of the king of
Noubadia who, in temporary alliance with or alternating with the Blemmyes,
was sending raiding parties into Upper Egypt. Treasure, also including a silver
reliquary adapted to the special way of exhibiting relics in Egyptian churches
(Török 1986b), and dating from the late 4th and early 5th cent. AD, was buried
around AD 450-460 with a king of Noubadia in Ballana tumulus B 3 (Török
1988b, 134 ff., Pls XVII-XXIV,93-105; Török 1995c). They were taken from an
Upper Egyptian church in the course of one of the raids indicated by Appion,
and they provide particularly interesting material support for the written evi-
dence.
[LT]
315 Philae. Greek inscriptions of worshippers of Ptireus. AD 434.

SB I 13, 14. I. Philae 11190, 191.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 É. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [. I. Philae II.]
Thissen 1994 H.J. Thissen: Varia Onomastica. GM 141, 89-95.
1141
The two inscriptions presented here were carved on the same wall in the tem-
ple of Isis at Philae, ca. 2 m. from the ground (for details of their placement, see
Comments below). They belong to the epigraphic genre of proskynema (cf. 265).
The first one has a date corresponding to Nov. 5, AD 434; the second, which
lacks a date by year, appears to be roughly contemporary.
The second inscription which obviously used the first one as its model for
the formulas of adoration as well as of imprecation, was less carefully carved
and exhibits some spelling mistakes. It is uncertain whether line 2 npocimitouin
the genitive case is a mistake for the nominative TcpocHtrK (as written in the
first inscription) or is a deliberate change to indicate that it is his father, not
himself, who is "priest of Ptireus".
Our text follows that of É. Bernand (1969, 221-225, with Pl. 39-40), checked
against his photos. Bernand supplies the earlier bibliography, a French transla-
tion, and a commentary.
Text
I (I. Philae II 190)
TO rcpoanivni.ta Havoiç ic nciezpå
flaxougiou, npocinjui; FltipECO,TC01,6i na—
på Toi) eixrEl3eia; xåplv,
dcyafki), AO•Up0 I I Ent, f5Vå åtmckryr(tavoi)).
5 '0 &dov -rairroctå p
at a, ketXtlifOIXStvtô 7—
vo;
II (I. Philae II 191)

TO irpoaK1)VTillaFlagfit EK
tpôç Beptjuu npollnirou Iltip—
pEco; 7r016)napå TO'l);0E0i);
ic' dcyaya0ci),(Dc4tewb03,[3.[0]
5 EapiNrov (vac.) tailta tå ypåg—
gata, oc,?
,iNfoucYlvtå yévoot
ot ,6,c015.764
Translation
This obeisance (I,) Pasnous, son of Pachoumios, priest (prophetes) of Ptireus,765
am making before the gods as an act of piety. May it be for the best. On the 9th
of Hathyr, in (the year) 151 of (the era of) Diocletian.
764 Read line 4 (iya0o), line 5 13c.X.i.‘irov

(= line 6 yévo;.
765 0n the nominative form Ptireus rather than Ptiris, see Thissen (1994, 93-95).
1142
The Sources
(5) Whoever obliterates these letters, they (the gods) will obliterate his clan.

This obeisance (I,) Pamet, son of Bereos priest (prophetes) of Ptireus, am mak-
ing before the gods. May it be for the best. On the 12th of Phamenoth.
Whoever (5) obliterates these letters, they (the gods) will obliterate his clan.
[TH]
Comments
These two proskynemata were incised on the exterior wall of the rooms behind
the E colonnade of the Second Court of the temple of Isis, i.e., on the back wall
of what were the late Ptolemaic temple library and the purification, later
Meroitic, chamber (cf. 267). The first one, dated Nov. 5, AD 434, commemorates
Pasnous, son of Pachomios, prophet of the god Ptireus (for the reading of the
deity's name, see Thissen 1994, 93). The second one was probably written in the
same period by Pamet, son of Bereos the prophet of Ptireus. A third
proskynema on the same wall (E. Bernand 1969, no. 192) consists of no more
than the name of Panouchem, son of Tabolbolos and was probably inscribed in
close proximity to the two others because it was intended to perpetuate its
writer's adoring presence before the same deity, i.e., Ptireus whose image was
incised three times next to the three proskynemata.
The writer of the first inscription is also the author of a proskynema from
AD 456/7 on the exterior of the naos (E. Bernand 1969, no. 199), this time sign-
ing himself as protoklinarkhos (cf. 313) of a cult society.
Close to the proskynemata presented here there are engraved three sketchy
representations of a falcon-headed, human-armed, and crocodile-bodied deity
wearing a sundisc between Hathoric horns, holding in his hands a palm
branch, and shown in a recumbent position on a pedestal (E. Bernand 1969, Pl.
40; abkar 1975, Pl. II). The crocodile tail terminates in a uraeus serpent
crowned with the sundisc. Representations of the same deity, or, if these three
representations depict a female deity, of her male counterpart, wearing, how-
ever, the sundisc with plumes, without the uraeus on the tail but with lion's
hind-legs, are known (1) from the lst cent. AD reliefs of the interior of
Natakamani's and Amanitore's Apedemak temple at Naqa (Gamer-Wallert
1983, Blatt 9 /b, cf. (211)), (2) from a representation found on the bezel of a ring
from tomb G. 399 at Karanog (Woolley-Randall-MacIver 1910, Pl. 33; Hofmann
1976b), and (3) from two embossed silver plaques from a casket (?) found in
tumulus Q 17 dated to ca. AD 390-400(Török 1988b, 103 ff., 154) in the cemetery
of Qustul (2abkar 1975, fig. 2; Török 1988b, Pl. 51; cf. Comments on 300).
E. Bernand (1969, 225) believed the names of the writers of the proskyne-
mata as well as the name of the god Ptireus were Blemmyan and suggested that
Pasnous, Pamet and Panouchem were Blemmyes who were visiting Philae on
some mission. 2abkar (1975, 147), however, observes that the element -ous oc-
1143
curring in their names may rather be found in Nubian personal names. He

also shows (op. cit., 147 ff.) that the falcon-crocodile hybrid deity is a syncretistic
descendant of Egyptian Late Period deities represented in the same form, associ-
ated with Horus766 and adopted around the lst cent. AD in Meroitic religion,
where he was associated with a lion god as well. The ancestors of the falcon-
crocodile god whom his Nubian (?) worshippers at Philae called Ptireus in the
5th cent. AD were also represented in the Late Period at Philae and in the tem-
ple at el-Hibis in the Khargeh Oasis (2abkar 1975, 151 f. with references); and
there can be little doubt that it was due to influence from Philae that he ap-
peared at Naqa—just as the fact that he continued to be worshipped by the in-
habitants of Post-Meroitic Lower Nubia may similarly be explained as a conse-
quence of his cult on Philae. Though poor in execution, the Philae graffiti indi-
cate the existence of a temple cult of Ptireus in which there served "prophets",
a Greek term corresponding with the Egyptian hm-ntr, signifying priests of the
highest echelon. The importance of Ptireus for the Noubades in the late 4th
and the 5th cent. is also indicated by the context of the silver plaques found in
tumulus Q. 17 at Qustul (see above). On other silver plaques belonging to the
same casket there are representations of objects which can be identified as rank
insignia of the princes buried at Qustul (cf. Török 1988b, 104). All the silver
plaques from Q. 17 were made in the same court workshop from which the
royal crowns of the subsequent generations of the Qustul princes also origi-
nated (cf. Török 1988b, 169 ff.).
[LT]
316 Roman and Christian law and the Aithiopians. Ca. AD 420 449. -
Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 9.13-15 (PG 83, 1037C).
Source bibliography
Canivet 1958 Thodoret de Cyr: Th&apeutique des maladies
heMniques. Vol. 1-2. Ed. P. Canivet. (Sources
Chr&iennes, 57.) Paris.
Quasten 1960 Patrology. Vol. 3: The Golden Age of Greek Patristic
Literature. Utrecht-Westminster, MD.
Raeder 1904 Theodoreti Graecarum affectionum curatio. Ed. J.
Raeder. (Bibliotheca Teubneriana.) Leipzig. [Repr.
Stuttgart 1969.]
Theodoret was bom ca. AD 393 in Antioch in Syria. He received a good classical
education, as is evident from his writings. He became a monk at the age of
766 The best-known being 1:Ir-1my-§nwt, "Horus-who-is-in-Shenwet", cf. van de Walle 1972, 77 f.;
for "Horus of Pidjodj" at el-Hibis see 2abkar 1975, 152.
1144
The Sources
eighteen and was from 423 to 449 and again from 451 till his death in 466
bishop of Cyrrhus (or Cyrus), a small town north-east of Antioch (hence his
Latin name Theodoretus Cyrensis). He was a prolific writer on various
theological topics, including the defence of Antiochene Christology against the
doctrines propounded by Cyril of Alexandria. He wrote a Church History,
continuing that of Eusebius (cf. 294); it covers the hundred years from the
Emperor Constantine to his own time. His intimate personal knowledge of the
monks and monasteries of Northern Syria went into a biographical account of
thirty Syrian ascetics, known as his Religious History. His many exegetical
works were much admired and read.
The book from which our extract is taken, Graecarum affectionum curatio
('EUTivtiv OspåTCEuTtler) Ica0m.tåtcov) or "The Cure of Hellenic (= pagan)
Maladies", is an apologetic treatise in which Theodoret seeks to demonstrate
the superiority of Christianity to paganism. It must have been composed before
449 since he himself mentions it in a letter of that year; some are of the opinion
that he may even have written it before he became a bishop in 423 (Canivet
1958, Vol. 1, 28-31; cf. Quasten 1960, 544). The work gives us valuable informa-
tion on Greek philosophy and religion. It is divided into twelve parts, each pre-
senting the pagan and the Christian answer to a fundamental question in phi-
losophy or religion. The ninth part, to which our extract belongs, compares
Christian ethics with Roman law.
Although Syriac was his mother tongue, Theodoret writes a clear Greek
prose of a distinctly archaic flavour. There are two critical editions of his Cura-
tio (Raeder 1904; Canivet 1958, with French trans.), but no modern English
translation. We base our text on that of Raeder. For further details and biblio-
graphy, see Quasten 1960,536-554.
Text
9 [13] Koit `Pcogaiot Sè toç Trap' "EXXricrtKast 3ap3ciprnç vaOpoicsavte
v6p.oug Kast TO.6; diptata KeicsOcu 86 Itap' KciaTcro vogoO&col)
?talkivte, OcranEp 0vrI TOVTOliT6WimetafiXOE Çuy6v, SouXEISEtv toiaSe
toiç v61..tot; Tjvcivccwav, toiç öè Tcap' octiT63voi) f3ouXTI0vta iOlivecrOat
O'UTE.7celaccvOUTETjvciveacrav 'Ti)V6(1)(iiVICOXI.TeiaV deandcaocaOat. [14]flok-
XM icast TOV tiÇ crokeia SeVcgevot xaXtv6v, 1310TE1iC1V KaTå toç
Toirraw oimc åvxowrat v6ioç. OUTEyåp AiOioitcç oi Cm[36ivtitiv Airm-
ticov Mto-rpl.tove Oi>TE'Cå någnoXXa (1)15XotTO.0 01')
civvot, oiic 'APaayoi, oi oi(1XXot POcpPapot, ôo Tip/ PC011aifflyd6 -
7Lå0V'COUL SEGICOTEiaV, leåTå toùç PC011aiCOV vågo.K tdc irpå dckkriXoy;

notol5vtat .t11136Xat.a.
[15] Oi iéTepot Kcà Oi TEXO3Val
ciktei; ic å o'c6oç ånamv
âv0pôirotç toiç Eliarskucoi);npocsevrivåxact vOi.tot);. Kcit
TO11);'67COTO'UT01,TEX015\i"Ca,åXXå Tå 1(1)01.1fåic Tå
Zaupogauxå 0v Kast 'IN/Soi); Keit AiOi07Ca [Tépacxç Kcà ijpot xoit
1145
`TpKavoùç Koci. BaKtpavo1ç BpEttavol)g Kat, Kii43pou xcit Fep-

gavoi); iceit duccgcutX.6-3; TrI6C‘N,
£OvN xoet yévoç devOpoinowSéacsElat tof)
a'raupcoOv'roç CO'l);vågol); dvércetaav, oi)x ôn7Lot; xpriac4tevotKai 7C0X-
Xecig 1..imptdcatX.oyåsSowoi)U fIEprn1dç 16T1TN xp051.1.Evol
PiQC,
ci0.,X,Oc
Icei8owce; xeci,6EllevIWTE;ôvi uj6poiç 'TCY
Translation
9 [13] The Romans collected the laws of the Greeks and barbarians and took
from each lawgiver the laws that seemed best. They forced all peoples who had
come under their yoke to be subject to these laws; but those who refused to let
themselves be ruled by them (the Romans), they did not persuade or force to
embrace the Roman social order. [14] But even many of those who have re-
ceived the bridle of subjection cannot bear to live according to their laws. For
neither the Aithiopians who border on Egyptian Thebes, nor the many tribes of
Ishmael,767 nor the Lazi, the Sanni, and the Abasgi (Abkhaz),768nor the other
barbarians who embrace Roman domination, make their contracts with one
another according to Roman law.
[15] On the other hand, our fishermen and tax collectors and the Leather-
Worker [the Apostle Paul, the tentmaker] have brought the laws of the Gospel
to all people. Not just the Romans and those who pay taxes to them, but even
the Scythian and Sarmatian peoples and the Indians, the Aithiopians, the Per-
sians, the Chinese (Seres), the Hyrcanians, the Bactrians, the Britannians, the
Cimbri,769 the Germans, in short they have persuaded every people and hu-
man race to receive the laws of the Crucified (Christ), without using weapons
or many myriads of special troops, nor again using Persian cruelty and vio-
lence, but by persuasion and by showing that these laws are beneficial...
[TH]
Comments
In this text the Aithiopians figure among barbarian peoples within and beyond
the frontiers of the Roman empire who refused to accept Roman law even
after they had come under Roman domination but who nevertheless received
the laws of Christ by peaceful persuasion. Clearly, the accent is on the peaceful
triumph of Christian faith, and there is no reason to believe that Theodoret's
work can be exploited as an historical source.
It is nevertheless interesting to note in it elements of genuine information:
the Aithiopians were indeed the neighbours of "Egyptian Thebes", i.e., the gov-
ernmental unit of the Upper Thebaid created not long before Theodoret's day
767 Reference
to Arab tribes.
768 Reference
to three peoples in the Caucasus.
769 A Germanic tribe from Jutland. Some manuscripts and editions have Ktglicpi o•K,
"Cimmerians", a people from south Russia.
1146
The Sources
(cf. Comments on 314); and it may also be assumed that the Aithiopian Chris-
tians about whom Theodoret speaks were identical with the Christians in Ap-
pion's bishopric (see 314), where the settlements were, as was generally known
in the Roman period (cf. 188), inhabited by a mixed Egyptian-Aithiopian popu-
lation.
On the other hand, the notion of the Aithiopians coming to embrace Ro-
man domination may derive from information about federate groups on Eg-
ypt's southern frontier (cf. 309-313, 320-322); it may be relevant that at least
some of the Arab and Caucasian peoples mentioned together with the Aithiop-
ians in 9.14 are also known to have had a federate status.
[LT]
317 Greek triumphal inscription of King Silko at Kalabsha. Before ca. AD 450.
OGIS I 201. Lefebvre 1907, No. 628. SB V 8536. I. Prose 67.
Source bibliography
A. Bernand 1992 A. Bernand: La prose sur pierre dans l'Égypte
hellenistique et romaine. Vol. 1-2. Paris. [= I. Prose.]
Burstein 1998a Burstein (ed.): Ancient African Civilizations. Kush
Donadoni 1965 Tre schede Copto-Nubiane. Studi classici e orientali 14,
20-29.
Temples immerges de la Nubie, 3.) Le Caire.
Hågg 1990 Hågg: Titles and Honorific Epithets in Nubian Greek
Texts. SO 65, 147-177.
Helbing 1915 R. Helbing: Auswahl aus griechischen Inschriften.
Berlin-Leipzig.
Kapsomenakis 1938 S.G. Kapsomenakis: Voruntersuchungen zu einer
Grammatik der Papyri der nachchristlichen Zeit.
Miinchen. (Repr. Chicago 1979.)
Nubier. (Denkschriften der K. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien,
Phil.-hist. Cl., 46:4.). Wien.
Kraus 1930 P.J. Kraus: Die Anfånge des Christentums in Nubien.
Diss. Münster 1930.
Lepsius 1876 R. Lepsius: Die griechische Inschrift des nubischen
Königs Silko. Hermes 10, 129-144.
Lefebvre 1907 G. Lefebvre: Recueil des inscriptions grecques-
chretiennes d'Fgypte. Le Caire. (Repr. Chicago 1978.)
Wilcken 1901 Wilcken: Heidnisches und Christliches aus
1147
This well preserved inscription was carved on the west wall of the forecourt of
the temple of Mandulis at Kalabsha (Talmis); it measures 1 x 0.7 m (on its posi-
tion see further Comments below). It was first published as early as 1820 by B.G.
Niebuhr and has since, because of its great historical as well as linguistic inter-
est, accumulated a large bibliography (see Lefebvre 1907, 118, and A. Bernand
1992 II, 171; for a photo, see Gauthier 1914, Pl. 72 A). Here we will only refer to a
few works which are relevant to the questions of date and language and to
some controversial points of interpretation.
This inscription was long considered to belong to the second half of the 6th
century, a date based not on epigraphy but on the conviction of most scholars
that the use of the word theos, "God" (line 3), and eidola, "idols" (line 8), indi-
cated that King Silko was a Christian and consequently reigned after the con-
version of the Nubian kingdoms to Christianity (cf. Kraus 1930, 102-106; simi-
larly still A. Bernand 1992 II, 173). This view was, however, already opposed by
J. Krall and C. Wessely (cf. Krall 1898, 12, 25) and later by Wilcken (1901, 419,
436) who considered the inscription "not later than the 5th century". Wilcken's
early date seems to have been confirmed through the find of the letter of the
Blemmyan King Phonen to his Noubadian colleague Abourni (319), in which a
certain Silko is mentioned. Since this letter has been dated to the middle of the
5th century and since Silko appears to be Abourni's predecessor, Silko and his
inscription seem now firmly placed in that century (unless, of course, there
were two Noubadian kings of the same name).
The philological debate has concentrated mostly on whether its peculiarities
in language and style show that the text was written by a Coptic-speaking scribe
(first Lepsius 1876; cf. also Helbing 1915, No. 10) or just testifies to Late-Greek
popular usage (see Kapsomenakis 1938, 50 f., 73-78). Since this controversy
about the nature of the language does not in itself affect the interpretation of
the text (cf., however, the notes on the translation to lines 18 and 21), it need
not concern us further here. Let it suffice to point out that, though some items
can hardly be explained otherwise than as Copticisms (notably, line 15 arx,
"bear"), such traits do not necessarily betray the scribe's mother-tongue, since
interference from current Egyptian is to be reckoned with in all Egyptian Greek
of this late period, irrespective of the speaker. On the other hand, for both his-
torical and philological reasons, it is likely that the scribe did come from Egypt,
whatever his first language.
The main problem in the interpretation of the text from an historical point
of view is the difficulty of deciding where one sentence ends and the next be-
gins (due to the utterly reduced use of connective particles, which generally
mark sentence boundaries in Greek). This means that the temporal expressions
in lines 2, 4, 6. and 17 ("on two occasions" etc.), which we have consistently
treated as being sentence-initial, could possibly in some (or all) cases belong in-
stead at the end of the preceding sentence, as they have indeed been under-
1148
The Sources
stood by some earlier editors and translators, with the result that the number of
Silko's campaigns and victories varies considerably among the interpreters. Ac-
cording to our interpretation,770 Silko boasts of three (victorious) campaigns
against the Blemmyes, the third ending with the occupation of their territory
(lines 1-6); he thert looks back at the first campaign and victory, after which he
had made the mistake of trusting his defeated enemies and of withdrawing
(lines 6-10). After some general boasting about his superiority (lines 10-15), he
again summarizes his campaigns against the Blemmyes (line 16), adding that
he had once even made a campaign against other (more southerly?) foes (lines
17-18). The inscription ends with threats against rulers who do not acknowl-
edge Silko's supremacy (lines 19-22).
Our text is established on the basis of the earlier editions and of the pub-
lished photographs of the inscription; our critical notes to the text are selective.
In lines 10, 20, and 22 we have printed what we believe to be written on the
stone and have relegated to the apparatus the Greek form that underlies our
translation.
There is a new English translation, with a brief introduction and com-
ments, in Burstein (1998a, No. 21).
Text
'Ey Âicw, 3cLrn?dwcoç Noul3ciSwv Kai öXwv T6W
Ai01.67CCOV,'ijkOov Ei; TOO4uvxast Toicinv."Arta So brO-
X4triaa gEtå TWv BkElnicov KL ô OEèç 80.)1CéVgOl TO
ViKTIga. METå T6w tplWv O'citcc viicricya miXtv
5 Tricya tåg IC6XEtÇairrWv. 'ExecOécyOrwge-rå T6LW
OXXow gob. TO gv irp6kov 1:bra èviKlWcL Ceirt6w
CCUTOi ioxdv 'ETrOiTIOU al)TCi3V
Kcàdigoaciv Tet Ei..50AccocircWv iccd briaTEuaa TOV
6picov crirrWv, d)Ç KaX0i daly divOpunot. 'Avaxww*rw
tå Oivw gEpri gov. "OTE 'ye.yovégiv PamXiaxw,771
01')K delrfikOOV 82 .(0; Oniaw TWv dckXwv PacnXEwv
(iXXAZdognjv 4urpocrOEv odyrWv.
ol ydcp cinXovneoignv gEt' E4toi3,crUKdu46i airoùç Ka()E6[1..1E1-
vot dÇ xcipocv aicciv, Ei gTj KOCTIli.(06civ 1.1E[K]aft nlaPaicaXcrGatv.
15 'Eych ydtp dg Kei'CCOgépfi XEwv £tt, iccà Eiç OiN/C0gEpri åp772 Eigt.
'EnoXEI.triaa [g]ctå TWv BkEpiwv ducå Flpig(Eco) Èw; TEXIIIXEw;.773
'Ev &irc Kart. o`t 61XXot, NouPciSwv dtvwtpco, .7r6pOriaa ta;
770 For a different segmentation of the text, see most recently A. Bernand (1992 I, 146-149; 1992 II,
172 f.), and, in two instances (lines 6 and 17), Burstein (1998a, No. 21).
771 Read paatkicrKN.
772å1g:'Ap<%> ("Ares") Niebuhr, ad> ("goat") Letronne.
773 TeXTIXEco:Té2L,<g>uo; ("Telmis", "Talrnis") earlier editors (also A. Bernand 1992 I).
1149
xctipa ceirrciiv,bzetöii .zinXovuerjcsoocnv get'

8can6t(oct) diU.,cov Ov6iv, oi (1)1,,OVELK0i3CTIV1.1ET'
20 015K d(41)63ceirro.i) Kaecc3Ofiv1774 6Ktåv, ci.1.1.1) 157L0 13]2i01.)
(.1), Kat 015K E1tcmcav775 vripåv cs(i)Ei.ÇTTIV a15rr6w•Ot yOq3
ck[v]'icmcot776 gov, åpncg(i) 'rcr)vyvvccudiiv Kat, TOGnciuSia
Translation
I, Silko, King (basiliskos)777 of the Noubades and all the Aithiopians, came to
Talmis (Kalabsha) and Taphis (Tafa). On two occasions I fought with the
Blemmyes; and God778 gave me the victory. On the third occasion779 I was
again victorious and took control of (5) their cities. I occupied (them) with my
troops.
On the first occasion I conquered them, and they sued me for terms. I made
peace with them, and they swore to me by their images (eidolon),780 and I
trusted their oath in the belief that they were honest people. I withdrew (10) to
my upper regions.781
774 Read KaOceOfivca.

