Transfer - Piombo
Transfer - Piombo
GALLERY
TECHNICAL
BULLETIN
30th anniversary volume, 2009
Distributed by
Yale University Press
This volume of the Technical Bulletin has been funded by the American Friends of the National Gallery,
London with a generous donation from Mrs Charles Wrightsman
Studying Old Master Paintings – Technology and Practice: The National Gallery Technical Bulletin 30th
Anniversary Conference is supported by The Elizabeth Cayzer Charitable Trust
www.nationalgallery.org.uk
front cover
Details from Aelbert Cuyp, The Large Dort (plate 1, page 71);
Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot, The Roman Campagna, with the
Claudian Aqueduct (plate 1, page 89); Sassetta, Sansepolcro
Altarpiece (plate 1, page 8; plate 3, page 10); Diego Velázquez,
Christ after the Flagellation contemplated by the Christian Soul
(plate 1, page 53); Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot Villeneuve-lès-
Avignon (plate 4, page 91), Sebastiano del Piombo, The Raising
of Lazarus (plate 1, page 27)
title page
Sebastiano del Piombo, The Raising of Lazarus, detail
Photographic credits
Commission and early history for Lazarus – still extant – and probably also for the
plate 1 Sebastiano del Piombo, The Raising of Lazarus (NG 1), 1517–19. Oil on synthetic panel, transferred from original panel, 381 × 289.6 cm.
details known about its transport to Narbonne, which maker (and, it would seem, the inventor of the cradle),
was presumably by sea, since the French city was still a was probably better than most, carving away the wood
port at the time. It seems that Sebastiano had his way of the panels from the paint layers using planes and
over the making of the frame in Rome for the lower chisels (still the preferred method in those exceptional
section of a frame, of highly sophisticated design with cases when transfer is unavoidable20). This technique
gilded ornament against a blue ground, still survives on was certainly safer than that of his near contemporary
the altar in St Just which now holds the copy of The Robert Picault who had a ‘secret’ method, which seems
Raising of Lazarus made in the eighteenth century by to have involved separation of the paint from the panel
Carl van Loo.12 The presence of Sebastiano’s altarpiece by breaking down the ground layer through prolonged
in Narbonne in the sixteenth century is confirmed by exposure to nitric acid vapours; this allowed him to
reflections of the composition in French painting of the display intact the original wooden support alongside the
period and in 1599 it was the subject of an appreciative transferred painting.21 The showmanship that was part
description by a Swiss physician, Félix Platter, who of the process of transfer meant that its consequences
mentioned its great value and much-copied status.13 were recognised by connoisseurs of painting such as
The painting remained on the itinerary for other Richard Payne Knight, who seems to have known
visitors to the city until 1722 when it was acquired by The Raising of Lazarus before its transfer. He claimed
Philippe, Duc D’Orléans, regent of France, in exchange many years later that ‘those who have only seen it since
for a grant for the repair of the cathedral and the copy that fatal operation of cutting away the pannel [sic] on
by van Loo still on the altar.14 The original panel was which it was painted, and gluing cloth to the back of
moved to Paris, where it joined the duke’s magnificent the colour in its place, can form but very imperfect
collection in the Palais-Royal.15 notions of what it was before.’ 22
There can be little doubt that this drastic and
Transfer and re-transfer dangerous intervention was totally unnecessary. The
The Raising of Lazarus is described as ‘peint sur bois’ distribution of damage to the painting shows that,
in Du Bois de Saint Gelais’s 1727 catalogue of the given its great size, the panel had remained remarkably
pictures at Palais-Royal; he also records the colours of stable, with evidence for the opening up of only one
several draperies, among them the ‘jaune clair’ of the of the vertical joins, that running through the standing
kneeling Magdalen. Since this is a colour that would figure of Martha and the right leg of Lazarus. As well
be indistinguishable from a darker yellow, or indeed as fashion, a reason for its transfer might well have
from white, if the painting were covered with a heavily been the size and weight of the panel – a report of
discoloured varnish, it has to be assumed that the 1749 concerning the proposed transfer of the two most
painting was reasonably clean and visible at the time.16 famous Raphaels from the French Royal Collection,
In the 1770s, when the palace and its collection were Saint Michael and The Holy Family of François I, which
in the hands of Louis-Philippe D’Orléans, grandson of were regularly moved between the royal apartments
Philippe, a systematic programme of restoration of the at Versailles and the picture stores, observed that ‘sont
paintings was undertaken. This included the transfer peints sur bois, ce qui, joint à leurs cadres, les rend
to canvas of many of the paintings on panel, including d’un poids prodigeux et par consequent très difficiles
The Raising of Lazarus. According to National Gallery à manier, ou les transporter’.23 Given the readiness of
records this was carried out, or at least begun, by Sebastiano and the cardinal to have the panel moved
‘Haquin’ in 1771.17 The treatment is likely to have been back and forth from the Vatican in the early sixteenth
protracted. The Haquin referred to must have been century, it would be a strange irony if this were one of
Jean-Louis Hacquin (before 1726–1783) rather than his the reasons for the transfer three centuries later.
son, François-Toussaint (1756–1832).18 Particularly after Payne Knight was not alone in his criticism of the
1775 Jean-Louis was also responsible for the transfer procedure and consequences of transfer 24 but the fact
and lining of a great many paintings from the French that a painting had been transferred from its original
Royal Collection, now in the Louvre.19 It was believed support seems to have had little effect on its value. In 1793,
that by transferring the paint layers from unstable and following a sequence of sales and changes of ownership,
perhaps worm-eaten wooden panels to new canvas The Raising of Lazarus came to London with other
supports the future preservation of the works would be Italian paintings from the Orléans collection, eventually
ensured. In practice, a great deal of damage was caused being put up for sale in 1798, when it was bought by
to the paintings, involving at best a complete alteration the insurance underwriter John Julius Angerstein for
to the paint texture and at worst, the loss of large areas the considerable sum of 3,500 guineas; this was a higher
of the picture surface. Hacquin, originally a cabinet valuation than that of many now celebrated paintings
by Titian and Raphael from the same collection and of the old varnish was removed (suggesting that the
was surpassed only by Annibale Carracci’s The Dead previous cleaning was no more than a partial thinning),
Christ Mourned (‘The Three Maries’) (NG 2923).25 In followed by a light revarnishing. At this point the
part because of the association with Michelangelo, the restorers involved, Morrill and Holder, decided that the
altarpiece caused a sensation and much debate among altarpiece showed no signs of having been painted on
artists; its most vocal admirer was Benjamin West,26 who panel and that it must always have been on a canvas.31 In
in about 1820 is supposed to have been responsible November 1939, when the painting had been evacuated
for the restoration and repainting of parts of Lazarus’s to Penrhyn Castle in Wales, a ‘sizeable’ flake loss was
damaged right leg.27 West’s intervention was recorded noted and the following year areas of the surface were
in the Manuscript Catalogue of the newly founded covered with facing paper in order to secure loose paint.