775 '<6>ancav ("they gave") Lepsius, SB, <S>coica{v) ("I gave") Dittenberger (OGIS).
776 å[v]tiaucot (d.cyRSKot Gauthier and Maspero in Lefebvre 1907, 172): read d(v.ciSixot.
777 In Greek documents from Nubia, the Noubadian and Blemmyan rulers sometimes bear the title
basileus, "king" (e.g., 319 and the Ikhmindi inscription, SB VIII 10074), sometimes that of
basiliskos, "kinglet" (e.g., 334, 336, 339). We prefer to translate both terms "king" in these texts
(whereas the translation "chieftain" for basiliskos seems appropriate in the Aksumite texts,
e.g., 298). The notion that basiliskos should in Nubia, by some misunderstanding, take on the
meaning "Chief King" (or "puissant roi", A. Bernand 1992 I; 1992 II, 172) is certainly mistaken;
others suggest some connection between basiliskos meaning "basilisk", "(the Egyptian) cobra",
and the uraeus-snake as an Egyptian royal symbol (cf., e.g., Helbing 1915, 85). Now, the term
appears to be used specifically in contexts where the king's legal position in relation to another
and supreme basileus, the Roman emperor, needs to be defined; if this is correct, the term
basiliskos would have no hierarchical function in a local Nubian context, but Silko would be
basileus to his own people and to neighbouring kings, basiliskosas a federate of the Emperor (see
further Flägg 1990, 148-156, and Comments below).
778 May refer either to "the god (of this temple)", i.e., Mandulis, or, if the scribe was a Christian
or a Jew, to "the (one) God". If the king himself had been a Christian, one would have expected
more open advertising of this fact (cf. the epithet "Christ-loving" in the Ikhmindi inscription,
SB VIII 10074, and in 299), signs of the cross, and perhaps a Christian (baptismal) name.
779 The translation "on the third occasion" is uncertain, due to the ungrammatical Greek; others
translate "after the third time".
780 In Jewish and Christian texts, the word eidolon usually means "idol" and carries a derogatory
connotation. In other texts of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, however, it sometimes just
means "image (of a god)", which may be the case here. There is no special emphasis in the text
itself, as some commentators maintain (cf. Kraus 1930, 105), on any opposition between ho theos in
line 3 and ta eidola in line 8; they stand in different contexts, and the oath by the "images" is not
doubted as such ("I trusted their oath"). For the opposite view, see A. Bernand (1992 II, 173).
781 The reference of "upper regions" is here plainly geographical. But it is not certain whether
"upper" indicates an upstream or an upcountry (desert, mountain) direction. Inasmuch as the
Noubades appear in our sources as a riverain people, we favour the former interpretation.
1150
The Sources
When I had become king (basiliskos), I did not by any means proceed be-
hind the other kings (basileus), but well ahead of them. For those who contend
with me I do not permit to remain settled in their country unless they have be-
seeched me and entreat me. (15) For I am a lion in the lower regions, and a bear
in the upper regions.782
I fought with the Blemmyes from Primis (Ibrim) to Telelis (She1151?);783 on
one occasion I ravaged the country of the others too, above784 the Noubades,
because they contended785 with me. (As for) the rulers (despotes) of the other
peoples who contend with me, (20)I do not allow them to sit in the shade, but
in the sun outside, and they did not drink786 water inside their hous(es). For I
rob my adversaries of their women and children.
[TH]
Comments
The Greek triumphal inscription of the Noubadian King Silko was incised on
the front of the Hypostyle Hall in the forecourt of the temple of Mandulis. The
inscription is accompanied by an oft-illustrated representation showing Silko
on horseback spearing an enemy (for a drawing made on the basis of recent
photographs see Török 1988b, Pl. I). Castiglione compared the iconographical
features of this enemy to earlier depictions of Blemmyes (Castiglione 1970, 90
ff.). The king wears a fillet, a jewelled royal collar, armlets and a bracelet, is
dressed in Roman military garb, and is being crowned by a winged Victory with
the hmh m-crown of Mandulis (according to the erroneous description in
T,5rök 1987b, 60 and 1988b, 59 the crown also consisted of a Kushite skullcap
and a diadem with streamers). Another incised drawing below the inscription
depicts a striding male figure wearing a Double Crown with streamers, with a
uraeus on his forehead, and an inorganically placed ram's horn (also known
from Meroitic royal iconography, cf. Törffic 1987b, 45 f.), and armlets, and
782 We do not follow Donadoni (1965, 27-29; SEG XXIV 1245) in his interpretation of this passage
as a description of the king as a cosmic ruler, half lion, half bear, as is found in Coptic demono-
logy. Cf. the geographical use of the same phrase in line 10. A. Bernand (1992 I) prefers to see a
reference to plain/mountains: "pour les pays de plaine, je suis un lion, et pour les pays de mon-
tagnes, je suis un ours".
783 Earlier editors and translators thought that Telelis was a corruption for Talmis (which, how-
ever, appears uncorrupted in line 2). It seems more probable that, as has been suggested by various
scholars, this is an otherwise unattested Greek name for Shellal; see further Comments below.
784 As in lines 10 and 15, we understand "above" to indicate an upstream direction.
785 According to Lepsius (1876, 139 f.), the curious verb form used here was a Copticism, an
"imperfectum futuri", which he translated into the Latin rixaturi erant, "when (or: because) they
were about to contend with me". We prefer to regard the form as equivalent to an ordinary aorist
(cf. Kapsomenakis 1938, 73-78).
786 The irregular 3rd person perfect form of the verb for "drink" used here led some earlier editors
and translators to suspect that the stonecutter had corrupted what was intended as a lst person
singular (or third person plural) aorist of the verb for "give": "1 (or: they) did not give them wa-
ter".
1151
dressed in similar military attire. In his right hand he carries a long scepter, in
his left an Though this latter detail would rather fit into the represen-
tation of a deity, the crown with the flowing streamer (unlike the angular
streamer of the crowns of divinities) and the military attire indicate that this
drawing too was intended to represent King Silko (cf. Török 1988b, 59, Pl. I; see
also the cover of the present volume). The drawings attest the survival of ele-
ments of traditional iconography in the Mandulis temple and at the same time
clearly indicate the impact of contemporary Egyptian Late Antique imagery. A
similar amalgam of traditionalism and contemporary Egyptian phraseology
also seems to characterize the inscription.
In the opening phrase of Silko's text he describes himself as "king of the
Noubades and all the Aithiopians". The previously misunderstood titulary (for
earlier literature see the survey presented by flägg 1990, 148 ff.) in fact gives a
most significant picture of the ethnic and political conditions in Post-Meroitic
Lower Nubia. It supports Adams' suggestion (cf. Adams 1976, and the summary
of the question in Adams 1977, 421) that the population of Meroitic as well as of
Post-Meroitic Lower Nubia was composed of a Nubian-speaking majority and a
Meroitic-speaking élite. This would also explain the disappearance of Meroitic
literacy after the end of the Meroitic kingdom in the 4th cent. AD (cf. Com-
ments on 300) and the emergence of Old Nubian as a written language in the
Christian period. The rulers of Post-Meroitic Lower Nubia buried at Ballana
were Nubian-speakers and were referred to as Noubades both in Graeco-Ro-
man literature of the period and in their own written documents. There can be
no doubt that Silko (like Tantani in 320-322) identified himself as belonging to
the Noubadian ethnos. The term "Aithiopians" is used in the same sense as
generally in Greek, namely, to refer to all peoples living in Nubia; and in the
Silko inscription it refers to all non-Noubadian peoples: Blemmyes, descen-
dants of the Meroites, and descendants of Egyptians in the Dodecaschoenus.
The Silko inscription mentions three campaigns directed against the
Blemmyes occupying the region of Talmis (Kalabsha). The first campaign
ended with a peace treaty (which was sealed by the oath the Blemmyes swore by
the images of their gods) in keeping with the terms of which Silko withdrew
his troops. According to lines 8-10, the Blemmyes broke their oath, whereupon
two more campaigns were directed against them. One of the campaigns in-
volved an expedition to the country of "the others above the Noubades".
This latter phrase may indicate a campaign against other Blemmyan kingdoms
in the Eastern Desert or against the southern neighbour of Silko's kingdom,
i.e., the later Christian kingdom of Makuria (cf. Comments on 324 and
Godlewski 1994, 170). In the course of the third campaign, Silko fought "from
Primis to Telelis", i.e., from Qasr Ibrim to the region of the First Cataract, and
occupied Kalabsha and Tafa (cf. Comments on 300, line 27).
The representation of Silko standing depicts the king in the traditional and
timeless attire of the Egyptian ruler, an iconographical message that was obvi-
1152
The Sources
ously addressed to the inhabitants of Kalabsha, whose traditional Egyptianized

urban outlook is indicated by 310 f. and 313 as well. His inscription similarly
stresses his claim to unlimited authority in the land conquered from the
Blemmyes. However, the author of the text slyly indicated Silko's true status
from two different perspectives at the same time, using the term PcitatX,E.4,
"king", when speaking about Silko as one of the rulers in Nubia (cf. "other
kings"), and the term PacnXimcog, "kinglet", when speaking about him in rela-
tion to the emperor of Rome (see Flägg 1990, 148 ff. and cf. also Chrysos 1978). It
may be that this distinction skilfully gives expression to the actual political con-
text, viz., that Silko was a federate of Rome (Kirwan 1982, 199; Flägg 1990, 154 f.).
Alliance with Rome is also indicated, in more general terms, by archaeolog-
ical finds dated to the first half of the 5th cent. from Lower Nubia, e.g., the al-
abaster largitio dish from Gemai with the representation of two emperors
(Deichmann 1966, Pls 20 f.) and two metal vessels from Arminna of the type
Roman officials presented to lesser allied chiefs (TbrIA 1985, 48). Several fine
imported objects found in the tombs of the princes buried at Qustul, e.g., some
splendid silver plate (Török 1988b, Pl. III) and silver horse trappings of the type
found with the Esquiline treasure (Török 1988b, Pls 45 f., 51 f., 55, 57, 181), can
also be interpreted as diplomatic presents to allied princes. More significant,
however, is the inclusion of folding chairs among the insignia of royal power
of the kings of Noubadia buried in the Ballana necropolis; for folding chairs
can also be found along the western and northern borders in graves of
barbarian allies of Rome (cf. TIkök 1988b, 81). While not all rulers buried with a
folding chair were allies of Rome (a folding chair was also found in tomb B. 3
along with the church implements from a pillaged Upper Egyptian church
mentioned above in connection with Appion's petition, see Comments on
314), it seems very likely that the adoption of the Roman-type folding chair as
one of the symbols of royal authority was inspired by an official present given
at the conclusion of a treaty of federation.
[LT1
318 The war of Rome against the Noubades and the Blemmyes. Last part of 5th
cent. AD.
Priscus, fragm. 21.
Source bibliography
Blockley 1981 R.C. Blockley: The Fragmentary Classicising
Historians of the Later Roman Empire. Eunapius,
Olympiodorus, Priscus and Malchus. (ARCA Classical
and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs, 6.)
Liverpool.
1153
de Boor 1903 Excerpta Historica iussu Imp. Constantini

Porphyrogeniti confecta. Ed. C. de Boor. Vol. 1: Excerpta
de legationibus. Pars II. Berlin.
Dindorf 1870 Historici Graeci minores. Ed. L. Dindorf. Vol. 1. Leipzig.
Doblhofer 1955 E. Doblhofer: Byzantinische Diplomaten und östliche
Barbaren. Graz-Wien-Köln,
Hunger 1978 H. Hunger: Die Hochsprachliche profane Literatur der
Byzantiner. 1. Band. (Handbuch der
Altertumswissenschaft, XII.5.1.) München.
Miiller 1841-70 Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C. Milller.
Vol. 1-5. Paris.
Priscus of Panion (Thrace), a rhetorician and historian of the 5th cent. AD,
wrote a history in Greek covering approximately the period AD 434-474
(Blockley 1981, 50 f.). In 449 he took part in an embassy to Attila; his description
of this event is one of our main sources on the Huns. He then served under
Maximinus, who was probably dux et praeses of the Egyptian Thebaid in 452-
453. Thus he was also an eye-witness to the events he describes in the present
text (see Comments below). On Priscus see Hunger (1978, 282-284) and Blockley
(1981,48-70).
Priscus' historical work has not been transmitted in its original form, but
large extracts from it are preserved in a kind of historical encyclopedia commis-
sioned by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (10th cent.
AD) and consisting of excerpts from earlier works of many hands (cf. Hunger
1978, 361 f., 366). One surviving part of this great work deals with various em-
bassies to or from the Romans and Byzantines, and it is there we find these ex-
cerpts from Priscus.
Constantine Porphyrogenitus' compilation "On Embassies" has been edited
by de Boor (1903), and we have based our text on his edition. Earlier editions
are those of Müller (1841-70,the present extract is in vol. 4, 100 f.) and Dindorf
(1870, 332 f.). There is a German translation by Doblhofer (1955,67 f.).
Text
"Ott BÂtJ.tuEç xast NouPdSe; itu0év'rrç 7C6 Pcogaiow 1cpa13Et; napå TOv
dcwixyrpow T6iv ,EINr6iviprviç rept, PcnA6p.evol
aTcévöccs0oct,ic TCCISTTiv Stompficsat (1)ocaav, Oaov å matiiivo; tfj
Oitaiow .-yicceral_tévot
xo5pq. To 6è ti itpo civoi iû pOvo? airév-
6ecrOca TOG015Up, Eke-yovdixpt tç aro Çwç VIICTElv
67eXa.
cri)U toç Seinpou; tirj; itpcf3ciaç poaiuo X6-yerK, atovtotç E0Evto
csicov8å.ciç èö6KEt Pwiuiov gb) ociviciXonov åvev kirrpcov dwicsOou,
1154
TheSources
TE KUTOCEKELVTiV c'iTe icaTå Tépccv .(1)o.Sovijka), TO-cc ånaxeévTa

anoSoOfivat PocylerWaTa, icd "C6)V8altaVTg3EVUOV cvrcLt{OOa tiv åno-
Tigriatv, Oinipoug è toiç 3 ycyovOTag napå 6(Pierl SiSocrOca niamov
velca To5v anov&iiv. alYCCIi; icaTå TOv nakatOv v6iov docc6k1)Tov
Tijv cig TO icpOv Tfig "Im8og Stål3amv, toi noTagiou axåOoug AiyunTicov
x6vTcov ETClgéXelav, Cv cr?nep TO 6ya4ca Tfig OcoU NiTtOélicvov 8ta-
nopOgeUcTai. 'Ev yåp ot. Påpl3apo p6v ç TTIVoixciav 8"taK01..11-
0V'TE TO 6cvov Tca,tv ccOt6? xpicsulptacyågevol vficrov ånocrag-
oumv.
'El.inc&DOfivca Toivuv cDiXcag tp càç vOr'peoc
E7ClT1"18ELOV
OV. 'En£1.17LOVTO gETECTEpol.. napcyivovio è icc Tv
BX.ci_tpicov Kai NouPåScov 01. Tåg Cirov6å vijack) TIOégEvot.
'EyypaOévuuv 61W3sgOCVTCOV KULTciiv kulipcov napa800évT~jaccv 3C
TE TupavvicycivTow KcXt.UnoTupavvow ycyovOTow naiSE; Oncp o1)öc1tai-
7COT£EV T6)6E T(.7?7rOkEi.10)EyEVETCY Ol)7COTE yåp NO1430(.450WK Bkcginicov
napå `Pcogaiotg eSinipcucyav naiScg. XuvrivéxOn SC TOv Maigivov åvcoga-
Xcug SiaTEOfjval Tå i.tc cc anoOavciv. Tijv SC TEXEUT1s1V
gocOOvTeg oi PapPapot TO1) TE Owripoug dcOciXovTo ptacydgevol Kat Tiiv
xclipav KaTéSpagov.
Translation
The Blemmyes and the Noubades, having been defeated by the Romans, sent
arnbassadors to Maximinus from both peoples, wishing to enter into a peace
treaty. And they proposed that this be observed so long as Maximinus re-
mained in the country of the Thebans. When he refused to enter into a treaty
for such a short period, they said that they would not take up arms for the rest
of his life. But as he would not accept even the second proposal of the embassy,
they made a treaty for one hundred years. In this it was agreed that (any) Ro-
man prisoner787 be released without ransom (regardless of) whether he had
been captured during this or any other attack, that the animals carried off at
that time be returned, and that the compensation for the expenses be paid; fur-
ther, that the788well bom among them be handed over as hostages to guaran-
tee the treaty, and that, in accordance with the ancient law, their crossing to the
temple of Isis be unhindered, Egyptians having charge of the river boat in
787 "(any) Roman prisoner...had been captured": the grammatical endings of the corresponding
words in the Greek manuscript are not in agreement. The reading of de Boor (1903), which is
adopted here, is the one which involves the smallest alteration in the original text. The lan-
guage of Priscus' account bears certain traits which might indicate that some of the legal formu-
lation of the treaty had been incorporated into his narrative.
788 Instead of the definite article, Niebuhr has conjectured the numeral for 300: "that 300 among
them be handed over as hostages..." Palaeographically, such a corruption during the transmis-
sion of the Greek text could be accounted for (the numeral misread for an abbreviation of the
definite article), but we have not considered it obvious enough that the text really is corrupted to
admit the conjecture into our text and translation.
1155
which the statue (agalma) of the goddess is placed and ferried across the river.
For at a stated time the barbarians bring the wooden statue (xoanon) to their
own country and, after having consulted it, return it safely to the island.
Therefore Maximinus decided that it was appropriate that the text of the
compact be ratified in the temple of Philae. Some (people) were sent. Also pre-
sent were those of the Blemmyes and of the Noubades who were to conclude
the treaty on the island. After the terms of the agreement had been committed
to writing and the hostages had been handed over—they were children of the
ex-despots and former sub-despots (hypotyrannos)789, something that had
never before happened in this war, for never had children of Noubades and of
Blemmyes been hostages with the Romans—it turned out that Maximinus fell
into precarious health and died. When the barbarians learned of Maximinus'
death, they took away their hostages by force and overran the country.
[TE]
Comments
The evidence surviving from 4th and the early 5th cent. AD and discussed here
(see 293, 295, 309 313, 316, 317, 320 322) attests to the repeated attempts of Rome
- -
to secure Egypt's southern frontier against the recurrent devastating raids of the
Blemmyes, who came first from the Eastern Desert and thert from the region
they conquered around AD 394 in Lower Nubia, and against the Noubades who
started to harrass Upper Egypt in the early 5th cent., by establishing a federate
relationship with fractions of both peoples. Though both the Blemmyes and
the Noubades entered into such relationships in return for yearly subsidies (cf.
Blockley 1985), their raids continued. For lack of evidence, it is impossible to
say whether these raids were a consequence of the loose and politically dis-
united tribal structure of what we tend, superficially, to regard as a Blemmyan
"kingdom" and whether the Noubades participated in the raids mentioned by
Appion (314) as allies of the Blemmyes or were always their rivals; and we are
unable to discern what pattern there may have been in the alternating alliances
and hostilities with Roman Egypt.
The events described by Priscus, an eyewitness, mark a turning point in the
history of the insufficient and ineffective dealings with Egypt's southern neigh-
bours. We are told, however, only about the aftermath of what must have been
a concentrated military effort against both the Blemmyes and the Noubades. It
would seem that the time for it has been chosen on account of the conflicts be-
tween the Blemmyes and the Noubades in Lower Nubia about which we learn
from 317 and 319. The campaign itself is related in one sentence by the 6th cent.
historian Jordanes in his Romana (333) written before AD 551 (cf. Kappel-
macher 1916, 1915) and largely based on Priscus' lost History (cf. Blockley 1981,
789 "sub-despots": the translation of this title is based on a word division proposed by Wilcken
(1901, 418, n. 5).
1156
The Sources
114, 165 note 9): "...through Florus, the procurator of the city of Alexandria, he
checked the Nubians and Blemmyes who fell in from Aithiopia and expelled
them from the territory of the Romans" (see 329). Priscus himself speaks, how-
ever, about a Maximinus. According to Jordanes, Florus was procurator urbis of
Alexandria, a title erroneously translated from Priscus' presumed Greek origi-
nal roiv wrpa-mottIc63v rceygc'ercoviSflfotEvoç, ågoii TE Kai tv nokurudiv
8-tbcow dcpxrjv, i.e., in reality he was, as suggested by Seeck (1909, 2761), the
commander of the Egyptian forces, comes rei tnilitaris per Aegyptum et vices
agens praefecti Augustalis (for the title cf. Seeck 1900, 662 f.). Maximinus has, by
contrast, no title in Priscus' narrative and is described as performing the duties
of a diplomat. However, Priscus also indirectly indicates that he was in office in
the Thebaid. The proposal of the barbarians to conclude a peace treaty for the
time of his stay in the Thebaid means that he was there in an office with fixed
tenure. From this, and the fact that he was in a position to negotiate a peace
treaty with barbarians, we may conclude that he must have been holding the
office of the dux, governor, of the Thebaid (for the authority of a dux in diplo-
matic matters see Helm 1979, 338 f.); and he may be identical, as Englin (1957a,
9) suggested, with the Maximinus whom Priscus accompanied on his diplo-
matic mission to Attila in AD 449.
The defeat of the Blemmyes and Noubades indicates an attempt by Rome to
achieve a final solution to the problems on the frontier. It remains unclear,
however, whether it was the Blemmyes in the Eastern Desert that were also
beaten, or it was the Blemmyes occupying the Kalabsha region whom Priscus
was referring to. Both peoples sent delegations to Maximinus to start peace ne-
gotiations; their condition that the treaty should be concluded for the tenure or
the life of their partner is in keeping with contemporary international law. It
would seem, however, that they were not in a position to dictate conditions;
and it was agreed that they return the prisoners and livestock they had taken
from Egypt, pay reparations for war damage, and surrender as hostages children
of their "ex-despots and former sub-despots" (titles signifying in contemporary
usage tribal chiefs; what is meant in the actual context remains unclear; cf. also
309, 319, 331, 336, 339). In return, they were allowed to cross the border as pil-
grims to the temple of Isis of Philae and permission was granted for the cult
statue of Isis to resume its annual voyage by barque to Lower Nubia (for the
origins of this tradition see FHN II, 170). Shortly after the negotiations were
concluded, however, Maximinus died; and the Noubades and Blemmyes re-
garded the treaty as no longer in force and, in the course of an attack on Philae
(?), released the hostages they had given.
We learn from Priscus, fragm. 21 and from Evagrius' Church History, 2,5 (=
Priscus, fragm. 22) that after the death of Maximinus Priscus went to Alexan-
dria where he witnessed the religious rioting that started in late 453 AD (cf.
Englin 1957b, 931). It may thus be concluded that after Maximinus' death the
peace negotiations and the renewal of the state of war between Roman Egypt
1157
on one side and the Blemmyes and Noubades on the other occurred in AD 452
or in early 453.
[LT]
319 Greek letter of King Phonen. Ca. AD 450.

Rea 1979, 147 ff.
Source bibliography
Flägg 1986 T.Blemmyan Greek and the Letter of Phonen. In:
M. Krause (ed.): Nubische Studien. Mainz, 281-286.
Plumley et al. 1977 J.M. Plumley-W.Y. Adams-E. Crowfoot: Qasr Ibrim,
1976.JEA 63, 29-47.
Rea 1979 J. Rea: The Letter of Phonen to Aburni. ZPE 34, 147-162.
Skeat 1977 T.C. Skeat: A Letter from the King of the Blemmyes to
the King of the Noubades. JEA 63, 159-170.
This text was written on a papyrus, measuring 30 by 47 cm, which was found in
1976 at Qasr Ibrim on the floor of a storeroom in House X-19 at the S side of the
temple of Taharqo (Plumley et al. 1977,44 and Pl. VIII/1). The roll was wrapped
in a tight bundle together with the rolls containing the Coptic Tantani letters
(320 322). It is the original of a Greek letter written in cursive script and ad-
-
dressed by King Phonen of the Blemmyes to Abourni, King of the Noubades, in

reply to a letter sent by the latter. The text was first published by Skeat (1977,
with Pl. XXVII);two years later there appeared a revised edition by Rea (1979)
with substantial changes, in readings as well as interpretation. Our text is based
on that of Rea, the chief difference being in the punctuation, particularly the
placing of quotation marks—all of which, of course, reflect a different interpre-
tation.
At the level of morphology and syntax this text is profoundly obscure. This
is chiefly due to the writer's disregard of the standard Greek endings of both
case and conjugation but is further acerbated by his seeming lack of consistency
in the employment of the forms he does use (cf. Flägg 1986). Some of this
deviation from standard Greek may be phonological in character, but this alone
cannot suffice to account for all the internal inconsistencies. What makes it
possible to force one's way through the text and to suggest a meaning for it lies
at the level of semantics; for, in spite of the difficulties posed by the endings of
the words, the text can be segmented into recognizable Greek lexemes which, in
context, for the most part give rise to meaningful utterances. On the other
hand, can one really believe that a writer who took such blatant liberties with
the forms of words took none with respect to their meanings?
The translation suggested below is exempli gratia and should be used only
with the greatest caution (and compared to that of Rea 1979, based as it is on an
1158
The Sources
identical reading of what is written on the papyrus).790 Headings are given for
what may be the main sections of the text, and the Greek conjunctions that
seem to support this structure are printed in parentheses.
Text
bcugalyéaTaTo; (I)(OVTIV3c.a iXç Bkewilicov (vac.)
2 (vac.) Af3oupvt caiXç Noif3dEç Kai Nweace (vac.) xeci Mobafi;
T63v utc.iiv 601). (vac.)
3 7rokMål nplocsayopelico y itpo5Tot; Tijv 13acnkEtav geTå nåvuov T6w Tfig
Kai rflç ini1piaç toi5 OXXOD 601),
4 ltdv]l) TO 7tpTeiv n, y OE6,)cojiai. vfv ypålixo 601. Tfi afj
åpeTfi GOD, E7C1,51) ypockvév got fl, 1..téya åvelpOno,)ôçEGIL
5 [-CC-
;) yévEt] gyoc». OITCO; Kai yåp co5, o Itai8aV Kal KdC70). EXw pèv
rcalöav BpEELTEK Ka‘l Tot) di.SEX4O'l)gEIEVEI K(11.(3(Xka
6 [no2L2Lå icp]årn. ocxxo.c jn v6uÇE [8]Tt IYUKEXt EiryevéaTaTo. iccei yåp
Tai5Ta OXa Ta 7EV6I-LEOa01)81.; Op(5.:C OE6;. Kal
7 [Itai6a]y BpEEITEK Kat TCl) â[EX]oç EIEVEl OEX,O) tdni
OaVaTOV ElEVEL. Koit geTå Taf)T[a] ô rcpecYPEI)trk 4501)
8 [dirdVT]1-1(34C1,101,Evtaiffia Kai icåke[cya]ç BpenTex cc Tial); CiSEX(1)0'6;
EIEVE1 Kal KO.Skl)CSaodyco-6;. oi) Siiv[a]T[a]i tiç noTai TC0k4likal.
9 [X(.0p1.; IC]Ekeliacok gou. åXkå Tåxa toç åvOpcircou 60b 01'.)<X
'6>nocicolietv 60l, åÅlå toç åvepOltou TOCPlwaroc. IcaOd)
10 hp[a]Nrév io öu «Oéko) ki6votav
, x(.0N/TE;1.1Eta.) åkkiiXoug
KOLVOV0f4.1EVTa 130i8la p.ou IIETå f3oiSlå 601), 13056KOWReTå
dcXXT.'1X,Q"K
11 KaX Ta 7tp6PaTa», TCaVO(1)1X1-16al.EOC[V] Eyd.) Kal 601,
itapagivol.tEv ei; TI‘pi 01.KiaV itv. Koci \-yåp/ itpciiTov =Xo.)
vixocgoc,
12 Kast c3cL TåXi_teco, arjgepov è [flyiKacsi; Kast X,oc,[3aTå24.teco;.
itpo5Tov EliK(0 X,OCI3aKai KO:lk1)<:51:1 Tå; XoSpCLÇijuiiv, aijKpoy [U]
13 Evi.Kaa% KOL't ?,o43a TåXj.teco. Tcpcikovkco— Elltov got
irp63aTa Kai Poiöta Kai KagrPaa ciK<ava>», 6va SoOrjvat. Td(,
X(6fM/S
14 1!llto5v, Kai Soyicococirtoi) 6ia Kai KXXE15arnÇ Kast E.K(okbaa
Kai .),payov ltpèç EtEVEL Stå "CilV cipljviv Kaihtegya TOt)
npecrPeuT[å]
15 I.teTå OpKol); Kai, Xcaoiig Kåi cpoivepcsa (InikapxN Kai .67cori5pavvo
Kai Xxx.31a tol) 7Cpo«TerK v t tölt01) cDONTal.)01)
790 A comparison of what is legible in the photograph Skeat published with the text he printed
and with Rea's revised text reveals what careful paleographical studies those two scholars
made. Notwithstanding, there remain a number of uncertain readings which render still more
tenuous already venturesome interpretations.
1159
•
16 EKECYTLVn6X,Et1w; yevaOat, dc.2,.Xdc

Ol)K £6,1v XXel)aaTig t0"6g
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17 ötå Tå yEvOttcva cbv 6c) .,E15aari; ElEvE1, Stå 'COOTO irirç Kai
KatfiXOCC Kai noXettfiaat. Kast yåp tå ållittata £17.ico)
18 Kal EIEVEI, ErrapljkOa. tåxa TUxriv Etevet Kast t'XX(.o HvottEv ttEtà
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notrjaat
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24 Kai k.plittWaev Aavavt. Kai åvaxciprlaa ånå xe6pa; 15ta5v. Kai yåp
Tch népa Tc713aXe; xast 1tøj1N Tial); 13(0110'6;
25 iai KE(Daytta Evl1C116Eg. Kål \ / napållivOgEv Tåg XOSpag iijt6v Oka ,
pacrikeik, VfKcYEÇ.Kasl Ol)K £0EX1:ICSåKatfYcil Tåg xuipa
26 EntiSTI 0151CECTTIVxaXå. OTav ånåvziaå ttot å 1rpI3Eutckç 601),

icatéarriaa XKapcoou <)Og AEvt Eig T[å]X0g Elva 3o0i-jvat C4T6)
27 Tå; 15paç ttou. 6.-rav Tjk0a å npea3Eut6;, .7ztaTEUade 6 01 Kasl
ånéattXa å åSe246; EtEVEL. ijSoU dittaaa ått, «Ourå4Sco; ttot Tdc,
»SPaS
28 eiprwcUoualv cf.); aicoviwv». Kai & Sffituca roi5ç 8pxou; ouT6?
å6EX,Pli,)EcvEt,eìva napåaxou outizoii Tå; xcipa ttou. Kåycso
29 BpEEtTEK n5?.apoç nokÅå npoaayopEUffl td.w K15ptc6v 1.101)åSEXO(i)
A[3014W1 pam? .,Ei); NouPåSe; [1.1ET]6 t6v 0E6W Tfl; TåXtteco
(margin791)
30 611, EåV OCIT[0]
56)[;] T[1:ic] 6paç T111.6.W,
Ol)KETt nokEttfiaat 1.1.ETådc?,,Xiou;
h-)S
31 TCiiVECOVLCOV, d 1.11)TTIVdpijviPI)Xo'co) Kaciç. (vac.)
32 xåyd) (130..W11V PaCT1XE:15glinéCSTIXå 601 Kåttri?Lov ttiav. npoaayopel.ico
ECYT1V. ypoo CTECrict
791 After the scribe wrote the first twenty-nine lines, he turned the papyrus ninety degrees
counter - clockwise and then wrote the remaining five lines in its left - hand margin.
1160
The Sources
33 Elici) Ked. Bp??[1.T]ex [ J Oe åvaxcopariaa 'ràç xoipa;

1illå3v TIXO ICTTO.W.VT01)TO .
(verso)
34 icai, nepi IacsaTEK &4TaEç ccimi? xvp:riOfivott,OtXX.åToi); 41)dryobatv
inj docoSiç Tå f)ligata cd)Toii.
Translation
(OPENING FORMALITIES)
(1) The most distinguished Phonen, king of Blemmyes, (2) (to) Abourni, king
(of) Noubades and (to) Nakase (empty space) and Mouses, your sons. Many greet-
ings I address, first of all, to your majesty and all the people of your country;
and (4) I pray to God for (3) the preservation of your populace (4) —[which is al-
togethler the most important thing.
(PHONENS ASSERTION OF HIS NOBILITY)

Now I am writing to you, your excellency, inasmuch as he (i.e., you) wrote me
that "(It is) a great (thing) for a man who is (5) great [in his clan]." For indeed
(Kai yåp) like you (&) I have a son, I too. I have (1.1,v)a son, Breytek and Yeny's
brothers, and (6) [many] (5) other (6) [for]ces. So (å.XX,å)don't think that "He is
not of a very noble family."
(YENY'S DEATH)
For indeed (Kastyåp) the whole of what has happened no one sees, if not God.
And rhy792(7) son Breytek (6) (j.1.£v)(7) and Yeny's brothers I want to look into
Yeny's death.793 And after this your ambassador (8) met with me here, and you
summoned794 Breytek and Yeny's brothers, and I stopped them. No one can
ever fight (9) [without] my command. But (åUde) perhaps your men don't obey
you, but (åX)å) (instead) you listen to the words of your men. As (10) he795
wrote me that "I want us to have concord between one another" (and that) "we
have my cattle with your cattle, pasturing one with another (11)and the sheep,"
is altogether acceptable. If you wish, I and you (will) stay well in our homes.
792 The text has "the".

793 Perhaps the Greek Ocivatov, "death", is to be taken more concretely here: "I want my son
Breytek and Yeny's brothers to ask for Yeny's corpse."
794 In the sense of "challenged"?
795 Is this a reference to an approach Silko made? Or is the change from the second to the third
person the result of a lapse on the part of the scribe when rephrasing objective statements by Pho-
nen (he, Abourni, did or said something) into personal address in the letter (you, Abourni, did or
said something)?
1161
(A RECAPITULATION OF BACKGROUND EVENTS)

For indeed (xa't yåp), first Silko won (12) and took Talmis. Today (&) you won
and took Talmis. First Silko seized our lands and kept us off them. Today
([&])(13)you won and took Talmis. First Silko said that "Give me sheep and cat-
tle and camels enough" so that (14) our (13) lands be given (back). (14) And I
gave them all, and you796 were insolent, and he kept (them) from us. And I
wrote to Yeny for the peace and sent my ambassadors (15) under a flag of
truce;797 and you were insolent and killed (a) tribal chief (phylarkhos) and (a)
sub-despot (hypotyrannos) and took the priests (prophetes) in the place Phon-
tauou.
(PHONENS INDIGNATION AT THE VIOLATION OF THE RULES OF DIPLOMACY)

(16)Well (OckXdc),
it is possible to become warlike, but (OcXX6c)
it is not permissi-
ble that you should insult our798 men and kill the men (who were) under a
flag of truce.
For indeed ycip), (17) because of what happened (with regard to) Silko
of which you insulted Yeny,799because of this you caused offence, and I came
down to fight too.
(THE TURNING POINT, A WILL TO COMPROMISE)

For indeed (xcit yåp), the words (about) Silko (18) and Yeny I (am prepared to)
disregard. Perhaps the fate (of) Yeny and Silko we can (settle) with one another.
For (ydcp)now I and you, as brother and elder, (can) make (19) (a) good time
with one another.
(PHONENS DEMANDS)
Withdraw from our land and send the gods to the temple so that I and you
(can) make (a) good (20) time with you. And he made (it) plain to me about sil-
ver-plate and sheep and camels. What we found I sent to you. (So now) with-
draw from (21) my (20) country and give us our property and the gods, (for) I
have sent you what I have. If you see fit, give me our lands (22) and the gods.
(Then) I (will) have a good peace with you.
796 In this letter there are shifts in the person of pronouns which have the effect of altering the
perspective it adopts. In the present instance, since Abourni appears to have been Silko's—imme-
diate?—successor, Phonen, by addressing him in the second person, could be emphasizing
Abourni's shared responsibility for Silko's actions.
797 The text has "the ambassadors with oaths".
798 The text has "the men".
799 I have let this passage remain as literal in translation as possible to illustrate the deep-
seated problems of interpretation inherent in this letter.
1162
The Sources
(THE CONSEQUENCES OF A FAILURE TO COMPROMISE)

Understand, mark you, that if you keep us from our lands and the gods, we are
not able to remain (passive) (23) and to let everything perish.
(YOURS IS MORALLY THE WEAKER CASE)

For indeed (xcit yåp), you are not fighting for your lands; you are fighting for
our lands.
(A CHANGE OF TOPIC: ADDITIONAL GRIEVANCES?)

I write you in addition (rDriktv)that Pakhenios came (24) and devastated Danant
and withdrew from your (sic) land.
For indeed (icastyåp), Koy came to (the lands) beyond Tabales and made the
altars, (25) and you (sic) defeated Kabantia.
(MORE ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF A FAILURE TO COMPROMISE)

And we (can) not abide your conquering our lands, all we (lit.: the) kings.800
And I do not wish to keep your lands (26) since (k7c1,51j)
it is not good.
(BACK TO THE INCIDENT INVOLVING YENY)

When your ambassador met me, he appointed Skaroou son of Aynem at once
so as to give him (back) (27) my lands. When the ambassador came, I trusted
you and sent my801brother Yeny. Look, I swore that "Give me our lands. (28)
They will be at peace for ever." And (.5) I also gave my oaths to802my brother
Yeny803so that you (should) hand over to him my lands.
(SUBSCRIPT FOR BREYTEK)

And I, (29) Breytek, tribal chief (phylarkhos), greet my lord's brother Abourni,
king (of the) Noubades, [together wit[h the gods of Talmis
(in margin)
(30) (and say) that "If you return our lands, no longer to fight with one another
for (31) ever, if I shall not keep the peace well." (empty space)
(SUBSCRIPT FOR PHONEN)

(32) And I, Phonen, king, have sent you one camel. My greeting804 it iS. I write
you that (33) "I and Breytek withdraw our lands
800 The text has "all the kings". An alternative interpretation might be: "We, all the kings you
have conquered, (can)not tolerate (the loss of) our lands."
801 The text has "the brother Yeny".
802or: "for".
803 The text has "the brother Yeny".
804 Lit., "I greet it is".
1163
(on the back of the papyrus)

(A POSTSCRIPT)
(34) And about Iasatek, don't let him fall asleep; but (1±X.Xci)
(with regard to
those (who) have fled, don't listen to his words.
[RHP]
Comments
King Phonen is probably the same person as the Phonoin who appears in 313
with the title phylarkhos, "tribal chief", and who acts as the Blemmyan gover-
nor of the Kalabsha region. It emerges from the text that he was the nameless
enemy of King Silko in 317. In this letter he gives a summary of his conflicts
with Abourni's predecessor Silko and with Abourni himself; the reconstruc-
tion of the chain of events must, however, remain hypothetical at several
points because Phonen dictated the letter in what has been characterized as
"Pidgin Greek" (Flägg 1986, 284; on the reasons for the obscurity see further In-
troduction to source above).
It appears that Phonen's account starts with the state of affairs which is
recorded in 317 as the outcome of Silko's third campaign: the Noubadian ruler
is in the possession of the region around Kalabsha which was formerly under
Blemmyan control. Phonen starts negotiations with Silko in order to regain
pc4session of the lost Lower Nubian region. Silko's initial answer, that he is
ready to return the land in exchange for "sheep and cattle and camels enough",
was favourable. Phonen met his conditions but was cheated. Instead of restor-
ing the Blemmyes' possessions to them, Silko murdered the Blemmyan chief-
tain (phylarch) Yeny and imprisoned the prophets of the unidentified site of
Phontauou. Our impression is that Yeny was murdered and that the prophets
were taken prisoner in a region once held by the Blemmyes but at the time
overrun by the Noubades.
Phonen does not speak about a Blemmyan reconquest of Talmis (Kalabsha)
after Silko's conquest recorded in 317. The letter is introduced, however, with
the parallel: "For indeed, first Silko won and took Talmis. Today you won and
took Talmis. First Silko seized our lands and kept us off them. Today you won
and took Talmis". It is possible that an allusion to two actual changes is hidden
in this rhetoric: a Blemmyan reconquest and the subsequent "liberation" of
Talmis by Abourni; but it is equally possible that upon ascending the throne of
Noubadia Abourni inherited Silko's conquests and was soon approached by
Phonen who re-opened negotiations with the new ruler on the throne of the
former foe, as was customary in the ancient world.
The letter is signed by Phonen and his son Breytek, who has the title phyl-
arch (in 313, before becoming a king, Phonen too was a phylarch). In a
postscript Abourni is warned against Iasatek, who seems to have been a
Blemmyan deserter who was intriguing against Phonen at Abourni's court.
1164
The Sources
It seems that Phonen did not achieve his goals. Kalabsha remained in
Noubadian possession, and the Blemmyes lost their foothold in the Lower Nu-
bian Nile Valley for good. Had the Blemmyes recovered Kalabsha, the tri-
umphal inscription of Silko (317), which was written in the language also used
as an official language by the Blemmyes and which was inscribed in the temple
which had been the centre of Blemmyan administration and cult life, could
hardly have escaped erasure.
Phonen's letter highlights some aspects of the political structure of his as
well as of the Noubadian kingdom. In the phrases and terms Phonen
employed both kingdoms display the features of traditional tribal societies.
Phonen addresses his letter to the king of the Noubades and his sons; he also
quotes a statement from a previous letter from Abourni saying, "(It is) a great
(thing) for a man who is great [in his clan]". This is splendid summary of tribal
rulership as opposed to charismatic kingship; and it is rendered still more
obvious by what follows, viz., Phonen's boasting of his son, relatives, and, in
general, the greatness of his tribe. The nature of tribal hierarchy is indicated not
ortly by the emphasis on kinship relations (e.g. the "brothers of Yeny") but also
by the mention of the two echelons of officials below the king, the phylarchs
and the "sub-despots" (hypotyrannoi). The first title denotes the chiefs of
separate tribes, a federation of which appears to have formed the Blemmyan
kingdom (cf. Papadopoullos 1966, 20); the second seems to have been a
Blemmyan invention to denote in Greek a tribal dignitary subordinate to a
phylarch (cf. 309, 318, 331, 336, 339; for the interchangeability of phylarkhos and
tyrannos in contemporary official Greek terminology cf. Chrysos 1978, 45).
The name of one of Abourni's sons seems to indicate that by the time 319
was written conversions to the Christian faith had taken place in the highest
circles of Noubadian society; the name Mouses (cf. 320) was fashionable in 4th
and 5th cent. Christian Egypt and was borne by several bishops too (cf. Englin
1933). The addressee of 320 322 also seems to have been a Christian.
-
320 Coptic letter of Viventius to Tantani. Ca. AD 450.

Cairo, Coptic Museum reg. no. 76/50A.
This and the following two papyri are three of the many as yet unpublished
documents found during the excavations conducted by the Egypt Exploration
Society during 1976 at Qasr Ibrim in Egyptian Nubia. What we know about
them is based solely on contact prints805provided by Dr. Peter French and on a
faded xerox copy of a draft of an intended publication of them by Prof. Plumley,
who, as their excavator, had access to the originals. It is thanks to the good of-
8050f 320 we have contact prints only of its recto.
1165
fices of Vivian Davies of the British Museum and with Professor Plumley's
consent that we are able to include this text in our collection.
In its present state 320 measures 30.5 by 30 cm.; and it is generally well pre-
served though there has been some damage along vertical rifts and some im-
portant loss of text in lines 17 to 20 of the recto. Our text and translation are in
broad agreement with Prof. Plumley's, but there are a few places where they dif-
fer from his. These are indicated in the footnotes. In contrast to the other two
papyri this document is written in Sahidic and is free from forms characteristic
of any other dialect, and it is conceivable that in the upper echelons of official-
dom in Upper Egypt Sahidic was looked upon as the proper language of admin-
istration.
Text
1 T2CrMHNIC NTUTTICTONH
2 ANOK. BIBENTIOC TTICleOCIWMCNOC NTEIvoyNoc TreNTAyoyozy C.XNMNJATOCI
3 THrOy CT2MTTAIMITON NKHMC 1i"CM2d NTANTANI Tre(1)yAarxoc MIT2CeNOC
4 NNI NQyB MTT4O€IÇ xAire
5 TTAtNOK NC3.0yQ1. MIT.24CIXIC ITKOMCC li.OUCCTIKWN MNTAJOIKHCIC
NMMATOCI
6 CT2NKHMC aq'el eQ:)y.2.N MNMÅÅK' ey'oyume CÅTTANTIt CrWTN 2.ANA CTI3C
7 ITAU)ACI NN20yNNOC MNNOyNOKAr[itIC8°6 MNNOCMATQCI XC -1*.;ITTENtMC
ujorr[0y1807
8 .ayu) .X€ Aq'oze CITCIAH mireciKeAeye .2(..CCyN2LCINE 20MWC .2.(pcu.)
9 N4T00y N200y Ayu) 2.(r€1MC ÄCXlIrro TNNOy \NCCUIsil 24RDB' rK.XTAN.IrKH
10 eroq' CTIICNC2BHVG CTQU)' MTNITTMHC9C
CTNN.N.(9(1)0y eq'B(DK C2HT Ayeu
11 Aqtywn' trHNH CrOq' CNTACCI)<DITC ÅyCD CyMNT(1)BHr' ANOK AC
1 2 200T' MTTIMA 2(11)CTC eTrArANACI)' NMkIHTN ACKÅXC trHNH
CTOyTWN
_
13 MNNNNerHy eTru.).xy CTrN.X.IC 214MN Aq'Çv1/41. MITrrO MNTEKCyreN1.1
14 Ayuu u»..3.C»808 rrexarra' eKu»Nmr[C]iernciloAH KAITAIloy Nrei up.roN
15 liCKAAC 2CUB [NIM] ÇTMU» N(.1)(D1TC N[T]CtrHNH C[Nna.l]y mmooy M-NNNErHy
"The text appears to have been altered at this point. The letter following r lies in a break in
the papyrus; what may be traces of it, if they are not stains on the papyrus, are not adequate to
support restoration. The following letters, as seen in the photographs, appear to have been over-
written. Of the two, or possibly three, letters first witten, the last may be y; while the letters
later written over them may be iç, as given in our text.
807 The supplement [oy] is uncertain. It is dictated by our assumption that the verb involved is
cpuirr, "receive, contain"; for if so, it is written in the status pronominalis, ujon, and requires a suf-
fixed pronoun. Elsewhere along the right hand margin of the papyrus there is no sign of letters
having been lost at the ends of other lines, and in fact the letters on seem to have been
compressed to fit the available space. Probably a better solution to the problem awaits.
"The long stroke over these letters suggests that they record a personal name. Cf. the stroke
over Tantani's name in line 3.
1166
The Sources
16 .3.NOKN209[YT tN2qtyAHA' eruy eroK' 2.ÅÅÅ 2NOVO[eini]

.17T.X.2(.061C
17 IT[KONIJEC iceA[ye ero]i eTr.,XT.120q' 2Noy6e1ni Ay[w IWT TT2.1cum'
.tMAQ
18 [....]M1TIM.. []QK emATe 4. HrieTrie zmn.x.oei[
19 ]frierIT NCoN [
20 mmOy
(verso)
21 T26.2.0 NTÅNTINI TreSy".2.rX0C NNANOyB28. £130A ZNBIBC[NTIOC
uK.I.eoC]i(DM€NOC
22 N-TrIBOYNOC ueNT2.y0y0[2]q GANKITo[ei eT2NKHm]e THroy809
Translation
The translation of the letter.
(2)I, Viventius, the devoted tribune, he whom they have placed over (3) all
the soldiers (3) who are in the Frontier of Egypt, (it is) that writes to Tan-
tani,810 the tribal chief (phylarchos) of the Nation (4) of the Anouba.
In the Lord, greeting.
(5) My presenting you authority811 (exousia) of my Lord, the Count of the
Household Guard (komes domestikon) and the diocese of the soldiers (6) who
are in Egypt: He came to Aswan and Philae, wishing to rneet you; but because of
(7) the many Huns and Ounokar[ I r..•1 and other soldiers the towns did not
raccommodate (them)' (8) and because he ran out of hay since he did not order
them to bring (any), even so he waited (9) four days; and he knew that the Em-
peror (lit. the King) had sent for us. The matter was pressing (10) him, because
of the many matters (he had to deal with) and the numerous multitude (with
him), to go north.
And he accepted the peace which had come about and r_i to a f riend-
ship812. As for (de) me (12)myself, he left me here so that I should swear oaths
with you in order that (13) we should make the mutual and worthy (12) peace
between (13) us on our heads.813 He wrote nit1 to the Emperor and (to) your
nobly-born (self) (14) and to Asr.'li, the archivist (chartoularios).
When you receive this let[ter, delign to come to us (15) so that together we
may bring about [every] thing that is needful to happen for the peace. (16) And I
809We have had no photograph of the verso. The text and supplements are Prof. Plumley's.
810 This name appears in two variants in our texts: TANTANI (320, 321) and TeNTANI (322). In trans-
lation I have adopted Tantani as a standard form; but this implies no final judgement about the
underlying phonology ot the name.
811 Le., "I (herewith) present you with my authorisation from my Lord ...."
812 Is this the Coptic expression for a federate status?
813 I.e., on our responsibility.
1167
myse[lf sha]1l pray to see you—and that at [once]—since (17) my lord, the
[cou]nt, ordered me to meet him at once.
An[d father Pakhåln ... (18) ] in this place [ you very much loves
truth Flare well in the Lord [
(19) Beloved brother (20) him.