National Gallery, centred on the core collection of 38 Further attempts to secure the flaking paint were made
pictures from the Angerstein collection which were in 1941 and again in 1951 but with little success.
acquired for the nation in 1824. The importance of Following the establishment of a Conservation
Sebastiano’s altarpiece was recognised by its being Department at the Gallery in 1946 the stabilisation of
assigned the first number in the new catalogue. The Raising of Lazarus became a priority. Eventually in
Over the next few decades several entries were 1958 it was decided that it should undergo a radical
made in the Manuscript Catalogue relating to the structural intervention with the aim of reducing the
painting’s condition. On only one occasion is the large amount of glue that was present as a result of the
support mentioned, in 1837, when it needed treatment application of several canvases to the reverse following
for infestation by insects; these apparently fed on the transfer. Raking-light photographs taken at the time
the glue of the lining adhesives and were probably illustrate the alarming extent to which the contraction
either flour or biscuit beetles – this outbreak at the of the glue was causing compression and lifting of the
National Gallery occasioned a short report in the paint film (FIG. 1). When treatment began, the intention
Observer of 19 September 1841. In general, there was was to remove three of the lining canvases, leaving a
greater preoccupation with the surface appearance and last canvas in place. The plan was that this would be
especially the varnish layers. Already by 1798 it was stretched out and the paint flakes secured once there
observed that many of the Orléans pictures appeared was sufficient space to reattach them. Unfortunately,
to have become ‘dirty, or more sunk in their colours’,28
although the Sebastiano appears surprisingly bright
and richly coloured in the watercolour by Frederick
Mackenzie of Angerstein’s pictures hanging in his Pall
Mall house (plate 2). Nevertheless, it needed varnishing
in 1834, 1852 and 1867. Two letters sent in 1865 by Sir
Charles Eastlake to the Keeper, Ralph Wornum, express
concern about the sunk and opaque condition of the
varnish, but Eastlake was emphatic that ‘no cleaning, in
the picture cleaner’s sense of the term, should on any
account take place’; instead ‘Pinti [Raffaelle Pinti, the
London-based Italian restorer most trusted by Eastlake]
should endeavour to tone down what is prominent and
crude, and in short to harmonize the whole.’29 In 1881
following an enquiry among the Trustees, ‘assisted by
artists and others’ who included the restorers Bentley,
Dyer and Pinti,30 it was agreed that the painting should
be cleaned and revarnished by Dyer, although the extent
of the cleaning is not known. Following this cleaning
the frame was fitted with an enormous sheet of plate
glass in order to protect the paint surface from the dirt
and pollution of nineteenth-century London.
In the twentieth century it was the structural
condition of the painting that caused the greater plate 2 Detail of a watercolour by Frederick Mackenzie showing
concern. In 1929 it was treated using a mixture of glue The Raising of Lazarus at Angerstein’s Pall Mall House (London,
and rye flour for ‘a large number of small blisters’. Some Victoria and Albert Museum).
the ground and so titanium white (titanium dioxide) place before the introduction of lightweight and stable
was added to the wax cement. This bright white layer panels made from glass fibre with aluminium honeycomb
appears in some of the paint samples (for example plate cores.38 The painting is mounted, therefore, on a support
3). These were taken only after completion of the re- constructed with ‘sundeala’ composite board outer faces
transfer of the paint film and so the presence of the and a core of paper honeycomb.39 In spite of its wooden
red-brown ‘enduit de transposition’, which negates any edges and an internal wooden framework this panel
reflective properties of the new white ground, could is now showing signs of instability, with a tendency to
not have been known – presumably its brown colour flex and twist when the painting is moved, an operation
meant that previously it was taken to be a discoloured which is therefore avoided as far as possible.
old glue layer. With the paint film secure, removal of the old layers
Once the wax and titanium white layers had been of varnish could proceed. Judging by the extent of the
built up to a sufficient thickness the paint film could then discoloration visible in the patches of varnish that still
be mounted on a new solid support.This had previously remained on Martha’s dress and in the area of Lazarus’s
been coated with wax-resin allowing a bond to be shroud and the forearm of the man supporting him
achieved by ironing with a thermostatically controlled when the painting was photographed before retouching
iron to soften the wax-resin layers which then fused as in 1967 (FI FIG. 3), several layers of the notorious ‘gallery
they cooled. Although it is unlikely that these methods varnish’ (a mixture of mastic and drying oil) were
and materials would be used nowadays, the treatment present; Dyer’s cleaning in 1881 can therefore have
can be judged a success in that there has been no further involved no more than a partial varnish removal. Six
flaking of the paint layers. Unfortunately, the work took months of retouching then followed, but, considering
all that the painting has been through, the amount of loss Painting technique
is less than might be expected.The many small scattered The condition of the painting following cleaning in
losses can be attributed to flaking, while certain patterns 1967, with losses located in all the principal colour
of damage atypical of panel paintings, for example the areas, allowed for the taking of an unusual number of
jagged lines through the group of bystanders in the paint samples. At the time some of these were mounted
background on the left, can be attributed to accidents in as cross-sections, which were used to identify the
the original transfer process. The delicate condition of range of pigments employed.40 No detailed study of
the painting meant that some of the older and relatively Sebastiano’s technique was undertaken. As is always the
insoluble restoration, including the repainting down case, however, the samples, in the form of cross-sections
the join that ran through the figures of Lazarus and and unmounted fragments of paint, were labelled and
Martha, was not removed in the most recent cleaning; stored, and it is this archive that some forty years later
where it was very discoloured it was covered by new provides the basis of the present study.41 The old cross-
retouching. The paint layers of some of the figures are sections have been re-polished and re-photographed and
damaged by abrasion, particularly in the lower part of many new cross-sections made from the unmounted
the picture (for instance the figures supporting Lazarus). samples. Fragments of unmounted sample have also
In common with other paintings of its age, it is likely been examined by Fourier transform infrared (FTIR)
to have been cleaned wholly or partially on several microscopy and analysed by gas chromatography–mass
occasions before its recorded conservation history; spectrometry (GC–MS), supplementing results of
the distribution of the damage suggests that these first gas–chromatography originally published in 1976.42
cleanings (including the removal of the varnish that we Pigments and other inorganic materials have been
know from the documents was applied by Sebastiano) identified by energy dispersive X-ray analysis (EDX) in
are likely to have taken place while it was still on the the scanning electron microscope (SEM) and Raman
altar in Narbonne. microspectroscopy (RAMAN).