(21) Give it to Tantani, the tribal chief (phylarkhos) of the Anouba from
Vive[ntios the devo]ted (22) tribune, he whom they have placed over all the
soldieds who are in Egypd.
[RHI-1
Cornments
The three Coptic letters addressed to Tantani were discovered in 1976 in House
X-19 at Qasr Ibrim on the floor of a subterranean storeroom, tightly wrapped to-
gether in a bundle with 319 (cf. Plumley et al. 1977, 44 and Pl. VIII/1). The four
papyri probably belonged to the royal archives hidden (?) or stored (?) in this
place, perhaps together with other documents which had, however, been re-
moved while 319 -322 were left lying, together with three imported wine am-
phorae (see ibid., Pl. VII/4), in a room which in the course of time was filled
with rubbish.
The addressee of all three letters is Tantani. 320, which is unambiguously
official in character, was written to him by Viventius, the "devoted
(kathosiomenos) tribune, he whom they have placed over all the soldiers who
are in the Frontier (limiton) of Egypt". KÅOOCI(DMENOC is a Coptic form of the
Greek epithet Koc0coaungévo; TriBoyNoc is the equivalent of Latin tribunus.
The epithet frequently occurs without a precise and special meaning in con-
temporary Egyptian documents, also in connection with military statuses (for
examples see Preisigke 1931, 192), while the title tribunus indicates that Viven-
tius was regimental commander in the region of the southern border of Egypt
(for the title cf. Jones 1964, 640 f.). The use of the word NIMITON (Greek kiwitov)
which repeatedly occurs in Byzantine Egyptian documents with reference to the
southern frontier814 may also indicate that Viventius was the commander of
the limitanei, i.e., a unit stationed at a frontier post or in a frontier region and
in this period composed mostly of barbarians (cf. Fabricius 1926, 659 f.; Burns
1994, 102). He was, as he says in the letter, directly subordinate to a comes do-
mesticorum, who was in command of all Roman military forces in Egypt815 (cf.
Seeck 1900,650).
814 Preisigke 1931, 214; Maspero 1942, 19; for the Inniton as a front er district administered by a
military commander cf. Mayerson 1989; and see also 314.
815 The identity of the cornes domesticorurn in 320 is, however, a puzzle. From the early 5th cent.
there were in the Roman army two cornites donzesticorum, i.e., equiturn and pediturn, commanders
of the cavalry and infantry troops, whose off ice was of very high rank (cf. Jones 1964, 372, 636
1168
The Sources
The addressee of Viventius' letter is Tantani, "phylarch of the people of the

Anouba", i.e., a high dignitary in the kingdom of Noubadia, whose title has the
meaning "(federate) tribal chief" (cf. 309, 313) and who emerges from the letters
written to him as a dignitary who was in a position to conclude a treaty with
Viventius, commander of the units on Egypt's frontier. Viventius mentions
Tantani's king and kinsfolk in a not quite clear context (line 13), which may
perhaps be understood as indicating that Tantani was the "chief" of the Nouba-
dian inhabitants of the region adjacent to the frontier. The phylarchs of the
Blemmyes in 309, 313, and 319 may well be imagined to be tribal dignitaries of a
similar character and function.
Viventius writes in an official matter of great importance on behalf of the
comes who came to Syene/Aswan and Philae and wished to meet Tantani.
Having arrived with such a large contingent of soldiers that it could not be ac-
comodated and provided for in the villages of the region for longer than four
days (?), and being summoned with his troops to the north "by the king" (?, if
IIPPO is used here in the meaning "King"), the comes had to depart without
seeing Tantani. So he delegated Viventius to meet the Noubadian phylarch in
order solemnly to conclude with him a peace treaty. There can be hardly any
doubt that the context is a federate relationship between Egypt and the
Noubades. The letter indicates the character of this relationship only indirectly,
referring to the peace between them. The allusion to advantages may refer to
subsidies the Noubades received. It remains obscure whether in return they
also provided recruits to be used in the defense of the Egyptian frontier and/or
elsewhere (cf. Burns 1994, 43 ff., 247 ff., 280 ff. for the matter from the viewpoint
of the policy of the Roman Empire with regard to barbarians in the 4th and 5th
cent.).
Though of no direct relevance for Noubadian history, the composition of
the troops accompanying the comes in the frontier region presents valuable
data for the history of the Late Roman army. The comes commanded, according
to Viventius' letter, a large contingent of Hurts and oyNoK.ar • Ounokar[...1 .
may be interpreted as a Coptic writing for Hunnocarpi or, since Coptic K. can
also stand for r, for OitvvtycipSca/ (H)unnigardi/(H)unnigardae.
We know of Huns serving as barbarian auxiliaries in the army of Theodo-
sius I and in subsequent times (cf. Burns 1994, 110 f.); and the Carpi or Carpo-
daces, a people of Dacian origin, were transferred under Diocletian and in the
course of the early 4th cent. to the Empire (cf. Bichir 1973, 143), mainly to Pan-
nonia, from across the Danube (cf. Patsch 1899, 1609 f.; Burns 1994, 56 ff.; for the
Carpes see also Bichir 1976). In AD 380, however, they decided, with groups of
Sciri and Huns, to leave the Empire and re-cross the Danube. We learn from
with note 64). The title may be that of a comes of the protectores, i.e., the imperial bodyguard
(ibid. 53, 637 f.); and here it refers (as an honorific title?) in an otherwise unattested form to the
comes et dux of the Thebaid who was also mentioned in 314.
1169
Zosimus (4,34.5-6)that in the summer of 381 (for the dating cf. Paschoud 1971-
1989 II, 409 f.) Theodosius I sent a campaign against "the Sciri and Carpodaces
mixed with Huns" who had apparently crossed the Danube border again and
that they were pushed back. Zosimos speaks about an alliance of the Scires,
Carpodaces and Huns and connects the two latter as if they were going to unite
into one people. While we are ignorant of what exactly happened in the course
of the subsequent decades, 320 may indicate that the two peoples had indeed be-
come one; and it is reasonable to assume that the Hunnocarpi serving in Egypt
around the middle of the 5th cent. AD were descendants of the Carpodaces and
Huns defeated by Theodosius I and subsequently received into the Empire (on
the policy of the receptio of barbarian groups into the Empire after AD 381 see
Burns 1994, 108 f.); troops recruited from their people were, as 320 demon-
strates, ordered to serve as far away from their original habitat as Upper Egypt.
oyNok.a.r[....] may, however, as indicated above, also be interpreted, albeit
with less probability, as a Coptic writing for 01')NrytycipSat/(H)unnigardi/
(H)unnigardae, the name of a military unit mentioned in about AD 412 by
Synesius (Catastasis I, II; Ep. 78) as having been sent to Cyrenaica in order to
lend support to the limitanei, the border defence force, against the attacks of the
Austurians (cf. Jones 1992, 203, 653, 665). The ethnic identity of the (H)unni-
gardi/(H)unnigardae remains obscure, however; 816and it cannot be excluded
that the name was actually a variant of Hunnocarpi.
[LTI
Further comments on the identity of the comes domesticorum

A combination of the information furnished by the historian Priscus (318) and
the present letter (320) may even allow us to identify the comes domesticorum
and date the letter.
According to Priscus, who was an eye-witness to some of the events he
records, the Blemmyes and Nubians, after having been defeated by the Ro-
mans, approached the high-ranking Roman official Maximinus and sued for
peace in 452/3 (on the rank of Maximinus, see Comments to 318). The negotia-
tions ended in a peace treaty that was to last a hundred years, and Maximinus
decided that the text of the treaty should be ratified in the temple of Philae.
Now, in the present letter to the phylarch of the Anouba Tantani, the Ro-
man tribune Viventius, who describes himself as commanding all the troops
stationed in the frontier zone of Egypt, says that his lord, "the Count of the
Household Guard (Greek komes domestikon, Latin comes domesticorum) and
the diocese of the soldiers who are in Egypt" had come to Aswan and Philae to
meet Tantani. Because his lord's entourage, which included many Huns, was
816 It was suggested by Rattisti 1956, 633, and Maenchen-Helfen 1973, 225, that the name is a
compound consisting of the ethnonym (H)unni and the Latinised German word from which Old
Italian guarda and French guarde may have originated.
1170
The Sources
too large to be maintained by local provisions and because the Emperor had
sent for him, he had been forced to return north; but he had "accepted the peace
which had come about" and had instructed Viventius to stay behind to swear
the necessary oaths together with Tantani.
Although Viventius's superior is not mentioned by name in the letter, it is
stated that he held a lofty status and was accompanied by a large number of
Huns; and Priscus had in 449 accompanied Maximinus on an embassy to the
court of Attila the Hun. The correspondence in remarkable details between
these two sources is too great to be easily dismissed as mere coincidence; and it
is therefore reasonable to conclude that the comes domesticorum of the letter
can be identified as Maximinus and that both sources supplement one another
as to details of the peace concluded at Philae in 452/3.
[RHP]
321 Coptic letter of Yahatek to Tantani. Ca. AD 450.

Cairo, Coptic Museum reg. no. 76/50B.
This papyrus, like 319, 320, and 322, comes from the excavations conducted by
the Egypt Exploration Society during 1976 at Qasr Ibrim in Egyptian Nubia.
Concerning its inclusion in this collection see the Introduction to source for
320.
In its present state the papyrus measures 29 by 8.7 cm. It is so damaged at the
end of line 1 and in the middle of lines 2 and 3 that the nature of the message it
bears remains very obscure.
Text
1 ANOK CIAZATEK' ETCZI.EI NTT.X0EIC TANTANI TTAOCIC NNOyBA tWINE erOK.
TA[. [NO'
2 KATAEIC NTACI.A.00C I 1[1(]' , [] u»grro 1J4CONMArOyOyTC817
ATAAMCC
3 KATAO€ NTELIO0C , , , ,]OyCOy 11.1(' T. yW TkIrOy NEILIAM'•
MArOy-
4 CTC ANTINA tCoyEITC T.ee NTAEIXO0C N€K.' NITOr2kAMNI ITZOB
5 Cyr
6 TAAC NTANTANI ZITM
7 £1.1221TeK
817 Reading the verb oy(w)urre, "send".
1171
Translation
(1) I, Yahatek, (it is) that writes to the Lord Tantani, the lord of (the) Nouba:
I greet you (2) as I have said to [you] rmyl brother may they send it to
Talmis (3) as I have said to you all may they (4) send it it as I have said
to you. Do not neglect the matter.
(abbreviation)
Give it to Tantani (7) from Yaha[tek].
[RHP]
Comments
321 seems to have reached Tantani, addressed most reverently and vaguely as
"lord of the Nouba", from a very different milieu. The name of its writer, Ya-
hatek, recalls the Blemmyan name Yeny occurring so prominently in 319; and
the text also refers to "the man of Talmis", i.e., Kalabsha. It may perhaps be as-
sumed without being far too speculative that the relationship between Yahatek
and Tantani was an official one; and if so, it reflects the political situation after
the end of Blemmyan control of the Kalabsha region (cf. 317-319).
[LT]
322 Coptic letter of Mouses to Tantani. Ca. AD 450.

Cairo, Coptic Museum reg. no. 76/50B.
This papyrus, like 319, 320, and 321, comes from the excavations conducted by
the Egypt Exploration Society during 1976 at Qasr Ibrim in Egyptian Nubia.
Concerning its inclusion in this collection see the Introduction to source for
320.
In its presertt state the papyrus measures 31 by 10 cm. and is in excellent
condition. It exhibits several features characteristic of the Lycopolitan dialect (or
Subakhmimic as it was formerly called).818
Text
MQVCHC 1TETC22:i NITC<IMC-
2 riTN.XOÏC -NCON TENTÅNI
3 2MITAC (vac.) X2.1reIN
4 2.1e€ NZWB NIM t(1)INE €11"-
5 T.3:i0 NTeK,MNTreq(1)Mel)e-
6 NOVT€ 67"..XYHOy MN1TE2-
7 A015 NTE.K.M2kir(DME ETNÅ-
8 Noyc ezoyN €0yON NIM
818 For a concise summary of the main features of this dialect, if such it be, see Nagel (1991).
More precisely the details of this text correspond to those of the L6 variant of this dialect.
1172
TheSources
9 ri[2 AI]cra N2oyo ezoyN eroi

10 \fu)INC .3,.NeK2I0me voyconl
11 fujAHA eTTey 2frr1revpoy
12 rinn-eyuyi eTr2.0yanlyT
13 MITeK20 NKCCOTT TeN0y
14 Tr.1_2i.OiC NCON ÅrI1TNO6
15 N2u3B K[ATÅKrIBI
16 Ne kiCAITIKOyi N.X.HKe
17 eiT2.q NATT 2 exrry
18 MTLICON BoA
19 .å.ÅqXeuq mulim)Hre
20 exooy way ZiNÅ
2 1 Au ecyiNe NC.ITTZum
22 COr.X. .2(.eNe2y.XiTy
23 tcooyN AeMeK.imeAi eAA-
24 Aoy NVDB 13€ 02.1TNOYTe TOuj-
25 K Ni<DT NNeXt12.7MDTQe
26 THrOy eT22.THK eleyir0-
27 [o]yty2.arooy zwrou" zw-
- -
28 QN NÅN NOÏC NHDT NN.3.1
29 ÇTTIM. tT.MO Ae -MMOK
30 40iC NCON .Xemmuer OK-
3 1 Trfficloy NN e7TIAAK
32 [N]is.00ye QKTNOON/Ce NTO-
33 Ty N1T.2.711 eClOOyi.
34 lp.CoN TaTTNON/Te yITOy t7:1-
35 Tr4t* 4Aoy eN2J eBOA N2HT0y
36 .2L.[e]N€K6N.å.riKe erdi V.DC
3 7 2.2ameAl eTNNeyoyT.2d0
3 8 NHTN erHC ovx.ï zr:InXC
39 (vac.) merIT NCON
(verso)
40 TÅÅC NITA[MerIT NCON eBOA] ZITN-
41 TeNTÅNI
Translation
(1) Mousês (it is) that writes to his be(2)loved brother-lord Tantani.
In the Lord (empty space)greeting.
Before everything else I greet the (5) glory of your glorious Pi(6)ety and
the s(7)weetness of your Benevolence which is (8) good for everyone—(9) very
1173
e[spe]cially for me. (10)I greet your women all together. I pray rearnestly'819 day
(12) and night that I may adore (13) your countenance yet again.
Now, (14) my brother-lord, do (me) a great (15) favor820. To be precise,' you
in(16)quired about the small (quantity) of purple dye821(17) which I gave to Apa
Hapi to take (18) to (you822)my brother. He went out to me; he (19) said, "I gave
it to my son (20) to send it to him." Please don't ne(21)glect to inquire about the
matter r-1(22)1y,823—forhe took it before (23) I knew—because you are never
neglectful about anything.
Even as (24) God has appointed (25) you to be father for (26) all (25) the cap-
tives824 who are in your charge, having a ca(27)re for them, he also appointed
you (28) for us as father-lord of these (29) rto this place'.
I inform (de) you, my brother-lord, that (as for) the pepper825 which you (31)
sent to us to Philae and (32) [the] other things which you sent through (33) Apa
Hapi to Asyut, (34) my brother Papnute took them. I (35) have not yet given any-
thing to these (people) from them (36) so that you should not find fault with
me as if (37) I had neglected to send a rgift of honor' (38) south to you.
Fare well in Christ, my (39) (empty space) beloved brother.
819 The cuöy of the text poses a problem. As it stands, it constitues no recognizable Coptic phrase
or word. It may well be an abbreviation, but then it lacks the supralineal stroke which marks ab-
breviations elsewhere in the text (lines 3 and 38). These are, however, abbreviations of divine
names, so one might argue that en6y is an abbreviation of some word or phrase that has no aura
of divinity about it. Prof. Plumley suggested it might be an abbreviation of rr(1.)131(pia),and in
lieu of a better proposal I follow his lead. But what, then, is the form? A noun in the nominative
would be ungrammatical, one in the dative, borrowed into Coptic as an adverb, would be very pe-
culiar, and I know of no occurrence of an adverb
820 Lit., "the great deed".
821 A purple dye might have been used for Tantani's robes of office if he was formally the chief
of a federate tribe.
822 The "you" is, of course, an interpretation which results in the following: Tentani inquired
about dye which Mouses gave to Hapi to take to Tentani. Hapi gave it to his son to have it sent,
and Mouses now asks Tentani to find out what happened to the shipment. Suppress the "you", and
a new situation arises: Tentani inquired about dye which Mouses gave to Hapi to take to Mouses'
brother. Hapi gave it to his son to have it sent, and Mouses now asks Tentani to find out what
happened to the shipment. I regard the former interpretation as by far the better of the two.
823 Lit.: In order that you should (or: may) not ne(21)glect to inquire about the matter `—'(22)ly. I
construe 2INAplus the Third Future as expressing a politely worded but strongly expressed wish.
The exact meaning of the adverbial phrase remains uncertain.
824 The word is commonly used to denote prisoners of war. Could this be a reference to hostages to
secure the treaty Tantani concluded with the Romans?
828 If I understand this passage correctly, niner is the Coptic form of the Greek rcénept (var.
itinept; and the letter can be construed as referring to a case of commerce in the form of an
exchange of prestige goods (cf. line 36). Pepper was an item of long-distance trade, coming from
further south in Africa or even from India (cf. Steier 1938).
1174
The Sources

(40) Give it to rmyl rbeloved brother' frlom (41) Tantani.
[RFIP]
Comments
The writer of 322, Mouses, apparently a monk at Philae, addresses Tantani as
his "beloved lord (and) brother". Though the letter starts by taking up the small
matter of the delayed sending of some dye, Mouses also informs us of Tantani's
Christianity as well as of the fact that he was in charge of captives who were
obviously close to Mouses' heart; for he reminds Tantani that he has to be
"father of all the captives" as God has commanded. The situation is explained
in the next sentence, according to which Tantani could not have been ap-
pointed "lord (and) father of pity" in the place where Mouses lives, i.e., at Phi-
lae, without God's blessing; this seems to indicate that Tantani had military au-
thority in the Egyptian frontier region, where he took (presumably Christian)
prisoners for some reason which escapes us. In this sense, 322 seems to com-
plement neatly the evidence of 320.
[LT]
323 Blemmyes participating in a Theban revolt under the EmperorProbus. Ca.

AD 500.
Zosimus, Historia Nova 1.71.1.
Source bibliography
Mendelssohn 1887 Zosimi Comitis et Exadvocati Fisci Historia Nova.
Ed. L. Mendelssohn. Leipzig (reprint Hildesheim
1963).
Paschoud 1971 Zosime: Histoire Nouvelle. Texte &abli et traduit
par F. Paschoud, Vol. 1. (Collection des Universit& de
France.) Paris.
Paschoud 1972 F. Paschoud: "Zosimos, 8". RE 2. Reihe, X A, cols. 795-
841. Miinchen.
The historian Zosimus was probably active during the reign of the Byzantine
Emperor Anastasius I (AD 491-518). He wrote an account in Greek of the Ro-
man emperors from Augustus down to the capture of Rome by Alaric in AD
410. His account shows familiarity with the city of Constantinople, which is
taken as an indication that he spent at least part of his life there. Otherwise,
nothing is known about his person or career, except for the information that he
was legal adviser to the Treasury (advocatus fisci) and obtained the rank of
count (comes).
1175
Zosimus' history, summary to begin with, becomes fuller as he draws

nearer to his own time. This is reflected in the title, which can be translated
"New History", or "Contemporary History" (rather than "New edition", which
has also been suggested, see Paschoud (1971) XXI).The ending shows signs that
Zosimus never completed his work.
The present extract is from Zosimus' account of the reign of the Emperor
Probus (AD 276-282); and the events recorded probably transpired in AD 280.
Our text is based on the edition of Paschoud (1971). For an introduction to
Zosimus see Paschoud (1972).
Text
Tfk Eè icatå eit aiSa duroazoiczri Peccztkeco, nciXegov 8e
itpåg Koit'ri'rctç nst xp6vov 13paxiw åpagev%, aimiv ze Keit toùç avg-
gaxricsavzot ai'yrrj BXeggua6 zcapeazzjaazo Hp6oç Stå zoiv TOze
aTpazzryziacivuov.
Translation
When Ptolemais in the Thebaid revolted against the Emperor and under took a
war against the people of Coptos826 for a short time, Probus overcame both it
[Ptolemais] and the Blemmyes who were its allies, using those who were in
command at that time.827
fTEl
Comments
Zosimus, in his work written in the first third of the 6th cent. AD (cf. Paschoud
1971-1989III, 80 f.), presents a brief description of the same revolt of the Upper
Egyptian city of Ptolemais (modern el-Mansha) in AD 280 against Probus as is
also related in the Historia Augusta (see 284). While it may be concluded on the
basis of the Historia Augusta that Coptos was also in revolt at the same time
and that the two cities had the support of Blemmyan forces, Zosimus writes
that the city of Ptolemais was in revolt, received Blemmyan aid and was at war
with the city of Coptos. It has been suggested (Kerler 1970, 253 f.; Desanges
1978a, 344 with note 227) that Zosimus' evidence should be preferred to the
narrative in the Historia Augusta. Unfortunately, we know too little about
conditions in the Thebaid in the last quarter or so of the 3rd cent. AD to be able
to form a picture of the role that the individual cities played in the revolts
against Rome.
[LT]
826 The translation "The people of Coptos" is based on Isaac Casaubon's (1559-1614) emendation
of the clearly unsatisfactory received text. His conjecture is supported by the account of the same
events in the biography of the Emperor Probus in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae, see 248.
827 For the Greek word zikE, translated "at that time", Mendelssohn (1887) conjectured Icetirn,
"there".
1176
TheSources
324 Philae. Greek graffiti commemoratingthe conversion of the temple of Isis.

Ca. AD 535-537.
SEG VIII 789a. SB V 8706, 8703, 8701,8702. I. Philae II 200-204.
Source bibliography
E. Bernand 1969 E. Bernand: Les inscriptions grecques et latines de
Philae. Vol. 2: Haut et bas empire. Paris. [= I. Philae II.]
Nautin 1967 P. Nautin: La conversion du temple de Philae en église
chr&ienne. Cahiers arch&Aogiques 17, 1-43.
The five inscriptions brought together here were carved on walls in different
parts of the temple of Isis at Philae, some in the Hypostyle Hall (II, III, V),
others (I, IV) on the north pylon. None contains a date; but their contents show
that they celebrate or postdate the conversion of the temple into a church ca.
AD 535-537 (for the date, see Nautin 1967,3-6).
Inscription no. I is badly damaged; the supplements, several of which are
due to P. Nautin in his detailed study of these texts (1967), rest on the assump-
tion that its text partly coincided with those of nos.
Our text follows that of E. Bernand (1969, 251-268, with Pl. 43, 45, 49-51).
Bernand supplies the earlier bibliography, a French translation, and a detailed
commentary .
Text
TyveTo å TOrro; oiim;
Ov61.1,[art trj;
ågoovai[o1) Tptc;c3o; ol]xo;
toi3 [Ouyiou teizI)Ocvou
5 T[oii 0eo4y0,.,(Eatåtou) iteurpO
T[o15åna OcoSaipou T]ofi
[7ctszylc61rou.
D Oeôç ceirr]Ov
St[culnA,Igil èiû gi]cla—
[Tov] xpO[vov].

`0 crtocupå
EÏ VtIC15:C.
III (I. Philae II 202)

Ka't to.t5to tà deyaeOv
pyov 'yéveto
1177
toi) 6mcoTå'cou
nourp6 ktåliv 1rt(51(0(7t01))
5 OcicaOEo8oSpou. D 0(£6);
airr6v Stculmkgr,i
iiù pixtatov xpOvov.
IV (I. Philae II 203)

T[i] TO15 SeaTt6T01)iip65v XplaToii OtXav—
[0pco]ici.å getaartutcertaågevo; 6 Oeo—
[(Vik]éarato åna ecO8copo;
[TO] icpcbv toiiTO dç -rOnov To15åylou XTE-
5 Oåvow bc' deyaeciiv Suv(gEt Xpu3ea.6.
£1Xc43EatOcC01)nOai01) StalCOVOU
Kai npocat6rco;.
V (I. Philae II 204)

TO15TO tå pyov
k:), V£TO irt "C013
OECICIRXECTTOctol)
ira'rpôç 1j1163vdbta
5 OEo8oSpou ¶016
ictszne6Tcou.
Translation
This place became, in the na[me of the holy a]nd consubstanti[al Trinity, the
holuse of [Saint Stephen u]nder (5) olur [most God-loving father], B[ishop Apa
Theodoros. May God] pre[serve him for a very lo]ng ti[me].