possible that Sebastiano set out to proclaim his Venetian of lead white (see plate 4). Since ultramarine in oil – in
origins by showing the Roman public (and Raphael) this case confirmed as linseed oil54 – has poor covering
the greatest and most subtly varied range of colours power when used without lead white, some form of
ever seen in a single painting. As a Venetian, he was also underlayer was needed, especially if its brilliance was
well placed to source an extensive range of the highest to be preserved when there was a grey painting surface.
quality pigments, even if, as is likely, he had to arrange The mantle therefore was underpainted with a pale pink
for them to be sent from his home city.53 mixture of red lake and lead white, apparently blocked
in without any preliminary modelling of the folds. The
Blue and purple draperies pink colour is clearly intended to intensify the rich
One pigment that was almost certainly procured via purple-blue of the lapis and Sebastiano used the same
Venice is the ultramarine blue of Christ’s mantle (plate technique for the Virgin’s mantle in The Virgin and Child
9).The superior quality of the lapis is best demonstrated with Saint Joseph and Saint John the Baptist and a Donor
in the shadows where it is used unadulterated with white (plate 5).55 The use of red lake to underpaint areas of
(plate 10); the highlights are modelled by the addition blue can be seen on the works of later Venetian painters,
especially Veronese,56 but in early sixteenth-century there has been some loss of colour from Saint Peter’s
Venice it was more usual to underpaint ultramarine draperies, Martha’s violet dress at the centre of the
with the greener blue azurite. Pink underpaintings painting was probably always more intense in colour
for ultramarine have also been found in some Roman and it has a very different layer structure. Here relatively
works by Raphael, such as The Holy Family of François substantial layers of ultramarine, red lake and lead
I,57 but the possibility that he learnt the technique from white were applied over a strongly coloured purple-
Sebastiano is supported by its discovery in the Virgin’s red underpainting, now visible in many areas as a result
mantle in The Adoration of the Shepherds (Cambridge, of abrasion to the upper paint layers. Unlike the pink
Fitzwilliam Museum), a work which is thought to have underlayer for Christ’s mantle, this drapery appears to
been painted either immediately before Sebastiano left have been modelled at this underpainting stage, for a
Venice or shortly after his arrival in Rome.58 sample from the shadowed side of the sleeve shows
The soft greenish-lavender colour of the robe a deep mauve containing red earth and ultramarine
of Saint Peter kneeling in the lower left corner is, (plate 11), whereas one from the highlight has a very
however, underpainted with a layer of azurite and lead pale pink (plate 13). Some of the structure and volume
white (plate 12). Scumbled over it, often covering only of this drapery has been lost as a result of blanching of
parts of the underlayer, is a thin layer of lead white with the upper paint layer containing ultramarine and red
red lake, now much faded, and a very little ultramarine. lake; this is especially marked in the area below Christ’s
Essentially this is the same technique as that used in the outstretched hand. Rather surprisingly, given the
lilac draperies with a cool slightly metallic sheen which conservation history of the painting, the ultramarine
are characteristic of Sebastiano’s Venetian predecessors, of Christ’s mantle is relatively little affected with only a
Giovanni Bellini and Cima da Conegliano.59 Even if few small patches of slightly grey pigment.
The landscape
More ultramarine appears in the sky, where it is used
in the classic Venetian manner over an underpainting of
plate 14 The Raising of Lazarus, detail. azurite and lead white (plates 14 and 15). In both layers
there is a small amount of red lake, resulting in a slight
purple cast, especially in the lighter area above the clouds.
However, the streaks of a dark greenish blue towards
the horizon give the impression of a nocturnal scene60
– at odds with the rest of the landscape which appears
illuminated with shafts of late afternoon sunlight. This
paint (which registers as black in an infrared photograph
taken before the treatment in 1958) consists of coarsely
ground azurite, mixed with only a small amount of lead
plate 15 Cross-section of a sample from the mid-blue sky above the white and rich in binding medium (plate 16); clearly
clouds. Here ultramarine combined with a little lead white and red it was intended to be an intense deep blue – and the
lake has been applied over azurite with lead white, red lake and a few individual pigment particles retain their colour – but
tiny particles of other mineral red pigments.
the paint now appears dark as a result of a reaction
between pigment and medium which has caused the
oil to discolour.
The grassy banks of the river in the background
are painted with muted green mixtures comprising a
copper green, lead-tin yellow, yellow earth and lead
white, while the clumps of grass and small plants in
the foreground are painted with much brighter greens
based on a copper green and lead-tin yellow. It might
be thought that the foliage of the trees and bushes
that grow out the rocks was once green but is now
plate 16 Cross-section of a sample from the dark band of sky below discoloured to brown. However, an autumnal setting
the clouds showing azurite with very little lead white in a matrix of was clearly intended, exactly as in certain paintings by
discoloured medium.
Titian from around this time;61 the leaves seen against
the sky were always a rich red brown and in a sample
from the foliage of the bush growing out of the lower
part of the rocky outcrop, taken at a point where it goes
over the light green nearer bank of the river, there is no
plate 18 Cross-section of a sample from the brilliant green drapery plate 20 Cross-section of a sample from the highlight of the bright
of the woman holding her cloak to her face, behind and to the right green sleeve of the apostle crouching to the left of Christ. The acid
of Martha. Here an opaque layer of copper green combined with green has been produced by a layer of lead-tin yellow applied wet-in-
lead white and a little black is modelled with a translucent copper wet over copper green combined with lead-tin yellow, lead white and
green glaze. The brown layer (earth pigment combined with carbon a few large dark earth particles. The underlying dark green layer of
black and lead white) beneath the green may be connected with verdigris and earth pigments was clearly dry before the upper layers
pentimenti in this area. were added.
discoloured copper green, only a mixture of black and in the left background and on the woman who holds
red earth pigments (plate 17). her cloak to her face, behind and just to the right of
Martha (see plate 9). A sample from the latter (plate
Green draperies 18) confirms that this is a true Venetian green, with
The many green draperies distributed across the an opaque underlayer of copper green and lead white
composition generally contain the same pigments as in with a little black, modelled with translucent glazes of
the green foliage but combined and layered in several copper green, applied even over the highlights. Where
different ways with a remarkable variety of effects. thinly applied, the glazes are now somewhat rubbed,
The distribution of these various greens confirms that but they appear to have retained much of their original
Sebastiano had little interest in using colour to make his intensity of colour. The brown paint layer under the
figures recede in space, any more than he had in their green layers in the sample can probably be explained by
logical positioning. A deep saturated colour is as likely the evident pentimenti in this area (see plate 23). The
to appear in the draperies of a background figure as on shadowed part of the robe of the young apostle on the
one in the foreground, creating a tension – or some left, immediately below Saint John, is also richly glazed,
would say imbalance – between the painting surface but where the dramatic lighting picks out his shoulder
and the implied recession of the arc of figures for which and cuff Sebastiano applied bold highlights of lead-tin
neither restorers nor the effects of time can really be yellow, painted wet-in-wet over the still soft underlayer
blamed.62 The richest and deepest green appears on the and modified for the mid-tone with a thin green glaze
cloak of the Pharisee on the right of the group of three (plate 20). The paler rather cold blue green of Saint
of Saint John the Evangelist on the opposite side of Saint Peter (plate 30); this was laid in with red earth
the composition (plate 28). This was not always so, combined with lead-tin yellow and lead white and
however, for the colour of the latter is considerably then finished in the mid-tones with the orange arsenic
altered. Originally it must have been a bright reddish- trisulphide mineral, realgar, widely used in Venice in
orange colour, containing red lead with some red lake, the early years of the sixteenth century, but probably
especially in the shadows, but, as the cross-section something of a novelty in Rome. In the sample both
(plate 29) shows, the red lead has reacted with the realgar and its yellow polymorph pararealgar are
linseed oil medium forming translucent lead soap present. Pararealgar is a naturally occurring mineral, but
inclusions which are white.67 These inclusions are is also produced by a light-induced transformation of
present throughout the layer structure, but at the top realgar.69 The breakdown of parts of the paint film on
surface the deterioration of the red lead is so complete this drapery suggests that the pararealgar found here
that it now appears as a very pale pinkish-orange is related to the deterioration of realgar rather than
highlight.68 Although Sebastiano clearly wished to being a deliberate addition of a golden yellow pigment.
draw attention to this figure by clothing him in bright Moreover, in another sample from a lighter area the
colours, these unintended highlights now compete yellow arsenic trisulphide mineral, orpiment, is present.
with the strong side-lighting of Christ and also of the The darker orange-brown drapery of the apostle
apostle below Saint John. peering over Christ’s right shoulder also contains an
Some alteration has inevitably occurred to the arsenic sulphide pigment (plate 31), but in the sample
orange cloak typically assigned by Venetian painters to it occurs mixed with red earth rather than over it. The
Notes
1 For the commission see M. Hirst, Sebastiano del Piombo, Oxford 1981, p. 66.
2 Letter dated 19 January 1517 from Leonardo Sellaio in Rome to
Michelangelo in Carrara: à avuti danari per fare e’ legname’. P. Barocchi and
R. Ristori eds., Il Carteggio di Michelangelo, Florence 1965,Vol. I, p. 243, cited
in Hirst 1981, op.cit., p. 66, note 2.
3 F. Mancinelli, ‘La “Trasfigurazione” e la “Pala di Monteluce”: Considerazioni
sulla loro tecnica esecutiva alla luce dei recenti restauri’ in J. Shearman and
M. B. Hall eds., The Princeton Raphael Symposium. Science in the Service of Art
History, Princeton University Press 1990, pp. 149–60, esp. pp. 149–50.
4 For Michelangelo’s part in the design and his drawings see Hirst 1981 (cited
in note 1), pp. 69–71.
5 These are cited with references in the account of the altarpiece given in
Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), pp. 66–75.
6 Letter dated 10 December 1519 from Leonardo Sellaio in Rome to
Michelangelo in Florence:‘Bastiano…à vernichato la [ta]vola, che è mirabile’.
P. Barocchi and R. Ristori eds, Il Carteggio di Michelangelo, Florence 1967,Vol.
II, p. 205, cited in Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), p. 69, note 19.
7 See Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), p. 69.
8 For Raphael’s response to Sebastiano in the colouring of the lower half of
The Transfiguration see M.B. Hall, Color and Meaning. Practice and Theory in
Renaissance Painting, Cambridge University Press 1992, pp. 134–5.
9 Letter dated 12 April 1520 from Sebastiano del Piombo in Rome to
Michelangelo in Florence: ‘avisovi come hozi io ho portato la mia tavola
un’altra volta a Palazo, con quella che ha facto Rafaello, et non ho havuto
vergogna.’ Barocchi and Ristori 1967 (cited in note 2), p. 227.
10 The passage from Vasari is quoted in full in Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), p.
67, note 7.
11 Having been brought to Paris in 1797 as the most prized of all the
Napoleonic spoils, The Transfiguration was cleaned and restored in 1802.