The Cross has won;828 it always wins.
III (I. Philae II 202)

Also this good work829 was done under our most holy father, (5) Bishop Apa
Theodoros. May God preserve him for a very long time.
828 Namely, through the conversionof the temple of Isis into a Christian sanctuary.
829 The word ergon, "work", is often used in post-classicalGreek inscriptionswith reference to a
building, e.g., a church. Qualified in this text by the adjectiveagathos, "good", it no doubt com-
bines a referenceto the material transformationof the temple into a church with the notion of "a
good deed" (cf. É. Bernand 1969,262).The initial kai, "also", may imply that Bishop Theodoros
had been credited with other building activities on Philae as well.
1178
The Sources
IV (I. Philae II 203)

The most God-loving Bishop Apa Theodoros, who by the goodness of our mas-
ter Christ transformed this shrine into a place83° for Saint (5) Stephen,
(dedicated this image)831—mayit be to the best through the power of Christ!
(The inscription was provided) under the most pious deacon and rector832Po-
sios.
V (I. Philae II 204)

This work was done under our most God-loving father, (5) Bishop Apa
Theodoros.
[TH]
Comments
The sanctuary of Isis on the island of Philae remained an isolated stronghold of
pagan cults and, in more general terms, an intellectual and emotional support
for pagan resistance to Christianity as well as to Roman rule in Egypt through-
out the 5th cent. AD and during the early decades of the 6th. While in Egypt pa-
gan worship was—though not with immediate and complete success—forbid-
den by an edict in AD 392 (cf. Kåkosy 1984b) and the fate of the temples sealed,
Philae continued to maintain regular cultic activity. The city's exceptional situ-
ation was determined, like that of other surviving pagan cults elsewhere in the
Empire (cf. Bagnall 1994, 147), by its proximity to a border beyond which there
were peoples who were still pagan, whose religious life was traditionally con-
nected to the temple of Isis, and had ambivalent relations with the Empire
which were characterised by alternating periods of alliance and hostility. By the
middle of the 5th cent., however, there were individual conversions in the up-
per circles of the kingdom of Noubadia (see 319 -322) which were connected by
alliance to the Roman government in Egypt, thus indicating that Rome, under-
standably, tried to build up a better-functioning diplomatic relationship with its
dangerous neighbour by promoting its conversion to Christianity (cf. esp. 322;
and see Krause 1987, 295 ff.).833Philae was supported by the Noubades and the
Blemmyes; and actual and potential Upper Egyptian rebels (cf. P. Maspero
830The word topos, "place", which is employed in its usual sense in no. I, here seems to take on a
meaning otherwise known from Coptic texts where it may denote "un martyrium, une simple
église ou un monastère" (Nautin 1967, 63).
831It is probable that the inscription commemorates the dedication of the wall painting of Saint
Stephen which Letronne, on his visit to Philae in 1828, saw beside the inscribed text; there are
now no traces of it (cf. É. Bernand 1969, 264 f.).
832According to Nautin (1967, 20), the word proestos is not a title in the ecclesiastical hierarchy,
but denotes the person in charge of a congregation or church, be he bishop, priest or deacon.
833The completely negative picture previously painted of the Christianization of Nubia prior to
its official conversion is, as to the absence of archaeological evidence, maintained here; the in-
terpretation of 319-322 presented here should, however, be preferred to that in Török 1988b, 69 ff.
1179
67004, 6th cent., Updegraff 1978, 150 f.) counted on the support of the pagans
from beyond the frontier (cf. 306).
Closing the pagan sanctuaries might thus have seemed increasingly
imperative for several reasons; but, when it was finally decided by the Emperor
Justinian, it cost considerable effort. The temples were closed, their priesthoods
arrested, and their cult statues sent to Constantinople by the commander of the
frontier troops, the Persarmenian general Narses,834 some time between the
middle of 535 and late 537 AD (Nautin 1967, 8). The temple of Isis was turned
into the church of St. Stephen; and Philae became the seat of a missionary bish-
opric, as is indicated in the first inscription quoted here (t. Bernand 1969, 252
no. 200). It commemorates Bishop Theodoros (see also 331), who had, according
to John of Ephesus (Ecclesiastic History 4.9), been consecrated by the Alexan-
drian Monophysite patriarch Timothy III (AD 517-535) and was still alive in
575.
The conversion of the temple of Philae marked the beginning of the official
conversion of the peoples of the Nubian Nile Valley to Christianity. The pro-
cess is briefly described by John of Ephesus, from whom we learn that by the
middle of the 6th cent. AD there were three independent kingdoms in the
territory of the ancient kingdom of Meroe. Egypt's southern neighbour,
Noubadia, is repeatedly mentioned in the sources presented above. South of
Noubadia, the kingdom of Makuria, with its capital at Old Dongola, occupied
the region between the Third Cataract and the Northern Butana; to the S of
Makuria lay the kingdom of Alodia, with its capital Soba (cf. (227)). John of
Ephesus also indicates that Makuria was hostile to its neighbours.
John of Ephesus speaks of two missions sent to Nubia, one by Justinian (a
Melchite or Dyophysite mission) and another by the empress Theodora (a
Monophysite mission). According to John, an intrigue by the dux of the The-
baid delayed the emperor's mission, and it was the Monophysite mission
which, arriving first in Noubadia, converted its king and court. In Godlewski's
view (1994, 173 f.) the dispatch of two missions from Melchite Constantinople
representing different rites was not a result of religious rivalry at court but of a
political pragmatism which was well aware of Noubadia's already existing con-
tacts with Monophysite Egypt as well as of Makuria's isolated position. While
the process of conversion in Makuria remains rather obscure, the view that it
was converted to the Melchite faith and thus received Byzantine intellectual
influence (cf. Godlewski 1994) seems to be preferred in the modern literature to
the view that Makuria too was Monophysite (see, however, the doubts sum-
marized by Krause 1987, 296 f. and cf. Török 1988b, 70 f.). A strong Byzantine in-
fluence is indeed illustrated by the splendid monuments of early Christian art
and architecture from Old Dongola (see the literature quoted in Godlewski
834 Procopius,De belloPersico1.19.37; for his career see, with a different, and probably erroneous,
dating of his activity at Philae, Englin 1935.
1180
The Sources
1994), which present a radically different picture from that of the 6th and 7th
cent. AD monuments from Noubadia.
The Monophysite mission, led by the priest Julian, left for Noubadia ca. AD
543; after two years work, however, Julian returned to Constantinople. Until
551 the Noubadian converts were in the care of Theodoros, bishop of Philae. In
566 Patriarch Theodosius appointed Longinus bishop of the Noubades; Longi-
nus could, however, only start his mission in AD 569 (cf. John of Ephesus, op.
cit., 4.7) and stayed for six years in Noubadia (ibid., 8-10). In 575 he went, passing
Philae and visiting the aged Theodoros,835to Alexandria. In 580 he returned to
Noubadia, whence he proceeded south at the invitation of the king of Alodia,
who asked him to convert his people and organise the church of Alodia.
The three other Greek inscriptions quoted above (II-IV, E. Bernand 1969, 256
ff. nos 201-203) are testimonies to popular religiosity in the newly converted
church and are the Christian descendants of the pagan proskynema texts.
[LTJ
325 Philae. Greek graffito of a Christian Nubian. After AD 537.

SB V 8709a. I. Philae II 205.
For Source bibliography and general Introduction to source, see 324. The pre-
sent text was inscribed on a wall in the Hypostyle Hall of the (former) temple of
Isis, between the representation of the goddess herself and her sceptre on the
wall (E. Bernand 1969,Pl. 46).
Text
'EychOccoMmo;
Novi3a.
Translation
I, Theodosios, a Nubian (Nouba).
Comments
This brief inscription consists of no more than the name and the ethnic of its
writer and is introduced by the pronoun è.yo in order to stress that it was writ-
ten personally by the pilgrim. Thus it indicates the descent of the Christian
proskynema from pagan Greek, Demotic, and Meroitic antecedents, the central
idea of which was to perpetuate an adoring presence. Theodosios must have
been a Christian who, according to Nautin (1967, 31), as a deliberate manifesta-
tion of religious and political sympathies, received at his baptism the name of
835 The subsequent activities of Theodoros are attested by the Dendur inscription (see 331) and by
an inscription from Philae dated AD 577 (t. Bernand 1969, 277 ff. no. 216).
1181
the Monophysite patriarch of Alexandria, who died in exile in 566 in Con-

stantinople. Nautin also refers to a Dioskoros, the writer of another
proskynema Bernand 1969, no. 207) who may have been given, for similar
reasons, the name of another patriarch who was exiled because of his hostility
to the Council of Chalcedon (AD 451) which formulated the dogma of
Dyophysitism, i.e., that Christ's human and divine natures were united in one
person but not confused. If these assumptions are correct, we may also suppose
that these names date the inscriptions in question to the period of Bishop
Theodoros (before ca. 580), who was consecrated by the patriarch Theodosios
and was personally involved in dogmatic disputes and their political conse-
quences.
The writer of the proskynema indicates his ethnicity as Nouba, "Nubian",
using the Greek term which had been employed by the classical authors (cf.
FHN II, 110, in this volume see 190, 222, and cf. Pliny, Naturalis Historia 6.35).
This reflects—as opposed to the name Noubades, Annoubades, that emerged in
the Egyptian Greek documents and literature of the 3rd cent. AD (cf. 314, 328) —
the ethnonym used by the inhabitants of Nubia themselves (cf. the graffiti E.
Bernand 1969, nos. 208, 210, 213; cf. also Arabic NtTba).
[Lli
326 The Blemmyan War. End of 3rd to the middle of 5th cent. AD.
P. Berol. 5003, 55-86.
Source bibliography
Livrea 1978 H. Livrea: Blemyomachia (P. Berol. 5003) edidit
prolegomenis versione et commentario instruxit H.
Livrea. (Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie, 101.)
Meisenheim am Glan.
Page 1941 Select Papyri. Vol. III: Literary Papyri. Poetry. Texts,
Translations and Notes by D.L. Page. (Loeb Classical
Blemyomachia, "The Blemmyan War", is the conventional (modern) title
given to an historical epic poem, written in the metre, language, and style of
Homer, of which papyrus fragments were found in a tomb at Luxor (Egypt) and
first published in 1881. The papyri were deposited in the Royal Museums of
Berlin, hence the designation P. Berol. (= Papyri der Staatlichen Museen Berlin)
5003. The discovery of an additional fragment and subsequent scholarly work
on the order of the fragments have resulted in one long fragment of continu-
ous text, albeit with lacunae; especially beginnings and ends of lines are often
missing.
1182
TheSources
Points of language, style, and metre suggest a date for the poem between the
end of the 3rd and the middle of the 5th century AD (Livrea 1978, 22 f.). As for
the author, Livrea argues (23-31) that he is identical with the historian, politi-
cian, and diplomat Olympiodorus of (Egyptian) Thebes (for whom see 309); cf.
also Comments below.
Below we give the text and the restorations presented by Livrea (1978), who
also offers an introduction, transcription of the text with critical apparatus,
translation into Italian, and a commentary. An English translation is provided
by Page (1941,590-94).
Text
55 luggeXH\rtla.[
dc2LX: oi)8' c'tig]dicick-gyegdcxri [
enldw B]kegliow KXliaç T[e 'e[picea nuievci
f5fR -ce ] xeci xatierie KaT4lecpnte KOC[TEKTa,
itpôç 6'] OeeN,/ neTpa TE lecci oUpea Kat 1.1EXav
60 ...]; X,E17C0flévOW 61.1.1E•VO nou
dç 8]e ke.cov vogirl •TCst (1)opf36,61,OugOv dicku[i(ov
...] 3o65v dc7eXiv getaveiae-cat itan 4acso)
o'65] av iaxavOcom JÇiSVEÇ SeSaii.tev[ot dcypri;
3Up.c]yect `pi<ea Itblevå, TE01/1/MMv
65 airràp Oly' oiwo 136ocukov Ociialgeoce-cTiUn[O
csI3ope, T]ccupoO6pov & yevuv neptdqvutcc[i dc4p.6
]bcexpe(ev, .Tc[exuv'to
]nocp' CcXXiiXo[t]cyt plevovie;
I. k,u(O're[
70 1C.TE[
E]g:LX130v[i]otat
l-13Xe[ ]csot KatöntcsOev [
[.... ]rcov 8' KC'etEp()Eiveç Irpoo-0oua[
75 Cik åpoc] epgavio: ISTRI'proptxakicoKopuq-;c[f]
gev 0]fiÂuç Oluko [e]unXeictot Secylio[i
Kocilgcl,Tio5v6tpaTO; ECTILETO, toiç ica[T]å nip[riv
necpuWtac.-, CYTE.ve ISEXe[OSV
atet[3ogev]1i npu? ,ecYcn Kock.Ocic[oc]uitcovnoesiv 'inicw[v
80 atetvoliwov dchtu451;,Xtyupii åve[36W3ee csOckic[uy
nec-rpiSt ari]gaivoucsa nokuynOea virc[liv-
oi)Se (pukcc]ictilpe nuX.e.covivccU[e]csicovöxfjo[
ly're nôöoc[
] . [Tly erci xvc4o[vn
85 ]-tv ..rcepp[
li3
1183
Translation
55
[but not even then] did he836 refrain from fighting [
[but marching against] the tents and the solid fences of the Blemmyes
[he broke and] burnt them, and the men whom he could catch he ki[lled.]
He rushed [towards] the rocks and mountains and black [water]
60 to see whether he could f[ind] the remaining [ ]
[Just a]s a lion, intent upon a grazing cow,
goes after the herd of cattle at m[id]day,
and the dogs, though train[ed in hunting], are [un]able to keep it from
penetrat[ing] the solid fences, and the h[erdsmen] stand astounded,
65 and, driven by irresistible [rage], it swiftly
[breaks] into the cattle enclosure, and [foam?] froths round the jaws that
bring death to the oxen.
[Thus he] attacked, and they [
] with one another [
] similar to [
70 [...l
[...]
for the mortals [
] from behind [
] from both sides dogs rush forward [
75 [Thus, then,] Germanus, bronze-helmeted breaker of the enemy's ranks,
was [both] followed by a host of women in well-plaited fetter[s],
[and] by an army of men whom, throughout the countryside,
[he had captured] as they fled from the war. The gr[ound] groaned
as it was trodden by the soldiers and the feet of the untiring horses
80 [as they thronged t]ogether, and the shrill trump[et] resounded
[an]nouncing [for the fatherland] a joyful vict[ory] in the battle.
[Nor did the watch]men touch the locks of the gates
[...l
] on the [...] getting his first down [
85 [...]
[TEl
Comments
The verses from the Greek heroic Blemyomachia presented here cannot be
connected with a known and datable episode in the conflicts between Blem-
myes and the Roman army in Egypt. As is indicated by the Nilotic scenery in
line 9 of the poem, the Roman victory described here in a fine poetical style
seems to have occurred before the expulsion of the Blemmyes from the Nile
836 The subject is Germanus, the hero of the poem.
1184
The Sources
Valley around AD 453 (cf. 317-319). However, it is also possible that the Ble-
myomachia describes a raid on Upper Egypt and can then be dated to the period
after 453. Stern (1881, 70 ff.) and Kirwan (1937, 80 f.) connected it directly with
the events of the war against the Noubades and Blemmyes in 452-453 (cf. 318).
The stylistic features of the work are consonant with a date about the middle of
the 5th cent. (cf. Livrea 1978, 15 ff.); however, Livrea's suggestion (1976) that its
author might be Olympiodorus of Thebes (see 309) cannot be substantiated. At-
tributions to other authors of Late Antiquity, e.g., Cyrus of Panopolis or
Claudius Claudianus, are similarly hypothetical (on the work of Cyrus see
Cameron 1982, 217 ff.; for Claudianus cf. 278, 308). Also the hero of the conflict,
the victorious Germanus, must remain unidentified.
[LT]
327 The Emperor Justin threatens to send Nubian and Blemmyan soldiers
through Aksum against klimyar in AD 524. After AD 529.
Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca 5, p. 41-43.
Source bibliography
Boissonade 1833 Anecdota Graeca. Ed. J.Fr. Boissonade. Vol. 5. Paris.
(Reprint Hildesheim 1962.)
Huxley 1980 G.L. Huxley: On the Greek Martyrium of the
Negranites. (Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy.
Section C. Vol. 80, C, No. 3.) Dublin.
Moberg 1924 A. Moberg: The Book of the Himyarites. Fragments of a
hitherto unknown Syriac work. Ed. with introd. and
trans. (Acta Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum
Lundensis, 7.) Lund.
Ryckmans 1987 J. Ryckmans: Les rapports de i:Ipendance entre les
rkits hagiographiques relatifs å la perskution des
Himyarites. Le Musk)n 100, 297-305.
The present extract is from the story of the martyrdom of St. Arethas (BHG I.
62), written some time after AD 529 and edited by Boissonade (1833), on whose
text our's is based.
The story is the most comprehensive source for the persecution of the
Christian inhabitants of Negran in Arabia during the reign of the Emperor
Justin I (AD 523); in addition, there are two near-contemporary letters in Syriac
and the so-called Book of the Homerites, also in Syriac (in a fragmentary condi-
tion). For the whole sequence of events and a discussion of sources and
chronology see Huxley (1980). The chronology of the sources is discussed by
Ryckmans (1987), who argues for the view that the Book of the Homerites is
the latest adaptation, containing manifest amplifications, against Moberg
1185
(1924), who concluded that the Martyrdom is a secondary, much shortened,

compendium (p. XXXVII).
Text
f'ypa4:1)E i cd)tot5 Ei)aBeta Kai r4 airC6) 'EXECTI36,t TOtSe "018a 'COxpta-
ttavucaitatov tfK afk åSEX,(1)6trIto. Kat TjX13evdç itôç ött 6 åvtoiptN,
(..15tIvt buat£15aCCCE tiv130C0-1X,Eiav 'Cdiv Ojnipttv, öpaaj_tEvo;
Itav"ra "CO‹) i4.163v kOcivta; AiOioitaç xptattavolk, getå t6.iv ei)pe13v-
tcov ai)tfj xcipa '13cogaicov Kat Ilsp66.W Xptattavciiv, 66v(4) gaxaipa;
åVEUEV, ti ol..tévcov åpyrjaccaOat XptatOv tOv Di6v "C0i) 0£0i3.
öi KCLi NEypåv "Cilv 7C6Xlv prutov iccd dwri.KTyCON7 Ka"CCYT114:Tev.
FEypørpcE 5è cxi. v FlepaiSt 'Akaixouvöåpo,.) "Cc.i? X£701.1.éve)EaK1.1(dc,
Koit atitaik tå ågota SumtpoiaaOcct ci; tai); .6re oci)toi)
xptattavolk.
npotpen4cOa toivvv Kcà vopKoil_tcv Icatå à'yiaç Kast 61..mobaiob
TpuiSo Ck8EX,(1)6"Clita,xelpa poriecia XOUGCLVtiv T(tiv åyicov
'ATy.2LOYV ia 'Ai3Xa77k0w &tivagtv, ELTETCX6? EITE ICEVj Katdc
ixuaapoii Koit irapav61..tou Bpaiou.
Ei -ydtp toirto Oxvrjact i yvirn6'rrç 7COdjaat, a6pav6Ocv Opyietat
atirrj 6 ecôç ai tirj iii_tetpa iroXIteia. Slå K67tTOD Kai
Bcpoviic% icast tCov Xeyoi..tévow BXE1.14.1.15CON, icast No[3å3c.ov ItkijO0 atpatE1)-
1.10cTOW 1tap68q) xpriac4teva tå cstpatöneSa iu.16.)vStå (3015
Guv-cpivovest iravta, tOv "ciiv airC013 xuipav nåaav
tketov dupavtal.t6v Kataatrjauumv. "Eppwao."
Translation
His Piety [the Emperor Justin] wrote also to the same Elesbas [King Ella Asbeha
of Aksum] as follows:
"I know the most Christian attitude of Your Brotherhood.837 It has come to
our attention that the rebel, to whom you entrusted838 the kingship of the
Homerites [Himyarites], grasping his chance, massacred839 all the Christian
Aithiopians who have come under your rule, along with the Roman840 and
Persian Christians who were found in the same region, unless they chose to
renounce Jesus Christ, the Son of God. He even went so far as to leave the
town of Negran deserted and uninhabited. He also wrote to Alamoundaros,841
837 I.e., "you, my brother"; the phrase is a formal honorific mode of address belonging to the pro-
tocol of international relations, comparable to addresses like "Your Excellency" today.
838 In the Greek text the verb is in second person plural; one manuscript has second person singular.
839 The Greek says literally "eliminated by murder by the sword".
840 'Roman' in the sense of inhabitant of the East Roman Empire, at that time still including
Egypt, Palaestina, Syria etc.
841 A1-Mundhir III, of the Lakhmid dynasty.
1186
The Sources
surnamed Sakikas, in Persia, asking that they too [the Lakhmids] take similar
action against the Christians subject to them.
So we exhort and adjure Your Brotherhood by the Holy and Consubstantial
Trinity, that you go forth by sea or by land, with the power of the holy angels
and archangels as your helping hand, against that foul and lawless Jew.
If Your Legitimacy842 shrink from this task the wrath of God will come from
heaven upon you and your country. And we for our part will send forth by way
of Coptos and Berenice843a huge army, consisting of both the socalled Blem-
myes and Noubades; as it passes through your territory our army will crush ev-
erybody, and they will utterly obliterate the Homerite with his whole country.
Farewell."
[TE]
Comments
The Greek Martyrdom of the Negranites recounts the massacres of Christians
inflicted by the insurgent Himyarite king Dounaas (Dia-Niiwas) at Negran
(Najrån in S. Arabia) and the subsequent Aksumite crusade against the insur-
gent. The massacres, which are the central topic of the Martyrdom, took place
in the course of late October and November of AD 523, as shown by Huxley
(1980, 42 ff.), who devoted a detailed study to the international diplomatic con-
text of the events described in the Martyrdorn and related sources. The passage
presented here is part of a longer, detailed and somewhat garbled narrative,
which we summarize on the basis of Huxley's interpretation.
The Martyrdom relates that King Ella Asbeha of Aksum (the Kaleb Ella As-
beha of the Aksumite sources; see Munro-Hay 1991, 84 ff.) invaded the Arabian
kingdom of Himyar (Yemen) ca. AD 519 (cf. Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. Wol-
ska-Conus 1968, 369, with wrong dating; see Huxley 1980, 47 f.) in order to expel
the Jewish king Dounaas (in later tradition Yusuf Asar Yathar, cf. Munro-Hay
1991, 85 f.) who was known to be persecuting the Christians in his kingdom.
Dounaas fled to the mountains; Ella Asbeha established an Aksumite garrison
and returned to Aksum. In 523 Dounaas returned from the mountains and
slaughtered Ella Asbeha's troops and the Christians living at Zafyar, i.e., the
capital of Himyar, whence he proceeded to Negran, where he massacred the lo-
cal Christians, including a certain Arethas (I-Jarith),in the course of late October
and November. The martyrdoms provoked a second Aksumite expedition, at
the successful conclusion of which Ella Asbeha appointed a son of Arethas as
his viceroy (for further evidence cf. Munro-Hay 1991, 87).
A letter of the Emperor Justin (518-527) written to Timotheos IV, Mono-
physite Patriarch of Alexandria (517-535, cf. Nagl 1937), and referred to in the
Martyrdom, clearly indicates that the power of Dounaas was regarded in the
842 Reading i ci yvricst6IN. In one manuscript the address is ii OcrtOtn;, "Your Holiness".
843 In the Greek text the spelling is Beronice.
1187
Eastern Empire as highly dangerous politically, economically and from a reli-

gious point of view as well; it posed the threat of an alliance between Dounaas
and Persia, represented a threat to the Syro-Palestinian frontiers of the Roman
Empire, and could well have brought about the loss of control over the Indian
trade conducted via the Red Sea (see Huxley 1980, 54 f.). Accordingly, the Em-
peror asked the Patriarch to urge Ella Asbeha to avenge the martyrs and punish
Dounaas.
The Emperor Justin also sent another letter on the same matter. This letter,
the one translated above, was addressed to the ruler of Aksum. Here he as-
sumes that Dounaas had originally been appointed by Ella Asbeha to be his
viceroy in Flimyar and urges Ella Asbeha to take appropriate steps to suppress
his appointee. To lend strength to his demand Justin threatens to send a force
of Blemmyan and Noubadian troops by way of Aksum to Himyar. For Nubian
history it is the route of the troops in question and their ethnic identity that is
important and explains why we have included this passage in the FHN. The
Emperor says that his troops consisting of Blemmyes and Noubades would
travel from Coptos across the desert to Berenice on the Red Sea. For this army
to endanger Aksumite territory it would have to make a westward detour on
its way from Berenice to Flimyar.
Though Justin's threat does not seem to have been realized (cf. Huxley 1980,
49 f.), the Martyrdom offers an excellent addition to the evidence concerning
the Noubadian (cf. 317, 320 322, 328) and Blemmyan (cf. 309, 331) federates of
-
Byzantine Egypt. (For the subsequent events and Ella Asbeha's actual victorious
campaign in AD 525-526,which do not concern us here, see Huxley 1980, 51 ff.)
[LT1
328 The withdrawal of the Roman frontier in AD 298. Ca. AD 545.

Procopius, De bellis 1.19.27-37.
Source bibliography
Cameron 1985 Averil Cameron: Procopius and the Sixth Century.
London.
Dewing 1914 Procopius. With an English translation by H.B.
Dewing. Vol. 1: History of the Wars, Books I and II.
(Loeb Classical Library.) London-New York.
Haury—Wirth 1962 Procopii Caesariensis Opera Omnia. Ed. J. Haury-
G. Wirth. Vol. 1: De Bellis libri I IV. Leipzig.
-
Veh 1970 Prokop: Perserkriege. Griechisch-deutsch, ed. 0.