Although thinning of the panel and possible transfer by François-Toussaint
Hacquin (son of Jean-Louis) had been recommended by the Conseil
d’Administration, caution prevailed and instead the panel was braced by iron
cross bars. See A. Massing, Towards a History of Painting Restoration: the origins
plate 38 Raphael, The Transfiguration, 1516–20,. Oil on panel, 410 × of the profession in France, forthcoming 2009, Chapter 8, ‘François-Toussaint
279 cm. Vatican Museums,Vatican City inv. 40333. Hacquin, painting restorer for the New Régime’. The three horizontal
battens of chestnut inserted in dovetail grooves described by Mancinelli in
Shearman and Hall 1990 (cited in note 3), p. 150, may well be original to
the panel. The two narrower battens visible in the X-radiograph (plate 332),
British Museum, for Raman microspectroscopy of inserted between these are perhaps F-T. Hacquin’s additions. The panel has
since undergone extensive structural treatment.
samples; and at the National Gallery, Marika Spring 12 C. Gardner von Teuffel, ‘Sebastiano del Piombo, Raphael and Narbonne:
and Rachel Morrison for work on the samples, new evidence’, Burlington Magazine, 126, No. 981, 1984, pp. 265–6.
13 C. Gardner von Teuffel, ‘An early description of Sebastiano’s Raising of
Rachel Billinge for infrared reflectography, and Lazarus at Narbonne’, Burlington Magazine, 129, No. 1008, 1987, pp. 185–6.
Martin Wyld, Carol Plazzotta and Nicholas Penny for 14 The Regent had been negotiating for the acquisition since 1706. See F.
Mardrus, ‘Le Régent, mécène et collectionneur’ in Le Palais Royal, exh.cat.,
helpful comments and references. In this issue of the Musée Carnavalet, Paris 1988, pp. 79–115, esp. p. 98.
Technical Bulletin which celebrates the thirtieth year of 15 For an account of the Orléans Collection, see N. Penny, National Gallery
its publication we especially want to acknowledge the Catalogues: The Sixteenth Century Italian Paintings, Vol. II, London 2008,
Appendix of Collectors’ Biographies pp. 461–70. See also Mardrus 1988
contribution of Joyce Plesters. Even though she was (cited in note 14).
not able to develop this material for publication, she 16 [L-F. Du Bois de Saint-Gelais], Description des tableaux du Palais-Royal, Paris
1727, pp. 448 ff. He also notes:‘J. C. habillé de rouge avec une draperie bleuë’
recognised the value of taking a wide range of samples and Saint Peter with ‘une robe d’un bleu clair avec une draperie jaune par
while the painting was undergoing restoration and dessus’.
17 National Gallery Manuscript Catalogue, transcribed into the Conservation
the sample points were available – ‘samples for a rainy Record for NG 1. The source for this date is not clear.
day’ as she used to call them. Forty years later the day 18 For biographical details of Hacquin father and son, see Massing, forthcoming
(cited in note 11),and also F. Barrès, ‘Les peintures transposes du Musée du
finally came; we hope that we have done justice to Louvre, étude des techniques de transpositions en France, de 1750 jusqu’à
the material. la fin du XIXème siècle’, ICOM Committee for Conservation 14th Triennial
Meeting The Hague, 12–16 September 2005, Preprints Vol. II, pp. 1001–8.
19 See Massing, forthcoming (cited in note 11), chapter 4, ‘Jean-Louis Hacquin
and François-Toussaint Hacquin. Painting restoration under the Ancien
Régime’.
20 M. Wyld and J. Dunkerton, ‘The Transfer of Cima’s “The Incredulity of S.
Thomas”’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 9, 1985, pp. 38-59.
21 Massing, forthcoming (cited in note 11), chapter 2, ‘Robert Picault and
the transfer procedure in France’, especially the section on Picault’s ‘secret’
. technique.
22 R.P. Knight (anon. at time of publication), ‘Northcote’s “Life of Reynolds”’,
Edinburgh Review, XLVI, September 1814, pp. 263–92, esp. pp. 283–4. In a
rather confused (and all too familiar) diatribe Knight claimed that glue from
the transfer had penetrated the surface and ‘diffused over it that general hue
of dim and opaque brown [more probably a discoloured old varnish]…
which the operator then endeavoured to remove by the usual process of Musée du Louvre) had to be re-transferred by Hacquin père in 1776 and
scouring away all the delicate and transparent glazing, by which the various 1780 respectively. See Barrès 2005 (cited in note 18), p. 1002.
splendour of the various parts had been tuned and harmonized together 37 Treatment Report by A.W. Lucas, October 1967 (National Gallery
into one brilliant mass’, now reduced to ‘monotony and crudeness’. We are Conservation Record for NG 1).
grateful to Nicholas Penny for drawing our attention to this account 38 See Wyld and Dunkerton 1985 (cited in note 20), pp. 54–8.
23 A. Conti, Storia del Restauro e della Conservazione delle Opere d’Arte, Electa, 39 A.W. Lucas, ‘The Transfer of Easel Paintings’ in G. Thomson ed., Recent
Florence 1988, p. 126; translated by H. Glanville as A History of the Restoration Advances in Conservation: Contributions to the IIC Rome Conference, London
and Conservation of Works of Art, Oxford 2007, p. 147. 1963, pp. 165–8.
24 Initially criticism of Picault – and his eventual fall from favour - was as 40 This information was supplied by Joyce Plesters to Michael Hirst. See Hirst
much about the outrageous sums that he charged for his transfers as for 1981 (cited in note 1), p.73.
the consequences (see Massing, forthcoming, cited in note 11, chapter 2), 41 Only three new samples were taken in order to resolve specific questions
but by the end of the century a report on the conservation of Raphael’s that arose as result of the examination of the archived samples.
Saint Michael and Saint Margaret (both in the Louvre) noted that their 42 See J.S. Mills and R. White, ‘The Gas Chromatographic Examination of
deteriorating condition was caused by the reactive nature of the layers of Paint Media. Some Examples of Medium Identification in Paintings by
glue applied in the transfer, and regretted the loss of the smooth surface Fatty Acid Analysis’, Conservation and Restoration of Pictorial Art, London
characteristic of panel paintings, since they were now imprinted with the 1976, eds N. Brommelle and P. Smith, pp. 72–7, esp. p. 75.
texture of the transfer canvases; Conti 1988, p. 140, and 2007, p. 167 (both 43 This preliminary examination by infrared was carried out by Rachel
cited in note 23). Billinge with the painting hanging in the Gallery. The SIRIS prototype
25 Penny 2008 (cited in note 15), p. 467. digital infrared camera was used.
26 J. Pomeroy, ‘“To comprehend the excellencies of that performance”’ 44 See C. Barbieri ed., Notturno Sublime. Sebastiano e Michelangelo nella Pietà
Sebastiano del Piombo’s Raising of Lazarus comes to England’, The British di Viterbo, exh. cat. Museo Civico, Viterbo 2004, esp. pp. 32–7, 89–105, and
Art Journal,Vol. II, no. 3, Spring/Summer 2001, pp.63–8. R. Bellucci and C. Frosinini, ‘Il processo di elaborazione dell’immagine in
27 The restorer John Seguier, in his evidence to the House of Commons Sebastiano del Piombo: “La Pietà” e “La Flagellazione di Viterbo”’ in C.
Select Committee on the National Gallery, 1853, p. 43, reported: ‘The Barbieri, E. Parlato and S. Rinaldi eds, ‘La Pietà’ di Sebastiano a Viterbo: storia
Sebastiano del Piombo was so much damaged when Mr. Angerstein bought e tecniche a confronto, postprints of study day at Università della Tuscia,Viterbo,
it, that Mr. West repaired it considerably’. Landseer, in his 1834 catalogue 10 June 2005, Rome 2009, pp. 148–69, esp. pp. 156–64.
of the collection, described West’s intervention more extravagantly: ‘the 45 See B. Marocchini, ‘La Pietà di Viterbo: la tecnica di esecuzione’ in Barbieri
Lazarus of Michael Angelo was not only dead, but was fast sinking into ed. 2004 (cited in note 44), pp. 89–93, esp. pp. 90–1 and p. 95 (for the
the ground, when Mr. West was empowered to stand before it, and again cross-sections, although the location of the sample points is not clearly
command Lazarus to “come forth”’. He commended West for his ‘dexterous described).
and successful restorations’ (J. Landseer, Descriptive, Explanatory, and Critical 46 See J. Dunkerton and M. Spring,‘The Development of Painting on Coloured
Catalogue of Fifty of the Earliest Pictures Contained in the National Gallery of Surfaces in Sixteenth-century Italy’, Painting Techniques: History, Materials and
Great Britain, London 1834, p. 111). Studio Practice, Contributions to the Dublin Congress of the International
28 Penny 2008 (cited in note 15), p. 467. Institute for Conservation, 7-11 September 1998, A. Roy and P. Smith eds,
29 Letter from Sir Charles Eastlake in Milan, 20 October 1865, to Ralph pp. 120–30, esp. p. 128. See also J. Dunkerton,‘Tra Venezia e Roma: il disegno
Wornum, National Gallery Archive. Pinti was paid 19 guineas (£19 19s.) for preparatorio nei dipinti londinesi di Sebastiano’ in Barbieri, Parlato and
his work on the Sebastiano. Rinaldi eds 2009 (cited in note 44), pp. 170–85, esp. pp. 172–3.
30 Minutes of the Trustees of the National Gallery, 8 May 1881. National 47 J. Dunkerton, S. Foister and N. Penny, Dürer to Veronese: Sixteenth-Century
Gallery Archive. Painting in the National Gallery, New Haven and London 1999, pp. 274–
31 ‘During these operations it became clear that the statement that the picture 5, and A. Cerasuolo, ‘I dipinti di Sebastiano del Piombo del Museo di
had been transferred from wood was inaccurate. 1) The apparent cracks are Capodimonte. Note sulla tecnica’, in Barbieri, Parlato and Rinaldi eds, 2009
the joins (longitudinal) of four strips of canvas. 2) The grain of the original (cited in note 44), pp. 128–47.
canvas is visible in the paint and there is no trace of wood grain; the latter 48 Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), p. 72, note 38, suggests that the addition of a
could not have been completely removed by transfer. 3) The canvas visible white ground has resulted in an imbalance in the tonal transitions. Other
under the relining canvas is of the 16th cent. coarse Italian type. Probably explanations for this are presented in this article. Moreover, back in 1834,
for “transferred” should be read “relined”.’ National Gallery Manuscript Landseer commented on Sebastiano’s colour distribution, observing that
Catalogue transcribed into Conservation Record for NG 1. ‘the women who are muffling their olfactory nerves from the diminution
32 See Barrès 2005 (cited in note 18), pp. 1004–5, and also E. Martin, J. Bret of their dimensions…we are taught to think of are at some distance; yet the
and C. Naffah, ‘Le décor du petit cloître de la Chartreuse de Paris peint par lights on their head gear are as bright as the white drapery around the head
Le Sueur. Etude technique et historique des restaurations’, Techne, no. 1, of Lazarus’. Landseer 1834 (cited in note 27), p. 116.
1994, pp. 85–102, esp. pp. 89–91. 49 See Dunkerton in Barbieri, Parlato and Rinaldi eds 2009 (cited in note 44),
33 The composition of this ‘enduit de transposition’ is not unlike that of oil pp. 181–3.
grounds that were still being applied to canvases for painting. For example, 50 The similar sharp edge to modelling of his right shin, however, is the result
Le Comte de Vaudreuil (NG 4253), painted by François-Hubert Drouais in of repainting in the course of past restorations.