Veh. (Tusculum-Bilcherei.) München.
Procopius, bom ca. AD 500 in Caesarea in Palestine, was the leading Greek his-
torian of the 6th cent. AD, active during the reign of Emperor Justinian (AD
1188
The Sources
527-565). As counsellor and trusted friend of Justinian's general Belisarius he

accompanied him on his campaigns and wrote a history of Justinian's wars in
the East ("The War against the Persians"), in Africa ("The War against the
Vandals"), and in Italy ("The War against the Goths"). In style and spirit he is
in the tradition of the Classical historians Herodotus and Thucydides (5th cent.
BC); he overtly strives for objectivity but may be suspected of embellishing the
exploits of the "Romans", i.e., Byzantines, and especially of his hero Belisarius.
For contemporary events his account is considered to be fairly accurate, al-
though there are few precise dates; for older times he is, of course, dependent
on the quality of his sources, few of which can be identified. On Procopius see
Cameron (1985).
This extract is from the part of his history which deals with the Eastern
campaign and seems to have been completed before 545 and published in 551.
Procopius' excuse for including a detailed description of the peoples south of
Egypt in his account of the Persian war is that Justinian "at that time [i.e., in
531] got the idea of making the Aithiopians and Homeritae his allies with a
view to damage the Persians" (1.19.1).
Our text is based upon that of Haury-Wirth (1962). There is an English
translation by Dewing (1914) and a German one by Veh (1970).
Text
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1189
[31] TICEL 'CE NOE3OtTOCtairccc iipecricE,TTIV 'CE IIETawicy-cacytv

Sfi 1.1åka 7CETCOL IlVTO, ice p 6 AtolcXfittavå cyOicnv bcate7 .,2t,e, Kai
'Pav.aicov "Cdt TE ICOXElt; Kast xoipav iSutcwav«)' ki(åTepa Tof)
ITOXeco
(32) TOte Sfi 6 pamkei.) wirco; CCUTOI; TE le0C1BXEKUMV ETIgE öiSocsOcu
åvå nåv iSiTrOv n xpbaiov gfiKén yfiv T1)V Poliocicov knicaw-
tat. [33] "07CEp KOC‘. Ç tè Koi.u,61.tevol OUSEV "Ct 1T]660V IcataOovat
EKEtV13 x(Opla. Oii-cco; åpa PapPåpoug ånaNpra oi)Sei.tia gfixavfi Staadxs-
acogat Tfiv èç Pcoj.iaioç niauv On ti8.£1. TO3Våguvogévow 6TpaTuoToiv.
[34] KaiTol Kai vfia6v Tiva v 7tOtago) NciXo) åyxtaTå 7C11
'EXE(1)0CVTLVTK 7C6X.ECNEl)p(..i.W6 paalXci) oS'roç polipt6v 'CE TOCI)T1:1 SEtpa-
1.1Evo OxupoiTatov, KOLVO; TIVOG EvtociiCia veok 'CE Kai cogoi) Pcoi_uxiot
TE Kal TO1ST01. Sfi KaTcatficyaTo Tol; 3apf3åpol, Kai cpcïç 1<åC5^COYV EV
Tit,) (1)poupia? Toirro? iSpiSaato, v ..åo; 1:343al(p tiv (1)1X:LaN (3c43.0a-t TO;)
getéxclv u.5v [35] Atå öfi Kai (DiXa; .itcov6i_uxac
xcopiov. "Ap.6co tafita TE Bkgue; Kai O NOPOlTal, "C01); TE
åkkou; Oeoi5ç, oiksnep "EX,Xfive navta, Kast TTIV TE 'ICYLV 'COV
TE "Omptv aéPopcn, 1COCL 1:1l))(iiK1.6TOC TOv Flpianov. [36] O pévtoi Bé-
flÆÇ Kai åvOpoinol) T6,) fiXio,) 131e1v eioiOacn. Tafita & tå icpå
oirroi Sfioi åpPapot Kai èç tè eixov, åkkå ?ciç cdyrå
loucrttvlavO KaOekeiv [37] NapafK yofiv, flepaapilévto; yévo;, oi")
np6aOcv åTE Tyl)T01_10kTiK6TO EpiTi6OTW, 'C(i)'N/EKELVT36..cpatio.)-
T63V åp)CCOVTdC 'CE lepå KaOciXs, 3arnXéoç o rcayyeiXavio, ICOCL 'COç .1b,
åyåkpaTa ç Buåvtiov .rcepAgev.
Translation
1.19[27]From the city of Auxomis [Aksum] to the Egyptian border of the Roman
Empire, where the city known as Elephantine is situated, is a journey of thirty
days for a man who travels light. [28]Among the many peoples settled there are
the Blemmyes and the Nobatai, very populous tribes. But the Blemmyes in-
habit the interior of this country, while the Nobatai possess the lands on either
side of the River Nile.
Formerly, however, this was not the furthest bounds of the Roman Empire,
which extended approximately another seven days' journey farther on. [29]But
when the Roman Emperor Diocletian [AD 284-305] came there, he perceived
that the tribute from those places was of the least possible account, for the fol-
lowing reasons: The (arable) land there is extremely narrow, since not far from
the Nile exceedingly lofty cliffs rise up and fill the rest of the country. In addi-
tion, a very large number of troops had been stationed there from of old,844and
the Treasury was excessively burdened by the expenditures on these. At the
844 Thisimprecise and somewhat old-fashioned indication of time translates ii Toi) nakatoii, a
phrase in the style of Herodotus.
1190
The Sources
same time the Nobatai, formerly settled around the city of Oasis, were for ever
ravaging and plundering all the places there. For all these reasons, Diocletian
persuaded those barbarians (i.e., the Nobatai) to migrate from their own haunts
and to settle on either side of the Nile, promising to present them with great
cities and with a large territory, markedly better than that which they formerly
inhabited. [30]In this way he supposed they would stop harassing the territories
around Oasis and also, taking possession of the land which was given to them,
probably drive off the Blemmyes and the other barbarians, since the land was
(now) their owrt. [31] This pleased the Nobatai, and they made the migration
very quickly indeed in the way Diocletian had commanded them. So they took
possession of both the Roman cities and all the country on both sides of the
river beyond the city of Elephantine.
[32]Then this emperor decreed that there be given both to them and to the
Blemmyes each year a stated amount of gold on the condition that they no
longer plunder Roman territory. [33] Although they have been receiving this
right down to my day, none the less they continue to overrun the places in
those parts. Thus, it seems, with regard to all barbarians, it is simply not possi-
ble for them to keep faith with the Romans unless through fear of active de-
fence forces.
[34]Even so this emperor chose an island in the river Nile somewhere very
near the city of Elephantine and constructed there a really strong fortification,
and in that place he founded some temples and altars for the Romans and for
these very barbarians in common and settled in this fortification priests of both
peoples, in the expectation that their friendship would be secure for the Ro-
mans because of their participation in the rites. [35]This is the reason why he
named the place Philae rEriendship"1. Both these peoples, the Blemmyes and
the Nobatai, revere all the other gods in which pagans [Hellenes] believe, as
well as Isis and Osiris, and not least Priapus. [36]But the Blemmyes even have
the custom of sacrificing human beings to the Sun. These barbarians retained
the sanctuaries in Philae right down to my day, but the Emperor Justinian de-
cided to pull them down. [37] Accordingly Narses, a Persarmenian by birth,
whom I mentioned before as having deserted to the Romans, and who was in
command of the troops there, pulled down the sanctuaries on the Emperor's
orders, held the priests under guard, and sent the images to Byzantium.
[TE]
Comments
Though written two and a half centuries after the event, Procopius' description
of the evacuation of the Dodecaschoenus and the withdrawal of Egypt's south-
ern frontier from Hiera Sycaminos (Maharraqa) to Syene (Aswan) by Diocletian
in AD 298 (for the date see Comments on 280, end) was based on good sources
and presents a more detailed (even if at places erroneous) explanation for the
Emperor's decision than other sources. Procopius refers to the withdrawal of
1191
the frontier in 298 in the context of his description of the reign of Justinian I
(527-565),in which he remarks (1.19.1) that in 531 the Emperor "got the idea of
making the Aithiopians845 and Homeritae his allies with a view to damage the
Persians" (for Justinian I and his diplomacy involving Aksum and Himyar see
327); and at this point he digresses and describes the peoples south of Egypt
from an historical perspective.
In general terms, the abandonment of the frontier defense in depth, i.e., by
frontier troops stationed at several outposts in a buffer zone extending over the
entire stretch of the Nile Valley from the First Cataract to Hiera Sycaminos
about 250 km further south, and the concentration of the forces within the
province at fortified places (see Procopius about Philae in our text) is a measure
that reflects the changes in contemporary frontier policy.
It also reflects contemporary policy in that the evacuation is connected with
what Procopius describes as persuading the Nobatai (i.e., Noubades or Nubians)
to leave their habitat in the (Great or Kharga) Oasis and to settle on the two
banks of the Lower Nubian Nile. We read here about a treaty of federation ac-
cording to the terms of which the Nubians stop raiding Egyptian territories and
check the Blemmyes, another threat to Egypt; the Nubians are allowed to take
possession of the land where Rome settles them and receive an annual
subsidy. The Blemmyes too receive a subsidy. Furthermore, Diocletian also
secures access to the sanctuaries at Philae for both these barbarian peoples.846
While later sources from the 4th through 6th centuries (cf. 293, 295, 309 313, -
317, 320 322, 327, 331) repeatedly attest that, for periods, there existed separate
-
alliances between Rome and the Noubades and between Rome and the
Blemmyes, and while we may also assume that the Noubades and the
Blemmyes may at times have been allies against Rome (cf. 314), we cannot
readily accept Procopius' description of the withdrawal of the frontier as the
settlement of the Nobatai in an evacuated Dodecaschoenus. This aspect of his
story is already suspicious on account of the association of the Nobatai with the
Great Oasis as their home. This is erroneous and may perhaps be explained as
garbled information about a Noubadian raid on the Oasis (cf. 302). It is more
reasonable to assume that the vacuum created by the withdrawal from the
frontier in the Dodecaschoenus was filled by the Meroitic kingdom, which
during the second and third thirds of the third cent. AD exerted an increasingly
effective control over this territory; i.e., a territory which was inhabited mainly
by a non-Egyptian, "Aithiop-ian" population (see 249 257, (259), 260 263, 265
- - -
267, (276)). While it cannot be entirely excluded that, in an effort to clarify the
situation on the new frontier and to prevent its being violated, Diocletian did
indeed conduct negotiations with the inhabitants of the Dodecaschoenus as
845 Procopiusprobably means here Aksum and not the kingdoms of the Middle Nile Region.
846 Procopiusrepeats here the romantic Greek etymology of Philae already occurring in Seneca as
quoted by Servius on Aeneid 6.154: the name derives from Egyptian P3-1w-rk, and it has nothing to
do with Greekl:W io.); cf. Winter 1982, 1022.
1192
The Sources
well as with some Blemmyes, the re-settlement of the area and its new military
organisation then became a task for Meroe and not for Rome (see (276) end).
[LT]
329 The defeat of the Nubians and Blemmyes in AD 452. AD 551.

Jordanes, Romana 333.
Source bibliograpy
Kappelmacher 1916 A. Kappelmacher: Iordanis. RE IX.2, cols. 1908-29.
Stuttgart.
Mommsen 1882 Iordanis Romana et Getica. Rec. Th. Mommsen.
(Monumenta Germaniae historica. Auctores
antiquissimi. V.1.) Berlin. (Repr. 1961.)
Jordanes, a Romanized Goth, is the author of two historical works. One is a his-
tory of the Goths, De origine actibusque Getarum847 ("On the origin and deeds
of the Goths"), an abridgment of the great history of the Goths by the Roman
politician and writer Cassiodorus (died ca. AD 580). Since Cassiodorus' history
is lost, the work by Jordanes, although reduced to a fraction of the original, is of
great value as a source for the legends and history of the Germanic peoples and
of the Huns.
The other is, in some manuscripts, entitled De summa temporum vel orig-
ine actibusque gentis Romanorum ("Summary of the times, or on the origin
and deeds of the Roman people"). It is an outline of world history from earliest
times, beginning with Adam and ending in AD 551. The work is not highly
rated, either for its style or its contents; and since Jordanes' sources are pre-
served, its value as a historical source is minimal.
The two works by Jordanes are usually, for short, referred to as the Getica
and the Romana; the completion of both can be dated to AD 551.
The present extract from the Romana summarizes the career of the Em-
peror Marcianus (AD 450-7) and is probably based on the Greek historian
Priscus (fifth cent. AD), see 318 Comments. Our text is based on the edition of
Th. Mommsen in the great collection of historical sources entitled Monumenta
Germaniae historica (Mommsen 1882).
Text
Nam cum Parthis et Vandalis omnino infestantibus pacem instituit, Attilae
minas compescuit, Novades Blemmesque Ethiopia prolapsos per Florum
Alexandrinae urbis procuratorem sedavit et pepulit a finibus Romanorum,
847 The Getae were a Thracian tribe, quite different people from the Goths; in late antiquity,
however, these two names were often confused.
1193
obitumque Attilae et Zenonis Isauri interitum, antequam moriretur, felix com-

perit infelicium: omniumque inimicorum suorum colla domini virtute cal-
cans sexto anno sextoque mense regnans in pace quievit.
Translation
For he [Marcianus] made peace with the Parthians and Vandals, who had been
constantly making inroads; he brought to an end Attila's menaces; through
Florus, the procurator of the city of Alexandria, he checked the Noubades and
Blemmyes who had made incursions from Aithiopia, and expelled them from
Roman territory; and before he died he learned of the death of Attila and the
end of the Isaurian Zeno—himself happy, they hapless: treading on the necks
of all his ertemies by virtue of his imperial valour he found rest in peace in the
sixth year and sixth month of his reign.
[TE]
Comments
330 Dendur. Coptic inscription of King Eirpanome. AD 559 or 574.

Blackman 1911, 36 f.
Source bibliography
Blackman 1911 A.M. Blackman: The Temple of Dendur. Cairo.
Lepsius 1849-58 R. Lepsius: Denkmåler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien.
Berlin. [Repr. Geneve 1973.]
Revillout 1871 E. Revillout: Memoire sur les Blemmyes d'apres divers
documents coptes et å cette occasion sur un prophete
jacobite. CRAIBL,nouv. serie, 7, 30-43.
Revillout 1874 E. Revillout: Memoire sur les Blemmyes, å propos
d'une inscription copte trouvee å Dendur. Academie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Memoires. Serie 1, 8.2,
371-445.
Shinnie-Chittick 1961 P.L. Shinnie-H.N. Chittick: Ghazali. A Monastery in
The Northern Sudan. (Sudan Antiquities Service.
Occasional Papers, 5.) Khartoum.
This Coptic text was inscribed into the thickness of the eastern jamb of the
south doorway into the pronaos of the Temple of Augustus at Dendur. The let-
ters were incised and painted red.
The text was first published by Lepsius (1849-58,Vol. XII, 6. Abt., Bl. 103, No.
39) on the basis of a squeeze and was subsequently studied by Revillout (1871,
1194
The Sources
1874) before receiving its hitherto most careful epigraphic examination by

Blackman, whose text is reproduced here.
The temple was dismantled in 1962 and is now in the United States.
Text
1 2m[Troy]uxy MTTNOYT6 NINTKEÅEYCIC
2 MITrrO EIrTTÅNOMe MNTT6CTTOY.D..2.10C
3 2MIT(9.3..A.€ MITNOYT€ i(DCH4) TTELIrXI
4 NTAMCWC ÅN/(1) ZMITTr€NILITTeCTÅYrOC
5 NTOOTq Nee(D.M.DrOC 1Te1TICKJ MTTIN26.1(
6 ÅNOK .2 13r2,22 M ITIEÅÅX/ NTTreCayTer0C
7 TAoywurci-Ayroc 2MIT€200Y N-
8 TÅyCTI-ITICNT€ NTEICKK/ €Te-
9 coy .2coycuTcAu)cie IVT(DB€ I Z
10 Cre(1).Å.I. 7T€C10yr r:4-rtly MNTTÅTTNOYTE
11 ITCT€1)ÅrIC rii.leTreclaNioc ITC2 MÅT2.
12 MNCIrMA BerITArIOC oyoN NIM
13 eTN.24.(1X) NNIT22J mareyrTA

14 rÅTTH Nyroyco[n] NUJA.H^ qe848
Translation
(1) By [the wJill of God and the decree (2) of King Eirpanome and the (man)
zealous (3) in the word of God, Joseph, the exarch of (4) Talmis, and by our re-
ceiving the cross (5) from Theodore, the bish(op) of Philae, (6) I, Abraham, the
most hum(ble) priest, (7) (it is) who set up the cross on the day (8) they founded
this ch(urch), i.e., (9) the twenty-seventh day of the month Tôbe, seventh indic-
tion, (10) Shay, the eunuch, being there with Papnute, the (11)stepharis, and
Epiphanios, the samata, (12) and Sirma, (the) courier. (As for) everyone (13)
who reads these writings, let him be gra(14)cious and spend a moment of prayer
for me.
99 r(Sign of the cross)'849
{RHP}
Comments
This inscription, which commemorates the transformation into a Christian
church of the pagan temple of Dendur in Lower Nubia, ca. 77 km south of
848 Blackman (1911, 37) notes that the last sign in this group resembles an epsilon but is probably
a cross.
849 Ninety-nine is the sum of the values of the Coptic letters that spell "amen" when they are
used as numerals. The practice, known as isopsephism among Greek scholars and as gematria
among Hebrew scholars, is attested in much later Coptic inscriptions from Ghazah in Upper Nu-
bia (see Shinnie-Chittick 1961, 94).
1195
Aswan on the W bank of the Nile,850belongs among the earliest records of the
official conversion of the kingdom of Noubadia (for the process of the conver-
sion see Comments on 324). The conversion in Noubadia, as everywhere else,
started with the baptism of the ruler and his court: in our text, King Eirpanome
as well as Joseph, the exarch of Talmis (Kalabsha), are already Christians. The
acts commemorated in the text were of great spiritual and practical significance.
Setting up the cross was a supreme act in the conversion of a country to Chris-
tianity; and the conversion of the temple, while annihilating symbolically as
well as practically a pagan cult, also created a place of Christian worship and
started the organisation of the church as a functioning structure.
The exarch Joseph would later appear in the same capacity in the Greek in-
scription of King Tokiltoeton from Ikhmindi (late 6th cent. AD, SB VIII, 10074).
He was either the military commander of the region851or, more probably, the
vicar of the missionary bishop of Philae (cf. Maspero 1909, 306 ff.). This latter,
i.e., bishop Theodoros, appears as the spiritual father of the Noubades in 330
too (for his person see 324). His function as missionary bishop of Noubadia,
and presumably also that of his vicar (if the title exarch is to be understood in
this manner) would come to an end only with the arrival in 569 of Longinus,
who was appointed bishop of Noubadia in 566.
The conversion of the temple of Dendur was commemorated by an inscrip-
tion in Coptic, indicating the intellectual orientation of the newly converted
Noubadian court and, above all, its close contacts with the bishopric of Philae
and, through its bishop, with the Monophysite patriarchate of Alexandria. The
titles of the court officials in the protocol seem to indicate the impact of the
Byzantine court, but the actual significance of the individual titles remains ob-
scure (for Christian Noubadian court titles in general see Ibrök 1978 302 ff., 307;
for an analysis of the Greek titles see Hågg 1990).
[LT]
331-343 The Blemmyan documents from Gebelen. Early 6th cent. AD (?).
Source bibliography
Bagnall-Worp 1986 R.S. Bagnall-K.A. Worp: A Loan of Money: P. Sorb.
Inv. 2253. APF 29, 29-31.
Baillet 1888 J. Baillet: Sur plusieurs textes grecs rkemment
dkouverts, relatifs å l'histoire des Blémyes. Acaclinie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Comptes Rendus 16,
326-336.
850Built by Augustus after the treaty of Samos, it was originally dedicated to the deified broth-
ers Peteisis (P3-di-Yst) and Pahor (13;-n-I-jr),sons of Kuper (Qwpr/Qpr), cf. FHN II, 180, Comments,
end.
851The office of Ecpoç as equivalent of the earlier dux appears in AD 545 in Novel 130 of the
Codex Justinianus, cf. Monneret de Villard 1938, 85.
1196
The Sources
Bjørkelo 1983 A. Bjørkelo: From King to Kjshif: Shendi in the

Nineteenth Century. Diss. Bergen.
Burckhardt 1822 J.L. Burckhardt: Travels in Nubia. 2nd ed. London.
Hendrickx 1996 B. Hendrickx: A propos de trois chartes grecques
(Bl&nyes) de Gebelein. Ekklesiastikos Pharos 78/2, N.S.
7, 153-165.
Johnson-West 1949 A.C. Johnson-L.C. West: Byzantine Egypt: Economic
Studies. Princeton.
Nubier. (Denkschriften der K. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien,
Phil.-hist. Cl., 46:4.). Wien.
Praux 1961 C. Praux: Prêt d'or byzantin du Brooklyn Museum (P.
Brooklyn gr. 2). CdE 36, 353-364.
Quecke 1982 H. Quecke: Review of Weber 1980. Studia Papyrologica
21, 51-53.
Satzinger 1968 H. Satzinger: Urkunden der Blemmyer. CdE 43, 126-
132.
Taubenschlag 1955 R. Taubenschlag: The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in
the Light of the Papyri, 332 B.C.-640A.D. 2nd ed.
Warsaw.
Weber 1980 M. Weber: Kölner Ägyptische Papyri (P. Köln ågypt.).
Vol. 1. Bearb. v. D. Kurth-H.-J. Thissen-M. Weber.
Opladen.
Wessely 1904 C. Wessely: Studien zur Palaeographie und
Papyruskunde. Vol. 3. Leipzig.
Wilcken 1912 L. Mitteis-U. Wilcken: Grundziige und Chrestomathie
Wolff 1981 H.J. Wolff: Review of Kfflner Papyri. Bd, 3. Zeitschrift
der Savigny-Stiftung. Rom. Abt. 98, 389-400.
Zyhlarz 1940-41 E. Zyhlarz: Die Sprache der Blemmyer. Zeitschrift für
Eingeborenen-Sprachen 31, 1-21.
The present corpus of thirteen documents, some written exclusively in Greek
and others written partly in Greek and partly in Coptic, though now scattered
among several museums, appears on internal criteria to have come from a sin-
gle find or at least from a single archive. Nine of them record loans; and of
these nine, five involve the same lender. Of the five, four are written by the
1197
scribe Sansnos, and one by the scribe Dioskoros. Of the four remaining loans
three were written by Sansnos and one by the scribe Agathon; and this latter
involves the same parties as appear in one of the other three. Of the four texts
that do not document loans, Sansnos wrote three and Agathon one, a text con-
cerned with the administration of the same island as appears in one of the
three texts written by Sansnos. In addition it is possible that all thirteen texts
were written on the same medium (gazelle (?) skin).852
To judge from their prosopography, format, dating formulas, and legal and
economic content, the documents may be dated some time during the last one
hundred and fifty years of Byzantine rule in Egypt and derive from a socially
mixed milieu dominated by the Blemmyes—a social context, which, in view of
the infelicities and obscurities that characterize their language, was not much
acquainted with the blessings of literacy. The formula used in the loan docu-
ment seems to have its closest parallels in 6th-century Greek papyri from the
Theban region (see Praux 1961, 358; cf. Bagnall-Worp 1983). No precise dating
for these texts based on their palaeography has yet been established; estimates
vary between "end of 5th or beginning of 6th century" (K. Wessely in Krall
1898, 25), "approximately 6th century" (Wilcken 1901, 418; 1912, 13), and
"(approximately) beginning of 6th century" (Satzinger 1968, 127; Weber 1980,
115).
The documents are here arranged in what may have been the order in
which they were originally written (cf. Comments below). The arrangement is
based on the indiction years (given in eight of the thirteen), the recurrence of
the same witnesses from one text to another, the mention of the three kings
Pokatimne (334), Kharakhen (336), and Barakhia (339), as well as various other
internal criteria (as explained in Flägg 1984, 105-109).If this arrangement is cor-
rect, the documents cover a period of (at least) twelve years (from year nine of
the indiction to year five (?) of the next).
As mentioned above, these texts are now scattered among several institu-
tions. The earliest to be published (334 and 336) appeared in 1888; and if indeed
all the documents come from a single find, then the report that Gr6paut pur-
chased these two at Gebelen (in Upper Egypt, some 25 miles south of Thebes) in
1887 (Baillet 1888, 326) may be taken as an indication of where they were dis-
covered in modern times.
Where they were written has been the subject of learned speculation
(Satzinger 1968, 127, with refs.); but although they contain some geographical
information, it has not yet been possible to attain certainty. 334 and 336 men-
tion an island named Tanare, which, 334 records, was also called Temsir. Al-
though the exact location of this island cannot be established, the use of a dou-
852 John Lewis Burckhardt (1822, lxxxvi) refers to "a large Coptic manuscript, written upon
gazelle skM, found in the island of Omke, above the cataract of Wady Halfa".
1198
The Sources
ble nomenclature is consistent with a hypothesis which places it in Egypt.853

Moreover, it has been suggested that the scribe Dioskoros is identical with the
"scribe of the Blemmyan nation" Dioskoros who appears in a roughly contem-
porary papyrus from the Latopolite Nome in Upper Egypt (BGU 111.972,
"6th/7th century"). In short, our documents seem to offer further testimony for
the Blemmyan presence in Upper Egypt in the 6th century.
The language of the texts is, as already stated, obscure. All three scribes bear
familiar Graeco-Egyptian names in contrast to most of the other persons men-
tioned; and two of them, Sansnos and Agathon, are guilty of both Greek and
Coptic of a sort. It is indicative that we have as yet been unable to persuade our-
selves of which language these notaries may have been native speakers. They
were heirs to the convoluted notarial tradition of the Byzantines; and so long
as they were supported by formularies, the purport of what they wrote is dis-
cernible. Where, however, set phrases were wanting, it occasionally becomes
virtually impossible to ascertain what they intended to convey. It would not be
a surprise to discover that these writers had acquired their tenuous scribal ac-
complishments in some other context than that of the law and had been con-
strained to fill the rôle of notary at the instance of local potentates. One must
also consider the possibility that the intentions of the principals were expressed
in a language (e.g., that of the Beja) still more unfamiliar to the scribes than
that in which they wrote.
Apart from the formularies a couple of texts contain a smattering of admin-
istrative and technical terms drawn from Latin (commercium, curatoria) or
Greek (synetheia); and these together with some high-sounding titles
(basiliskos, hypotyrannos, domestikos) or epithets (eugenestatos) betoken a ve-
neer of—perhaps vaguely comprehended—Byzantine culture, the nearest par-
allel to which would be that exhibited by the so-called X-Group burials at Bal-
lana and Qustul. How the Blemmyes viewed their own position seems well
lustrated by 336 in which curatoria of an island consists in an unrestricted li-
cence to wring "customary dues" out of the "Romans". No doubt the Byzan-
tines construed the same payments as "gratuities" bestowed upon barbarian
princes being held at bay on the southern marches of the Empire (see Johnson-
West 1949,289, and cf. pp. 276, 278, 281 and 285).
The presence of Christian symbols in these texts suggests that the scribes
may have been Christians, though the use of such symbols might have been
part of general scribal convention. 339 records a royal disposition in favour of a
woman "whose Christian name is Sophia". These scant details may indicate
that the status of Christians under Blemmyan rule was less disadvantageous
than Christian literary sources aver.
853 John Lewis Burckhardt, who was travelling through Nubia in 1813, mentions an island named
Tinareh that lay two days' dromedary ride south of Sai island in Upper Nubia (Burckhardt
1822, lv).
1199
Two texts (335 and 340) record substantial debts of money, repayment of
which was to be made on the debtor's return from what would appear to have
been a journey into the desert (such is the implication of the verb Kcezépxolica,
"to come down"). In both cases the creditors were persons of attested social
standing: Phant, a priest, and Ose, a tribal chief. In 335 the journey is explicitly
connected with business. These facts may point to the existence of a form of
"administered trade" in which highly-placed persons staked merchants to the
money necessary for the conduct of their business. The absence of any mention
of interest might be explained by suggesting that the sums ostensibly lent were
more than those actually handed over and that the difference constituted the
creditor's return upon his investment. The arrangement might be viewed as a
forerunner to the contracts of commenda entered into by Sudanese merchants
of more recent times (cf. Bjørkelo 1983, 232 f.). The same persons appear in
other documents (336-337, 341-343) as creditors for large sums which were to be
repaid whenever the creditor wished. It is not impossible that similar commer-
cial purposes underlay these debts too; but if so, the provision for repayment
on demand would have to be construed as securing the creditor some
advantage other than the right to require repayment from a debtor who was
absent on business. Probably the debtors themselves were persons of no
ordinary means. One of them, Sulien, was able to put up a tavern as security
(333) on one occasion and slaves (335) on another.
Our texts do not rest on a new collation of the documents themselves, but
are based on the previous editions, taking into account as well later corrections
and suggestions. Our critical notes are selective and do not include common-
place orthographic variants.
Ample information about publications relating to these documents is fur-
nished by Satzinger (1968) and Weber (1980). The most recent discussion is that
of Hendrickx (1996).
[RHP]
Comments
The thirteen documents presented here as 331-343 were named after the small
island of Gebelen some 25 miles south of Thebes where they were allegedly
found (cf. Baillet 1888, 326, and Introduction to source above) and which may
well have been identical with the island of Temsir/Tanare, the scene of the
documents. There can be hardly any doubt that they all formed part of the same
archive. All the three scribes involved were Christian Egyptians and used
Christian opening formulas in their documents; but their religion is irrelevant
as regards the religion of their Blemmyan royal employers.
These documents have been repeatedly analysed as historical sources (cf. re-
cently Demicheli 1976, 170 ff.; Updegraff 1978, 144 ff.; Török 1985,58 ff.; 1988b, 64
ff., 228 f.) and their onomastic material has been investigated as evidence for
the Blemmyan language (cf. Satzinger 1968; 1985; n.d.).
1200
The Sources
The following table (cf. Flägg 1984, 106) lists the texts in their putative
chronological order, mainly on the basis of their indiction dates.854
Text Scribe Date Document

331 Sansnos 9th Irtd. Thoth 29 donation+manumission
332 Sansnos (?) Ind. Epeiph 29 acknowledgement of debt
333 Sansnos undated acknowledgement of debt
334 Agathon llth Ind. Athyr 23 royal disposition
335 Agathon 13th Ind. Mecheir 23 acknowledgement of debt
336 Sansnos lst Ind. Phaophi 24 royal disposition
337 Dioscoros undated acknowledgements of debts
338 Sansnos 2nd Ind. Epepiph 13 acknowledgement of debt
339 Agathon 2nd Ind. Phamenoth 15 royal disposition
340 Sansnos 4th Ind. Phaophi 5 (?) acknowledgement of debt
341 Sansnos (?) Ind. Pharmouthi 17 acknowledgement of debt
342 Sansnos 5th (?) Ind. Pharmouthi 18 acknowledgement of debt
343 Sansnos (?) Ind. Thoth 11 acknowledgement of debt
On the dates suggested on palaeographical grounds, varying from the end of

the 5th century AD to the end of the 6th, see Introduction to source. The date
recently proposed by Harrauer (in Satzinger 1985, 330 f.), the last quarter of the
6th cent., was based on the proposed identification of the scribe Dioscoros in 337
as Dioscoros, "scribe of the Blemmyan people", in the document from the
nome of Latopolis (see above); that document was dated to the "6th/7th cent."
by the editors of BGU. While the identification of the scribe is highly probable,
the dating of BGU III 972 is not in any way compelling.
A better basis for a date may be the occurrence in the documents of the cniv-
rj0eta, here translated "customary dues", which were gratuities belonging to
the intricate Byzantine Egyptian taxation system. By custom, they were not im-
posed every year and appear in 5th cent. documents extremely rarely. During
the first third of the 6th cent. the term is frequently used to denote obligatory
gratuities to be paid to different dignitaries (Johnson-West 1949, 289 ff.). In his
eighth Novel (AD 535) Justinian I regulated the circle of the dignitaries who
were entitled to receive synetheia and regulated the various kinds of dues;
somewhat later in Edict XIII (cf. Gelzer 1905, 353 ff.) the system of customary
dues was further amended.
With the exception of Amnas/Sophia in 339, the documents reflect the life
of a pagan community in Egypt, which displays the political and cultural ambi-
8541.e., according to the 15-year cycles that were introduced for taxation purposes and were
counted from AD 312. Accordingly, new indictions started in 327, 342 etc.; since the same year num-
ber recurs at fifteen-year intervals, no document dated with an indiction year can be given a
secure dating, unless it can be ascribed to a specific indiction cycle on the basis of its context (cf.
Seeck 1916; Bagnall-Worp 1978, Ch. 4; Bagnall 1994, 328).
1201
guity which is so characteristic of the "barbarian" populations received en bloc

as federates in the territory of the Roman Empire in the 5th and 6th centuries.
The Blemmyes of the Gebelen texts live under the authority of their king who,
at the same time, also grants the fulfilment of the conditions of the alliance;
governing his people as tribal chief (note the exclusive use in Greek of the term
PamXiaxog [cf. Hågg 1990 and 317] in 334, 336, 339), he also sees to it that in the
dealings with the Egyptian host society (and probably increasingly within
Blemmyan society as well) Egyptian law is observed. The notion of a pagan
community in Egypt is stressed here because we regard this as a chronological
indication; for it can hardly be imagined that there could have existed a consid-
erable pagan barbarian federate settlement (or settlements) in the frontier re-
gion after the closing of the Philae sanctuaries around AD 535-537 (cf. 324). It is
even less likely that the documents also attest that the Blemmyes maintained
what appear to be temple cults with a priesthood (see the `tEpElk,"priest", in 334
and 335); and here it must also be taken into consideration that the Blemmyes
lived on Temsir/Tanare together with Egyptians.
As already indicated above, the Blemmyan community of the Gebelen doc-
uments was part of a larger tribal state structure. It appears that the kings
named in the documents, viz., Pokatimne (334), Kharakhen (336 and cf. 339),
and Barakhia (339), did not reside where the community that produced the
documents lived. Both 334 and 339 show that they governed their subjects,
who were living as Roman federates on the island of Temsir/Tanare, through
intermediaries. In 334 Pokatimne appoints a priest as his curator; in 339
Kharakhen entrusts the administration of the island of Temsir/Tanare to his
sons. These cases may, however, have been exceptional, and the government
of Temsir/Tanare seems to have been the regular duty of the Blemmyan
dignitary most frequently mentioned in the documents, viz., the phylarch,
"tribal chief" (331, 336, 339, 341-343; for earlier phylarchs of the Blemmyes cf.
309, 313, 319). Other official titles and epithets reflect the impact of
contemporary Egyptian administration and are also a remote echo of Byzantine
court titles. In 336 we meet two men who bear the title domesticus and may
have been court officials or, less likely, local administrators (for a possible
Egyptian model cf. SB I, 5273, AD 487). The hypotyrannos in 331, 336, and 339
appears as a dignitary below the phylarch; it would seem that this unique Greek
term for a "sub-despot", an official subordinate to a "tribal chief", was the
invention of a bureaucrat in Blemmyan service who tried to provide a Greek
rendering for a rank which did not exist in Byzantine or Byzantine Egyptian
practice. That the rank and/or function covered by the term hypotyrannos was
traditional in Blemmyan society is indicated by its regular occurrence in the
sources, always in the lowest degree of the hierarchy king—phylarch—hypo-
tyrannos, since the time of Olympiodorus (see 309, 318, 319).
[LT]
1202
- - -
The Sources
331 Donation and manumission within a family.

BKUIII 350. Eide-Hägg-Pierce 1984,No. 1.
This single instrument documents two distinct legal dispositions, the first the
gift by a son to his mother of a female slave, the second the manumission by
the mother of her son's two children by that slave. If the translation proposed
for lines 11 to 12 is correct, the children so manumitted also became the man-
umittor's legitimate children and thus in law the siblings of their father.
Whether these dispositions are an attempt to realize some misunderstood
Byzantine institution or reflect otherwise unattested Blemmyan customs can-
not be ascertained on the basis of this unique source.
The text contains several phrases (e.g., line 3 "in life (as) in death" and line
11 "either on the mountain or on the water") which have the character of for-
mulas but which to the best of our knowledge are unparalleled.
The presence of a tribal chief and a sub-despot as witnesses underlines the
social importance of this set of dispositions that altered the legal status of two
persons.
It is noteworthy that the slave-mother herself was not set free. Perhaps she
was dead, and the first part of the text records a donation made some time prior
to the manumission. The articulation of the parts of the instrument falls well
short of juristic elegance.
In form the text contains elements reminiscent of the tabellio-instrument,
and in substance may be a faint echo of the manumissio per epistolam (cf. the
remarks of Wolff 1981, 399-400on PKWn 157 of AD 584).
Coptic and Greek text

1 Xr ANOK XArAgTIK 1TWN 4ÇN eic2.3.1 NTAMer MA[2ANAT]
2 Ae eIC TAKAy0 NTA(IVTC 2I7TTOOy 2.ee MITATII}IC2IMe
3 AT1e2CHT AiTAAQ NH 2N11EMQy 2M1TeWN2 kICWW1Te NH
4 NKAyON ANOK MA2ANAT eIC2Ai N CeNteK2AiNIC
5 MNMOYNKWK2N2I0y N WHre M1TAWHre XArACITIK
6 Ae elTeIAH AKtATTe2CHT NAÏ N2M2AA 2cuc eczoyN (vac.)
7 ITA111 AKMIC IVUJHre NMMAC eTeCeNTGKZAJNIC Te
8 rulmoymuiczkizioy telre MMWTN NeAeyeer0C eTre-
9 TeTN2MO0C N 20)/N MITAHJ NTETNrAyTTOyrrIA yuc cAeyee-
10 roc 2..yw MIT[TO MMATe MNrWMe tANArKH erWTN
11 eNe2 OyAe zurrooy oy.å€ 2rurmooy AAA:i AtGTN[N21WW7Te NAI
12 NUAlre NrNHCIOC .3.yw NeAcyeeroc (vac.)
1203
13 Xalag 4:$'6XapX(0;)855imp(rupcii). S2atriv intonipa(vvo) gap(rbp6i).

Evf3telc gap('cup6)).856
14 IvuDuatouT gap(topcii). locom?, 1)1,0 gap(rup(3). t ZEVEVC08571CCå
15 X apaqttle 1)L0 ccircij gap(Tupci3). Kovra K(e)(1)(akatcor1i)858 al'rr(tiv

gocp(rup6i).
16 'f £110i3£avcsvco; 'yp(Occinl)06)0 1(0 tv8(lieric)vo) 0.
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) (Coptic) I, Kharaftik, son of [....], write to my belov(ed)
Marhanati:
(2) Behold, my captive859 whom I rtookl on the mountain860 before I had
yet married, (3) (named) Apehset, I have given her to y0u861 in life (as) in
death; and she has become your (4) captive.
And I, Mahanat, write to (you) Sentekhaynis (5) and Munkokhnhiu, the
children of my son Kharaftik:
(6) Whereas y0u862 have given Apehset to me to be (my) slave, (and
whereas,) while she has been in (empty space) (7) my house, you have had two
children by her, i.e., Sentekhaynis (8) and Munkokhnhiu, I have made you863
free in order that (9) you864 dwell in my house and serve me as free (10)persons.
And rexcept for1865 the king only, no one has the right of compulsion over
855 xatanOu Satzinger (BKU),Xcnâç OtiXan(o;) Satzinger (1968).

Satzinger (BKU),
856 15noTuP0agagvi33.em.Pci3[113 into-ttip(avvo;) ... Weber, ...' AgapevPleic
gap(tup63)Satzinger (1968),intocUpa(vvog)gocp(rop6)). EvNex gap(rup)
857 1-Zavavco Satzinger (BKU),HcrevevoiSatzinger (1968).
858 x(c)4)(aXii)or K(s)4,(aXatar1jg)(= ..XTTC)Satzinger (BKU).
859 Feminine singular.
860 Note supplied by R.S. O'Fahey: "In Islamic times, enslaveablepeoples were often described
as 'mountain' or 'rock' people, Ar. jabalawiyytn or hajaray, the terms being used both geographi-
cally and generically.From the seventeenthcentury onwards, the main mountainous areas from
which slaves were taken were the Nuba Mountainsin Kordofanand along the Sudan/Ethiopian
border. See further, A. Triulzi-A.A.Dafallah-M.L.Bender:Some Notes on the Ethiopean BerOa
and their Language. Annali dell'Istituto Orientale di Napoli 36, 1976, 1-23,and R.S. O'Fahey:
Fur and Fartit: The History of a Frontier.In: Culture History in the Southern Sudan, ed. J. Mack-
P. Robertshaw(BritishInstitute in Eastern Africa,Memoir8), 1983,75-87."
861 Feminine singular.
862 Second person masculine singular; i.e., Kharaftik.
863 Secondperson plural.
864 Secondperson plural.
865 The translation"exceptfor" is no more than a guessbased on the context.
1204
The Sources
you866 (11)ever, either on the mountain or on the water; but you867rshall be1868
my (12)legitimate children and free persons. (empty space)
(13) (Greek) Khaias, tribal chief (phylarkhos), I am a witness. Osien, sub-
despot (hypotyrannos), I am a witness. Enbiek, I am a witness. (14) Inshikput, I
am a witness. Yauize, her (i.e., Mahanat's)869 son I am a witness. (sign of the
cross?) Seneno, I too (am a witness). (15) Kharaftik, her (i.e., Mahanat's) son, I
am a witness. Kuta, their rcapitularius', I am a witness.
(16) (Sign of the cross) Wri(tten) by me, Sansnos, on the 29th of Thoth, 9th
ind(iction).
[RHP]
332 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt.

BKU III 361. Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 2.
The debt appears to be an antichretic loan (cf. Taubenschlag 1955, 286-291) se-
cured by agricultural land belonging to the debtor, which the creditor was to
hold and exploit until repaid. There is no explicit provision for the payment of
interest on the debt; but the usufruct of the property may have been in lieu of
interest, the capital sum being secured by the value of the property itself. There
is no indication that any part of the proceeds from the usufruct were to be de-
ducted from the debt.
The final provision seems to oblige the creditor to use the property pledged
to ransom the debtor and her daughter from eventual captivity, but the context
is so damaged that the meaning remains uncertain. At the least the passage can
be seen to reflect the unstable conditions that prevailed among the Blemmyes
and their subjects.
The name Trempyoh is unmistakably Egyptian in origin, and Phant may be
as well. Possibly Phant is a variant of TrzoNT (< p3-hm-ntr, "the prophet"); cf.
Satzinger in BKU III (p. 61).

xr ANOIC NIpt.[
2 .2Le txre(DCTI NH N.IMNTÅCE N20A[OK]QTCI
3 ri-vovrrimiicul. yi(vetm) xp(paoii) vo(incsilåtta) . . 1 1...i.6va,Ayu.)
4 N.11 LI euarieroc Neicuze (vac.?)
5 Firioy Neoy NTOOTC ÇÇII4 .. 4Ç IÇ NTEX,ITSi
866 Second person plural.

867 Second person plural.
868 The translation"shall be" is suggested on the basis of the context.
869 The interpretation of "her" as referring to Mahanat rather than to Inshikput (as was sug-
gested by H. Satzinger in BKU 111.350)avoids two problems: the existence of a second mother for
Kharaftik and the presence of a female witness (cf. Flägg 1984, 108 f.).
1205
6 is-JTCON7.1 W isiT€(1K.2.T.24.NOMHIVTEAITQV
7 (1).i.NT124.1TÅNT.1 NH MITEAXXVÇ . 44 — — —
8 NT.XFT24...3..y 2.1.1'01 MNT.3.0)Hre NT€XM.2 MDC1.24.••
9 t 81: Xavcrvo.)
_ 'yp(c[c4:1m)
_ 'Erce» ic0 ivS(ucticovo) [
10 ÅNOK TFMTTRD2 TOJIN4LINT "tiCTOID)
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram)(Coptic) I, Trempyoh, she (sic) writes to rKal - -
owe you (fem.) sixteen holokottines (3) and a trimesion, (Greek:) mak-
(2) I
ing [...] so(lidi) of go(1d) only. (Coptic:) And (4) these come to my lot of
(agricultural) land [...] (empty space?)870 (5) it as (a) pledge in your (fem.) hands [...]
and you (fem.) take it, (6) and you (fem.) exploit it and its pasture, and you
(fem.) take them (7) until I meet you (fem.) No one [...]; (8) You (fem.), for your
part, give them for me and my daughter in captivity [...].
(Sign of the cross) (Greek) Wri(tten) by me, Sansnos, on the 29th of the
mo(nth) Epeiph, in the [...]th ind(iction).
(Coptic)I, Trempyoh, daughter of Phant, agree.
[RHP]
333 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt.

BKU III 359. Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984,9-10.
This debt, like that recorded in 332, appears to be an antichretic loan, this time
secured by a tavern. The creditor acquires the right of vohcrrnç (though this
term is not used).

Col. I
1 + NOK COYAIHN IT<J9ITI0y.,INÅKTIKOyT.24.
2 eqC224.1 MTRIaNT .2(.€ EIX1'€(.DCTI — —
3 NCNIty NZONOK°/ MNOyTrIMHCIOW yo(glailducta) vy-//
yi(vetat)
4 gOva .3,.\/U) €1C 1TC€M1TOCION TF.J eTZNTOVN€
_
5 .3Joy2.2q Neoy NTOOTK elMHT4CTFIT22r2d K(.1) M_871
6 uxoeic rTiripoon niviTy ujaNTIfrave timooy t 4toii ZawywN
Col. II
7 + 0M01/ COyAIHN .11.2(.1NOVZOAOK/ 5 letters)
8 NTOOTK NTOK (1).2 NT EANITC€MTTWQkl
9 yi(vetat) xp(baoi-i) vo(inagoitta) y y / /
870The clause governing security for the debt is too damaged to be precisely interpreted.
871Read €1MHT1 eTrATAAy ezr.i €K(e)o? Satzinger.
1206
The Sources
Translation
Col. I
(1) (Sign of the cross) (Coptic)I, Sulien, son of Wanaktikuta, (2) he (sic) writes to
Phant:
I owe you (traces?) (3) two holoko(ttines) and a trimesion, (Greek) ma(king) 2
1/3 so(lidi) (4) only. (Coptic) And behold, the tavern (symposion), the one that is
in Tune, (5) I have placed it as a pledge in your hands rin case I do not come
back.' 872Remain (6) the owner and be in it until I repay them to you in full.
(Sign of the cross) (Greek) By me, Sansnos.
Col. II
Likewise, Sulien, I have received a holok(ottinos) [...] (8) from
(7) (Coptic)
you, Phant, on the security of the tavern (symposion), (9) (Greek) ma(king) 3 1/3
so(lidi) of go(Id).
[RHiP]
334 Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition.

SB III6258. Eide-flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 4. Hendrickx 1996, No. 2.
The king, Pokatimne, entrusts the administration of an island, Temsir, to the
pagan priest, Poae. 336 records a similar disposition regarding this island made
by a later (?) ruler.
The status of the island is uncertain. Since we do not know if the Blemmyes
distinguished between crown and private property, it is impossible to say
whether the king was acting in a public or private capacity, or if any such dis-
tinction was maintained by them at all.
Greek text
t èyd FlawaTtilvE873brtp(avEcrtaTo) PaatXialcou ypdcpwIlioaE T()
EirysvEateitg)`tEpEl.
2 tiiv KaupaTopiav vou Tap.cstp XEyop.EviiTavapE .15(.0Kdt
601
Ck7TOKp6T(0
3 deTCOto vi3v icat ciç TO StrivEicE årcavta ckEst
xp6vov,874 Kai 6TOIXEI
got \rccivta/ dç TrpåK(EtTat).
4 81.' toi5 'yp(Ocpti)'AyOcOovo;875yp(aggatéco;) AOup iv8(txTi0)vo;)
872 The reading of the text is very uncertain, and the translation a guess on the analogy of the in-
terpretation of 335, 4-5 (cf. 340, 4).
873 11cueu-, or flowa- Krall, (?) Zyhlarz.
874 ånavtav xpOvov Krall, Circavta åå xpåvov (Baillet and) Wilcken.
875 [ ]ovN Krall, 'AycieovN Wilcken.
1207
Translation
(1) (Sign of the cross) I, Pokatimne,876 the most no(ble) (epiph(anestatos)) king
(basiliskos), write to you, Poae, the most well-born (eugenestatos) priest (hier-
eus):
(2) I have given to you expressly the administration (curatoria)877 of the is-
land Temsir, also called Tanare, (3) from this time forward and for ever more.
And everything is satisfactory to me as ab(ove).
(4) Wri(tten) by me, Agathon, sc(ribe), on the 23rd of Athyr, llth ind(iction).
[TI-I]
335 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgement of debt.