1758, has a double ground of the type often seen on seventeenth-century 51 For Sebastiano’s use of chiaroscuro on panels and walls see Hall 1992 (cited
French canvases, with a first layer of orange red, ‘composed of a silicaceous in note 8), pp. 134–5 and 138–41.
natural red earth’ and an upper layer of light to mid-brownish grey, ‘made up 52 Hirst 1981 (cited in note 1), p. 72, draws attention to the contrasting flesh
of lead white, some calcium carbonate, wood charcoal (splintery particles) tones.
and a small amount of yellow earth’ (report by Ashok Roy, 23 January 2003, 53 On 22 September 1518, Beltrame Costabili in Rome wrote a letter of
in Scientific Department file). introduction to Alfonso d’Este in Ferrara on behalf of one of Raphael’s
34 Picault’s transfer in 1751 of a Raphael Madonna for the Orléans Collection garzoni, who was on his way to Venice, ‘mandato da epso Raphael, credo
was highly praised; of the three Raphael paintings from the collection that per comperere colori’ [sent by the said Raphael, to buy colours, I believe];
retain their attribution to Raphael, The Bridgewater Madonna, The Holy Family J. Shearman, Raphael in Early Modern Sources (1483–1602), New Haven and
with a Palm (both now Edinburgh, National Galleries of Scotland), and The London 2003,Vol. I, p. 373. Given the date, it is possible that these pigments
Macintosh Madonna (NG 2069), the transfer of the first was attributed by were purchased for The Transfiguration.
Waagen to Hacquin. The painting transferred by Picault would therefore 54 See Mills and White 1976 (cited in note 42), p. 75. GC–MS analysis by
have to be either The Holy Family or The Macintosh Madonna (although Rachel Morrison of two further samples, from Saint John’s green sleeve and
the transfer of the latter, now a ruin, could hardly be considered worthy of from the dull green tunic of the figure leaning over Lazarus, found heat-
admiration). See Conti 1988, p. 128 and p. 231, and 2007, p. 150 and p. 177, bodied linseed oil in both.
note 12 (both cited in note 23, although here the translation confuses the 55 See Dunkerton in Barbieri, Parlato and Rinaldi eds 2009 (cited in note 44),
issue by conflating the two Bridgewater pictures). pp. 183–4.
35 For example he replaced the gesso ground of Andrea del Sarto’s Charity 56 For example, The Consecration of Saint Nicholas (NG 26); see N. Penny and
(Paris, Louvre) with an inappropriate red-brown ground; see G. Emile-Mâle, M. Spring, ‘Veronese’s Paintings in the National Gallery. Technique and
‘Histoire rapide de la restauration des peintures du Louvre. 1ère partie: Des Materials: Part I’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 16 , 1995, pp. 4–29, esp. p.
origines jusqu’à 1848’, Coré, no. 3, October 1997, pp. 52–7, esp. p. 55. 13.
36 For example Raphael’s Saint Michael and del Sarto’s Charity (both Paris, 57 See S. Béguin, Nouvelles analyses résultantes de l’étude et de la restauration des
Raphaël du Louvre, in Shearman and Hall eds 1990 (cited in note 3), pp. Conservation Institute Newsletter 22, 1988). The P phase was not detected in
39–55, and esp. the appendix, pp. 54–5. samples from the Raising of Lazarus, but the very deteriorated nature of
58 This very badly damaged painting – also a victim of a French transfer while the paint layer and the presence of pararealgar and realgar in the samples
in the Orléans collection – is at present undergoing treatment by Renate suggest light-induced alteration rather than the use of mineral pararealgar
Woudhuysen-Keller at the Hamilton Kerr Institute. by the artist. Pararealgar has also been identified in the Holy Family and
59 For example the young apostle to the left of Christ in Cima’s The Incredulity Saints, tentatively ascribed to the school of Titian and now in Winnipeg
of Saint Thomas (NG 816); see J. Dunkerton and A. Roy, ‘The Technique and Art Gallery (M.C. Corbeil and K. Helwig, ‘An occurrence of pararealgar as
Restoration of Cima’s “The Incredulity of S. Thomas”’, National Gallery an original or altered artists’ pigment’, Studies in Conservation, 40, 1995, pp.
Technical Bulletin, 10, 1986, pp. 4–27, esp. p. 14 and plate 2d. 133–8).
60 So misleading is this darkening of the azurite that Hall 1992 (cited in note 70 The HPLC analysis of the red lake was carried out by Jo Kirby. The madder
8), p. 134, actually describes The Raising of Lazarus as ‘a night scene’. was present in two of the three samples, but it was not possible to determine
61 See J. Dunkerton and M. Spring, ‘The Technique and Materials of Titian’s for certain that there was a deliberate layering of lakes as in Lorenzo Lotto’s
Early Paintings in the National Gallery, London’, in Titian, Jacopo Pesaro being two versions of A Virgin and Child with Saints Jerome and Nicholas of Tolentino
presented by Pope Alexander VI to Saint Peter,Vol. 3, no.1 of Restoration, journal (see J. Dunkerton, N. Penny and A. Roy, ‘Two Paintings by Lorenzo Lotto in
of the Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 2003, pp. 9–21, the National Gallery’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 19, 1998, pp. 52–63,
esp. p. 17. esp. pp. 55–6) or whether the lake was made from a mixture of dyestuffs (see
62 Conti writes of ‘a serious imbalance due to poor cleaning’ (see Conti 2007 J. Kirby,‘The Identification of Red Lake Pigment Dyestuffs and a Discussion
[cited in note 23], p. 166 – this passage is not in the first edition of 1988). It of their Use’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 17, 1996, pp. 56–80, esp. pp.
is questionable whether the painting was ever harmonious in its colouring, 67–8).
or indeed was intended to be so. Moreover, its conservation history and the 71 Spring has identified soda-lime glass in Italian paintings and high-lime or
many alterations to the painting materials – some not previously identified mixed alkali glass in paintings from Germany and the Netherlands. See M.
– make it unlikely that a so-called balanced cleaning could have been Spring, ‘Raphael’s Materials: some new discoveries and their context within
achieved. early sixteenth-century painting’, (cited in note 64).
63 A yellow-brown pigment containing copper has been noted on a painting by
Quinten Massys at the National Gallery; see J. Dunkerton, ‘The Technique
and Restoration of “The Virgin and Child with Four Angels” by Quinten
Massys’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 29, 2008, pp. 60–75, esp. p. 70 and
p. 75, notes 25 and 26 (supplied by Marika Spring).