BKUIII360. SB X 10554. Eide-flägg-Pierce 1984, No. 5.
The parties are the same as in 333, but this time the debt is secured by the
pledge of two female slaves. The difference in the formulation between these
two instruments may be due to no more than that they were written by
different scribes, in different languages, and it may consequently be without
legal significance. On the other hand, the scribe of 333 employs the formula
used in this text in 338 and 340-343.
Greek text
"i"EX(.0 Eyd) Z01.)Xlliv uôç ObavaKTILKOuta 60i3 (1)a.VT
2 uç KIpPeettax tep(e.6) xppaoi) vogiapåta Sexcerpel
3 Kat tptåKovta 0 EKCCCOv• yi(vemt) xp(uao6) vo(i_tiagaTa) tly (Kai)
?.I3p/ 1.16va,
4 icoit Tafrca cy.6v 0(e6)) êtoi.tcoç ëxwltapaexElv aot, Editv KatEp-
5 X431.1V431)tå npaygatelå 1.101Y d 6 nj TO15T0 rconjaco,
6 KeXeliet tå SuukOcptå gou Xevige(va) Tc.oSETE "rfi
7 liKvou airufl; åxpt augkripoiaeo.)878 npoKeli.tévop
8 xpécm;, Kal csTotxel got d.); npOic(ettca).
9 [81: 41]o15 'AyåOov(o)879 -yp(dc«i) Mexeip Icy ivö(ucciwvo;) .ty t
876 The reading of some letters is uncertain, so (at least) three other forms of the name are possi-
ble: Poky-, Paka-, Pakytimne.
877 A curator figures as secretary in the 6th-century Christian foundation inscription of King Tok-
iltoeton from Ikhmindi (SB VIII 10074.14), in which the two honorary designations of our text,
line 1, recur as well. For the titles, see also 319. For civilian and military curatores see
Kornemann 1901, 1774-1813, and on the use of the Latin legal terms based on the stem cura- in
Greek see Avotins 1989,96-97.
878 Read awirXripoiascu;.
879 Aya8og H. Maehler (BKU), 'Aydeov(N) Satzinger (1968).
1208
The Sources
Translation
(1) (Sign of the cross) I have received, I, Sulien, son of Wanaktikuta, from you,
Phant, (2) son of Kirbeeitak, prie(st) (hier(eus)) thirteen (3) and thirty-two hun-
dredths solidi of gold, ma(king) 13 (and) 32/100 so(lidi) of go(1d) only. (4) And
this, G(od) willing, I am prepared to return to you when (5) I return (from) my
business.880 If I do not do this, (6) you are in command of my slaves calle(d)
Todetes (and) (7) her daughter until payment of the above-mentioned (8) loan.
And it is satisfactory to me as ab(ove).
(9)Writ(ten) [by m]e, Agathon, on the 23rd of Mecheir, 13th ind(iction). (Sign
of the cross)
[TH]
336 Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition.

SB III 6257. Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984, No. 6. Hendrickx 1996, No. 1.
The king, Kharakhen, entrusts the administration of the island (Temsir)/
Tanare (cf. 334) to his three (or two?) children. For an interpretation of the
"customary dues" mentioned etc., see the general Introduction to source for
331-343 above.
Greek text
1 +. (;) _apaxriv 130CalkEiCTKO;T6iN, BX,Einiwv
2 ypc'cOco toi; 'C1cVOç Xapariv, XapanatX0bp
3 Kast XapaVE^C,881 (BaTE KEX,E1)(01CUst6E80)1(£val
4 tfç Koupatcopia vijacw kcyop.Cv% Tavapc
5 icca 01)3E1.; KEXE15Etal KCO36al Cav
6 dtyvogovoiiatv ol. Pcogel; gij napéxouatv auvilOctav,
7 6 6napoç 01) KCOXIi6Etal oè 6 into-clipavo
8 xpatileon. PotEïç, (0 it2,31pcivc-cca. TCt, cruvriOcia;
9 tfiç vij601) 1.101).
10 (vac.) XI:XpaXTW PUCTIkEiCSK(Og)(sign)
11 (vac.) AatE Sop.Cat(tico) gaperup6)) (sign)
12 (vac.) Ttoutucva Sog(Catucog) gap(rupcii)
13 1- 81,' toO EaycYvoç Cyp(Oulyn) 4a6.41 Kö tv6(txtiowo;) a.
880 H. Maehler in BKU III (p. 74): "wenn ich der Geschäfte halber hinunterkomme", "when (or:
if, Greek kav) I come down on business". The Greek is ungrammatical and permits of both
interpretations. For our translation and general understanding of the context, cf. Introduction to
sourcefor 331-343 above.
881 -Xapa2let Krall, Wessely, Xapcciet Wilcken, Preisigke (SB).
1209
Translation
I, Kharakhen, King (basiliskos) of the Blemmyes, (2) write to
(1) (Sign of the cross)
(my) children Kharakhen, Kharapatkhur, (3) and Kharahiet (or: Kharaziet)882
so that I order to give (to you) (4) the administration (curatoria) of the island
called Tanare. (5) And no one is ordered to hinder you. But if (6) the Romans883
make difficulties (and) do not hand over the customary (dues), (7) the tribal
chief (phylarkhos) shall not be hindered, nor the sub-despot (hypotyrannos), (8)
from seizing the Romans until (they) pay the customary (dues) (9) for my is-
land.
(empty space) Kharakhen, king (basilisk(os)). (Sign)
(empty space) Laize, domest(icus), (I am) a witness. (Sign)
(empty space) Tiutikna, dom(esticus), (I am) a witness. (Sign of the cross)
(Sign of the cross) Wri(tten) by me, Sansnos, on the 24th of the mo(nth)
Phaophi, lst ind(iction).
[TH]
337 Greek document from Gebelen. Acknowledgements of debts.

SB X 10553.Eide-Hågg-Pierce 1984,No. 7.
The text records two distinct receipts and the relation between the sums in-
volved is not made explicit. It is just possible that the second debt incorporated
the first.
Greek text
Ei:ryEvçiq)884 ågoXay63]885
2 kC(0 [.] (791,886 y:C1.1XEtPi l,QP Keptta-cqtyNauPap[1te3v]
3 Xpuaoii votttattdetta ôiçtoS yi(veTat) xp(pcsol5)vo(tttattc'erta) i dva,
toci3TQc
4 icapéct) (79:1,Onötav 3otAt-I0Eing,tcast atOLXEIiio
5 dç [.] 7Cp0K(EITCC1). 41.0CSK6pOp yp641-1.
6 T .(13
dryeveicp S2ae vy( ) [ -
7 (511.0X0y05EX(.0v XE1,pi 1.101)
Keptta-
8 to)y NouPaptt6w 1-X1Wxpbaoii
9 `,v6eKoc• Tt(vetat) xp(bacy0) vo(tttattciva)
vo[11.61.1.0GT:10G ta wiva,
10 KOC't
TCX.1.3'M
icapct) got, OnIkay PutAri0e.atid,
882 Ifwe take Kharakhen in line 2 as a genitive instead of a dative, the translation will be: "to
Kharakhen's children Kharapatkhur and Kharahiet (or: Kharaziet)".
883 Probably referring to the non-Blemmyes on the island.
884 Lines 2 and 6, read e&yevel.Satzinger.
885Name + åpeXoy6.) suppl. Satzinger.
886,793.,read itapå ao Satzinger.
1210
The Sources
11 KOC‘.CTTOIXE'i got (1); [npdx(evuou.)].

12 + 4toi3 AloalcOpoi)
Translation
(1) (Sign of the cross) To the well-born (eugenes)Ose.
[I, so-and-so, acknowledge] (2) I have received from you in my hand, in
rNoubadianl coins,887(3) eight solidi of gold, ma(king) 8 so(lidi) of go(Id) only.
And this (4) I shall return to you whenever you demand. And it is satisfactory
to me (5) as ab(ove).
(Sign of the cross) Written by me, Dioskoros.
To the well-born Ose [ - - - ].
I acknowledge I have received in my hand, in (8) rNoubadian1 coins, [- -
(9) eleven solidi of gold, ma(king) 11 so(lidi) of go(1d) only. (10) And this I shall
return to you whenever you demand. (11)And it is satisfactory to me as
[ab(ove)].
(12) (Sign of the cross) Written by me, Dioskoros.
[TH]
SB III 6259. Eide-Hågg-Pierce 1984,No. 8. Hendrickx 1996,No. 3.
Greek text
t ky6h888 Apycov ôç Aocte dtpyuponXciati
2 ("501) NOCC4111K KENtåtaYV Nol3apvcv889 xpuaoii
3 voglawitux `‘,Scica y(ivEun) xp(vcsol5) vo(glailderloc) •ta gôva,
4 Kai Taika napocaxEiv ac,890 Oitööav PoWaiOei[N],
5 Kai Eåcv Ei`)prielEin åkkriv dco4åkEtav K xElpO
6 AtocricOpov, åKatpcov891 Etvou i(oit åvianpov,
7 xelpl avavarrog ypaggoc(TEo.);).
8 + Egoii Xav6N/COTO892 'EnEicp ivS(uctic)vo) p.
887 This is apparently what the Greek means, even if the form of the adjective (no(u)barites), not
being attested elsewhere, may arouse some suspicion. However, the existence of any special
"Noubadian" currency must be strongly doubted (cf. Török 1987c), and the scribe may have got
something wrong. In that case, the scribe of 338 has simply repeated the mistake.
888 yei) Krall, h,co kych Wilcken.
889 idpi.ta T65v [IARå I3api uov Krall (= PapiScov Wessely [in Krall 1898, 25], or Papvcciv
Preisigke, SB), icepg&tcov Mno[3apttcov (= —13apcov) Wilcken, icEplIcitow Noul3apvc6w Satzinger
(corr. No13-Hägg).
890 Read aot Wessely (in Krall 1898, 25).
891 Read ålcupov Wessely (in Krall 1898, 25).
votot(piou) Krall, Eczvovoç Satzinger.
1211
Translation
(1) (Sign of the cross) I have received, I, Argon son of Laize, silversmith, (2) from
you, Noaymek, in rNoubadianl coins,893(3) eleven solidi of gold, ma(king) 11
so(lidi) of go(ld) only. (4) And this <I am prepared> to return (to) you
whenever you demand.
(5) And if there should be found another instrument (asphaleia) by the
hand of (6) Dioskoros, <it shall> be invalid and without force—if not (7) by the
hand of Sansnos, scri(be).
(8) (Sign of the cross) By me, Sansnos, on the 13th of Epeiph, 2nd ind(iction).
[TH]
339 Coptic and Greek document from Gebelen. Royal disposition.

P. Köln ägypt. 13. Eide-flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 9.
An understanding of the precise nature of King Barakhia's disposition depends
on the interpretation of the words komerkion (lines 3 and 7) and time (line 7).
Etymologically komerkion appears to be related to the Latin commercium,
which in the plural has been translated "trading places" in a passage of Pliny's
Natural History (37.45) to which Weber (1980, 117) refers; and in fact the The-
saurus Linguae Latinae, vol. III (Leipzig 1906-1912)s.v. C.1, lists that and some
other instances under the heading "i.q. locus mercaturae, i. forum, empo-
rium". But the case for this particular metonymic usage does not seem to be
very strong, and the editors of the Oxford Latin Dictionary, fasc. II (Oxford 1982)
s.v. prefer to place the passage from Pliny under the rubric "trade routes", and
otherwise give no references to commercium used to denote a place. As far as
Greek documentary texts from Egypt are concerned, Ko1.141ctov appears to be at-
tested only in the 6th/7th-century papyrus from the Latopolite Nome men-
tioned in our general introduction to 331 343 above; it is noteworthy that it oc-
-
curs there too in connection with the Blemmyes, but the exact meaning of the
word is as uncertain in that context as in ours. In Byzantine Greek, o
(1.1)épKtov is used for "trade" generally, and for "customs", and "taxes" specifi-
cally.894
Weber (1980, 118) flatly declared that the word time, below interpreted with
great reservation as a variant spelling of -1-me,the Coptic "town", could not be
so interpreted but could only be the Greek here meaning "penalty". If
Weber is correct, then the phrase ZNOYtMHwould translate literally as "in a
penalty" and might be interpreted, as did Weber, to mean "as a penalty". In this
case, the king would be reconfirming his previous order to the woman Amnas
to remain in the komerkion, but perhaps under more favorable conditions ("as
893 Cf. 337, lines 2 and 8, with note.

894 See also Leonhard 1900, 767, for Commercium as a toponym.
1212
The Sources
a free person", line 5). On the other hand, the general tone of the text is more
in keeping with the reconfirmation of a favor already granted (cf. line 8, "for no
one should hinder (you) there") than the easing of the terms of a punishment.

1 xr BArAxia Trrro MTTZEONOC NNBEA2MOOVE ETC22d N-
2 AMN4 eroymoyre eroc 2cuc XrICTIÅNOC .2CE CO4H.å.
3 .2‘.Ç liccAey€ NH NTErt9CDTTE 2M1TKOMENION 2.12TNNel-
4 QTE NI3E ETErErCHME NIM C1)001T MMOC NTEU)(DTTE 200TE
5 [2]CDC EAEyeer0C 0y1C EIECTIN eA.aay NrWME errarAre
6 Cl»ENE2 EBOA .2i6/ NTAri;TrONOC 895 21TrAcoyr.xy X.1rAXHN Tifi'[0]
7 ANOK 2(1) akeikeye NTErl)(DTTE 2M1TKOMErKION 2N0ytm
8 [61130A ÅE ENEAAlLy NrCHME KOAV rimay Ay(1) tCTOIXEI ETT-
9 X.ÅrTHC eaiKeAeye NArAEKUN TrerrxmraTeyc 2..qcvd Tpx4rT/
10 BapaZta pacnX,eicyieNgap(rop6)). Tata tinikapx(o) ttap(tupo5). E1.60.)Elt
<MOZISp(avvog) ttocp(tup6.)).
11 Evrtexa 1.tap(rup63).Ilpetcatt i_tap('mp(5).2ocuica [plap('cup63). Accte
ttap(rupo5). Kaet ttocp('rup6)).
12 Nowctica (Irtikapx(N) gap(tupc5). t kypOc(4rn) ttri(yst)(I)attewsttO
te
tvö(ucticovo) f3 ///.
13 ± 410i3 'AytiOowN ypaplia('réco;) kypå(qm) icatå 'cijv K£Å.E1X51,V "CCr6
14 ky3o(otOutou) Bapaxta flocotAeicyxN.t
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) (Coptic) Barakhia, the king of the nation of the Blemmyes, I
write to Amnrasl, her whose Christian name is Sophia:
(2)
(3) I order you (fem.) to remain in the komerkion under (= which belongs
to?) the (= your?) fa(4)thers in the way that everyone is and to be, yourself, (5) as
a free person. It is not permitted for anyone to rpass by' there (6) ever; for
rwhenl I ascended the throne rafteri King Kharakhen,896(7) I myself ordered you
to be in the komerkion in a rtown (time); (8) for no one should hinder (you)
there.
And I assent to the (9) docurnent; (for) it was at my command that Agathon,
the scribe, wrote this document.
(10) (Greek) Barakhia, king (basiliskos), (I am) a witness. Tata, tribal chief
(phylarkh(os)), (I am) a witness. Eisoeit, sub-despot (hypotyr(annos)), (I am) a
witness. (11)Eutieka, (I am) a witness. Prekam, (I am) a witness. Hatikral, (I am)
a witness. Laize, (I am) a witness. Kaet, (I am) a witness. (12) Noupika, tribal
chief (phylarkh(os)), (I am) a witness.
895 N-r.a.rp- for N-rereir-? For a discussion of the problem, see Quecke (1982, 52).
896 Weber (1980, 116) connects and understands this clause differently: "denn ich habe den Thron
bestiegen in der grossen Einfriedigung 'Charachn, der König'","for I have ascended the throne in
the great enclosure (called) 'King Kharakhen'".
1213
(Sign of the cross) Writ(ten) on the 15th of the mo(nth) Phamenoth, 2nd
ind(iction).
Writ(ten) by me, Agathon, scri(be), at the command of
(13) (Sign of the cross)
the (14) most glorious (endox(otatos)) King (basiliskos) Barakhia. (Sign of the cross)
[RHP1
Comments
An important historical detail in this document is its reference to the Christian
faith of the woman Amnas, who received the name Sophia at baptism. An-
other significant detail is Barakhia's reference to his ascent to the throne as suc-
cessor of Kharakhen of 336.
ELTI

SB X 10552.Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 10.
Greek text
[.] Qq.av aCif) Qq?
2 xpucsoii v01.11.61,1åRa EN061.
3 '..ccsaeper yi(vetal) xp(uaoi)) vo(pAcswifla) xS gOva, Koit Tqi)Tqr
4 4:7')Y Q(E07)) Hq[....]:C“711..1pCnv897 KairçpX(011v01))
5 6431 •iyp:topekt[..]
1.CPCPPCCTX6)
6 E[.] IS(4 [CYT01,XEI,goti
7 [(;)] IMOK(ElTal.). (sign)
8 t451£1.1.0*0,',',IC 16•VCO('CO;) gi(vi) (Dae)(1)-t
e
ivS(uccicovo;) 8.
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) I have received, I rOsilan, from you, Ose, (2) twenty-four so-
lidi of gold, (3) ma(king) 24 so(lidi) of go(Id) only. And this, (4)G(od) willing, [ -
] when I rcome downl898(5) I shall return to you [ - - - ] (6) - - - ] And [it is satis-
factory to mel (7) [as] above. (sign)
(8) (Sign of the cross) Wri(tten) by me, Sansno(s), on the rsthl of the mo(nth)
Phaophi, 4th ind(iction).
[T1-1]
897 ftlå[vdç + place-name] Satzinger.

898 The middle of the line is damaged beyond restoration, while the last two words seem to be-
long to a context similar to that in 335, 4-5.
1214
The Sources

BGU III796. Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 11.
Greek text
xc,t) yc;) 2,eaoi52ae. .1)Xdtpx(ou) xppacrti volnagitta
2 8Ica Téaacpce yi(vetat) vo(gtailcitta) iÆ tOvoc,xcit tatita ai)v (3(e6,3)
),(1)Xke
3 napacrxElv 60l, OrcO6avBotAriOsiN, icast atotx(e1)
4 cç irpOlc(mat). NouBak dc86,4)(å) ttap(Tup6i).
5 AgaTe1tu)ot899ttap('up6)). Zevraacio3 gap(mp).
6 Kpovocze plap('up6)). Ilaaarrtz ttap(rup).
7 1,avavw(ro;) turi(vi)
8 el)apilot5Ot
9 '1‘1(1.K.TiCiA/43) ]
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) I have received, I, Sle, from you, Ose, tribal chief
(phylarkh(os)), fourteen solidi of gold, ma(king) 14 so(lidi) only. And this,
(2)
G(od) willing, I, Sle, <am prepared> (3) to return to you whenever you demand.
And it is satisfactory (4) to me as ab(ove).
Noubal, (his) broth(er), (I am) a witness. (5) Amatepshoy, (I am) a witness.
Sentasao, (I am) a witness. (6) Kruahe, (I am) a witness. Pasapiep, (I am) a wit-
ness.
(7) (Sign of the cross) Wri(tten) by me, Sansno(s), (8) on the 17th of the mo(nth)
Pharrnouthi, (9)[ ]th ind(iction).
[TH]

BGU III795. Eide-Flägg-Pierce 1984,No. 12.
Greek text
xc.o 'd Xc aoi3 S2ac (1)1)2c'tpxouxpuaoi) vowagderta
2 rc,wce.-yi(vetat) xp(uao-6) vo(tuatuitta) E i6vcx,Koit Tairra aiw 0(c6,3)
3 rrapaaxeiv aot, On6Sav Boukrfficirlg,
4 KOà atotxsi got npOK(Evrca).81
5 1,avavorro() .'yp(c't(PrI)
wri(v't) cDapi..totiet;ïi 1v8(ticticovoS)E.
6 NouBaX ttap(tupci)).
7 Agatercuyot gap(rvp6)).
899 The first element of this name AgaTE— might be a variant of the divine name Agati; while
the second, rcu)ot, may be the Coptic masculine definite article lt- prefixed to the divine name
Fate, and thus provide an interpretation for Aucen. See Cerny 1976,234-235.
1215
8 Xevtacrao) gap(rup(r)).
9 (sign)
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) I have received, I, Sle, from you, Ose, tribal chief
(phylarkhos), (2) five solidi of gold, ma(king) 5 so(lidi) of go(1d) only. And this,
G(od) willing, (3) <I am prepared> to return to you whenever you demand. (4)
And it is satisfactory to me as ab(ove).
Wri(tten) by me, Sansnos, on the 18th of the mo(nth) Pharmouthi, r5thl
ind(iction).
Noubal, (I am) a witness. (7) Amatepshoy, (I am) a witness. (8) Sentasao, (I
am) a witness. (9) (sign)
[TH]

BGU III 797. Eide-Hägg-Pierce 1984,No. 13.
Greek text
xo yd Touatic[la900 IIETOCza8ETOCICH
2 aoi3 S2ae (1)uXapx(ou)xpuaoii voglagåna
3 `v• yi(vc-cat) xp(uaut5) vo(inagazia) a, TO.-TO aiw 13(ec.),Onci-
4 8Ctv BouXTIOEing, Kast 6Totx[E]i got
5 ç 7C[OOK(EtTal)].
6 E4tOi3£ava , {03(TO)]
7 'yp(ci(lYri)
gi(vi.) 0650
8 10C901iv8(1K'Ci0)W);) [
Translation
(1) (Christ-monogram) I have received, I, Tusikrila, with Hadetak[.], (2) from you,
Ose, tribal chief (phylarkh(os)), one solidi (sic) of gold, (3) ma(king) 1 so(lidus) of
go(1d). And this, G(od) willing, <I am prepared to return to you> whenever (4)
you demand. And it is satisfactory to me (5) as a[bove].
(6) (Sign of the cross) Wri(tten) by me, Sansno(s), (7) on the rl 1thi of the
mo(nth) Thoth, (8) [ . . ]th ind(iction).
[TH]
900 TouatichlaWessely.
901w BGU, ta BGU III "Nachträge und Berichtigungen" p. 5.
1216
á
á
á
Å
14
,
• I
I I I I . • I I s
I I I I - - 5 - I I 1 I
s • i ' 5 • I I -
I" III I 5I :t 0II5'
0.II •I
.5III5II ..
101,
.' I
i.
- . • • •• •
: • . .

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© Institutt for klassisk filologi, russisk og religionsvitenskap

The Sources 801

(186) Queen Nawidemak. Evidence for reign 801

295 Fl. Abinnaeus on his military mission with a federate group of

341 Acknowledgement of debt. BGU III 796 1215

Bergen and Budapest in May, 1998

Tormod Eide Tomas flägg Richard Holton Pierce Låszlô Török

A General Note to the Meroitic Texts

A Final Note to the Translations of the Egyptian Texts

tani letters in which Coptic is a medium of diplomatic communication (320 -

{1, Enclosing damaged words or parts of words restored by modern writers.

In the transliteration of Egyptian we have used Peter Der Manuelian's copy-

Periodicals, Series, Collections

AA Archäologischer Anzeiger, Berlin.

Cah. Arch. Cahiers Archkdogiques. Fin de et moyen åge,

IGRR R. Cagnat-J. Toutain et al. (eds): Inscriptiones Graecae ad

OGIS W. Dittenberger: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae I-

STB Ali Osman-R. Thelwall (eds): Sudan Texts Bulletin,

AD Anno Domini, after Christ.

Adams 1976 W.Y. Adams: Meroitic North and South: A Study

Badawi 1976 Fathi Afifi Badawi: Die römischen Gråberfelder

E. Bernand et al. 1991 E. Bernand-A.J. Drewes-R. Schneider: Recueil des

Burstein 1989b S.M. Burstein: "Kush and the External World": A

Dibelius 1961 M. Dibelius: Aufsätze zur Apostelgeschichte. 4th

Eide-Hågg- T. Eide-T. Hågg-R.H. Pierce: Greek, Latin, and

Geraci 1971 G. Geraci: Ricerche sul proskynema. Aegyptus 51,

Helm 1979 R. Helm: Untersuchungen ilber den auswärtigen

Hoffmann 1969-1970 D. Hoffmann: Das spåtrömische Bewegungsheer

Hofmann 1981e I. Hofmann: womnis = Priester des Amun? GM 45,

Kåkosy 19Mb L. Kåkosy: Das Ende des Heidentums in Ägypten.

Kirwan 1982 L.P. Kirwan: The X-Group Problem. Meroitica 6,

Lenoble 1994 P. Lenoble: Du Meroitique au Postmeroitique dans

Mathew 1975 G. Mathew: The Dating and Significance of the

Nixon-Rodgers C.E.V. Nixon-B.S. Rodgers: In Praise of Later

Satzinger 1992 H. Satzinger: Die Personennamen von

Schwartz 1899 E. Schwartz: Cassius 40. RE III 2, 1684-1722.

Steier 1938 Steier: Pfeffer. RE 19, 1421-1425.

Török 1972 L. Török: A Special Group of Meroitic Property

T15rök1987a L. Török: The Historical Background: Meroe,

Török /996 L. Török: The End of Meroe. In: I. Welsby Sjoström

Vollmer 1899 F. Vollmer: Claudius Claudianus. RE III 2, 2652-

Wenig 1992 S. Wenig: Ein "neuer" alter Königsname. Pre-print

Young 1993 D.W. Young: Coptic Manuscripts from the White

(186) Queen Nawidemak. Evidence for reign.

364For a correction of erroneous localisations of the reliefs in LD V 19 see Tomandl 1987.

prince Arikankharor (in a cartouche, see (213)). It seems to represent a variant

qorpse/qorbse is unattested elsewhere, while pnqoselpriqose occurs as a priestly

ishakheto (Beg. N. 6) is to be preferred on the basis of the evidence discussed in

Between the First Cataract and Maharraqa

Between Maharraqa and the Second Cataract

3. Between the Second and Third Cataracts

4. South of the Third Cataract

Direlin Direla Agada (?)

5. Between the Fifth Cataract and Meroe City