64 See M. Spring, R. Grout and R. White, ‘“Black earths”: A Study of Unusual
Black and Dark Grey Pigments used by Artists in the Sixteenth Century’,
National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 24, 2003, pp. 96–113, esp. pp. 107–10; and
M. Spring, ‘Raphael’s Materials: some new discoveries and their context
within early sixteenth-century painting’, in Raphael’s painting technique:
working practices before Rome. Proceedings of the Eu-ARTEX+CH workshop,
National Gallery, London, 11 November 2004, eds A. Roy and M. Spring,
Nardini Editore, 2007, pp. 77–86.
65 For example, on the prophet Daniel and on the Delphic Sibyl.
66 The novelty of this colour is commented upon by M. Hall,‘La “Resurrezione
di Lazzaro” di Sebastiano e la sfida al colore di Raffaello’ in Barbieri, Parlato
and Rinaldi eds, 2009 (cited in note 44), pp. 26–41, esp. p. 38. In this paper
Hall also argues that the extraordinary palette of The Raising of Lazarus is
to some extent a response to paintings by Raphael such as the ‘Spasimo di
Sicilia’ (Madrid, Museo del Prado).
67 For a discussion of the reactions between red lead (and lead-tin yellow)
and the fatty acids present in oil binders, see: C. Higgitt, M. Spring and D.
Saunders, ‘Pigment–medium interactions in oil paint films containing red
lead or lead-tin yellow’, National Gallery Technical Bulletin, 24, 2003, pp. 75–
95; and M. Spring and C. Higgitt, ‘Analyses reconsidered: the importance
of the pigment content of paint in the interpretation of the results of the
examination of binding media’, in Medieval Painting in Northern Europe:
Techniques, Analysis, Art History; Studies in Commemoration of the 70th Birthday
of Unn Plahter, ed. J. Nadolny, with K. Kollandsrud, M.L. Sauerberg and
T. Trøysaker, Archetype Publications Ltd, London 2006, pp. 223–9, esp. pp.
223–5.
68 The possibility that this alteration had already occurred by 1727 is suggested
by Du Bois de Saint-Gelais’s description of ‘S. Jean qui a une robe verte &
par dessus une draperie jaune’ (Du Bois de Saint-Gelais 1727, cited in note
16). Although he also described Saint Peter’s yellow-orange robe as ‘jaune’,
unaltered red lead would be more likely to be described as orange or red
rather than yellow.
69 The presence of realgar and pararealgar were confirmed by Raman
spectroscopy at the British Museum. We are grateful to Janet Ambers for
undertaking this analysis. Realgar may alter to pararealgar by a light-induced
transformation. Pararealgar is less dense and of greater volume than realgar
and initially forms on the surface of mineral samples as a thin layer or
nodules and then, on reaching a critical thickness, cracks and spalls forming
a powdery orange-yellow material. Recent studies have also shown that the
alteration process involves the formation of an intermediate phase, phase P,
which appears to be a precursor to pararealgar (D.L. Douglass and C. Shing
‘The light-induced alteration of realgar to pararealgar’, American Mineralogist,
77, 1992, pp. 1266–74, and A.C. Roberts, H.G. Ansell and M. Bonardi,
‘Pararealgar, a new polymorph of AsS, from British Columbia’, Canadian
Mineralogist 18, 1980, pp. 525–7). The P phase has been identified by XRD
on a polychromed sculpture dated to c. 700, confirming that, in this instance,
the artist originally employed orange-red realgar and that partial alteration
to yellow pararealgar has occurred (M.C. Corbeil, ‘The P file’, Canadian
Appendix with a little zinc. Elemental analysis of the yellowish-green translucent material
For the deep crimson shadow of Christ’s robe (see plate 36), an opaque layer of itself confirmed the presence of copper, lead and sulphur.The overall moss-green
red lake combined with lead white was glazed with a further layer of translucent appearance of this paint is likely to be due to a combination of the small number
red lake pigment. Examination of the paint cross-section in ultraviolet light of tiny blue ultramarine particles with the yellowish translucent material and a
(plate 39) revealed the presence of translucent inclusions with glassy fracture few grey particles of galena (lead sulphide) combined with lead white.
in both paint layers, though the particles are particularly clearly visible in the The backscatter scanning electron image (fig. 8) of the sample taken from
pale pink underpaint. Several of these particles were separated from the paint the area of dark green-blue sky (see plate 16) shows angular particles of the
layer by micromanipulation, mounted as dispersions in Meltmount (which has mineral blue pigment azurite, with a very few inclusions of lead white (which
a refractive index of 1.662) and observed in plane polarised transmitted light. appear bright white due to their high atomic number) embedded in the oil
These particles display the distinctive conchoidal fracture and stress lines which binding medium. The ratio of pigment to binder is low and it is the darkening
are characteristic of broken glass (plate 40). Soda-lime glass has been identified of the medium which produces the dark greenish-blue appearance of the paint
in a number of works by Raphael (see M. Spring, ‘Raphael’s Materials: some layer.
new discoveries and their context within early sixteenth-century painting’, in
Raphael’s painting technique: working practices before Rome. Proceedings of the Eu-
ARTEX+CH workshop, National Gallery, London, 11 November 2004, eds A.
Roy and M. Spring, Nardini Editore, 2007, pp. 77–86) and in paintings from all
over Italy and throughout Europe at this period. It seems likely that the powdered
glass was added as a drier to the oil paint with the manganese acting as a siccative.
A particularly large elongated glass particle (20μm in length) is visible in the
deep rich glaze of Martha’s drapery (see plate 35) when the sample is viewed in
ultraviolet light (plate 41).
In the backscatter scanning electron image (fig. 6) of the sample taken from
the moss-green jerkin of the figure leaning over Lazarus (see plate 23), one of the
copper-containing semi-translucent yellowish-green areas is visible in the centre
of the image as a large mid-grey area. The lead white matrix appears white (due
to its high atomic number). Of particular interest here are the elongated particles
found within the translucent copper-rich yellowish-green areas which were
also found to contain lead and sulphur, sometimes with a little zinc, which are
clearly visible in the backscatter electron image below (fig. 7). Spot analysis of the
highlighted area shown in the insert confirmed the presence of lead and sulphur
plate 41 Cross-section of a sample from Martha’s cloak (plate 35) FIG. 8 Backscatter scanning electron image of the sample from the
photographed in ultraviolet light. dark band of sky below the clouds (plate 16).